7Th International Seminar on Ecology, Human Habitat and Environmental Change in the Malay World Editors: Deni Efizon Jamaluddin Md

Ecology, Human Habitat and Environmental Change in the Malay World

Undang-Undang Nomor 19 Tahun 2002, tentang Hak Cipta.

PASAL 2 (1). Hak Cipta merupakan hak eksklusif bagi Pencipta atau Pemegang Hak Cipta untuk mengumumkan atau memperbanyak ciptaannya, yang timbul secara otomatis setelah suatu ciptaan dilahirkan tanpa mengurangi pembatasan menurut perundang- undangan yang berlaku.

PASAL 72 (1). Barang siapa dengan sengaja dan tanpa hak melakukan perbuatan sebagaimana dimaksud dalam Pasal 2 ayat (1) dan ayat (2) dipidana penjara masing-masing paling singkat 1 (satu) bulan dan/atau denda paling sedikit Rp. 1.000.000,- (Satu Juta Rupiah), atau paling lama 7 (tujuh) tahun dan/atau denda paling banyak Rp. 5.000.000.000,- (Lima Milyar Rupiah). (2). Barang siapa dengan sengaja menyiarkan, memamerkan, mengedarkan, atau menjual kepada umum suatu Ciptaan atau barang hasil pelanggaran Hak Cipta atau Hak Terkait sebagaimana dimaksud dalam ayat 1 (satu), dipidana dengan pidana penjara paling lama 5 (lima) tahun dan/atau denda paling banyak Rp. 500.000.000,- (Lima Ratus Juta Rupiah).

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7th International Seminar on

ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD

August 19-20, 2014, Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA

PROCEEDING

Editors: Deni Efizon Jamaluddin Md. Jahi Ali Yusri Windarti Yoserizal Hesti Asriwandari Muhammad Rizal Razman Zuliskandar Ramli M. Saeri Ismanto

Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Fakultas Perikanan dan Ilmu Kelautan Universitas Riau Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA) Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia

Penerbit UR PRESS PEKANBARU 2014 iv

Title : Proceeding 7th International Seminar on Ecology, Human Habitat and Environmental Change in the Malay World Editors: Deni Efizon Jamaluddin Md. Jahi Ali Yusri Windarti Yoserizal Hesti Asriwandari Muhammad Rizal Razman Zuliskandar Ramli M. Saeri Ismanto

Cover and Lay Out: Deni Efizon Issued by UR PRESS, August 2014

Publisher address: Badan Penerbit Universitas Riau UR PRESS, Jl. Pattimura No. 9, Gobah Pekanbaru 28132 Riau, Indonesia Telp. (0761) 22961, Fax. (0761) 857397 E-mail: [email protected] ANGGOTA IKAPI

Hak Cipta dilindungi Undang-undang Dilarang mengutip atau memperbanyak sebagian atau seluruh isi buku ini tanpa izin tertulis dari penerbit Isi di luar tanggung jawab percetakan

Perpustakaan Nasional RI: Katalog Dalam Terbitan (KDT)

Deni Efizon, Jamaluddin Md. Jahi, Ali Yusri, Windarti, Yoserizal, Hesti Asriwandari, Muhammad Rizal Razman, Zuliskandar Ramli, M. Saeri, Ismanto

Proceeding 7th International Seminar on Ecology, Human Habitat and Environmental Change in the Malay World /Deni Efizon, Jamaluddin Md. Jahi, Ali Yusri, Windarti, Yoserizal, Hesti Asriwandari, Muhammad Rizal Razman, Zuliskandar Ramli, M. Saeri, Ismanto Pekanbaru: UR Press, 2014 x + 551 hlm.: 29 cm.

ISBN 978-979-792-332-7

1. Proceeding 2. Ecology 3. Human Habitat 4. Environmental Change I. Title. v

Tunjuk Ajar Melayu Terhadap Lingkungan Hidup (Dr. (HC) H. Tenas Effendy)

rusak laut hampa lah perut habis hutan binasa lah badan pupus rimba hilang lah marwah kotornya sungai menunjukkan perangai

adat hidup memegang adat, tahu menjaga laut dan selat, tahu menjaga rimba yang lebat, tahu menjaga tanah ulayat, tahu menjaga semut dan ulat, tahu menjaga togok dan belat.

apabila alam menjadi rusak, turun temurun hidup kan kemak, pergi ke laut ditelan ombak, pergi ke darat kepala tersundak, hidup susah dada pun sesak, periuk terjarang nasi tak masak.

apabila alam menjadi punah, hidup dan mati takkan semenggah, siang dan malam ditimpa musibah, pikiran kusut hati pun gelabah.

apabila rusak alam lingkungan, di situlah punca segala kemalangan, musibah datang berganti-gantian, celaka melanda tak berkesudahan.

apabila rusak alam lingkungan, hidup sengsara binasalah badan, cacat dan cela menjadi langganan hidup dan mati jadi sesalan.

apabila alam porak poranda, di situlah tumbuh silang sengketa, aib datang malu menimpa anak cucu hidup merana.

Pekanbaru, August 2014

LIST OF CONTENTS

No. of Pages

KEYNOTE SPEAKERS

1. Amri Marzali – THE IMPACT OF DEVELOPMENT ON THE PETALANGAN 1 HABITAT 2. Shah Alam – PRE-FOURTEENTH CENTURY SETTLEMENT PATTERNS IN THE 13 LOWER BATANGHARI, JAMBI PROVINCE, SUMATRA 3. Erdi – A REAL EFFORTS TO AVOID SMOKE CLAIM TO INDONESIA FROM THE 22 NEIGHBORHOOD COUNTRIES 4. Zuliskandar Ramli – ARCHAEOLOGY, CULTUR AND HISTORY IN THE MALAY 28 WORLD

PART I ECOLOGY ACUATIC AND TERESTERIAL

5. Roslina Mat Salleh, Ismail B. Sahid, Mazlin Bin Mokhtar & Goh Choo Ta - 40 BEHAVIOURAL CHANGES DUE TO PESTICIDE APPLICATION AMONG THE FARMERS OF PERMANENT FOOD PRODUCTION PARKIN SELANGOR 6. Muhammad Yasar, Chamhuri Siwar, Rospidah Ghazali & Nor Diana Mohd Idris - 47 IMPACT AND SUSTAINABILITY OF INTEGRETED AGRICULTURE DEVELOPMENT PROJECT (IADA): A STRUCTURAL EQUATION MODEL (SEM) ANALYSIS 7. Rosnita, Arifudin, Roza Yulida, & Suardi Tarumun - THE ROLE OF EXTENSION 56 TOWARDS EMPOWERING INDEPENDENT SMALLHOLDER FARMERS OF OIL PALM PLANTATION IN RIAU PROVINCE, INDONESIA 8. Elly Roosma Ria & Tien Turmuktini - DENSITY OF POPULATION TEST OF YELLOW 61 STEM BORER S. INCERTULAS (WALKER) (LEPIDOPTERA: PYRALIDAE) AND VARIETIES RICE TO PREFERENCES AND LEVELS OF CROP DAMAGE ON SRI CULTIVATION 9. Endang Kantikowati, Merry Antralina & Tien Turmuktini - RESPONSE OF RICE 69 GROWTH AS THE RESULTS OF PHOSPHATE FERTILIZER IN DIFFERENT PLANTING SYSTEM APPLICATIONS 10. Windarti, Deni Efizon, Alit Hindri Yani & Dwi Sumba Vicaya - REPRODUCTIVE 76 BIOLOGY OF Anabas testudineus FROM THE BENCAH KELUBI VILLAGE, KAMPAR REGENCY, RIAU 11. Eni Suhesti & Hadinoto - INCREASE OF INCOME AND PRODUCTION FACTORS IN 87 BUSINESS HONEY BEE APIS CERANA CULTIVATION FABR. IN KENEGERIAN RUMBIO KAMPAR REGENCY OF RIAU 12. Merry Antralina, Endang Kantikowati, YuyunYuwariah, & Tualar Simarmata - EFFECT 88 OF DIFFERENT PLANT SPACING TO WEED COMPOSITION AND LOWLAND RICE YIELD IN SOBARI AND CONVENTIONAL IRRIGATION METHODS 13. Nia Rossiana & Yayat Dhahiyat - POTENTIAL RESEARCH BIOREMEDIATION OF 98 POPS (PERSISTENT ORGANIC POLLUTANT) IN INDONESIA 14. Titin Supriatun, Nia Rossiana & Khaidil P. Khaliq - EXPLORATION DIVERSITY OF 103 ARBUSCULAR MYCORRHIZAL FUNGAL (AMF) SPORES INDIGENOUS AT COAL MINE AREA PT. KIM, JOB SITE MUARA BUNGO, JAMBI

vii

15. Yenny Muliani, Robie Fernando, Lilis Irmawatie, & Erry Mustariani - THE INTENSITY 112 OF PEST (Callosobruchus spp) ATTACK ON TEN SEED BREEDING RESULTS OF SOYBEANS VARIETIES (CASE STUDY BPP MAJALENGKA)

PART II ECOLOGY HABITAT

16. Mohamad Zain Musa & Abdul Latif Hj Samian - THE CHAM BOAT HABITAT 117 17. Hossein Sarhaddi Dadian, Zuliskandar Ramli, Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman 128 & Reza Mehrafarin - ANALYSIS OF POTTERY SHARDS FROM NEW ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY IN SOUTH REGION OF SISTAN, IRAN 18. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria, Norlelawaty Haron, Hasnira Hassan, Zuliskandar Ramli, 145 Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman, Mohd Rohaizat Abdul Wahab, Helmi Ahmad & Mohamad Shafiq Mohd Ali - CULTURAL ECOSYSTEM: RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NATURE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MALAY ART IN THE EAST COAST OF MALAY PENINSULA 19. Salina Abdul Manan, Hamdzun Haron, Zuliskandar Ramli, Noor Hafiza Ismail & Rozaidi 154 Ismail - TENGKOLOK AS THE HERITAGE OF PERAK DARUL RIDZUAN: THE BINDER, TECHNIQUES, MANNER & AMP; TABOO 20. Amir Ahmad & Hamid Mohd Isa - THEE INFLUENCE OF ENVIRONMENTAL 167 ADAPTATION ON ORANG SELETAR CULTURES 21. Noor Hafiza Ismail, Hamdzun Haron, Zuliskandar Ramli & Salina Abdul Manan - THE 187 MEANING OF MALAY MOTIF WOOD CARVING INTERENGGANU MOSQUE 22. Muhamad Shafiq Mohd Ali, Zuliskandar Ramli & Bambang Budi Utomo - 199 COMPOSITIONAL ANALYSIS O ANCIENT BRICKS FROM THE SEG-II TEMPLE (UNUR LEMPENG), BATUJAYA, INDONESIA 23. W. Syairah Hazwani W. Petera & Mashitoh Yaacob - INFLUENTIAL ASPECTS ON 208 ENVIRONMENTALLY ETHICAL BEHAVIOR (EEB) OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN KUALA LUMPUR 24. Mohd Rohaizat Abdul Wahab, Ahmad Helmi Mohd Mokhtar, Muhamad Shafiq Mohd Ali, 221 Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman, Zuliskandar Ramli, Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria, Norlelawaty Haron & Hasnira Hassan - MAPPING OF GRAVEYARD LOCATION OF THE SULTANS OF STATE OF PERAK AIDED BY ICT APPLICATIONS

PART III SOCIAL ENVIRONMENTAL

25. Daeng Haliza Daeng Jamal, Zuraidah Hassan & Zuliskandar Ramli - ADAPTIVE REUSE 231 OF SEVERAL HISTORICAL BUILDINGS IN KUALA LUMPUR AS MUSEUMS 26. Rabiatul Jannah Mohamad, Muhammad Rizal Razman, Sharifah Zarina Syed Zakaria & 242 Zurina Mahadi - MONTREAL PROTOCOL AND VALUES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN MALAYSIA 27. Ali Yusri - INDONESIAN LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF RIAU ARCHIPELAGO 248 REGENCY IN INDONESIAN’S PRA REFORMATION AND POST REFORMATION 28. Marta Auradian - LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS (CASE STUDY IN GOLD 257 MINING WITHOUT PERMISSION KUANTAN SINGINGI YEARS IN DISTRICT 2013- 2014) 29. Tri Sukirno Putro, Abdul Latif Hj. Samian, & Jamaluddin Md. Jahi - 265 IMPLEMENTATION OF REGIONAL AUTONOMY IN RIAU PROVINCE viii

30. Swis Tantoro - THE SOCIETY PERCEPTION TO PT. PERTAMINA (PERSERO) EP 272 ASSET LIRIK FIELD 31. M. Saeri - DIPLOMACY MODEL OF RIAU MALAY KINGDOMS 284

PART IV POLITIC, CONFLICT AND ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY

32. Norul Hajar Nordin, Muhammad Rizal Razman & Sharifah Zarina Syed Zakaria - 299 MINISTRY OF EDUCATION ON HEALTHY SCHOOL CANTEEN’S MANAGEMENT TOWARDS QUALITY OF LIFE IN MALAYSIA 33. Zubaidah Mohd Nasir, Mashitoh Yaacob & Maisarah Ahmad - INFORMAL RECYCLING 306 ACTIVITIES IN UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA: STUDENT PERSPECTIVES 34. Norazmira Abdul Raman & Maisarah Ahmad- CONCEPTUAL PAPER: ROLE OF 320 RECYCLING SOCIALISATION AGENTS ON RECYCLING LITERACY AMONG MUSLIM YOUTH 35. Shawon Muhammad Shahriar, Chamhuri Siwar, Rospidah Ghazali, & Norshamliza 326 Chamhuri - THE RURAL TRANSFORMATION CENTRE (RTC) PROGRAMME OF MALAYSIA: AN EXAMINATION FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF INCLUSIVE RURAL DEVELOPMENT CONCEPT 36. Evawani Elysa Lubis & Rumyeni - LEVEL OF MEDIA LITERACY : COMPETENCE AND 335 ACCESSIBILITY OF MEDIA AMONG STUDENTS OF COMMUNICATION SCIENCE IN RIAU PROVINCE 37. Junaidi - ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS IN TUNJUK AJAR MELAYU (MALAY 346 PROVERBS) 38. Nur Laila Meilani - GENDER RESPONSIVENESS OF LAND MANAGEMENT POLICY 355 SUPPORTING BENGAWAN SOLO WATERSHED REVITALIZATION 39. Sofia Achnes - THE PERFORMANCE OF MEDICAL PERSONNEL AND PUBLIC 367 SERVICE ON PUSKESMAS 40. Raja Muhammad Amin & Wazni - GOOD GOVERNANCE AND SUSTAINABLE 375 DEVELOPMENT: CASE OF ECOLOGY CRISIS IN SINGINGI HILIR DISTRICT 41. M. Y. Tiyas Tinov & Tito Handoko - HORIZONTAL CONFLICT AND SOCIAL 384 RELATIONS OF RURAL SOCIETY 42. Sujianto - POLICY MODEL OF DEVELOPMENT AND EMPOWERMENT IN 392 CONFLICT-PRONE BORDER REGION TOWARDS THE RELIANT COMMUNITY

PART V SOCIAL ENVIRONMENTAL AND CULTURE

43. Hamid Mohd Isa & Mokhtar Saidin- SUSTAINABLE HUNTERS AND GATHERERS IN 402 BELUM-TEMENGGOR TROPICAL RAINFOREST 44. Achmad Hidir - STRATEGY OF COASTAL COMMUNITIES DEVELOPMENT BASED 411 ON BONO TOURISM DEVELOPMENT (TIDAL BORE) IN PELALAWAN REGENCY 45. Ahmad Jamaan & Dini Tiara Sasmi- GAPKI EFFORTS IN FACING GREENPEANCE 420 ANTI-PALM OIL CAMPAIGN IN INDONESIA 46. Faisyal Rani - RATIFICATION OF REGULATION IN PROTECTING THE INDONESIAN 427 GENETIC RESOURCES UNDER SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO GOVERNMENT IN 2013 ix

47. Khairul Anwar, Isril & Wan Asrida - SOCIAL CONFLICT BASED ON PALM 434 PLANTATION NEAR TO RIVERSIDE AREA: DESA DOSAN SIAK CASE, 2007-2012 48. Puji Astuti - COMMUNITY BASED DEVELOPMENT IN AGROTOURISM CASE 441 STUDY: DRAGON FRUIT PLANTATION IN DESA BARU, KAMPAR DISTRICT, RIAU PROVINCE 49. Rd. Siti Sofro Sidiq - COMMUNITY-BASED ECOTOURISM DEVELOPMENT IN 452 SULTAN SYARIF QASYIM FOREST PARK DISTRICT OF MINAS, SIAK DISTRICT OF RIAU PROVINCE 50. Yoserizal - THREAT TO THE PEAT REGION AND ECOSYSTEM (THE EARLY STUDY 459 OF RESTORASI EKOSISTEM RIAU (RER) /RIAU ECOSYSTEM RESTORATION IN KAMPAR PENINSULA)

PART VI ECONOMIC ENVIRONMENTAL

51. Adlin - THE ALTERATION OF PEKANBARU PUBLIC OPINION ON EXECUTION OF 470 PEKANBARU ELECTION COMMISSION’S TASK AND AUTHORITY ON RE- BALLOTING OF 2011 PEKANBARU REGIONAL LEADER ELECTION 52. Afrizal & Sapri Harto - THE COOPERATION OF MALAYSIA AND UNITED STATE TO 479 REACH MALAYSIAN VISION 2020 53. Muchid Albintani & Welly Wirman - ‘MALAY’ MALAYSIA-INDONESIA IN THE 493 NATION-STATE LANDSCAPE 54. Tantri Puspita Yazid & Yayuk Lestari- LOCAL-FACE AND MIXED-RACE IN FEMINA 500 MAGAZINE AND NOVA TABLOID: HYBRIDITY AND MIMICRY IN BEAUTY AND DAILY PRODUCTS IN INDONESIA’S ADVERTISEMENTS 55. Febri Yuliani - PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF FOREST 516 FIRE CONTROL POLICY AND LAND IN ROKAN HILIR DISTRIC THE PROVINCE OF RIAU 56. T. Romi Marnelly - SOCIAL ENTERPRENERSHIP IN THE PROGRAMME FOR 523 ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY IN POVERTY IN DUMAI 57. Hardilina & Sri Haryaningsih - PLANTATION WITHOUT BURNING: THE 532 APPLICATION OF BUSINESS CONCEPT AND COMMON TO THE OIL PALM PLANTATION IN WEST KALIMANTAN 58. Zaili Rusli SD - THE IMPLEMENTATION OF PLANTATION BUSINESS LICENSE IN 541 SIAK REGENCY

7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

The Impact of Development on The Petalangan Habitat

Amri Marzali1

1) University of Indonesia

ABSTRACT

This article deals with the changes in the habitat of the Petalangan Malay in the Pelalawan District, Riau, Indonesia. This article will describe and analyze the changes in the Petalangan habitat which came about as a result of the implementation of development programs by the government of Indonesia and of the Riau Province. It focuses on the aspects of communication and transportation, settlement patterns, demography, and livelihood. In the contemporary socioeconomic context of Indonesia and Malaysia, the phrase “the continuous struggle of human beings in their quest of achieving better quality of life”, which is one of the objectives of this seminar, can be understood as “development.” Thusly, the title of this article is “The Impact of development on the Petalangan habitat.”

Keywords: Petalangan, Pelalawan, shifting cultivation, palm oil estates, the Sumatera Highway.

THE PETALANGAN MALAY

Petalangan is one of the first Austronesian groups in Riau. The others are Orang Talang Mamak in Indragiri Hulu, Orang Laut-Duano in Inderagiri Hilir, Orang Talang Sakai in Bengkalis, Orang Talang Bonai in Rokan Hilir, dan Orang Akit in Rupat (Rab 2002).1 The Petalangan is the most advanced among these groups and the population is dispersed throughout several village communities in the District of Pelalawan. The term “Petalangan” stems from the word “talang” which means “small hamlet in the fringe of the forest” (quoted from W.J.S. Poerwadarminta 1966 by Hamidy 2005). The Petalangans are thus the inhabitants of the forest hamlet. Such pattern of settlement is related to their main economic activity which is shifting cultivation. According to Yoonhee Kang (2005), a Yale-educated Korean anthropologist, the Petalangans are hardly known in Riau. In fact, when we visited the department of Social Welfare in the District Office of Pangkalan Kerinci in 2012, noone there knew about the Petalangans.

1 The terms Talang Bonai and Talang Sakai are quoted from Tenas Effendy (1988). Tenas Effendy sometimes interchange the term Orang Petalangan with Orang Talang (Effendy 2002).

1 Jointly Organised by Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik & Fakultas Perikanan dan Ilmu Kelautan Universitas Riau, Indonesia Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA) The National University of Malaysia

7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

THE PETALANGAN HABITAT

Up to the 1980s, the habitat of the Petalangans in the District of Pelalawan was characterized by a dense tropical forest, flat contours, and swamps here and there. Since the 1970s certain areas of the forests had been contracted by the government of Indonesia to logging companies, such as PT. Dwi Marta (57,873 acres), PT. Hutani Sola Lestari (45,990 acres), PT. Nanjak Makmur (48,370 acres), PT. Siak Raya Timber (38, 560 acres). However, since 1990s, most of the forests had been converted into palm oil estates. The rest is planted with rubber and palm oil by small farmers. In the Subdistrict of Ukui, the forest is designated by the government of Indonesia as natural conservation area. It is called Tesso Nilo National Park (Taman Nasional Tesso Nilo).2 Recently, parts of the Tesso Nilo National Park has become a conflict area between the government and local inhabitants. The government claims that the entire area of the national forest is under their control, due to its designation as forest conservation area, while the the local inhabitants insist that certain parts of the forest is theirs by customary rights.

TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION

Transportation infrastructure was poor in the District of Pelalawan. Up to the 1980s, there were no roads available for motor vehicles. Communication and transportation between one village and another was mostly pathways, which could only be done in the dry season using bicycles. Bicycles and canoes were two important transportation modes in Pelalawan. In 1981, the oil company PT. Stanvac Pacific Indonesia built a solid earth road connecting Lirik in the south to Buatan in the north, passing through the Pelalawan District. When Tenas Effendy and others were conducting field research in the village of Betung (the Subdistrict of Pangkalan Kuras) in 1987-1988, this road could not be passed through by any vehicles in the rainy season (Effendy nd: 15). In 1990, the Stanvac Pacific Indonesia road became the Sumatera Highway, eventhough the condition of the road was still poor. It is said by an informant, Bapak Dugang, that it took 2 days and 2 nights to travel through this road from the province capital, Pekanbaru, to the village of Betung in the subdistrict of Pangkalan Kuras. Now the same distance takes only 3-4 hours. After the declaration of the act of regional autonomy in 1999, everything seems to have changed in Riau. The Sumatera Highway has been widened and asphalted and it is now a lively and busy line connecting Jakarta, the capital city of Indonesia, and Pekanbaru, the capital city of Riau Province. From this highway, small roads spread out connecting the highway with remote villages throughout the

2 Based on the Minister of Forestry’s Decrees Nr 255/Menhut-II/2004 and Nr 663/MENHUT-II/2009, as quoted in Dugang 2013).

2 Jointly Organised by Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik & Fakultas Perikanan dan Ilmu Kelautan Universitas Riau, Indonesia Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA) The National University of Malaysia

7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

District of Pelalawan. It is followed by the provision of electricity facilities to the villages, making the area bright in the evening and allowing the residents to use modern electrical amenities and means of communication. Furthermore, the highway has impacted several small villages and towns along its corridor. These small villages are now small towns and one of them even turned to become the capital city of the District of Pelalawan, namely Pangkalan Kerinci. The development of economic activities, transportation networks and electricity facilities has attracted peoples from other provinces to immigrate to Pelalawan, and now several of these villages are inhabited by multiethnic population.

POPULATION

According to estimates by Tenas Effendy in 1992, the total population in Petalangan is approximately 30,675 peoples, consisting of 6,885 in the Subdistrict of Langgam, 8,824 in the Subdistrict of Pangkalan Kuras, 9,230 in the Subdistrict of Bunut, and 10,736 in the Subdistrict of Kuala Kampar (Effendy 2002: 367). These days it is difficult to be precise about the exact number of Petalangans, because a number of villages have been influxed by new inmigrants from different ethnic groups. Most of the newcomers are Javanese from Central Java, Minangkabaunese from West Sumatera, and Bataknese from North Sumatera. Intermarriages between individuals of different ethnic groups, yet of the same religion, frequently happen. The first migrants are Javanese who came under the program of “transmigration” in the 1960s. The others are voluntary migrants, particularly the Minangkabaunese, the Bataknese, the Niasnese and others who came after the 1990s. The migrants mostly live in small towns and palm oil estates. Below is a table describing the population in the villages of the Subdistrict of Pangkalan Kuras in 2013.

Table 1. Population of the Subdistrict of Pangkalan Kuras (2013)

No Villages Area RT RW Family Total Population (Km²) Men Women Total OLD NATIVE VILLAGES 1 Sorek Satu 8.00 29 9 2713 6060 5173 11233 2 Sorek Dua 115.00 11 5 617 1211 965 2176 3 Dundangan 81.60 12 6 652 1882 1678 3560 4 Terantang 105.53 13 5 689 1221 1088 2309 manuk 5 Palas 95.00 9 4 365 875 802 1659 6 Kemang 95.00 12 4 547 1115 1062 2177 7 Betung 50.00 8 3 282 693 665 1358 8 Kesuma 100.00 26 4 1125 3120 2632 5752 9 Talau 83.00 6 3 224 1012 887 1899 10 Tanjung 17.00 7 2 332 615 562 1177 beringin

3 Jointly Organised by Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik & Fakultas Perikanan dan Ilmu Kelautan Universitas Riau, Indonesia Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA) The National University of Malaysia

7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

EX-TRANSMIGRANT VILLAGES 11 Surya indah 11.97 18 4 465 904 821 1725 12 Beringin indah 12.50 20 4 350 802 714 1516 13 Sialang indah 17.63 18 6 609 1126 1066 2192 14 Meranti 10.46 14 4 370 696 575 1271 15 Harapan jaya 13.52 16 4 327 620 601 1221 16 Batang kulim 16.80 19 6 818 1566 1524 3090 17 Sido mukti 6.78 14 4 356 792 762 1554 JUMLAH 847.37 252 77 10841 24290 21575 45865 Soure: : Demographic Report,Pangkalan Kuras, August 2013.

Table 1 shows 17 villages in the Subdistrict of Pangkalan Kuras. Seven villages were developed by the government of Indonesia for the transmigrants from Java in the 1960s. While 10 are old native villages, most are now inhabited by multiethnic population. The Bataknese, the Niasnese, and some of the Javanese transmigrants live in small villages near palm oil estates and they work as estate laborers. Meanwhile the Minangkabaunese mostly live in small towns and work as small entrepreneurs and teachers.

LIVELIHOOD: SHIFTING CULTIVATION

Up to the 1990s, the Petalangans had mainly been living on shifting cultivation system. This mode of cultivation consists of two types, namely ladang kasang (cultivation on the dry land) and ladang tabur (cultivation of the swamp areas). The main crop was 9-month old rice (Effendy nd: 12). Other sources of livelihood were small game hunting, catching fish in the streams, and collecting honey and other non-timber forest products. Shifting cultivation on a field used to be carried out by a group of husbands and wifes. This group would usually work cooperatively with two neighbor families, whose wives were linked by matrilineal kin. They worked on the customary forest of the wives’ clan. Politically, Petalangan used to be divided into 29 chiefdoms, and each chiefdom was divided further into a number of matrilineal clans. Each clan lived and worked in its customary forest, and are totally dependent on its forest land and forest products. According to the Petalangans, shifting cultivation was not only done for livelihood, but it is also the symbol of parents’ responsibility to their children. In the past, when a family planned to clear a patch of forest for a rice field, they had to ask permission from the chief (batin), because the forest belongs to the chief. In case they could not find the chief, the permit may be asked from the chief’s assistant (ketiapan). There were four requirements for a person who wants to cultivate his or her land: a) Ask for a permit from the chief.

4 Jointly Organised by Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik & Fakultas Perikanan dan Ilmu Kelautan Universitas Riau, Indonesia Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA) The National University of Malaysia

7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

b) Pay a portion of the harvest to the chief as tax. c) Not to cut sialang tree. d) Not to cultivate land already opened by other families three years prior.

The Petalangans also believed that the opening of forests for rice fields should be done under the permission of supernatural beings (orang bunian, hantu, jin), who invisibly controlled the forests. The farmer should perform certain magic rituals guided by a field healer.

Farming activities that needed rituals among others were: a) Learning whether the forest area is good for ricefield. b) The planting of the first rice seeds. c) Guarding ricefields from pests and harmful animals. d) The initiation of harvesting.

Belows are the process of farming in shifting cultivation system.

1) The first thing that a farmer should do is to ask permission from the chief to open a patch of forest for cultivation. Secondary forest, which has been left fallow for 7 to 10 years, is preferable to a virgin forest. 2) The farmer ties a branch of trees to a big tree in the forest patch as a sign to other villagers that the patch has already been reserved by someone. This is called tawa. 3) The farmer observes the composition of the astronomy to learn whether the dry season has come, which would be the time to initiate the burning of the forest. 4) The farmer learns whether the forest is under the influence of certain supernatural beings. If this is the case, the farmer should ask their permission. This is called manotou. Then the farmer performs a magic ritual under the guidance of a land healer. Below is the magic spell/charm (recited three times) by the land healer before the first cutting of the plant in the forest.

“Assalamu’alaikum ibuku bumi, Waalaikumsalam bapakku langit, Siang dan malam saudaroku, Anak dikandung jangan binaso, Nabi Nuh nabiku kayu, nabi Lud nabi hakim, Nan kapalo hakim punyo tanaman kayu, Aku bamohon kayu sabatang ko tuk baladang, Ba tumpuk, ba umah ba tanggo, ba anak ba pinak, Nak badusun balaman”

5) The farmer clears the underbrushes with a machete (menobe), then cuts the trees with an axe (beliung). The first tree should be cut and felt completely from the top to the bottom. Should this fail, it is believed that the farmer will find many obstacles when cutting the rest of the trees. There is a particular mode of cutting developed by the Petalangan. The brushes and trees are left dry for 3-4 days.

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6) The farmer burns the dried brushes and trees. This in done cooperatively with 5- 7 close neighbours. They have to prevent the fire from spreading and burning the forest. 7) The farmer builds a hut in the fringe of the field, facing the sunrise. It is made of wood and is about 5-6 meters tall(pondok basulai). If the hut is not finished on time for the planting season to start, the work of building the hut is left for a while. The farmer starts planting the seeds (manjojak boneh). This is done when the kalo star (bintang kalo) appears in the sky. The work is guided by a land healer and helped by neighbours. Below is the magic spell recited 3 times by the land healer.

“Suai diri, suai ka diri, Padi sa ikat dengan nyawo, Suai nyawo, suai tubuh ku, Indak bacoai jago diri sampai akhirat, Slamat nak menyandang pondang, Slamat ba buluh-buluh, Slamat ka pulut dagang, Poi oso pulang tujuh, pulang ka kopuk padi kito, Pulang jangan batuke-tuke, pulang jangan batimbang-timbang, Kok ado ba sangkut ba sampang, Burung somut, burung balam, katitiran, Sampai ompat bulan ka limo dikau balik, Balik juo, pulang ka bangkiang, Pulang ka bangkiang tujuh sateji, Pulang ka kopuk padi kito” (The supernatural being who supposedly controls the land is a woman called sememo tanah).

8) After 2 months, the rice in the field have ripened. In order to protect the ricefield from pests and harmful animals, such as insects, birds, monkeys, and wild boars, the farmer builds a sturdy fence surrounding the field. In fact the fence is not only to protect the rice field from harmful animals, but also to protect the farmer and his family from wild animals such as tigers and bears. 9) The next activity is harvesting. The first cut will be done by the land healer who previously did the first planting. Before the cutting, the land healer will perform magic ritual and recite magic spells. The ritual process is as belows.  The land healer selects the best rice plants to cut.  The land healer burns incense and showers the rice plants with purified water.  The land healer recites the magic spell.  The land healer cuts three bunches of rice plants, tied with bonang tigo ono (a three-colour thread).  The bunches are brought to the rice barn (kopuk), covered with coconut shells. Then the land healer put ibu-ibu plants on the coconut shells.

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Below is the magic spell performed by the land healer before doing first cut. “O.... padi jantan, padi batino, padi cahayo nagori, Putih gadih dayang indap, Putih gadih dayang dipah, gadih si putih haluih, Dikau poi ka laut, aku tunggal di rumah, Janji kito ompat bulan kalimo, sampai ompat bulan kalimo Aku manjomput biduk ka pangkalan, Menunggu dikau balik pulang, Kok kalau dikau bajudi, tang manyabung galeh putih, Putih unduk dagang panjang, Dikau manikai labu panjang, Dikau pulang, pulang juo, Kok ado panjut palantean, basopit pado tunggul, Basopit batang kuluk, ……………………………………………… ………………………………………………. Pulang ka kopuk padi kito, Pulang ka bangkian tujuh sajeji. (Source: Pak Jasa)

10) The last activity is menginyik padi (separating the grains from the stalk) and pounding. In the past menginyik was done on a rattan mat (tike jemboan), while pounding in a mortar made of jackfruit wood. Pounding was done on the platform behind the hut. Pounding is a cheerful season. Everyone is happy.

PATTERN OF SETTLEMENT

The Petalangan used to be a shifting cultivator group, who lived in simple huts in rice fields near the forest.3 A neighbourhood normally consisted of 3-field families, linked by matrilineal line. The term “petalangan” is indeed referred to a way of life, living temporarily in simple huts near the forest. A family would live in the hut for three years. Then the family would move to the newly-built hut on the new rice field. The size of the hut was approximately 4 x 4 square meters, supported by 4 wood pillars of 50 centimeter circumference, mounted 5-6 meters above the ground. There is a small kitchen in the rear, and in the back, outside the house, there was a plaform made of plant sticks, where the farmer washed the dishes. The wall of the hut was made of the bark of jangkang trees, the roof of sago palm leaves, and poles of samak plant. 4

3 The hut is called pondok basulai. 4 According to Ja’afar, in the 1960s, the height of the hut was at the average of 5-6 meters. Despite of its height, in the rainy season the floor of the hut could be submerged by flood (Munir 1995). Such height was made to prevent the dwellers from the jeopardy of wild animals, such as tiger, bear, elephant and snakes.

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According to two informants, Bapak Kundang and Bapak Alum of Desa Betung, the first dusun (small permanent hamlet) built by the Petalangans in the Subdistrict of Pangkalan Kuras was Tanjung Perusa, which was also called Dusun Tuo. It was built in 1931. 5 The dusun was located around 2 kilometers from the village of Betung. The first inhabitants of the dusun were the family of the late Monti Ajo Munir, the family of Monti Ajo Munir’s father in law, and the family of Bapak Buyung (the hamlet chief). This dusun was followed by the dusuns of Banje Melintang, Kampung Tonge, Kampung Baru, dan Salangkawan, which were built around Tanjung Perusa. Each dusun was inhabited by around 5 families. Initially, the families did not live in the dusuns during the whole year. They went back and forth between the hamlet (puun) and the ricefield (ujung). Most of the time was spent in the ricefield and forest, because they were still mostly dependent on the forest for livelihood. They made houses in the dusun only for basecamps, especially after the harvest. Dusuns were usually built near the river. Such way of life lasted until the 1950s. The change of settlement pattern to kampung (big hamlet) , inhabited by many families, occurred after Indonesia’s independence in the 1950s. The inhabitants built bigger houses made of wood. The height of the houses were still the same, because the threat of wild animals was still present. It is said by an informant, Pak Jasa (64 years old), in the 1950s there were seven houses in Tanjung Perusa and three in Talau. If each house was inhabited by approximately 5 members, there should have been 35 inhabitants in Tanjung Perusa and 15 persons in Talau. The kampung is called pangkalan (small port), located near the river. Usually a kampung has a boy hut (pondok bujang), where male youngsters spent their leisure time. Nowadays, a hut such as this can hardly be found. In 1955, the government of Indonesia distributes clothes made of cheap textiles for the Petalangan families to replace their traditional clothes made of the bark of terab trees. In 1960 the Petalangan chief, Monti Ajo Sutan, summoned all the household heads from all kampungs located near Tanjung Perusa to a meeting. The chief persuaded all families to flock to Tanjung Perusa and make Tanjung Perusa the principal kampung. The name of the community was then changed to Kampung Betung, and new kampung head was appointed. In 1962, the head of the Subdistrict of Kuala Napuh encouraged all kampung heads in Kuala Napuh to participate in a 3-year adult education to enable them to read. In 1965, three adults succeded the course, those were Bapak Syamsunir (village head), Bapak Pendek (religious leader), and Bapak Kundang (village security head/ Monti Dubalang). Still in 1965, the head of Kampung Betung offered a piece of customary land in Tanjung Pasir to the Subdistrict of Kuala Napuh. The Subdistrict used it to relocate the inhabitants of Kuala Napuh village. Afterward the name of Kampung Tanjung Pasir changed to Kampung Kesuma, and the Subdistrict constructed a dirt roadroad from Kesuma to Betung, and furthermore to Kampung Sorek in the east.

5 Interviews took place in February 2014.

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In 1970, according to the Act of Village Government of 1969, Kampung Betung changed to become Desa Betung, and Bapak Samsunir who previously was called Kepala Kampung Betung became Kepala Desa Betung. The Subdistrict changed its name from Kuala Napuh to Pangkalan Kuras. The center of the Subdistrict was moved from Kuala Napuh (Desa Kesuma) to Desa Sorek. Consequently, Desa Kesuma was left by its inhabitants, who mostly moved to Desa Sorek. Its population decreased from 165 to 40 families. In 1984, Bapak Munir was appointed as Monti Ajo, replacing his father in law, the late Monti Ajo Sutan. In 1985, Desa Betung was planned to be the center of Petalangan Cultural Affairs. In 1995, the center was accomplished and celebrated by the Governor of Riau, Soeripto. In 2003, its was said by an informant that almost all Petalangan families quit from shifting cultivation activities, and converted themselves to small palm oil and rubber farmers. The Petalangan farmers organized themselves in KKPA and made particular bussiness relationships with large palm oil estates. This new livelihood has in fact improved the welfare of the Petalangan families. Many Petalangans are now able to build new modern houses made of cement,concretes and tile roofs, and they are also able to purchase motor vehicles and electrical kitchen amenities. Old houses with the height of 5-6 meters are not found any more. Houses made of wood are still there, but some of them have been left unkept and unoccupied by their inhabitants. After 2000, a number of new villages were opened, mostly located near estates’ roads and therefore are accessible by motor vehicles. Almost all villages are provided with a mosque, a surau, a Primary School, and a public hall. Some villages also provide a home for its village head. All are built with cement and concrete and tile roofs, and provided with electricity. Some villages, due to different reasons, are divided into two, and some others changed their names. Desa Sorek, for example, which formerly was called Pangkalan Kue, now is divided into two villages, namely Sorek Satu and Sorek Dua. Desa Kesuma formerly was called Kuala Napuh, and before that was Pangkalan Pasir. Desa Talau split from dusun Tanjung Perusa in 1960, while Tanjung Perusa changed its name to Desa Betung. Furthermore, before 1999, Pelalawan was a Kawedanaan (Sub-district) in the District of Kampar, the Province of Riau. After the declaration of the Act Number 53 Year 1999, Pelalawan was administratively upgraded into a District. Afterwards, subdistricts in Pelalawan were split: each of four subdistricts was split into three subdistricts. In 1914, there are a total of 12 Subdistricts, 106 villages (desa), and 12 small towns (kelurahan) (Kabupaten Pelalawan, BPS, 2010).

ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSION a. The Change of the Environment Up to 2000, it seems that the Petalangan group was still in the list of “Kelompok Adat Terpencil” (traditional isolated group), or isolated shifting cultivator

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tribe. Now the group has been excluded from the list. However, as stated before, noone knew about this group in the Office of Social Welfare of the District of Pelalawan in 2012. The first change to the habitat of the Petalangan took place in the 1970s when the government of Indonesia contracted some forests in Pelalawan to a number of logging companies. This policy has disturbed the way of life of the Petalangan. The government prohibited the Petalangans from conducting shifting cultivation in the logging cencessions. Secondly, as in other places, at the end of the contract the concession forests were generally left barren by the logging companies. The next change took place around the 2000s, when large forests areas in Pelalawan, which traditionally were customary forests of the Petalangan, were contracted by the government to palm oil estates (Hak Guna Usaha). Again, the forest areas available for shifting cultivation were becoming more limited or scarce. The situation made the Petalangans rethink their way of life. Most of them decided to leave traditional shifting cultivation to become palm oil and rubber small holders. The change in the mode of production will consequently affect everyone’s entire way of life. b. The Change inTransportation and Communication Systems

Eventhough the Stanvac road had been built in 1981, the most influencing factor to the development of transportation and communication systems in Pelalawan District was the regional autonomy act of 1999. This act made Riau one of the most wealthy provinces in Indonesia. Regional revenue comes mostly from oil and gas and palm oil estates. The Provincial Government started building roads and providing electricity to all areas of the province, including villages in the District of Pelalawan. Secondary roads spread from the Sumatera Highway to villages in the interior of Pelalawan. Eventhough most of the roads are not yet asphalted, they are accesible by motor vehicles. Most of the villagers can afford to buy a motorcycle, some even manage to buy a car. This is also the case with electricity. Most of the villages have been accustomed to electricity. If a village is not provided electricity by the government, the inhabitants of the village organize themselves to purchase an electric generator. There are lot of small vans, operated by small transportation entreprises as public transportations, from Pekanbaru to small towns along the Sumatera Highway. Some of the vans may directly connect passengers from small towns to Pekanbaru airport. From the Highway, passengers may continue their jouney to isolated villages by beca motor and ojek. c. Demographic Change

Up to 1960s, the District of Pelalawan might be a region populated by a single ethnic group, that was the Petalangan. A small group of Malay aristocracy live separately in their own compound in the capital city of the then kingdom of Pelalawan.

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The first change to demographic composition took place in 1960s when a number of transmigrants from Java opened new villages in certain areas in Pelalawan. The structure of multi ethnic population in Pelalawan communities appeared significantly after the influx of the Minangkabaunese, the Bataknese, the Niasnese and others. It happened as stated before after the economic boom in the 2000s. d. The Change of Means of Livelihood

The livelihood of the Petalangan has gradually changed from shifting cultivation to palm oil and rubber small holders. The Dutch colonial government first introduced rubber plants to the Petalangans in 1930. In 1950s, almost all Petalangan families have mainly lived on two sources of livelihood, shifting cultivation and rubber garden. In the 2000s, palm oil was introduced to the Petalangans. After that, the Petalangans have totally left shifting cultivation and depend on rubber and palm oil plantations. Some families are involved in other additional work, such as catching fish in the streams, collecting non-timber forest products, petty traders, animal rearing, and estate laborers. A number of individuals who accomplish high school and university work as government clerks. e. The Change of Settlement Pattern

The change of settlement pattern from a semi-nomadic small forest community to a small hamlet (dusun) was initiated in about 1930, after the introduction of rubber plant. Since then the Petalangan lived in dual settlement pattern, in the forest during the farming activities and in the small hamlet after the harvest. However, since this change was not supported by other facilities, such dual settlement pattern lasted until about the 1980s. In 1980, the government introduced modern village system (desa). It doesn’t affect the settlement system very much. It is only after the introduction of palm oil in the 2000s that all the Petalangans left shifting cultivation entirely and live permanently in a modern village community. f. The Future of the Petalangan

It is not easy to predict the future of the Petalangans. More involved reasearch is needed to comprehend the real socioeconomic condition of the Petalangans. However, after learning about the progress of economic development of the Province of Riau in general, and the responses of the Petalangans to development, it can be said that the Petalangan could obtain a bright future. Nowadays there are two main problems facing the Petalangan: unemployment and poverty. The aspect of development that should be emphasized is education. The government needs to build new schools, especially middle vocational schools of different specialization. The government also need to develop entrepreneurial attitude among the Petalangan. The Petalangans need to develop themselves in order to reap new economic opportunities outside the agricultural sector.

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That is what I can say temporarily and tentatively about the socioeconomic changes among the Petalangan in the Pelalawan District of Riau Province. I have related these changes to development programs implemented by the government.

REFERENCES

Dugang (2013). Konflik Masyarakat Pada Kawasan Taman Nasional Tesso Nilo. Master’s Thesis, Post-graduate Sociology Program, University of Riau, Pekanbaru.

Effendy, Tenas (nd). Nyanyi Panjang. Sastra Lisan Orang Petalangan, Riau. Unpublished manuscript.

Effendy, Tenas (2002). “The Orang Petalangan of Riau and Their Forest Environment,” in Tribal Communities in the Malay World (Geoffrey Benjamin & Cynthia Chou eds.). The Netherlands: International Institute for Asian Studies and Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

Hamidy, U.U. (2005). Rimba Kepungan Sialang. Pangkalan Kerinci, Riau: Lembaga Adat Melayu Kabupaten Pelalawan.

Pelalawan District, BPS, 2010.

Kang, Yoonhee (2005). Untaian Kata Leluhur; Marginalisasi, emosi dan kuasa kata- kata magi di kalangan orang Petalangan, Riau. Monograph Series No. 1, Vol. 1, Pusat Penelitian Kebudayaan dan Kemasyarakatan Universitas Riau, Pekanbaru.

Kecamatan Pangkalan Kuras, Demographic Report, August 2013.

Munir BS, A (1995). Sejarah Bapak T.S. Djaafar M. Almarhum. A document containing daily accounts and photographs of former Heads (Camat) of Pangkalan Kuras, T.S. Ja’afar, stored by the former head of Desa Betung, A. Munir BS. almarhum.

Rab, Tabrani (2002). Nasib Suku Asli di Riau. Pekanbaru: Riau Cultural Insitute.

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Pre-fourteenth Century Settlement Patterns in the Lower Batanghari, Jambi Province, Sumatra

Shah Alam1

1) National University of Singapore

ABSTRACT

Complex societies had emerged in southeast Sumatra by at least the seventh century A.D. These were Srivijaya and Melayu-Jambi, polities with centres in the lower Musi and Batanghari respectively (Fig. 1, inset). Historical and archaeological material, however, indicate that the region was already in contact with India from at least the early centuries A.D. (Bellina and Glover 2004, Wolters 1967). While the importance of maritime trade, especially with China, is relatively well discussed, we know little of the origins and nature of these societies. Archaeological research has focused mainly on: epigraphy, iconography of Hindu-Buddhist art and architecture; long-distance maritime trade; and more recently, cultural resource management concerns (see Miksic 1995). This research presents results of a full-coverage survey of the lower Batanghari basin. Its primary objective is to isolate patterns that can inform on pre-fourteenth century settlement system. A second aim is to evaluate the utility of surveys in an environment such as the lower Batanghari. Regional surveys have generally been in arid and semi- arid areas where archaeological remains tend to be highly visible, namely the American southwest and the Near East. New World archaeologists have, however, modified and applied such field techniques in heavily vegetated areas with measurable success (e.g., Lightfoot 1986). The project was also a field school for students from Universitas Udayana, Bali, and the National University of Singapore.

CONCEPTS

The evolution of complex societies is characterised by the development of symbiotic interrelationships between communities. These interactions led to distinct changes in settlement patterns within networks, including, the development of settlement hierarchies and the emergence of urban centres (Crumley 1976). Increasing interregional trade and exchange was also an important feature of the process. Regional analysis is the method most often used by archaeologists to study these phenomena; the basic premise is to gain an understanding of the spatial relationships between human entities, and between them and the physical environment (Kantner 2008:43). Surveys are the primary means of data collection.

BACKGROUND

While Srivijaya is generally regarded as the dominant polity and entrepot in the Straits of Melaka region, historical sources also mentioned Melayu and Chen-pi (Jambi) as important centres (Coedes 1968:80,179,184). The relationship between these polities is unclear. Some scholars believe it was, at particular points in time,

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the capital of Srivijaya, but it is also possible that they were rivals for control of the Straits. Archaeological remains from this period are mainly: Hindu-Buddhist art and architecture dating between the eighth and fourteenth centuries; and ceramics, including earthenware, and Chinese stoneware and porcelain dating between the tenth and fourteenth centuries (e.g., Abu Ridho 1992; McKinnon 1985; Soekmono 1995). Material predating the seventh century, were reported in Lebakbandung, Jambi; among the finds were jar burials and glass beads, the latter probably imported from India (Lebakbandung 1996, 1997; also see Bellina 2003). Material from the early centuries A.D. were also reported in coastal sites near the Musi (Manguin 2004:287-288).

RESEARCH AREA

The research area is immediately to the west of Jambi to Muara Sabak (Fig. 1). It included both banks of the Batanghari and the Berbak, and areas along the left bank of the Kumpeh. Jambi was excluded as this was planned as the first in a series of surveys. In the case of Muara Jambi, only areas along the river banks were included. A significant portion of the research area is marshland (rawa). Modern settlements are on drier high ground, or built on piles in swampy areas. Vegetation in non-swampy areas is generally secondary growth (Fig. 2). Areas away from riverbanks were not surveyed, except for Lambur, Suak Kandis, Kota Kandis, and along the Kumpeh; these locations are on drier high ground.

TRADE AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS

Ethnohistoric material, namely European descriptions of the region from before the late nineteenth century, can provide testable archaeological correlates as trade and settlement patterns were not drastically altered prior to this period (Miksic 1985:434). The largest settlement in the drainage system was the political/trading centre. Descriptions from the late-eighteenth century mentioned relatively small settlements located along rivers and lakes, primarily for the convenience of bathing and transporting of goods (Marsden 1986:55). Chao Ju Kua, writing in the thirteenth century, mentioned floating settlements (cited in McKinnon 1985:28). The population of the lower Batanghari in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries comprised primarily Malays6 and orang batin groups; the latter are non- Muslim jungle and sea peoples (orang laut), and the oldest communities in the area (Andaya 1993:14). Orang batin groups probably pledged allegiance to the Malay ruling class, as was the case with the nomadic and semi-nomadic orang asli of the Peninsula during the Melaka Sultanate (Andaya and Andaya 1982:46).

6 See Andaya (1993) for a discussion on the complex nature of Malayness in southeast Sumatra.

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In a region with relatively low population, followers rather than territory was the source of prestige, and wealth, from trade, was the means of attracting followers (Manguin 2001). Economic prosperity was dependent on the ability to maintain a regional trading centre (Andaya 1993:20). Fishing, and collecting jungle and marine produce also formed an important economic base; marine and forest products were much sought after in the long-distance trade network (Andaya 1993:17-18; Wheatley 1959). The orang batin probably played a major role in collecting these commodities. In general, the lowland soils of eastern Sumatra do not support large-scale agriculture; rice was imported, and sago grown in lowland marshes was also an important staple in seventeenth and eighteenth century Jambi (Andaya 1993:17, 66; Reid 1980:247). Upstream-downstream commercial relations were quite extensive; the lowlands were a source of luxury and essential goods for highland communities who also traded their products at lowland centres (Miksic 1985). Imported material predating the seventh century have been recovered in the Kerinci Highlands, including glass beads and fragments of a bronze drum; excavations have also yielded Chinese ceramics from the eleventh to sixteenth centuries (Bellina 2003:291; Bonatz 2006:315-6; van der Hoop 1940:202). Overland communications between drainage systems was also possible, especially in highland areas where there were probably less natural impediments to movement (see Manguin 2002).

FIELD TECHNIQUES

The primary goal of the survey was establishing the spatial distribution of cultural material to determine site size. A reconnaissance survey suggested that surface scatters are visible in some areas, while subsurface probings were needed in others. Collection strategies included sampling along river banks and collecting surface scatter, and also shovel testing (Fig. 3). Sampling was by collection units that were arbitrarily determined in the field. Where possible, naturally occurring features are used as boundaries of each collection unit. However, larger areas, ca 50 x 50 m, were divided into smaller grids for greater resolution. Sites are clusters of collection units.

RESULTS

Surface collecting and shovel testing Ceramics were the dominant finds, these included earthenware, probably locally made, and Chinese porcelain and stoneware. A significant amount of stoneware and porcelain were collected, probably due to the better state of preservation of these higher fired ceramics. Chinese ceramics from the survey date between the tenth and early twentieth centuries. With the exception of Suak Kandis, earthenware from the Kumpeh display different traits from ceramics in other collection units. Dateable ceramics are generally modern Qing and European wares; a small number of Ming stoneware

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were also recovered. This suggests that material from units along the Kumpeh date to a later period. Pre-fourteenth century Chinese ceramics were only found near where the Batanghari forks into the Kumpeh and in units around Suak Kandis. Previous research reported Chinese ceramics from between the tenth and fourteenth centuries near Solok Sakean (McKinnon 1985:26). This absence of pre-fourteenth century material is probably due to a sampling bias. Sedimentation from seasonal floods has altered part of the landscape. In certain areas along the riverbanks, collections were made from ca 160-200 cm below the present surface. In contrast, subsurface deposits in Lambur were ca 30 cm or less below the present surface. In some areas, remains of wooden posts and ceramic scatters were also observed on the riverbed close to the banks. Ceramics on the riverbed were not collected. There was a general absence of cultural material from just downriver of Muara Jambi to Suak Kandis, the exception being two collection units on the left bank. This may be due to a number of reasons, including: the absence of human habitation; settlements that leave little material remains; or sampling bias. The area in question is primarily marshland. Settlement patterns Muara Jambi (1200 ha) is the largest site in the survey area, and there are five sites between 12 and 132 ha (Fig. 4; Table 1). Of these, three are larger than 50 ha. There are fourteen sites with pre-fourteenth century material that are less than 1 ha; the twenty sites listed as of indeterminate size are from previous research. Units on the Kumpeh with no pre-fourteenth century material were excluded from this analysis.

Table 1. Site size and number of sites with pre-fourteenth century material.

Site Size (ha) No of sites

Above 150. 1 100-150 1 50-100 2 10-50 2 1-10 0 Below 1 14 Indeterminate (from previous research) 20

Although Muara Jambi is the largest site in the survey area, the distribution of monuments suggests that it may have been pimarily ritual and ceremonial in nature.7

7 While Majapahit was centred in Trowulan, east Java, it was suggested that Panataran was the ritual and ceremonial centre of the kingdom.

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The three largest collection clusters are Kota Kandis, Suak Kandis, and Lambur respectively. All three are on relatively high ground. Kota Kandis (132 ha) is the largest, and was only partially investigated. It is ca 10 km north of where the Batanghari forks into the Berbak. Only a narrow strip of land along the riverbank was surveyed; villagers mentioned archaeological material distributed over a more extensive area. An earlier report also mentions the remains of a brick structure in the general area (Soekmono 1995:157).

Table 2. Pre-fourteenth century sites above 1 ha.

Site Area (ha) Possible site function

Muara Jambi 1200 Ritual and ceremonial

Kota Kandis 132.5 Habitation

Suak Kandis 92.1 Habitation

Lambur 54.7 Habitation

Candi Teluk Complex 27.6 Ritual and ceremonial

Jebus 12.6 Habitation

Suak Kandis (92 ha) is at the confluence of the Kumpeh and the Batanghari. This cluster comprises collection units on the right bank of the Batanghari, and on both banks of the Kumpeh; and material collected include pre-fourteenth century Chinese stoneware and porcelain, and earthenware. Suak Kandis is in a strategic location, the Dutch built a fortification on the eastern bank of the Kumpeh overlooking the Batanghari in the eighteenth century, and a trading post was opened there early in the nineteenth century (McKinnon 1984). Lambur (55 ha) is the third largest cluster of collection units, and was also partially investigated. It is ca 15 km from the coast, and ca 8 km inland from the right bank of the Berbak. Much of the general area has been altered by recent developments which may have led to the filling in of marshes and minor tributaries. Earlier reports mentioned a number of sites within a 10 km radius of the collection area, including a brick foundation in Kotaraja, ca 8 km west of the collection units (Lambur 1996; Suaka Report 1999). The data from Lambur presents two possibilities. Firstly, there are multiple sites in the general area separated by space and/or time, or secondly, sites reported are the remains of multiple activity hubs, which in combination formed a single settlement. The Candi Teluk Complex (27 ha) and Jebus (12.6 ha) are two clusters that are in areas with relatively large sites. Candi Teluk is directly across Muara Jambi but was not included as part of Muara Jambi in this anaysis. This research classifies it as ritual and ceremonial in nature based on the archaeological remains. The construction of a sawmill in the area has obscured surface finds. Jebus is on the left bank of the Batanghari ca 5 km to the northwest of Suak Kandis.

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DISCUSSION

Collection units can be assigned relative dates of between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries, although it is probable that some date earlier. Caution is, however, needed as this is only a first phase, and a significant portion of the research area was not investigated. The material, however allows for some tentative inferences. The current data suggest a primate distribution, that is, a single site disproportionately larger than any others. However, further research may lead to a shift in the pattern. Settlement patterns approximate ethnohistoric descriptions of the region as mentioned above. This also allows for the construction of a predictive model that can be tested in future research. It is probable that these sites represent the sedentary or semi-sedentary populations, primarily Malays and some orang batin groups, and not representative of demographics during the period in question. While it is assumed that Jambi and Muara Jambi formed the core of the Batanghari settlement system, Lambur, Suak Kandis and Kota Kandis are areas of particular interest. These are locations that are probably significantly larger than recorded during the survey. Another location of interest is Simpang, where the Batanghari forks into the Berbak; previous research suggests that this may be the location of a reasonably large settlement. There are a number factors, individually or in combination, that may explain the nature of these three sites. Firstly, these are sites in strategic locations, at the confluences of tributaries and the main river; such sites can control the movement of goods, serve as collection and distribution points. Lambur, although further inland, may have served a similar function, development may have obscured environmental features from an earlier period. Secondly, later sources mentioned that the sociopolitical hierarchy in Jambi also included wealthy and influential nobles (Andaya 1993:30). It is possible that these sites are fiefs of powerful members of the aristocracy. Thirdly, European documentary sources from the sixteenth century suggest that shifting political/trading centres was not uncommon (Reid 1980:243-245). Competition to control trade networks, and campaigns to punish errant vassals were probably common causes for warfare and the destruction of royal centres. Fire was also a problem in a region where the majority of structures were of wood. The importance placed on followers over territory meant that rulers could abandon the centre and build a new one without loss of prestige, that is, if he can retain his followers. Reconstruction was not an issue in an area where material and labour were readily available (Reid 1980:244).

CONCLUSION

Environmental conditions and cultural processes are equally important in understanding settlement patterns in the lower Batanghari. Basic needs such as access to food and water, and ease of movement are factors determining settlement

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locations. Building on higher ground and on stilts afforded relative safety from harsh environmental conditions posed by marshlands, and seasonal floodings. Cultural processes, primarily the emergence of social inequality and differential access to resources, were, probably major determinants in the development of the settlement hierachy. These developments created a need for luxury goods as a means of increasing the prestige of individuals or groups (see Clarke and Blake 1996). The evolution of trade and exchange with India is probably a reflection of this.8 Glass was probably a major commodity; textiles and other perishables may have also featured in the network. Trade with China can be seen as a process that allowed particular groups to strengthen their social position rather than a catalyst for the emergence of sociopolitical complexity. These processes are also evident at the macro-regional level. While the Straits of Melaka is strategically located to control maritime trade, the location of the entrepot was not determined solely by such factors; cultural matters were equally if not more influential. The rise and demise of entrepots, for example, Srivijaya, Melayu-Jambi, Singapore and Melaka, were due to the ability, or inability, of rulers to exercise their political, and physical influence. The wordings on inscriptions from Telaga Batu and Karang Brahi are good examples of rulers trying to assert control over geographically distant areas.

REFERENCES

Abu Ridho 1992. Survey Keramik di D.A.S. Batanghari. Seminar Sejarah Melayu Kuno, Jambi 7-8 Desember 1992. Pemda Tingkat I Propinsi Jambi and Kantor Wilayah Depdikbud Propinsi Jambi, Jambi. Andaya, B. W. 1993. To Live as Brothers: Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. University of Hawai`i Press, Honolulu. Andaya, B. W. and L. Y. Andaya 1982. A History of Malaysia. Macmillan, London. Bellina, B. 2003. Beads, social change and interaction between India and Southeast Asia. Antiquity 77(296):285-297. Bellina, B. and I. Glover, The archaeology of early contact with India and the Mediterranean world, form the fourth century B.C. to the fourth century A.D. In I. Glover and P. Bellwood (ed.). Southeast Asia: From Prehistory to History:68- 88. RoutledgeCurzon, London. Bonatz, D. 2006. Kerinci – Archaeological research in the highlands of Jambi on Sumatra. In E. A. Bacus, et. al. (ed.). Uncovering Southeast Asia’s Past: Selected Papers from the 10th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, The British Museum, London, 14th-17th Sep. 2004:310-324. NUS Press, Singapore.

8 Austronesian speakers were able to navigate to Madagascar, probably in the late centuries B.C., it is assumed here that Malay traders possessed a similar technology and were venturing out of the region in search of prestige and luxury goods.

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Clark, J. E. and M. Blake 1996. The power of prestige: Competitive generosity and the emergence of rank societies in lowland Mesoamerica. In E. Brumfiel and J. Fox (ed.). Factional Competition and Political Development in the New World:17-30. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Coedes, G. 1968. The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. University of Hawai`i Press, Honolulu. Crumley, C. L. Toward a locational definition of state systems of settlement. American Anthropologist 78(1):59-73. Lambur 1996. Laporan Penelitian Arkeologi Situs Lambur (Siti Hawa), Kabupaten Tanjung Jabung, Propinsi Jambi. Palembang: Balai Arkeologi Palembang, Palembang. Lebakbandung 1996. Laporan: Hasil Ekskavasi Penyelamatan Situs Lebakbandung, Kecamatan Jelutung, Kotamadia Jambi, Provinsi Jambi. Jambi: Suaka Peninggalan Sejarah dan Purbakala Provinsi Jambi, Sumatera Selatan dan Bengkulu. Lebakbandung 1997. Laporan: Ekskavasi Penyelamatan Temuan Tempayan Kubur, Situs Lebakbandung, Kecamatan Jelutung, Kotamadia Jambi, Provinsi Jambi. Jambi: Suaka Peninggalan Sejarah dan Purbakala Provinsi Jambi, Sumatera Selatan dan Bengkulu. Lightfoot, K.1986. Regional surveys in the eastern United States: The strengths and weaknesses of implementing subsurface testing programs. American Antiquity 51(3):484-504. Manguin, P-Y. 1991. The merchant and the king: Political myths of Southeast Asian coastal polities. Indonesia 52:41-54. Manguin, P-Y. 2002. The amorphous nature of coastal polities in insular Southeast Asia: Restricted centres, extended peripheries. Moussons 5:73-99. Manguin, P-Y. 2004. The archaeology of early maritime polities of Southeast Asia. In I. Glover and P. Bellwood (ed.). Southeast Asia: From Prehistory to History:282-313. RoutledgeCurzon, London. Marsden, W. 1986. The History of Sumatra. Reprint of 1811 edition. Oxford University Press, Singapore. Miksic, J. 1985. Traditional Sumatran Trade. Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême- Orient 74:423-467. McKinnon, E. E. 1984. A note on the Muara Kumpeh Hilir, an ancient port site on the Batanghari? SPAFA Digest 5(2):37-40. McKinnon, E. E. 1985. Early polities in southern Sumatra: Some preliminary observations based on archaeological evidence. Indonesia 40:1-36. Reid, A. 1980. The structure of cities in Southeast Asia, 15th to 17th centuries. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 11(2):235-250.

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Soekmono, R. 1995. Situs-situs masa klasik di Provinsi Jambi. In Laporan: Penelitian Arkeologi dan Geologi Propinsi Jambi 1994-1995:49-169. Jambi: Pemerintah Daerah Tingkat I Provinsi Jambi. Suaka Report 1999. Laporan Ekskavasi Parit 2 Sungai Nyiur, Desa Teluk Majelis, Kecamatan Muara Sabak Kabupaten Tanjung Jabung, Propinsi Jambi. Suaka Peninggalan Sejarah dan Purbakala Provinsi Jambi, Sumatera Selatan dan Bengkulu, Jambi. van der Hoop, A. 1940. A prehistoric site near the lake of Kerinchi (Sumatra). In F. N. Chasen and M. W. F. Tweedie (ed.). Congress of the Prehistorians of the Far East: Proceedings, 24th January – 30th January, 1938:201-204. Government Printers, Singapore. Wheatley, P. 1959. Geographical notes on some commodities involved in Sung maritime trade. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 32(2):3-139. Wolters, O. W. 1967. Early Indonesian Commerce. Cornell University Press, Ithaca.

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A Real Efforts to Avoid Smoke Claim to Indonesia From the Neighborhood Countries

Erdi1

1) Social and Political Science Faculty, University of Tanjungpura, Pontianak, Kalimantan Barat

ABSTRACT

Its difficult to argue that the Province of West Kalimantan (WK) is one of the areas that exist in producing smoke in the event of drought. Combustion is not only done on the farm, but also in residential areas. Environmental clean-up activities done by the people in the dry season, is always followed by combustion activities, ranging from household waste burn to grass or bush burn. Thus simultanously, make smoke become a problem not only for the people of West Kalimantan, but also for people in neighboring countries. But then, the plantation and forestry sector is considered as the main culprit of the onset of the smoke and be prolonged paradox. Not only WK who became industrial smoke in the Southeast Asian region. There are still as many as 13 provinces were equally strong existence with WKr in producing smoke. There are NAD, North Sumatra, West Sumatra, Riau, Riau Islands, Bangka Belitung, Jambi, South Sumatra, Bengkulu, Lampung, South Kalimantan, East Kalimantan and Central Kalimantan. Existence smog, was not only due to the absence of local regulations on the prohibition of burning, but also not touching the interests of farmers in developing palm oil that owned by the people. When the government issued prohibit burn policy, the industrial estates will obey that regulation, but not for the people. When the local regulation is not accommodating the interests of farmers, the burning activity is become a smart choice to reduce the production costs and this phenomenon will be occurs along time and never be ending. In the local level, it turns out there are people who do not apply the fires in their plantation activities. There is a custom concept successfully applied on an ongoing basis into the plantation business by a local group in West Kalimantan. Apparently, it could be put as the good practices of local communities, can be developed to initiate Indonesia without smog in the next drought.

Keywords: (1) The paradox haze, (2) land burn ban regulations, (3) accommodation of interests of farmers, and (4) initiation of countermeasures fog models

INTRODUCTION

The Government of West Kalimantan Provincee has set haze and flooding as a kind of local disaster since ane decade later. Two forms of above disaster routinely occur in West Kalimantan. Among the two forms of the disaster, the haze is an annual disaster that happens every year and impact of that haze is appearing the smoke that sent to the neighboring countries, Malaysia, Brunei and Singapore. Because of the haze, the Government of Indonesia got several difficulties. Local governments busy with the effort to fight the burned area, and also negociated to people to engange in one action: not burn again. But, that effort seem endless only in temporary time and will be begin again and again. While the central government, through the National Agency for Disaster (BNPB) involve to cooperation with foreign countries, which is often called as the

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Bomba Forces (Firefighters of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei), also engage to fighting lands burned. Although WK in the rain seasion, but “drought status” is expected until last September 2014 and the Regional Disaster Management Agency (Badan Penanggulangan Bencana Daerah/BPBD) countinualy effort to reduce the land haze, especially in fight fire on the forest and land in order the fire was not enlarged and caused smog on the air. This paper was written after the event "fly with the hely of BPBD’s WK" to conduct air monitoring to the burnt areas in West Kalimantan. From the air monitoring, the district worst affected by fire is Mempawah and Sambas district, especially in the production of forest land, dry land farming and nearby plantations complex. While urban areas (Kota Pontianak and Kota Singkawang) burned area dominated by hot spots of burning trash in the housing complex. Almost all clean-up activities in the residential neighborhood in the urban areas of West Kalimantan, followed by combustion activities, so that the "clean-up without fuel" like "vegetables without salt". Apparently, the effort is still needed awareness to educate the people not to burn in each clen-up activities. I'm a little proudly, because I found the hot spot from Bengkayang and Landak showed a decrease, whereas before, the two districts were predicted contribute highest hot spot for West Kalimantan. Hopefully, this condition is as a consequence of the existence of BPBDs. This institution educate the people not to burn on the land clearing activities. Secondly, if the conditions are like in the District of Bengkayang and Landak can be maintained, it is apparent that there is that smog reduction efforts through BPBDs is effective; so it can be a strong reason for the Provincial Government to urge that the district has not yet BPBDs (Sambas District) to immediately establish this body. This paper also look at the dominant factors caused land fires in the area that is calling as "no man's land" in two districts, namely District Mempawah and District Sambas. I said as no man's land because that area is no have community activities, exceptly the illegal working as "cut saw" the wood (penggeserek kayu).

MAPPING THE FACTOR OF LAND FIRE IN WEST KALIMANTAN

Information from the pilot of BNPB helicopter’s, named Mr. Tri Yanto (52 years) --the man who has more experience in flighting with anykinds of plane, more than 30 years-- told us that the expansion of the areas burnt in no man's area is very fast. Within a week, the area burnt was originally only circling along the 16 miles, then expanded to reach 29 NC (notical miles) or an area of 52.2 km. From this information, the burnt areas on the third week increased by 3.3 times from the previous week position in just one week and expands to 555.6 ha in the forth week. So, actually there is no reason to ignore the burnt areas. From that information, I describes the square of land burnet like follow figure.

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Burned Area

600

500

400

300 556

200

100 171 16 52 0 Week-1 Week-2 Week-3 Week4

Grafic 1. Increased Area Burned Prediction withaout Real Action on the “no man land’ Sources: Pilot Tri Yanto, 2014.

From the "fly with BPBDs of WK", we map the fires factor on unclaimed land in West Kalimantan into the following three factors. First, Activity of illegal worker in the dept-forest. Burning area will appear and caused by their cooking activity along the cutting and sawing the wood in the dept- forest. We found a few spots of smoke from the activity that done by many people who work in the forests for working wood into boards or wood raw material. Activity was carried out in the middle of the forest, ranging from cutting, sawing and splitting wood; to be brought to the collection point. One of the activities that can not be avoided is the cooking, its done by wood workers in the forest. They work for a period of 4 to 7 days at one place and will move to another location where the wood is cut down and worked; and so on endlessly until tree can be used as a board in the forests depleted. From low-flying with helicopters of BNPB, we find a lot of hot spots in the forest. come from the residual activity of cooking. Although there are no workers over there, but the fire stil alive on and It is enough to concluded that its is as one of the most potent causes of fires on the forest in West Kalimantan. Cooperation between many stakeholder still very necessary for pressing the people with not burn on their plantation. Since the Law on Autonomy base on the National Regulation No. 22, 1999 that start from Januari 1, 2001 untill 2005, before that regulation changed with No. 34/2004, the utilization of forest products euforia on timber production undertaken by community as a groups through the Forest Rights Management (HPHHs) 100 Ha is still increasing. However, after that, there was a concomitant decrease in the tightening of HPHH. Now, that activity begin decrease,

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but our goverment can not stof totally that activities. Activities undertaken individually communities in forest logging "no flage" is still ongoing (for this case, see Alqadrie et al, 2005). It is recognized that the community activities on forest logging will be continued if they have no income. From this illegal logging, I want to say that people burning the land because they have anykind sources income for covering the needs. Alternatively, the government must facilitated work fileld and effort to remove they attention on forest throught agricultur or entreprenour activities. Indeed, the work illegal logging is the last alternative after there is no more work can be done again (Erdi et al, 2003). Secondly, land clearing undertaken by the community on land that they have. In Mempawah district, we saw the burning bush among palm trees that belong by the people and spreadly to a lot of places on people plantation. Similarly in Sambas district, showed the same phenomenon. Land clearing activity on the oil palm plantations or other plant always followed by trush burning. Cumulatively, these activities will be contribute significantly to the smoke in the air. Third, the people who trend to change the commodity. This phenomenon can be found in the Production Forest (PF) in Sebubus and Matang Segantar in Sambas District. The region when burned, while the range of the apparatus is still limited, there will be delivery to Malaysia because of the haze of burnt areas is a border area between Indonesia and Malaysia. Most of the area burned was also a coconut tree in which are not productive, burned or singed by the owner of the land is the same because it still raises significant smog. The area burned is burned or accidentally allegedly prepared the land for new plantations (replanting /revitalization) for palm oil, pepper, rubber, cocoa and others. Similarly, the third most potent factor can be mapped from the air with helicopters of BNPB in West Kalimantan.

REAL EFFORTS TO ELIMINATE THE FIRE ON FOREST AND LAND It takes real effort, not only in the form of enforcement of rules to reduce smog. Early prevention is also required which is then connected to the massiv community engagement program, both in the field of agriculture, plantations and settlements. Some of them are as follows (See Erdi, 2014). First, suggest to the Regent and the Mayor to build informal organisation that membered all people in the unit of settelment. I named that institution as Masyarakat Peduli Adap (community cares smoke) instruction to smoke or abrevation with MPA). This will found on the smallest residential unit which is then followed by developing a program that can be realized in the MPA. The goal of the MPA is the involvement of Ketua RT and its citizens in monitoring the activities of burning residual clean-up result in the respective neighborhoods. This MPA will be effective if they have any program that came from local government. We can distribute anykind of CSR program, competition for healthly envirorment and other program that all will ber implemented mole scale on their settelment. Secondly, the involvement of non-government parties like environmental activists, environmental care and student volunteers to participate in the socialization

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of the dangers of fire and smoke are conducted periodically and continuously up to the MPA. One of the party that has done that is Camat Rasau Raya, District of Kubu Raya with students from Faculty of The Social and Political Sciense University of Tanjungpura when they conduct filed work activity (Kuliah Kerja Mahasiswa). Every semester, my faculty send amout 200 student to the village for work along 40 days. Along the activity in the village, student involve to socialication the Government program not to burn the land when the people begin their activity. My student then made and spread the pamphlets that read "Yo, wes, ojo mbakar lahan meneh yo" (Let’s we not burn land again). That pamphlet made amout 150 unit and spreat in 150 points in the District Rasau Jaya. Pamphlet was, quite effective as fitted by involving local communities, like the preacher who suggest to remind himself and also others (the people). Third, support for the governor of Wesr Kalimantan to immediately Board of Director of the plantation and forestry companies that they were involved in building the commoitmen with their community around the area of the plantation. One of the form is to make "statement" to free the burning land, at least within a radius of 1 km from their concessions. Through a statement like this, the board of director of the company have a moral and legal responsibility to provide guidance to their community and also give authority to the Governor to take legal action for the company who know have fires that occurred within a radius of 1 Km from the company's concession area. This model as well as to prove that is not the case of cooperation between companies and communities in plantation expansion. Some companies have done it, such as PT. Perkebunan Nusantara (PTPN) XIII and PT. Gudang Garam is willing to be responsible for burning the land within a radius of 1 km from their concessions. Supposedly, other companies also need to follow this practice in order to create a sense of togetherness in achieving justice and smokeless in West Kalimantan. Fourth, put the company's CSR fund from plantation, agriculture and forestry, between 15 - 25% for support sustainable program around their plantations; while other companies are not engaged in the plantation, agriculture and forestry joined CSR provides funding allocated to support activities such as MPA in the first recommendation above. Fifth, the University found the study center for reducing impact of disaster, when the Province, Distric and City have formed BPBD, then it becomes complete when in university study center was also established. So that, between universities and local governments have a relationship that is not only solid, but also complementary. Tthe Study Center formation above has be done by several universities, such as Gadjah Mada University; Khairun University, Ternate; Diponegoro University, Semarang; Malikussaleh University, Lhoksumawe; University of North Sumatra, Medan; Syaiah Kuala University, Banda Aceh, certainly not exceptional is Tanungpura University, Pontianak and others. From contact and many discussion with many stakeholder, the board of BPBDs on the Provincial and Distric and City level, also communication with several Director of Study Center of Disaster in many universities that exist above, between university and government can make agreements to synergized with BNPB and

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BPBD Program, but also with other parties who have been involved in the handling disaster.

LESSON LERANED AND RECOMENDATION

Research theme about "disaster " that conducted by the university can be means as an effort to find out the real problem abaut disaster. The academic engage to reduce the risk of disanter, starting from anticipation, alertness, preparedness, mitigation until recovery. Also, the relationship between the government and universities to be real relation, like the relationship between theory and practice is never separate from each other (Lipman and Lipman, 2006). Fifth action above is quite small and local scale, but predicted to reduce the quantity of smoke that has always be a phenomenon in the dry season. When there is no real action in reducing the intensity of the burning land, this country will always be claimed by the neighborhood countries like Singapura, Malaysia dan Brunei Darussalam, as a country who export the smoke every year. Dignity of this nation also be mortgaged because the government is weak, only caused by the government is not able to control the action of their people as easily as not burn land.

REFERENCES

Alqadrie, Syarif Ibrahim; Gusti Z. Anshari, Yurdi Yasmi, Tri Budiarto, Ngusmanto, Erdi, heru Komarudin, Sean McGrath and Afifuddin. 2005. The Cpmplexities of Managing Forest Resources in Post-decentralization Indonesia. CIFOR, Bogor. Erdi, Chandra Panjiwibowo, Imran Rachman and Wisnu Rusmantoro. 2003. From Place to Planet: Local Problematique of Clean Development Mechanism in the Forestry Secor. Pelangi, Jakarta. ------. 2014. Upaya Mengelak Klaim Jerebu dari Negara Tetangga. Tulisan Opini dimuat oleh Pontianak Post, pada hari Sabtu, 2 Agustus. Halaman 14. Lipman, Fredericck D and L. Keith Lipman. 2006. Corporate Governance Best Practice: Strategies for Public, Private and Not-for-Profit Organization. John Wiley and Son. New Jersey.

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7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

Archaeology, Culture and History: Concept and Their Contribution in Malaysia

Zuliskandar Ramli1

1) Institute of the Malay World and Civilization (ATMA), The National University of Malaysia, 43600 UKM Bangi, Selangor, Malaysia

INTRODUCTION

Archeology, history and culture are seen as capable of contributing to national development. The three things are linked because the three have a strong bond. In the opinion of the author, archaeology, history and culture are in harmony of each other. This is because archeology is part of history and cultural data, including the paleo-environment data (ecofact), which are the primary data in archaeological research. However, this view would conflict with those who adhere to the idea that 'archeology is anthropology or it is nothing. It is the faith of those who subscribe to the "New Archaeology" born in America. The movement began in the late 1950’s when American researchers began to move the entire discipline away from the study of artifacts to the study of people behavior. Work of Gordon Willey and Philip Philips in ‘Method and Theory in American Archaeology’ stated that “American archaeology is anthropology or it is nothing (Whillwy and Phillips 1958: 2). The idea implied that the goals of archaeology were, in fact, the goals of anthropology, which were to answer questions about humans and human society. This was a critique of the former period in archaeology, the culture-historical phase in which archaeologists thought that any information which artifacts contained is about past people and their way of live once the items are included in the archaeological record. All they felt that could be done was to catalogue, describe and create timelines based on artifacts (Trigger, 1989). In 1960’s, scholars like Lewis Binfood, David Clarke, David Leonard and others suggested that archaeology must be more scientific, with explicit theory and rigorous methodologies. Lewis Binfood in his book New Perspectives in Archaeology published in 1968 stressed on: i) the need to use new technologies such as the computer for statistical and matrix analyses of data; ii) the concept of the ecosystem for the understanding of the economic and subsistence bases of prehistoric societies; iii) an evolutionary view of culture; iv) the use of models of cultures that could be viewed as systems; v) incorporation of an evolutionary approach to culture change; and vi) a close relationship between archaeology and anthropology. In Britain, David Clarke and David Leonard, in the book entitled Analytical Archaeology, also published in 1968, took up similar themes, emphasizing particularly the application of systems theory to archaeological modeling.

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Proponents of this new phase in archaeology claimed that with the rigorous use of the scientific method it was possible to get past the limits of the archaeological record and learn something about how the people who used the artifacts lived. Colin Renfrew, a proponent of the new processual archaeology, observed in 1987 that it focuses attention on "the underlying historical processes which are at the root of change". Archaeology, he noted "has learnt to speak with greater authority and accuracy about the ecology of past societies, their technology, their economic basis and their social organization. Now it is beginning to interest itself in the ideology of early communities: their religions, the way they expressed rank, status and group identity." (Renfrew 1987).

Pro-American views such as those arise because archaeology accepts the existence of the field of prehistoric archeology in human history. Archaeology accepts the concept of human ancientness. As a result, they reject the view of the Church that humans only appear on this world about 6,000 years ago as asserted by Bishop Ussher and Bishop Lightfoot (Glyn Daniel 1981) before the birth of the carbon dating techniques in 1940’s. Prior to the 1850s, archaeology is considered as the field of history. The birth of pre-historic archaeology is a result of the acceptance of relative dating that is the Three Age System which was introduced by an archeologist named CJ Thomsen in Scandinavia (Glyn Daniel 1981) and the development in the science of new geology which is geology that was introduced by Charles Lyell that is not based on the catastrophism/fluvialist theory but based on the changes in the landform as a result of the earth’s prolonged process (diluvialist) (Glyn Daniel, 1981) and human ancientness through the Theory of Evolution by Charles Darwin’s The Origin of Species (1859) (Glyn Daniel, 1981). However, if archaeological history is examined, we will see that human prehistory does not belong to the of anthropology alone. In Europe, the area is known as the field of cultural anthropology.

Therefore, it is accurate if we were to accept the definition that archaeology is the method to reconstruct the life of past humans who lived during the prehistoric, proto-historic and historic period by using artifact, ecofact, and feature data through systematic and scientific research based on relative and absolute dating. History that is rebuilt must have the basis of ‘truth’ (the truth) and as far as possible shy away from the 'bias' or centric. Hence, the truth is based on data can be defended or supported. Therefore, archaeology and history is not in the interest of one party only or to attain a name for oneself (glamour or popularity) but similar to history, it is to look for the truth. Unfortunately, today there are those who shy away from looking for the truth and more of looking for a name for oneself (glamour). Consequently, it results in archaeology being made separate from history.

The history meant here are the events of the past. The past could be thousands of years old, a few months or even a few seconds ago. Reconstruction of history as asserted at the beginning of this paper is to find the truth. The data used must be data that really exist and not something which is made up. It will comprise of tangible and intangible cultural data. The cultural data comprise of comprehensive data about all aspects of human life or way of life. Pre-Islamic religion is also considered culture. Hence, religious data are also archaeological and historical data.

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CONCEPT OF PREHISTORIC AND PROTO-HISTORIC PERIOD

Prehistory it actually one of the fields in history, namely the time before writing exists. Prehistoric people express their daily activities through cave paintings painted using hematite or charcoal. If we were to look at Malaysia, its prehistoric period is divided into four main stages based on the development of stone tool technology and the social-cultural evolution of the society. The age or period is divided into the Paleolithic Age, Hoabinhian or Mesolithic Age, Neolithic Age and the Metal Age. The Metal Age in Malaysia is divided into two that is according to the dating of metal tools found during archaeological research and excavation, namely the Bronze Age and Iron Age. There are those in the community who regard that this prehistoric period does not exist because it is considered as the propaganda of Western scholars. However, based on archaeological research in Malaysia, the remains or relics of the prehistoric community can prove their existence based on the discovery of the skull or human skeletons, stone tools, food waste, jewelry and also the various tools used.

These findings are further strengthened by the scientific analysis of the findings, particularly on the dating of the findings which used the chronometric dating approach. Based on this chronometric dating, the age of the oldest homo sapiens is the skull found in the Niah Caves, Sarawak, of which its age is about 40, 000 years ago (Harrison 1959; Harrison 1967; Kennedy 1979). Meanwhile, based on the discovery of stone tools, it was found that there already existed settlements of prehistoric community in Malaysia since 200, 000 to 100, 000 years ago up to the Metal Age based on the discovery in Bukit Jawa, Lenggong, Perak (Siti Zuraina 1996), Temelong (Mokhtar, 1997a) and Lawin (Mokhtar 1997b). Hence, these community actually exists and their existence is proof that the Malay community has already settled in the Malay land since a long time ago. Evidence from research of the prehistoric people through archaeological approach has shown that the Malays were already present in the Sundaland since 200, 000 years ago. Therefore, it is really important for us in Malaysia that these prehistoric evidences are included in the subject of history and taught from the primary school level so that our origins can be traced.

The Proto-historic era was an era in which writing had already existed such as Pallava, Pallava Grantha, Kawi, Ancient Cam, Ancient Khmer but in ancient languages such as Sanskrit, Pala, Old Malay, Old Javanese, Old Cam and Old Khmer. If we look at Indonesia, they use the term the classical period where during this period there existed a Malay kingdom; however, it practiced Buddhist or Hindu teachings. There is a big debate during this period in which the early scholars such as Nilakanta Sastri, Quaritch-Wales, Evans and his supporters suggest the existence of a colony from India that opened settlements in several areas in the Archipelago. If we were to look at Malaysia, one famous area is the Bujang Valley, Kedah.

Most scholars agree names like Kataha (Sanskrit), Kalagam, Kidaram, Kidara (Tamil), Chieh Cha in Chinese records and Kalah-bar in the Arab-Persian sources refer to the Old Kedah kingdom that was based in Bujang Valley. Foreign records or foreign written sources, particularly from India, China and the Arab-Persian narrate a lot about the sailing and trading activities as well as travels of religious pilgrims

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particularly from China to the Archipelago. However, in the record nothing was mentioned of the presence of Indian colonies in the Old Kedah area as well as other areas in the Archipelago. Thus, the Colonization Theory put forth by Quaritch-Wales is weak and inaccurate, and so too is the Indianization process expounded by Coedes and Hall, which emphasizes on the huge role played by the Brahmans of India.

Some scholars are of the opinion that the temples in Bujang Valley were built by traders who came from India (Jacg-Hergoualc'h 1992; Sullivan 1958; Wheatley 1964), but if we are to look at the architectural elements found in the temples of Bujang Valley and also in the Archipelago, it is tinged with elements or aspects of local construction, particularly the use of plinths (Lamb 1961 Mohd Supian; 2002 Nik Hassan Shuhaimi 1984). Van Leur (1955) rejected the notion that the temples in the Archipelago were built by traders and considered that most of the traders comprised of those in the lower social groups or of the low caste and its crew consisted of the African Negro race and slaves. They were not administrators in matters involving religious rites, consecrators who have incredible power and people who can spread the religion rationalistically as well as someone who is wise and bureaucratic. This value is only found in a Brahman. He is also of the view that the Brahmans have been invited by the local kingdom or the Malay rulers to learn more about the culture and religion of India. Mohd Supian (2002) highlights the simple elements of sculpture and some of them even have errors in the sculpturing which is of the local sculpturing style. The new local element which has been discussed by the author in this thesis is the discovery of makara and stone urns that very clearly shows the local influence. Comparison between the makara in the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra and Java show that it has characteristics of different style and shows local creativity. The use of stone urns at the entrance of the temple is also very significant to the culture of the Archipelago where it is necessary for the purpose of washing the feet when entering the temple.

Architecture and the visual arts in the Archipelago also show local identity and are not the same as those in India. Although the basic form is similar, local elements were applied in the construction of the temples in the Archipelago as the local architects were already skilled and had mastered the śilpaśastra scripture (Bosch 1930). Other local elements included in the construction of the temples are the use of reliquary and peripih (stone box) and these elements are only found on the temples in the Archipelago (Lamb 1961 Soekmono 1974). In the case of Sungai Mas, reliquary made of pottery was found and in the central part of the temple which is in the trenches of the temple, reliquary made from earthenware were found and in the middle of the temple, which is the part of the temple’s trench, was found stone tools made from mud stones believed to be used as an accompanying implement. Five pieces of stone tools were found piled at the bottommost part of the temple which is at the foundation of the temple. Apart from the Sungai Mas temple (Site 32/34), other sites where reliquary or peripih can be seen are at the findings of Candi Gunung Pendiat (Site 8), Candi Pengkalan Bujang (Site 19), Candi Bukit Pendiat (Site 17) and Candi Kampung Pendiat (site 16), Candi Pengkalan Bujang (site 23) and the Candi Kampung Pasir.

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Koentjaraningtrat (2002) divides culture into 7 elements which are religious belief system, social system and organization, language and systems of knowledge, art, livelihood system and the system of science and technology. In terms of beliefs, a change in the community of Old Kedah in particular and the Archipelago in general can be seen from the acceptance toward Buddhism in the early stages and then in some places, the influence of Hinduism was accepted but still tailored to their animistic beliefs. Acculturation occurred when the community in the Archipelago used the local elements such as the use or reliquary, peripih (stone box) and accompanying implements as discussed previously.

Social system also changed where previously tribal chiefs were the most powerful people in the community and when the acceptance of Buddhism-Hinduism occurred, the most powerful person was the king and when the influence of the king grew stronger until it became an empire, the most powerful was hence the Emperor . This we can infer from the dominance of the empire of Srivijaya where the king of another kingdom ruled the area under the auspices of the Srivijaya empire. The caste system was also used where there existed differences in status between the rulers and the commoners.

Languages and knowledge systems of the community in Old Kedah, especially of the upper-class were also found to change when the acculturation process occurred. The upper class group or elites had already begun to master the Sanskrit language with its characters which are the characters of Southern India, Pali and Pallava. In a wider context, namely in the context of the Malay region which included Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, Java and Borneo, the use of Old Malay in inscriptions was found to occur in the 7th century AD. This shows the occurrence of change in the knowledge system of the community in the Archipelago when Old Malay had begun to be used in the production of inscriptions replacing the Sanskrit language. Among the earliest inscriptions using the Old Malay language are the Kedukan Bukit Inscription (606 Śaka/684M), Talang Tuwo Inscription (606 Śaka/684M), Kota Kapur, Pulau Bangka Inscription (608 Śaka/ 686M), Karang Brahi, Jambi Inscription (614 Śaka/ 692M), Telaga Batu Inscription (abad ke-7 Masihi) and Palas Pesemah Inscription (abad ke-7 Masihi). Although all these inscriptions mentioned above were found in Sumatra, the Malay region’s influence at that time surpassed the geo-political boundaries that exist today. The vocabulary of Old Malay is also influenced a lot by the Sanskrit language which shows that the influence of the Indian culture was absorbed into the lives of the Malay community at that time.

The arts of the Old Kedah Malay community can be seen from the production of religious sculptures that have style or way of doing that is different like those found in the sculptures in India. The example that can be looked at is the production of the makara object that was found in Sungai Mas (Site 32/34). The motifs and elements that are on the makara shows that the community then had high artistic flair and it highlighted the local arts or 'local genius'. If we were to make comparison with other makaras found in Sumatra, Java and Champa, it clearly shows the local artistic style where the makara has its own animal motifs and elements. The role played by these ‘local geniuses’ can be seen in the creation or production of these makara objects other than the other religious sculptures such as the Buddhist sculptures or the

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Bodhisatwa sculptures in which if we were to look at the style of clothing, it shows the local style of attire especially the Avalokitesvaran sculpture.

The livelihood system of the Old Kedah Malay community was found to thrive when this acculturation process took place. It is already known that the Malay at the time were great in international voyages and trading was one of the main sources of livelihood. Once in the past, there only existed supply ports but starting from the 7th century AD many entrepots existed in the Archipelago.

The process of acculturation and knowledge transformation of the Malay community of Old Kedah can be showcased and evidenced in this research based on primary sources where these primary sources are obtained as a result of the latest archaeological excavation and scientific research that specializes in the composition of ancient bricks of temples in the Bujang Valley. The Colonization theory presented by Quaritch-Wales is rejected and the Indigenization Theory of Indian Culture presented by Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman is more relevant if we are to debate about the Bujang Valley, Kedah or the Malay Kingdom of Old Kedah. With respect to the temples being built by traders from India that is put forth by Jacq-Hergoualc'h (1992), Sullivan (1958), Wheatley (1964) and Nasha (2007), it is a very weak statement and we need to look at the huge role played by sailors, travelers, traders and Malay or indigenous authorities who appear to have been involved in international trade since the centuries before AD. This is based on the fact that the Malays had already successfully sailed up to Madagascar since the early centuries AD, based on genetic and linguistic research (Zuliskandar 2011). It is clear that the ones who were actively involved in sailing are the Malay race and the ones who intensified the international trade between India and China since the 2nd century AD is also the Malay race who acted as the mediator. The Old Kedah community also evolved from the prehistoric society living in Guar Kepah since 5000 years ago.

CONTRIBUTION OF ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY AND CULTURE

The contribution of archeology, history and culture is in spiritual and physical form. In spiritual terms, the areas or fields develop the identity among those who study history in school and through non-formal education, such as through the mass media. The people are exposed to what is the prehistoric and proto-historic period and Malaysian history. Through the knowledge, they become aware of the fact that they have roots and realize that their country went through a long history. Evidence of the existence of the prehistoric community can be found in Gua Niah (Sarawak), Gua Mulu (Sarawak), Gua Tengkorak (Sabah), Tingkayu (Sabah), Gua Madai (Sabah), Gunung Senyum (Pahang), Gua Cha and Gua Peraling (Kelantan) and many others. This means that in most states of Malaysia there is evidence linked to the discovery of prehistoric people who were the ancestors of the Malays.

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Sometimes, there exist uncomfortable or unpleasant situations to those who adhere to the concept of truth. This is because sometimes archaeologists without being aware think that Homo erectus are the ancestors to the Homo sapiens; for example, there are those who link the discovery in Bukit Bunuh, Lenggong with Homo sapiens whereas the evidence has connection with Homo erectus. Scientists so far have not found the "missing link" between the two species. Moreover, those who believe in the existence of God, The Creator do not adhere to the Darwinism or the Theory of Evolution because they believe that ancestors of humans were Adam and Eve and created by Allah. Every creature is born through creation and not through an evolutionary process. However, Islam does not oppose the concept of human ancientness such as the belief of Bishop Ussher and Bishop Lightfoot who believe the new man is only 6,000 years old.

It is important to build identity through the support of archeology, history and culture. But we must realize that there are those who are trying to strengthen the faith of those who hold fast to religion by debating the truth of the Theory of Evolution by saying things such as Islamic scholars like Ibn Khaldun had thought about the creation of man through evolution. Various other ways are used by those who do not believe in the Creator and His creation. If we are not careful, we will also go astray by their views. Furthermore, many of the Malaysian scientists are being led by those who have no religion and based everything on science and not the will of God. They do not know who Charles Darwin is and who Wallace is, and consider them as a hero without question. They too, without question accept the fact that Ibn Khaldun believes in the concept of human and plant evolution.

Through archaeological, historical and cultural education, humans will realize that their origin is from one gene which is split into different skin color and facial features. Physical anthropologists divide beings into four main groups in the world, namely Caucasoid, Negroid, Mongoloid, and Native American. This division may be too general. DNA research today shows the human ‘races’ originated from one gene. It indirectly rejects evolution. We at the Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA), Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, stress on the existence of another main race which is the Malay-Polynesia race that evolved in Tanah Sunda (Sundaland or Sundaic region) and spread to Madagascar until the Pacific Islands. This theory was once proposed by a scholar from German named Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752-1840) who put forth the concept of Malay and classified as the brown race.

In 1775, a doctoral dissertation titled De generis humani varietate nativa (On the Natural Varieties of Mankind), Blumenbach outlined four main human races by skin color, namely Caucasian (white), Negroid (black), Native American (red), and Mongolian (yellow). By 1795, Blumenbach added another race called 'Malay' which he considered a subcategory of both the Ethiopian and Mongoloid races (Graves 2001). The Malay race belonged to those of a "brown color: from olive and a clear mahogany to the darkest clove or chestnut brown." Blumenbach expanded the term "Malay" to include the native inhabitants of the Marianas, the Philippines, the Malukas, Sundas, Indo-China, as well as Pacific Island like the Tahitians. He considered a Tahitian skull he had received to be the missing link, showing the

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transition between the "primary" race, the Caucasians, and the "degenerate" race, the Negroids. Blumenbach writes: “Malay variety. Tawny-coloured; hair black, soft, curly, thick and plentiful; head moderately narrowed; forehead slightly swelling; nose full, rather wide, as it were diffuse, end thick; mouth large, upper jaw somewhat prominent with parts of the face when seen in profile, sufficiently prominent and distinct from each other. This last variety includes the islanders of the Pacific Ocean, together with the inhabitants of the Mariannas, the Philippine, the Molucca and the Sunda Islands, and of the Malayan peninsula. I wish to call it the Malay, because the majority of the men of this variety, especially those who inhabit the Indian islands close to the Malacca peninsula, as well as the Sandwich, the Society, and the Friendly Islanders, and also the Malambi of Madagascar down to the inhabitants of Easter Island, use the Malay idiom” (Graves 2001)

Blumenbach’s statement indirectly supports the existence of another human race, namely the Malay race or Malay-Polynesian. Malay-Polynesian race evolved from the Malay Sundaland. Hence, the Malay overlordship in the Archipelago cannot be denied by any party. The statement which said that the Malays were also immigrants is an incorrect statement. This is because prior to the formation of geopolitics after the colonial era of the Western powers, the Malay-Polynesian race was free to move wherever they wanted to go and it did not pose much of a problem because their language is almost similar that is under the Austronesian family. Multi- disciplinary research shows that the Malay world had spread from Madagascar in the west to Taiwan in the north, to Australia in the South and Polynesia in the east similar to the Indians who have their own world or continent, as well as the Chinese, and hence the Malays too have their own world or continent.

Another thing to keep in mind is that in order to reconstruct archeology, history and culture, humans need to use a multidisciplinary approach involving archaeological data, geologic data, DNA data and ethno-linguistic data. Global temperature change approach, namely the rise and fall of the sea level, is used by FL Dunn for the Southeast Asia region (1975). Today, through DNA and fluctuating sea level data, scientific archeology can put forth the Out of Africa theory, probably from northern Africa or if estimated the Prophet Adam was sent down in Sri Lanka and then met up with Eve in Mecca, and hence the movement of early humans was from the Middle East .

As a result of research, archaeology, history and culture can also be tourism product. The best example is Melaka. Although Melaka does not have prehistoric or proto-history heritage, Melaka has successfully developed and built dozens of museums such as the Baba and Nyonya Museum, Portuguese Boat (Flor de la mar) Museum and many others. It also owns architecture from the era of the Dutch era (Stadhuys) and British and there is also the heritage of the Portuguese entrance façade which is the A Famosa. In addition, Melaka has a Portuguese Village in Bandar Hilir and Kampung Melayu (Malay Village) by the bank of Melaka River. Both these places are fully exploited as tourism product. Similarly, the islands

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of Penang with its diversity of cultural heritage and architecture can attract tourists to the state.

On 7 July 2008, Melaka and George Town have been given World Heritage Site status by UNESCO. Melaka and George Town are remarkable examples of historic colonial towns on the Straits of Malacca that demonstrate a succession of historical and cultural influences arising from their former function as trading ports linking East and West. These are the most complete surviving historic city centers on the Straits of Malacca with a multi-cultural living heritage originating from the trade routes from Great Britain and Europe through the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent and the Malay Archipelago to China. Both towns bear testimony to a living multi-cultural heritage and tradition of Asia, where the many religions and cultures met and coexisted. They reflect the coming together of cultural elements from the Malay Archipelago, India, and China with those of Europe, creating unique architecture, culture and townscape.

Other states that have archeological and historical heritage sites and rich in culture should increase efforts to highlight these tourism products. States that are rich in archaeological heritage and natural heritage such as Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu, Pahang, Perak, Selangor, Johor, Negeri Sembilan, Sabah and Sarawak must strive to develop archaeological and historical heritage sites for the development of tourism products. There are several mountain complex in Pahang such as Gunung Senyum, Kota Gelanggi and many others including Lake Chini that can be highlighted as tourism product. In Kelantan, there are Gua Musang, Gua Cha, Gua Chawas and many others that can be developed as tourism product. The state with the most archaeological heritage and natural heritage is Sarawak, and among the heritage are Gua Niah, Gua Mulu and Gua Santubung. On December 2, 2000, the Mulu National Park, Sarawak and Kinabalu National Park, Sabah were declared as world heritage site for the category of natural heritage by UNESCO. This recognition has inevitably attracted both local and foreign tourists to enjoy the natural beauty offered by both these sites. This indirectly will provide economic returns to the state government in general and the local community in particular.

In the endeavor of tourism product development, several issues must be addressed. Firstly, the products to be developed must have potential and development should involve the local community. Secondly, there is a need for having adequate finances. Finance must involve the government and the investors. The government provides the product while the investors provide the infrastructure. Infrastructure includes accommodation, eateries, transportation and activities including rest areas. In addition, the product must have the allure of sustainability. This is because it needs to evolve over time as long as it is alive or sustainable. Hence, the care or management of a product must be implemented efficiently. Efficiency must be owned by those in power. It is often the case in Malaysia where the people or parties responsible for a heritage site deny responsibility for a product when things do not work out right. Indeed, their irresponsible attitude should not exist.

Efficiency to develop a product must exist especially among the governors of a state. For example, the state of Kelantan is rich in historical and cultural archaeology. It is fitting that the entire heritage is developed efficiently and brings

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profitable returns to the state that owns it. It requires a lot of investment but the profit is also substantial. Therefore, the investment is not lost and remains throughout the ages. Most states have many archeological, historical and cultural products that can be developed. What is needed are initiatives and the boldness to invest as implemented by Melaka.

Apart from taking advantage of archaeological, historical and cultural heritage to build national identity and develop the economy, the three things can also be applied in the creation of publishing products. There are many aspects that can be produced. Moreover, the publishing products can also be created through various media such as the print media, video, photography and many others. Additionally, each aspect can be split up. Among them are archaeology, history, and culture. Furthermore, each aspect can be divided into specific topics, For example, archaeology can be divided into prehistoric heritage for one location and so too with history and culture. Hence, many publishing products can be created. For the video media, we can also divide it into various aspects. As an example, culture can be divided into tangible culture and intangible culture. Each aspect can be divided into different types of culture.

CONCLUSION

The contribution of archaeology, history and culture is tremendous in the development of a nation and country. What is expressed in my presentation is general and not exhaustive. Nevertheless, these three things, namely archaeology, history and culture go hand in hand and are in harmony with each other. This is because archaeology is also history, and the data used to reconstruct history is from cultural heritage. As said by Glyn Daniel, “Archaeology is that branch of the study of history which deals with the material remains of man’s past…” (1981). Given the importance of the role of archeology, history and culture in the country and nation’s development activities, hence data interpretation of these three things must take into account previous studies. It should be emphasized here that the evaluation of past studies is compulsory. This matter is raised because many interpretations have been made without taking into account the views of previous researchers. It does not matter if a person agrees or disagrees, the views of previous researchers must be given attention. Additionally, the interpretation of history cannot be made arbitrarily as expressed by Roeloftz Meilink who said that the interpretation cannot be made from the decks of the ship.

REFERENCES

Bosch, F.D.K 1930. Verslag van Een Reis Door Sumatra. Dalam Oudheidkundige Verslag, hlm. 78-104. Holland: Albrecht & Co. Daniel, Glyn, 1978. 150 years of archeology. Duck worth : Great Britain. Daniel, Glyn, 1981. A Short History of Archeology Thames and Hudson : London

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Dunn, F.L. 1975. Rain-forest Collectors and Traders: A sturdy of resource utization in modern and ancient Malaya. Monograph No 5 MBRAS. Mohd Mokhtar Saidin. 1997a. Comparative study between Paleolithic site of Kampung Temelong and Kota Tampan and its contribution to the Southeast Asia Late Pleistocene culture. Malaysia Museum Journal Monograph No 34 Mohd Mokhtar Saidin. 1997b. Paleolithic culture in Malaysia: The contribution of sites Lawin, Perak and Tingkayu Sabah. Phd Thesis, Universiti Sains Malaysia Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abd. Rahman dan Othman Mohd Yatim. 1992. Warisan Lembah Bujang. Bangi: Ikatan Ahli Arkeologi Malaysia. Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abd. Rahman. 1998. Early History. Kuala Lumpur. Didier Millet. Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abd. Rahman. 2000. Arkeologi Pra Islam Pesisir Selat Melaka. Evolusi atau Migrasi. Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abd. Rahman and Yahya Abu Bakar. 1987. Melaka as a Historic City. JEBAT. 15. Bangi: Jabatan Sejarah UKM. Quaritch-Wales, H.E. 1940. JMBRAS, 18, 1. Archaeology Researchers On Ancient Unction Indian Colonisation in Malaya. Meilink-Roelofsz, M.A.P. 1962. Asian Trade and European Influence….S.Gravenhage : Martinus Nijhoff. Renfrew, A.C., 1987, Archaeology and Language: The Puzzle of Indo-European Origins, London: Pimlico. Siti Zuraina Abdul Majid. 1996. Prasejarah di Malaysia: sudahkah zaman gelap menjadi cerah? Pulau Pinang: Penerbit USM Trigger, Bruce. 1989. A history of archaeological though. New York: Cambridge University Press. Willey, Gordon R, and Phillips, P. 1958. Method and Theory in American Archaeology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Harrisson, T. 1959. New archaeological and ethnological results from Niah Caves, Sarawak Man 59: 1-8. Harrisson, B. 1967. A classification of Stone Age burials from Niah Great Cave, Sarawak. Sarawak Museum Journal 15: 126-200. Kennedy, K. A. R. 1979. The deep skull of Niah: An assessment of twenty years of speculation concerning its evolutionary significance. Asian Perspectives 20: 32-50. Graves, Joseph L. 2001. The emperor’s new clothes: Biological theories of race at the millennium. New Jersey: Rutger University Press. Jacq-Hergoualc’h, Michel. 1992. La civilisation de ports-entrepôts du sud Kedah (Malaysia) Ve-XIVe siècle. Paris: Editions L’Harmattan.

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Jacq-Hergoualc’h, Michel. 2002. The Malay Peninsula: crossroads of the maritime silk road (100BC-1300AD). Terjemahan oleh Victoria Hobson. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill N.V. Lamb, Alastair. 1961. The stone pillar base in the architecture of ancient Kedah. Federated Museums Journal 6: 39-47. Zuliskandar Ramli. 2011. Rumpun Melayu di Madagascar. In Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman et al. (ed.). Alam Melayu: Satu Pengenalan, 209-218. Bangi: Institut Alam dan Tamadun Melayu.

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Threat to The Peat Region and Ecosystem (The Early Study of Restorasi Ekosistem Riau (RER) /Riau Ecosystem Restoration in Kampar Peninsula)

Yoserizal1

1) Lecturer of Social and Political Science Faculty, Riau University

ABSTRACT

The Kampar Peninsula is the biggest remain peat swamp forest in Sumatra which located on the eastern Sumatra coastal line and has 473.000 hectare of natural forest. This Peninsula has 4 conservation regions; Danau Pulau Besar Conservation (28,237ha), Tasik Belat Conservation (2,529ha), Tasik Besar / Tasik Metas Conservation (3,200ha), Tasik Serkap / Tasik Sarang Burung Conservation (6,900ha). Tasik Belat, Tasik Sarang Burung, and Tasik Serkap are the small conservations seperated by rivers and lakes. Since being declared, the Kampar Peninsula is threatened by illegal lodging, demographic tension, the use and the domination of lands, hunting and conflict among humans and animals.

INTRODUCTION One of the unique formation types of forest is the ecosystem of peat forest and peat swamp forest. The peat forest is located behind the river’s dam. The peat forest has alluvial land (entisols) and land of organics (histosol). peat swamp forest is located on a plain area and between 2 big rivers. The uniqueness of peat forests is located on peat plant which forms dome having a difference of height. The Kampar peninsula has peat forest ecosystem which is located between Siak River and Kampar River, so it is certainity that the area has a large of peat dome, although until now there is no a comprehensive study in the area yet. The total of peat forest in Sumatra is around 6,29 million hectare and around 4,3 million hectare is located in Riau Province which spreads in Bengkalis (2.336.239 Ha), Indragiri Hulu (93.200 Ha), Indragiri Hilir (983.623 Ha) Pekanbaru (8.464 Ha) and Kampar (881.323 Ha), with a depth circa 3-10 meter2. According to the data of data Centre for Social and Agriclimate Research (CSAR) in 2002, the Riau Province has the biggest area of peat forest in Indonesia which is 3,8 million hectare spreading on 160 kilometres on the eastern coast the province. During years, the forest covered the peat area has been exploited and conversed without a deep thinking. It affects on the destruction of water management system, fire peat forest, a lost of biological diversity and carbon also climate change. A region of peat forest that still remains in Riau Province is in Kampar Peninsula, which is one of the widest peat forest in Sumatra. Kampar Peninsula Ecosystem (KPS) is a peat ecosystem which has 2 peat domes as core area with a dept of circa 16 metres. The Peat domes have an important role in water

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management and keeping a large amount of carbon (Greenpeace, 2009: 200 Giga ton Karbon). The high demands of space from private sector and public make the existence of this region of peat forest threaten. To avoid the negative affects on KPS, it is needed to have a good management through a ripe planning based on comprehensive and deep scientifically studies, which one of those is ecosystem restoration program. Ecosystem restoration program is a biological and non biological unsure recovering process on the degradated ecosystem of productive forest, so the balance of its biology and ecosystem recreated. The program is an effort to reproduce biotical unsure (plants and animals) and non biotical unsure (land, climate and topography) in the region of productive forest through working plan, which includes activities to protect, to assess, to restore and to manage the ecosystem concession, the land, the water, the plants and the animals. The ecosystem restoration program (known as Riau Ecosystem Restoration/RER) takes place in Kampar peninsula as one of the widest peat swamp forest in Sumatra, which has peat dome as its core area and keeps carbon in very big amount. This restoration program has a purpose to build an area in the productive forest that has an important ecosystem in maintaining the function through conservation, protection and rehabilitation of forest ecosystem. The RER policy began when Permenhut SK.159/Menhut-II/2004 about Ecosystem Restoration in productive forest was issued. As the permission holder in Kampar Peninsula in Pelalawan District, APRIL/RAPP has an interest to realize the conservation of peat ecosystem which is conducted by PT Gemilang Cipta Nusantara (GCN). GCN—a holder of IUPHHK-RE via Keputusan Menteri Kehutanan No: SK.395/Menhut-II/2012 dated on 24 July 2012—runs the commitment of APRIL/RAPP through a program of 4 stages in restoration, such as; protecting the forest region in Indonesia which faces threats of illegal logging, illegal open land, and illegal animal hunting, forest fire, and degradation of water content of peat forest. The RER program is planned to include the protection strategy, to guard and to patrol together with the society and all stake holder. However, before the program is operated, of course, the deep studies are needed regarding the acceptance of RE program from the people and village officer. The society’ response and justification are needed before the program implemented. Moreover, the program needs a cooperation from the society and stake holder. Therefore, the report of this paper will explain the respons and justification of society regarding to RER conducted by GCN. It will explain the threat and the problems found in the research of Kampar Peninsula.

THE FRAMEWORK OF THOUGHT This framework of thought leads and puts the forestry development position on wider context, especially in the role of forestry development to maintain natural resources and to realize the community’s welfare. Moreover, this development must put the basically philosophy of forestry development in national development system. In this context, there must be a demand of fundamental changes in every aspects

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existed in that forestry development, including the physical the forest and the human resources. The science of forest development born in the Central European countries in the 17th century as the forest reform issued by King Louis XVI in France. After that, France built a forestry high school with the students came from France, Austria, Germany and Switzerland. It was the beginning of the forest management and the utilization concepts. Although in the next development, the Germany—by Heinrich Cotta—was able to develop the forestry sciences faster than the France since 18th century until the middle of 20th century. Germany was the sources of forestry sciences all over the world, and it affects the Indonesian development. The German forestry science was implemented in the 19th century to manage the teak wood forest in Java by a German forestry architect named Mallier. The dutch forestry scholars were also alumnus from Germany. Therefore, the influence of German forestry science could be seen until nowadays, especially in Java (Simon, 2011). At rhe beginning, the forest utilization in the 17th century in Java was intended to not be sold but to build a boat for the trade. (Peluso, 2009) The development of forestry sciences in Germany was different in USA, since its different condition to Germany. In the USA, the forest is very large with the population density is lower than Europe. Moreover, the development of forestry science in USA took place when science and technology was advanced. The color of USA forestry science can be seen in the management of natural forest outside Java by the holder of Hak Pengusahaan Hutan (HPH)/Rights to Use the Forest. (Simon, 2011). Although there is a difference between the German and the USA forestry science, there is “the red line” from them that is a strong tendency in “the forestry techniques’” aspects compare to other aspects, especially in the social community aspect around the forest. Hence, ‘the target” of forest management is focused on the wood supply for industry to fulfill the need of city and export. It is clear that the policy of forest management in Java and outside Java lies on the government political will. This political will is needed to determine the forest management strategy in Indonesia. The above picture gave information that since the beginning of the forest management system in the world the idea and the direction of of forest management (especially tropical forest) were not focused on the maximum utilization for the society’s interest. Hence, the importance of forest products to the rural community was still less. Since at that time the taken policy was to protect and to exploit the forest for the sake of colonial economic stability. The conventional forestry development strategy, as explained above, was based on the following asumptions (Wiersum, 2008): First, forest gives a role in producing raw materials and environmental services, so it is needed to make a balance between the role in its managerial system, so the forest may multi purpose achievable. Second. Forest not only gives positive influence locally, but also regional condition widerly. Third, the production cycle in forestry activities needs a few years. The consequence from that basical asumption is to bear a view that the forestry

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management is good if the reserve of forest is legally guaranteed and profesionallly managed. The main objective of forestry management as mentioned above is to conserve the forestry resources scientifically and be used wisely through forestry exploitation that gives multiply benefits for the woods processing industry. However, in many facts, this activity is contradictive. Many cases in the world, such as in Brazil, Malaysia and Indonesia, the local community activity using forest is seen as the dectructive and deviant activities, therefore, they must be avoided and forbidden. In fact, the consequence of that view is that the community feels their access to the forest reserve is limited by rules vanishing their “lebensraum”. Usually, the rules show up as a reaction of community activities such as migrating land, illegal lodging, collecting forage, the food planting and other forestry commodities in the forest area. Indonesia, as a country, has wet tropical forest as large as 143 million hectare and population circa 200 million lives. The forestry management so far still focuses on wood exploitation, because from this wood exploitation the fund for development may be achieved quickly. On the contrary, efforts to conserve the exploited natural forest still face many difficulties and not as smooth as the lodging activities. Even, until now, the protected forest region has not gained a serious attention. The implementation of productive forest exploitation keeps running, since it is an integral part of national development. Therefore, the forest utilization keeps referring to the national economics development strategy. The beginning of Orde Baru (New Era Order) signed by “new era” in Indonesia’s economy where the national private sector gained a chance, a full support and facility from the government. But, the situation changed, the private sectors might do an effort alone. The same situation appeared in forestry industry outside Java. The development of pure private business in forestry started when Undang- Undang Penanaman Modal Asing (PMA)/Decree of Foreign Direct Investment in 1967 and Undang-Undang Penanaman Modal Dalam Negeri (PMDN)/Decree of Local Investment in 1968 were issued. The philosophy based the forest utilization outside Java was to use forest for collecting foreign exchanges in order to run the national development. Then, the approach was “extractive” and refined through wood industrialization approach to increase the efficiency and added value of foreign exchanges. So that the target of using natural forest outside Java was stressed just on industry and export. Therefore, the strategy of forestry management outside Java has not been changed compared to the forestry utilization orientation in its science developed in Germany in 19th century. Forest management strategy which is oriented at industry and exports as explained above, for a country like Indonesia that has a lot of human and natural resources from ground aside from the forestry sector is getting “rare”, therefore, forest management strategy has a challenge which is to find “a new paradigm” in its development, because if this paradigm is not soon applied and implemented, degradation and deforestation of forest areas can not be prevented in the future. The paradigm that is suitable with the needs that Indonesia has at this moment is the

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good managemen of forests in Java and outside Java by using the Social Forestry approach. Planners and users’ lack of attention on the three aspects of social, economic, and cultural, especially regarding the people inside and outside forest areas, has caused a complicated problem. If this problem persists, it will make it even more difficult for the position and all activities of forestry development (forest use dan forest maintenance). It is inevitable that the decrease in the forest quality such as degradation and deforestation will be higher in the future, especially in developing parts of the world that have vast forestry resources. To anticipate this problem and to reformulate the strategy of world forest development, the three important aspects mentioned before should be included in all phases of planning and implementation of the forestry development. The moral foundation regarding the social forestry (kehutanan sosial) paradigm has been discussed a lot by experts that have high social awareness, frequently proposed by social scientists and forestry experts themselves. Loekman Soetrisno (2010) writes that for the people whose lives closely knitted to the forests around them, they think of the forests as something that has two crucial functions: first, the people think that the forests can can solve their life problems continuously when the people need to face the need for land for agriculture to fulfill the needs of their families; and second, for poor people, the forests are also sources to get dry wood, building material, and mostly extra protein, and also hunting ground and the place for them to find food. So it is obvious that the forest management as conducted by the HPH companies in Sumatera and Kalimantan at this moment, does not meet the criteria of the moral foundation that the society sees. Facts have proven that HTH companies have caused a lot of conflicts with local societies. The above mentioned point of view underlines one very important thing which is the development strategy that is oriented on modern economic sector has caused bad effects on modern economic sector and traditional economic sector; it is also worse that there is marginalization of many levels of society, including people who live in the forest areas. As a result it is of a very high importance to create an alternative strategy in forestry development that can also have an active role in rural development. The starting point of this social forestry strategy is based on the theory proposed by Loekman Soetrisno above, where “basic need” problems are approaches to design and implement forestry development activities. Meanwhile the forest use base regarding optimum forest use and sustainability has been developed based on the basic needs, equality, and social participation. From the economic aspect, there has to be interconnection between modern forestry industry and and forestry industry that is closely related to the local people’s economy. Definition-wise, social forestry has numerous meanings, a different expert thinks about ‘social forestry’ differently and the meaning of it also depends on the case that is investigated and where the case is found. According to Wiersum (2008), what it means by the social forestry concept (kehutanan sosial) is a strategy of forest management that tightly involves local people in all forestry activities. In this case, the people are held responsible and they they find many benefits by doing their business in their forestry activities. This kind of forest management gives special attention to active participation from local organizations and local people regarding

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forest resources management. Meanwhile according to Simon (1991), social forestry is a forest management strategy that puts the local people’s interest first. The consequences of this system are that there must be a fundamental change in behavior/attitude, of the forest users for the sake of processing industry and export for the local people’s sake. This is not a simple change because it is about change of perspective of planners and decision makers. A more operational definition of social forestry was stated by Tiwari. According to her (2013), social forestry is a science and art of planting trees or other plants on any available land, in our outside the already managed forest areas, by involving local people actively. This activity is combined with other activities that can produce a kind of land use that is balanced and complementary. The purpose is to come up with various kinds of products and services dan for individuals or society in general. Thus, the main purpose of the social forestry program is to create improvement in social and economic conditions of the people near the forest. That achievement can only be had by the increase in active participation of local people in managing and using forest resources. In accordance to this participation, Noronha and Spears (2008) stated that what matters in forestry activities is how far involved the local people are in planning, altering, and implementing a project and things that show that there is a connection between formal and local parties. Local people’s participation or local participation can take place only by understanding the social structure in the society and the society’s needs, by communicating with people regarding the techniques used, by explaining the meaning of the project to them, by reaching agreement with the people about the program. Therefore, people have to be convinced that any forest activity will give them benefits, not other people. Support from local people is a very important thing in a social forestry project because if it is without participation from local people, the forest resources management and its resources sustainability can not be guaranteed, and without a good participation concept, the social forestry becomes vague (Loekman Soetrisno, 2010). The problem is forests in Indonesia are centered in Java and outside Java, where both locations have very different social, economic, and cultural values. If the strategy of social forestry to be implemented, micro and territorial studies are specifically required. For example, to understand the structure of the rural society a sociological and anthropological approach is needed. Overall, the problem regarding forest resources and rural societies need to be carefully understood/studied by carrying out surveys by using the PRA and RRA patterns. This study hopefully can identify the problems faced by the rural society in the cape of Kampar especially in the coming implementation of RER. Having mentioned that, the paradigm of forestry development of Indonesia can be more meaningful to all societies and it is relatable to the real problems faced by rural societies.

METHODOLOGY Data and information collection was done by implementing an indepth research. Data collection technique is performed by doing participative observations by using a Sosio_Antropological approach.

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Primary data collection was done by doing interviews and spreading questionnaires and interview guidelines. Direct recording was also carried out in the field, especially regarding cases found during the research. Secondary data covered publication, local government’s inventory, previous research results, and other relevant material. Methodology used in this study is: 1. Field survey, to get actual picture and information about conditions of social aspects related to the restoration in the area of Semenanjung Kampar. 2. Literature study, to identify and assess related and relevant secondary data. 3. Data analysis, this means field data, secondary data, and map analysis (spatial analysis).

GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF SEMENANJUNG KAMPAR Semenanjung Kampar is the largest peat land remain in Sumatra located in the east skirt of Sumatra Island. This area has about 473,000 hectares of natural forest1, geographically Semenanjung Kampar is borders on the South side with Kampar river and North side with Siak river, on the East with Selat Panjang and on the West with palm oil plantations and Hutan Tanaman Industri. Administratively, Semenanjung Kampar is under the control of Pelalawan Regency and Siak Regency in Riau Province. In Semenanjung Kampar there are 15 villages inhabited by 27,000 people who economically have direct interest with this region. Semenanjung Kampar has are four conservation regions (Suaka Margasatwa) consisting of the 37,000 ha Danau Pulau Besar Park (28,237 ha), Tasik Belat Park (2,529 ha), Tasik Besar / Tasik Metas Park (3,200 ha), Tasik Serkap / Tasik Sarang Burung Park (6,900 ha). Tasik Belat, Tasik Sarang Burung, and Tasik Serkap are small conservation areas that are separated and full of peat lands, rivers, and lakes. According to the regional regulation or Peraturan Daerah (PERDA) year 1994 about Riau Land Use Plan / Rencana Tataruang Wilayah (RTRWP) Riau, this region is made as Protected Peat Land Park / Hutan Lindung Gambut (HLGB) of 248,800 ha. Land Use Purpose is based on RTRWP – Riau 1994, PERDA 10 1994). The regent and government of Siak Regency have also proposed area extension and change in the function of SM of Pulau Besar Lake and Pulau Bawah Lake to be National Park to Minister of Forestry in a letter no.660/set/100S/2001 and no.364/Dishut/205/2005 dated Juni 9th, 2005 . President decree states that this region is HLGB according to President decree (KEPRES) no. 32 year 1990 about management of protected area especially art no.9 and no.10 stating that peat land with more than 3 meters deep has to be made HLGB.

1 Interprestasi peta Citra, Jikalahari 2005

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THREAT TO REGION AND ECOSYSTEM OF SEMENANJUNG KAMPAR Main threat found in Forest Region of Semenanjung Kampar is to the stability of the peat land hydrology itself. If the stability of the hydrology is disturbed under water table continuing to dry peat that is non-returning, then it will stimulate other threats such as peat land fires, eco-diversity loss, society losing its income sources as fishermen and farmers. If peat fire occurs, there is carbon release to the air that affects “global warming”.

There is pyrite compound (FeS2) in peat land, when peat land is wet, the compound is stable, but when it is oxidized, a problem will happen. Quality of water will drop and that will affect existing biota. If peat land is opened until the water surface (water tabel) drops to the surface of pyrite, it will poison plants (Noor, 2001), it is also easy for a tree to fall because of the subsident as it is prone to fire. Based on the intensity and fragility level, there are some activities that can bring threats to the existence of the eco-system of the forest in Semenanjung Kampar:

1. Illegal Logging Threats are: a. Weak law enforcement because of corruption, incomplete regulation entity, lack of resources (personnel and fund). b. Access such as rivers, canals, HTI roads, and HPH rail roads. c. Supply and demand imbalance d. Poverty. Besides, in the intervension region, illegal logging activities are also identified as the results of inconsistent policies regarding the status of available regions. Threat from illegal logging also takes place in the extention region and intervention region. Threat from illegal logging is still pretty high to SM Kerumutan coming from local people who use Sungai Kerumutan and Kampar river in Pelalawan, Batang Rengat river and Mengkuang in Inhu, as well as Gaung river, Gaung Anak Serka and Terusan Siam river in Inhil.

2. Poaching Source of threat as a result of : a. Lack of understanding and awareness in people about wild animal protection b. High demand for Sumatran tigers, bears, crocodiles, arowana fish and their body parts in black market. c. Weak law enforcement. d. Frequent conflicts between humans and animals. Poaching of wild animals especially Sumatran tigers is high along Gaung river and Kampar river because it is related to the fact that there are so many buyers,

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7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

there is access, and close Malaysia and Singapore as the places to sell them. It takes only a night to get to Malaysia and Singapore by a small boat through this river. There are 12 hunters and buyers of Sumatran tigers identified, 15 hunters of deer and boars (tigers’ prey). Hunters of these tigers’ preys sometimes catch tigers stuck in their net (YASA, 2005). Many cases of Tiger hunting are caused by high price, the omset is around Rp25 million on average, the meat is Rp.80,100.- and the body parts (whiskers, nails, penis, skull and skin) the price range is 115.700 and the whole body is Rp18.342.900 depending on the kind (Traffic SEA, 2004).

3. Forest And Land Fire The frequent occurrence of forest fires in this region is because this region is a peat land, and when it’s on fire, it’s very difficult to extinguish the fire as it burns down below. Besides, this region is next to the Kerumutan forest area which has concession areas for HTI. The canal opening performed by the HTI companies will fasten the process of the carbon release, dryness of land and decrease of the water table. In the dry season this area is flammable. Forest fires also occur because of illegal logging activities and fishermen activities, but these are very small factors. This threat of forest fires is also caused by local people who have a habit of burning lands before planting corns twice a year in each coming dry season.

4. Construction of Sorek – Teluk meranti – Guntung Road Construction plan of Sorek – Teluk meranti – Guntung road cuts some of the forest areas in the skirt of the cape of Kampar. Facts prove that road construction accelerates the damage and deforestation because roads become access to illegal loggers, poachers, and land clearers, this also happening in other areas such Tessonilo and West Coridor of the National Park (TNBT).

5. Canal And Road By HTI Companies This access will be used by the local people to exploit forest products that are wood and non-wood from the cape of Kampar. The reality is that the companies can not secure the roads and canals from the local people that want to use and exploit the forest products.

6. Policy Inconsistency Sources of threats are from: a. Issue of permit that is not suitable with purpose (peruntukan) and appropriation (kelayakan) (KLG) b. Issue of permit from a regent for HTI that is in verification process. c. Lack of commitment from Forestry Department to apply the license verification of semi-illegal HTI. d. Policy issued by Ministry of Forestry to accelerate the development of HTI

410 Jointly Organised by Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik & Fakultas Perikanan dan Ilmu Kelautan Universitas Riau, Indonesia Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA) The National University of Malaysia

7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

e. Tendency for the provincial and regency government to develop a plantation (2 million hectares) f. Palm oil plantation purpose for local people that is not appropriate. g. Land Use of Province and Land Use of Regency not in good sync. h. Weak law enforcement that governs smallholders’ plantations.

7. Practice Of Private Owned Palm Oil Plantation/Smallholders That Is Non- Continuous (Tidak Berkelanjutan) Canal systems that do not consider the aspects of land and water conservation. a. The use of herbicide and pesticide or the use of substances that are not eco- friendly or that are toxic. b. The creation of plantations that does not take the areas of HCVF into account at all. c. The incompliance of the companies to the area rules; areas that have to be protected, such as river banks, peat depth of 4 meters. d. Companies do not comply with the conflict management SOP. e. Local people do not have good forest fire management/animal conflict management.

CONCLUSION 1. There are threats to the hydrology stability of the area and nature of hydrophobicity that exist in peat lands: one threat source is canal making by the HTI and HPH companies. Effect: canals will dry peat lands out because canals disturb the functions of the natural water reservoir there. Peat can no longer absorb water during rainy season and release water during dry season. In a dry peat land, another threat is the seawater intrusion especially in the skirt of Kampar. Forest conversion in peat lands for acacia will jeopardize ground water reserve sources in the future. 2. Another threat to the biodiversity: source of threat is the making of infrastructures in supporting areas which is performed by companies that support crimes in the forests as the companies pave roads for the poachers and illegal loggers et cetera to use. 3. Threat to social, economic, cultural activities of the inhabitants: the people can lose their sources of income, they may lose their faith in kinds of plants and animals in the cape area of Kampar. 4. Conflicts between animals and humans especially tigers and inhabitants happen because of the limited roaming areas for tigers to hunt and live and areas for their prey.

411 Jointly Organised by Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik & Fakultas Perikanan dan Ilmu Kelautan Universitas Riau, Indonesia Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA) The National University of Malaysia

7th International Seminar on ECOLOGY, HUMAN HABITAT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE IN THE MALAY WORLD Pekanbaru, Riau, INDONESIA, 19-20 August 2014

5. Newcomers, especially employees of companies that catch fish by using poison and cut trees illegally. 6. General threat that causes damage to whole ecosystem of the cape of Kampar due to Conversion Policy vs. Conservation Policy (activity of giving permit to perform conversion in protected areas around SM). 7. Controversy of RTRWP (Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah Provinsi) (Plan of Province Land Use) and RTRK (Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah Kabupaten) (Plan of Regency Land Use) that do not go hand in hand and because of the factor of the unified RTRW (Plan of Land Use). 8. Threat from toxic substance for plants called pyrite: peat lands that reach subsident because of the land reclamation will cause the level of pyrite to increase. This pyrite is toxic to plants and it creates pests for farmers. In addition to that effect, pyrite that flows to the rivers nearby will pollute the river water and this will definitely cause the drop in the number of fish catches performed by the inhabitants near the rivers.

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412 Jointly Organised by Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik & Fakultas Perikanan dan Ilmu Kelautan Universitas Riau, Indonesia Institute of the Malay World and Civilisation (ATMA) The National University of Malaysia