Vol.8 – Issue 1 January-June 2019 ISSN 2319-8702(Print) ISSN 2456-7574(Online)
VIVEKANANDA JOURNAL OF RESEARCH
ADVISORY BOARD
Justice V.K. Shali Prof. R. K. Mittal Former Judge, Delhi High Court Professor- Director Planning & Development New Delhi Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University New Delhi Prof. Rabi N. Kar Principal, Shyamlal Collage, Prof. K. N. Chandrasekharan Pillai University of Delhi Former Director, Indian Law Institute New Delhi New Delhi
Dr. P. K. Das Prof. V. Sudesh Professor, IIT Guwahati, Professor, University Law College Assam Bangalore University
Prof. K. Parmeswaran Dr. Sudesh Avte Professor, National Law School, President COPCONSULT, Gandhi Nagar Formerly Executive Vice President Security Mumbai International Airport Dr. Hamid Nemati Chef Editor of IJISP Prof. Devesh Kishore University of North Carolina, USA Professor Emeritus India Today Media Institute (ITMI) Noida Dr. Sanjeev Singh Head – Institute of Informatics and Prof. S. Balakrishnan Communication, cluster Innovation Centre, Department of Information Technology, University of Delhi Anna University, Coimbatore
Prof. Mirza S. Saiyadain Prof. K.G. Suresh Ex-Professor IIM Ahmedabad & Former Director General Mc Gill University, Canada Indian Institute of Mass Communication New Delhi Vol.8 – Issue 1 January-June 2019 ISSN 2319-8702(Print) ISSN 2456-7574(Online) VIVEKANANDA JOURNAL OF RESEARCH
Editor-in-Chief Prof. Sidharth Mishra Chairperson, Research Committee
Editor Dr. Pawan Whig Dean Research
Associate Editor Dr. M. Balasubramanian Associate Dean Research
Members • Dr. Anuradha Jain • Dr. Supriya Madan • Dr. Rashmi Salpekar • Dr. Charulata Singh • Dr. Indira Bhardwaj • Dr. Salonee Priya • Dr. Anuradha Mishra • Dr. Isha Narula • Ms. Dimple Chawla • Ms. Ankita Kumar Gupta • Ms. Avneek Kaur • Ms. Khyati Kathuria • Ms. Avani Bhatnagar • Ms. Yogita Thareja
© Vivekananda Institute of Professional Studies Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University AU Block Outer Ring Road, Pitampura, Delhi-110034
Published & Printed by Mr. Dalip Kumar (For and on behalf of Vivekananda Institute of Professional Studies, New Delhi) Vol.8 – Issue 1 January-June 2019 ISSN 2319-8702(Print) ISSN 2456-7574(Online) Editorial
Greetings from editor’s desk!!! It is our pleasure to bring you volume 8, January -June 2019 issue. Vivekananda Journal of Research (VJR) is a UGC listed bi-annual, peer reviewed, research journal. VJR is published with enriched papers from various disciplines. This issue contains rich mixture of articles & insight of diverse areas like Law, Management, IT, Economics and Journalism. We are happy to share that this time we cover research thoughts based on multidiscipline environment from various reputed institutes across the country covering PAN India. First paper in this issue is from Chairperson, School of journalism VIPS and it discusses very interesting facts about Gandhian Images. Second paper from Mizoram University is conceptual paper to study the influences of various factors on media content and about Dalit in India. Third paper is from Punjabi University which gives insight in geographic trends in international news coverage of Indian English dailies. Fourth paper is from Devi Ahilya University, Indore based on Social Media. Fifth paper from Kompally, Secunderabad discusses about how the increase in production of Handlooms will reduce the pollution and will provide employment to the needy people. Sixth paper is from Vivekananda institute of Professional studies, Delhi presents the comparative analysis of consumer behaviour towards automobile industries. The seventh paper is from University of Kashmir highlights the of mental health among college students with reference to their gender, locality and category. The eighth paper is from Ambedkar University, Delhi about Writing Knowledge/Writing Power. Ninth paper is from University of Petroleum and Energy Studies, Dehradun based on Cloud Computing. The tenth paper is Vol.8 – Issue 1 January-June 2019 ISSN 2319-8702(Print) ISSN 2456-7574(Online) from Amity University which critically analyses Mediating Role of Facebook. The eleventh paper from Kurukshetra university discusses novel one-way cryptographic hash algorithm which takes input of any length and produces an output of fixed length. The twelfth paper from South Asian University is based on foreign policy. The thirteenth paper is from University law school(GGSIPU) New Delhi is based on International arbitral awards in China and Australia. The fourteenth paper is also from University law school(GGSIPU) New Delhi presents a study based on Hampering Women to enter religious places in India. Fifteenth paper from RDIAS Delhi analyses the determinants of financial literacy among working women in Delhi. Sixteenth paper is from Indore which presents a study based on the issues surrounding the transparency and authenticity of the index. Seventeenth paper is from Assam presents a case study on entrepreneurial self-efficacy. Eighteenth paper is from department of management studies GL Bajaj Institute which gives insights into organizational flexibility. Nineteenth paper is from Indira Gandhi University Rewari, Haryana is based on the study of Primary Agricultural credit societies. Twentieth paper from Andhara university Vishakhapatnum discusses the requisites and fulfillment of Rural family Migrants. Last paper in this issue is a case study based on Social Infrastructure and Economic Development in Punjab. I feel privileged to thank our reviewers and editorial committee for releasing the issue in time. I hope this journal will prove to be a valuable reference material for the researchers working in the same area. Dr. Pawan Whig Editor CONTENTS
Title of The Article Page No.
Abuse of Gandhian Images : A Study of The Anna Hazare Movement 1-11 Sidharth Mishra
Coverage of Dalits in Indian Media: A Critical Analysis of Influences on Content 12-27 Milli Singh
Geographic Trends in International News Coverage of Indian English Dailies 28-44 Happy Jeji and Vijayta Taneja
Online Forums: Motives For Consumer Activity and The Social Media Behaviour of it’s Participants 45-63 Prerna Kumar and Sumit Maheshwari
Promote Handloom Fabrics to Reduce Pollution and to Encourage Degradable : A Study of Handloom and Textile Sector 64-70 Anumala Kalyani
Comparative Analysis of Consumer Preference Towards Maruti Suzuki and Hyundai 71-83 Kanishk Gupta and Ruchika
A Study of Mental Health Among College Students with Reference to their Gender, Locality and Category in Jammu Division 84-91 Mohd Haneef Kumar
Writing Knowledge/Writing Power: Disciplining Gender Studies 92-105 Shubhra Nagalia and Rachna Chaudhary
Macro: Cost-Oriented Autonomic Resource Management for Cloud Computing 106-115 Bhupesh Kumar Dewangan, Amit Agarwal, Venkatadri M and Ashutosh Pasricha
Mediating Role of Facebook between Brand Communication Strategies and Consumer Behaviour 116-134 Priya Handa and Ruhi Lal A New One-Way Cryptography Hash Function for WSN 135-143 Pooja and R.k.chauhan
Conceptualizing Ambiguity in Indian Foreign Policy 144-159 Syed Eesar Mehdi
Emerging Trends in the Enforceability of International Arbitra Awards in China and Australia 160-179 Misha Bahmani and Ramakrishna Srinivasan
Hampering Women to Enter Religious Places in India: Chauvinism & Conventionalism in 21St Century 180-193 Shivani Goswami
Determinants of Financial Literacy: A Study Among Working Women in Delhi 194-213 Kamini Rai, Shikha Dua and Miklesh Yadav
Ease of Living Index: Why it Fails to Inspire Confidence? 214-228 Varun Sarda, Yamini Karmarkar and Neha Lakhotia
Entrepreneurial Self-Efficacy Appraisal and Entrepreneurial Intentions of Commerce and Management Students of Assam – A Study 229-237 Nilanjana Deb
Insights into Organizational Flexibility Inspired by Human Body as a System 238-249 Alpana Agarwal and Prem Vrat
Recovery Performance of Primary Agricultural Credit Societies: an Evaluationz 250-260 Vijay Singh and Amit Dangi
Rural Family Migrants as Apartment Caretakers: Requisites and Fulfilment–Visakhapatnam, India 261-278 Asha Bandaru
Social Infrastructure and Economic Development in Punjab: A Study of Post Reform Period 279-292 Rajinder Kaur and Avinash Kaur
Guidelines for Submission of Research Papers to VJR 293
Copyright Transfer Form 299
Subscription Form 301 Abuse of Gandhian Vivekananda Journal of Research Jan- June 2019, Vol. 8, Issue 1, 1-11 Images : A Study of The Anna ISSN 2319-8702(Print) ISSN 2456-7574(Online) Hazare Movement © Vivekananda Institute of Professional Studies http://www.vips.edu/vjr.php Sidharth Mishra
Abstract
The visage of the father of the nation has been employed in the most unusual ways and has triggered disputes. His glasses are the Swachh Bharat symbol, which have made their way to the new Rs 2,000 notes. PM Narendra Modi mimicked his iconic position at the charkha on the cover page of the Khadi Village Industries Commission calendar and diary, sparking protests. Then a Haryana minister said Gandhi would be removed from currency notes; he soon recanted, but Gandhi remains a visual spectacle. – The Times of India 26 February 2017
Keywords: Gandhi, Anna Hazare, India Against Corruption, Ramlila Grounds, Khadi
Introduction
In August 2011 dawned on historical Ramlila Grounds in Delhi a social reformer from Maharashtra, Kisan Baburao Hazare, at the helm of an anti-corruption movement against the Congress governments both at the Centre and in the state. Popular as Anna among his followers, Hazare, a former army truck driver, dressed like an Indian farmer— dhoti (a wrapper), kurta (a tunic) and a cap, popularly called Gandhi Topi (cap), all made in handspun fabric of Khadi. In Anna people saw, though briefly, a reincarnation of Mahatma Gandhi, and no wonder in effort to identify themselves with Anna they started to wear the Gandhi like cap with these words printed on it “Main Hun Anna” (I am Anna).
* Adjunct Professor, Vivekananda School of Journalism & Mass Communication,VIPS GGSIPU, New Delhi. E-mail : [email protected] 2 Abuse of Gandhian Images : A Study of The Anna Hazare Movement Superficial Identification
People who joined the agitation wearing Anna Caps were later to realize that the movement was Gandhian neither in letter nor in spirit but did thrive on Gandhian imageries. The identification with Gandhi, as the events which later unfolded showed, was superficial and focused only at giving a Gandhian image to Anna Movement. This was a successful exercise in the branding of the movement by its clever brand managers. While Gandhi insisted that his followers wore caps made from handspun fabric, Anna’s followers wore caps from an environmentally degrading synthetic material. The environmentalist in Gandhi would have never approved of use of synthetic material for sewing caps.
Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicines in Non- Western Cultures (1997) mentions,
“In India, Khadi is not just a cloth, it is a whole movement started by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. The Khadi movement promoted a socio-cultural aesthetic, an idea that Indians could be self-reliant on cotton and be free from foreign cloth and clothing. The Khadi movement by Gandhi aimed at boycotting foreign goods including cotton and promoting Indian goods, thereby improving India’s economy. Mahatma Gandhi began promoting the spinning of Khadi for rural self-employment and self-reliance (instead of using cloth manufactured industrially in Britain) in the 1920s in India, thus making Khadi an integral part and an icon of the Swadeshi movement. The freedom struggle revolved around the use of Khadi fabric and the dumping of foreign-made clothes. When some people complained about the costliness of Khadi to Mahatma Gandhi, he started wearing only dhoti (loin cloth).”
Mahatma started the movement in 1920s and sustained it through his life and such has been the impact of Khadi movement that it continues to matter as a brand even seven decades after his assassination. This, despite the fact that the political class of the country which has worn Khadi all these years, has not really conducted itself with much splendor.
Media Event Sold As Gandhian Movement
Use of Gandhian caps was not the only instance of misuse of the Gandhian image during the Anna Hazare Movement. During the agitation in April 2011 at Jantar Mantar, the highest circulated newspaper of the nation—The Times of India—carried the headline: “INDIA WINS AGAIN.” If culmination of every successful media event was to make India win, yes, the headline was appropriate. Sidharth Mishra 3 Despite the hype created around it, the India Against Corruption agitation led by Anna Hazare was not even a public movement in true sense, forget about it being Gandhian in nature. It was a media spectacle, which was very successfully executed around the image of Mahatma Gandhi. It was not even comparable the Sampurna Kranti (total revolution) movement of Jaya Prakash Narayan launched in the 1970s.
If one looks for comparisons for Anna Hazare’s agitation, one can find only one— the public outcry in 1999 against the hijacking of the Indian Airlines IC-814 flight from Kathmandu to Delhi to the Taliban land of Kandhar. The television cameras then too had gone to town over people agitating against “the Government’s failure to save the lives of its citizens.” It brought such pressure on our Government that we had to release the terror vendors, who had been arrested following martyrdom of several Indian soldiers. Till date, the nation is paying a heavy price for releasing the likes of Azhar Masood, who later founded Jaish-i-Mohammed, to secure the release of citizens held hostage.
An evil plaguing the television media is that in their craving for TRPs they rush to ferret out the imitation as the real. They seldom make an effort to go beyond the superficial. In my initial years as journalist, my first chief reporter would always take me to the task for having an opinion. “Report news, write comments when you have a column to yourself,” he would thunder.
In 1999, when the television media cried hoarse on the demand by the citizens to secure release of the hostages of IC-814, little did it realize that it was the Opposition Congress, in a bid to embarrass the Government, which was surreptitiously instigating people. The leader of the agitation was one Shreeram Maggo, a Congress worker from West Delhi. For his services, he was later bequeathed with a ticket to contest the Assembly polls and still later his daughter-in-law became member of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi on a Congress ticket.
In a just case of poetic justice, the Congress-led Government in 2011 suffered at the hands of the same media when Anna Hazare movement broke out. The Congress claim of the Opposition elements adding fuel to the Jantar Mantar fire went uncontested as then non-Congress Chief Ministers Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar openly supported the movement. The Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) too released a statement in the support of the cause. There was open sloganeering against Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origin and Manmohan Singh being of not much consequence than a family butler.
What added to making this media spectacle a success was the arrogance, brashness 4 Abuse of Gandhian Images : A Study of The Anna Hazare Movement and insolence of the faces of the Congress party—Kapil Sibal, Manish Tewari and Abhishek Manu Singhvi. Judging well the people’s pulse, Bollywood veteran Anupam Kher, who later joined the BJP bandwagon along with his actor wife Kiran Thakur Kher, in his address to the agitators, compared the Government to the Hindi film villains especially the incomparable Ajit. The faces of the Government and ruling party suitably fitted the role of the sidekicks Roberts and Michaels of the arch-villain “Loin” (Ajit would often parrot these lines: “Mera nam Loin hain” (My name is Loin aka Lion)). Yes of course, Loin, because Manmohan Singh certainly didn’t have the wherewithal to be called a Lion.
This brings us to the core issue of a pusillanimous Government genuflecting to the pressure built by the media around the borrowed image of Gandhi. Thankfully, the Government showed some spine after a section of the print media raised questions about the content and intent of the movement, forcing a climb down by the agitators and matter resolving into a settlement “respectable” both to the Government and the agitators.
Non-Gandhian Venue for Protest
Another point of difference between Gandhi’s and Anna’s movements was venue of the protest. Gandhi never chose New Delhi as the site for any of his major Satyagraha Movements. New Delhi is best remembered as the site of his assassination. The studio hunters of national Capital would do well to travel to Motihari, where Gandhi launched the Champaran Satyagraha a century ago. Even in this age, a television OB van would find difficult to easily reach Motihari. A century ago Gandhi went there to launch movement to be with the people and not the Press reporters.
Talking of the Press, Gandhi seldom took criticism negatively. Mahatma recounts in My Experiments with Truth an interesting appointment with the editor of The Pioneer, then considered an opponent of Indian aspirations, at Allahabad: “He promised to notice in his paper anything that I might write but added that he could not promise to endorse all the Indian demands, inasmuch as he was bound to understand and give due weight to the viewpoint of the Colonials as well. It was enough that he should study the question and discuss it in his paper.”
Unlike the Mahatma, the Anna Gandhians took to lobbying, threat and blackmail to silence voices of criticism. Attempts by probing reporters to question the protagonists of the movement were stonewalled with replies, “What’s the point talking to you people, you are against us.” Sidharth Mishra 5 Talking of the dangers of media hysteria, one is reminded of Amitabh Bachchan starrer Main Azaad Hoon. The 1989 film was adaptation of 1941 Frank Capra film, Meet John Doe. It was about a journalist, out to save her job in the face of failing circulation of the paper, concocting fictitious character and weaving a story around him to boost newspaper sales. The story gets popular and the newspaper owner Seth Gokulchand, enacted in a masterly way on the screen by late Manohar Singh, sees opportunity to promote sales and together with the journalist creates “Azaad” in flesh and blood.
As sales soar and the business peaks, in a moment self-confession the newspaper owner makes known his intent of turning ruler of the country. Today, one notices the same villainous streak in television anchors pushing India to become a nation of rabble rousers.
The similarity between Hazare’s agitation and Gandhi’s movement ended with the images that the organisers tried to create including Kiran Bedi pushing a clueless girl child to offer juice to Anna to end his fast. Bedi in her own way tried to recreate the famous image of a young Indira Gandhi offering juice to Mahatma to end his fast in 1924.
When the fast by Anna Hazare at Ramlila Maidan ended in August 2011, in a speech, Hazare sermonised on the virtues that every participant of his movement should follow. The sermon would have been most welcome during the course of his fast when rampant hooliganism ruled roost on the streets. Those who lived and worked in central Delhi areas in those days would vouch that for the days Anna fasted extraordinary disorder prevailed on the roads leading to Ramlila Maidan.
Groups of riders doing stunts on motorcycle zipped past the citizens. These bikers wore the Anna Cap made of some kind of polythene by-product, as mentioned earlier, with “Main Hun Anna” printed on them, held flags and kept whizzing past, whistling and shouting, violating all rules and regulations but making great images for the television cameras. The traffic cops stood as mute spectators, allowing them to do whatever they wanted to do lest it be construed as the Government’s attempt at using force to break an agitation.
Thanks to the third bridge on river Yamuna at Geeta Colony, built a year earlier during the Commonwealth Games, Delhi’s underbelly stood connected with the heart of the Capital like never before. Hoodlums, urchins and rowdies all had a gala time in the name of fighting corruption. Barely few of them knew that the agitation was for the passage of a Jan Lokpal Bill.
Inside the historic Maidan, the agitators had their appetite for agitation whetted by 6 Abuse of Gandhian Images : A Study of The Anna Hazare Movement loads of eatables like puree-sabzi, chole-chawal, kadhi-chawal, cartons of biscuits, truck- loads of bananas, crates of soft drinks and nimbu pani. In my quarter of a century long career as reporter, I have not seen such felicitation for the delegates to any public rally of any political party. We repeatedly raise the question of funding of political rallies, but nobody gathered the courage to audit the expenditure incurred on the jamboree which was witnessed at Ramlila Maidan.
When I talk of audit, I just do not mean just auditing the well-kept account books of the organisations run by members of Team Anna, but those organisations which put up the public kitchens etc. It should have been explained how come in a nation where crores fail to get two square meals a day, so much money was spent on food to keep an agitation going. Names of these organisations and the names of the people behind them should have been made public and they should have been made to vouch that the money spent by them was all clean, free of any taint.
Difference in Approach
Having discussed matters material, I would once again come back to the question of the ideological moorings of this agitation. What change this agitation brought to our social system? It’s difficult to find an answer. If it failed to bring social change, is it correct to even call Anna’s agitation a public movement, let alone a Gandhian movement.
Hazare wore Gandhi cap, increasingly acquired Mahatma’s mannerism (as seen in Richard Attenborough’s magnum opus) and resorted to some bhajan listening. But unlike the Mahatma, he tore constitutionalism to shreds at the outset. He held out a threat to the Government at every step of negotiation. Those who reached out to cheer him realised little that in action Hazare was actually eroding the authority of Parliament, something which suited a highly discredited Manmohan Singh Government.
It created a committee to draft the Lokpal Bill, denying the Opposition benches the right to debate the provisions of the Bill. The Government then thought that to get the Bill passed, the treasury benches could conveniently deploy the Movement Against Corruption to have its own way. Hazare in a way usurped the space of legitimate Opposition. Gandhi for sure would have never advised to lose faith in our Constitutional mechanism.
During their agitation in Ramlila Ground in August 2011 I vividly recall a placard carrying photos of Anna Hazare, Kiran Bedi, Arvind Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan calling them present day Mahatma Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, Lakshmi Bai and Chandrashekhar Azad Sidharth Mishra 7 respectively. The makers and promoters of this placard obviously had no respect for history and true nature of Gandhian movements.
Mahatma was never comfortable with the politics and ideas of Bhagat Singh and Chandrashekhar Azad. One of the major charges against Gandhi is that he never pleaded with the British Empire for reprieve to Bhagat Singh and his comrades Raj Guru and Sukhdev, who were hanged in Lahore jail after being convicted in the Saunder’s Murder Case. There are enough evidences to show that Gandhi abhorred the methods of Chandrashekhar Azad, the leader of Hindustan Socialist Republican Army, to which Bhagat Singh and others were also affiliated.
This placard made it abundantly clear that the movement orchestrated by Team Anna did not have a cohesive ideological base. Forget their inspirations even in their practice, the members of the core committee showed very divergent personal worldviews. The only point, on hindsight, which seems to have brought them together, with the exception of Kisan Baburao Hazare, was the desire to destabilize the government. There were established evidences and reasons to this effect against Kejriwal, Bedi and the Bhushan. The revelation of the shenanigans of Swami Agnivesh too was well known.
They together with the Government representatives—Pranab Mukherjee, P Chidambaram, Kapil Sibal, Salman Khursheed and Veerappa Moily—were initially tasked to give us the Lokpal Bill, which was to act as panacea to all ills related to corruption. I recall Hazare having rebuffed a media query on how the Opposition is kept out of the law- making process. He said and probably believed also that the Opposition mattered little. Less than six months later, his Team was wooing the Opposition to rescue them, when Government decided a go-slow on the Bill.
More shamelessly members of his team went to Hisar in Haryana campaigning against the Congress and nearly facilitating victory of a tainted and charge-sheeted Ajay Chautala in the assembly bypolls. Earlier in April, when the father of Ajay Chautala, former Haryana Chief Minister Om Prakash Chautala had come to pledge support to Hazare at Jantar Mantar, he was shooed away. How quick the change of heart and colour!
The other weakness which this movement (or shall we call it an event) suffered was from lack of social base. On the first signs of adverse conditions they withered. Unlike other social and political movements in the country, they never had to put-up with State repression. Rather, they thrived on State facilitation. The moment State sponsorship was withdrawn they went rushing to the High Court for a discount and got rapped on 8 Abuse of Gandhian Images : A Study of The Anna Hazare Movement the knuckles. With crowds not showing up, they lost the heart and steam to carry their campaign forward.
Here the question arises, did the crowd ever matter to Mahatma? I have made this point earlier and would do it again—Mahatma went to as remote a place as Champaran and that too in the beginning of the 20th century to launch his fight against the repressive Empire. He drew inspiration from Rabindranath Tagore’s “Ekla Chalo” (walk alone). Lack of crowds never disheartened him.
Tagore’s 1905 song exhorts to continue the journey despite lack of support from others. Mahatma never took decisions in a hurry and never really craved for the crowd and media support when he decided to launch a movement in sustenance of a cause. He in fact walked an extra mile to convince those holding adverse opinion in media and never indulged in McCarthyism as in the case of the pretenders to the Mahatma’s legacy.
Conclusion
Given the above facts, the readers would appreciate my reservations about the movement led by Anna Hazare. First, it certainly didn’t have Gandhian moorings as was claimed. In fact, I am still to be told what was the ideological basis of this movement? The leaders from the movement have gone different ideological ways. What change it brought other than blowing our Constitution to the smithereens and setting up another political party? Gandhi had Vaishnavite moorings, he believed in Vaidyo Narayano Harihi, meaning doctors are equivalent to Lord Vishnu.
When Gandhi was in the custody of the British, he was attended by British military doctors. Gandhi did not ask for “comfort with his personal doctors” as Anna Hazare did during his fast at the Ramlila Grounds. Gandhi did not “distrust Government appointed doctors,” as Hazare did allowing the forum of his protest to top corporate honcho Doctor Naresh Trehan to brand his new hospital.
In this era of publicity, anonymity is tyag (abnegation), a certain Gandhian ideal. Wearing a Gandhi cap and a khadi dhoti-kurta alone doesn’t make one a Gandhian. In what he wore, Mahendra Singh Tikait, the Kisan leader from Muzzafarnagar in Uttar Pradesh was as much a Gandhian as Anna Hazare of Ahmednagar in Maharashtra. In fact, Gandhi decided to wear the cap in the early part of his career to identify with the Indian peasantry, who he rightly realised was integral to the success of the people’s movement. Sidharth Mishra 9 Hazare was un-Gandhian as far as his leadership of India Against Corruption movement went. The Civil Society, which played the role of catalyst during the movement, has largely come to connote the creamy layer of our social system with little connect to our social and cultural dynamics.
Gandhi led his movement through the Indian National Congress. Soon after the success of Champaran agitation Gandhi undertook the task of converting the Congress into a national organisation with its members coming from every village and mohallah. This he did not for any immediate political harvest as in the case of Arvind Kejriwal’s Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).
Unlike Anna, Gandhi’s movement was not captive to certain self-acclaimed representatives of the people. The representation was based on a detail electoral process ensuring a true representation of the people in the decision-making process. The AAP grounded the internal democracy in the party a few years after its founding establishing Arvind Kejriwal as its dictator.
Anna Hazare too was no different in his world view. Dictatorial trends were visible right from the time of the commencement of the movement. Anna Hazare’s confession that one needs the methods of Shivaji along with those of Gandhi best expressed the nature of movement—that it did not believe in healthy democracy. People raised questions as to why was Anna Hazare quiet when the migrants in Mumbai and other parts of Maharashtra were bamboozled by the activists of Maharashtra Navnirman Sena and Shiv Sena? Anna probably then preferred to let Shivaji take toll over Gandhi.
References:
Books
1. My Experiments With Truth – Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi – Jaico Publishing House (2009) 2. Hind Swaraj -- Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi – Rajpal Publishing House (2009) 3. Gandhi Before India - Ramachandra Guha - Random House Canada/ Penguin- Random House India (October 2, 2013) 4. India After Gandhi - Ramachandra Guha - Harper Collins (August 2007) 5. Makers of Modern India - Ramachandra Guha - BelKnap Press (March 31, 2011)/ 10 Abuse of Gandhian Images : A Study of The Anna Hazare Movement Penguin India (2012) 6. Patriots and Partisans - Ramachandra Guha - Penguin India (November 10, 2012)/ Allen Lane (November 15, 2012) 7. Modern India : 1885-1947 - Sumit Sarkar - St. Martin’s Press (January 1, 1989)/ Laxmi Publications (May 4, 2001) 8. From Plassey To Partition and After: A History of Modern India - Sekhar Bandyopadhyay - Orient Longman (June 26, 2004)/Orient Blackswan Private Limited (2014) 9. The Dramatic Decade: The Indira Gandhi Years - Pranab Mukherjee - Rupa Publications India (December 11, 2014) 10. The Turbulent Years: 1980 - 1996 - Pranab Mukherjee - Rupa Publications India (February 1, 2016) 11. The Coalition Years - Pranab Mukherjee - Rupa Publications India (October 10, 2017) 12. Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicines in Non- Western Cultures (1997) 13. Gandhi Khadi: History of Contention and Conciliation -- Rahul Ramagundam -- Orient Blackswan (2008) 14. Swaraj – Arvind Kejriwal – HarperCollins (2012)
Newspapers
1. The Pioneer, New Delhi – Sidharth Mishra’s weekly column Reporter’s Notebook from April 2011 – May 2012 2. The Millennium Post, New Delhi -- Sidharth Mishra’s weekly column Reporter’s Notebook from June 2012 – March 2017 3. The Times of India, New Delhi edition 4. The Indian Express, New Delhi edition 5. The Hindustan Times, New Delhi edition 6. The Mail Today, New Delhi edition 7. Nav Bharat Times, New Delhi edition Sidharth Mishra 11 Films
1. Gandhi – Richard Attenborough (1982) 2. Main Azaad Hoon – Tinnu Anand (1989) 3. Meet John Doe – Frank Capra (1941) Coverage of Dalits in Indian Vivekananda Journal of Research Jan- June 2019, Vol. 8, Issue 1, 12-27 Media: A Critical Analysis of ISSN 2319-8702(Print) ISSN 2456-7574(Online) Influences on Content © Vivekananda Institute of Professional Studies http://www.vips.edu/vjr.php Mili Singh
Abstract
This is a conceptual paper to study the influences of external and internal factors on media content and coverage about Dalit in India. The study is done by reviewing literature on the content and coverage by media (newspaper) about Dalit of India. The paper goes onto analyze five factors that play role in influencing media contents about Dalit. These factors are non-consumption of media by Dalit, Indian Social Structure (Caste System), Organizational Structure of Media, Advertiser’s influences and Journalistic work-style. Media scholars criticize media for under representation, lack of coverage and empathy about Dalit issues. Many researches prove that causes of Dalit are not covered; their voices are not given space and time by Indian media. The intent of this investigation is to find out the possible causes and reasons of lack of media coverage of the large section of society in a democratic country. The research works, articles and interviews of journalist were critically examined in the study to find out the major influences that guides the media contents about Dalit. The work done by Shoemaker and Reese in their book -Mediating the Message: Theories of Influences on Mass Media Content is discussed throughout the paper in the context of factors that influenced the media content.
Keyword: Dalit, Media content, Diversity, Caste- system, Scheduled caste
Introduction
Dalits are invisible. No voice for majority population of India. Coverage of Dalit * Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Mizoram University, Aizawl E-mail : [email protected] Mili Singh 13 in mainstream media is often a hot topic of discussion. Lack of understanding about the problems associated with them is discussed in various forum, seminars, research papers and academic writings. Neglecting the problems and events associated with marginalized people in form of news, articles and editorial writing are not new phenomena in all nations and in all ages. Many discussions and researches have been done to prove that Dalit are not given proper coverage by mainstream media. The coverage done by the media are not only insufficient and also they lack the balance of views in the content. Dalits are stereotyped in a particular image and misrepresented.
Dalit are not minorities in India as their population is 201,378,372 (2011 census) which is around 16.6 percent of Indian population. But they are marginalized in Indian society; economically and socially. Reservation policy of government of India meant to improve their social and economic status is not efficient enough to give the due social status deserved by dalit in human civil society.
“Dalit seek equality, dignity and self-respect, which is denied to them in the circumscribed modernity embraced by the middle class”. (Thapar, 2001) Dalits are not only denied of their social and economic status but also no one cares to listen to their voices reflecting their longing to a society that doesn’t care for them. Similar pattern is shown in media content also as media platforms have failed to listen to their voices.
Scheduled caste population which constitutes large section of population of democratic country which is well matured of more than sixty years is neglected and unheard. Pre-independent Indian history can be divided into three main régimes- 200 years of British India, Muslim Rulers and Hindu Rulers. This kind of categorization is vague as there were overlapping and various Rulers followed different religions. Rulers came and gone, what didn’t change were in the conditions of Dalit. The name may be different but a sect of people never enjoyed being human, as their basic rights were denied. May be they didn’t even realize the matter of the fact of their bad conditions. The structure of the society made them believe that the prevailing conditions were their fate and they came in the world to stay in inhuman conditions. Though many reformers came who tried to change all these but the best ever efforts came from Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar who not only fought for the rights of Dalit but made them aware and enlightened. He belonged to same community so he understood their plight as he faced the same hardship and humiliation throughout his childhood and during his education. He was the chief architect of Indian constitution and first law minister of independent India who ensured constitutional guarantees and protection of wide range of civil liberties for the citizens of India including Dalits and women. Though 14 Coverage of Dalits in Indian Media: A Critical Analysis of Influences on Content constitution assures social, political, economic equality and equality before the law for everyone, Dalit are way behind to enjoy the equalities provided by constitution. They have to uplift themselves as their educational, economic and social progress remained stagnant for hundreds of years, suppressed under inhuman caste system. Many questions were asked about authenticity of reservation in education and employment given to Dalit by Government of India in name of equality of citizens. But those seeking equality for all citizens ignore the fact that Dalits have undergone years of humiliation, denial, plight and unprivileged conditions that has led them to become weak and marginalized in Indian society in comparison to others, so it is not possible to uplift them without a strong support of government and society as a whole.
As they were socially deprived their voices were also unheard. This trend is visible in present day media reporting also. The trend of under representation of Dalit can be seen in many studies. In his book India’s Newspapers revolution, Robin Jeffery observed the poor coverage of Dalit in two major newspapers Times of India and The Hindu, the editorial pages of these two newspapers published only four articles about Dalit in first nine month of year 1996. (Jeffery, 1996)
Similar trends are seen in English newspaper in the thesis work “Unseen and unheard – how Dalit are represented in three Indian newspapers” done by Joanna Wåhlstedt of The University of Södertörn done in 2012 on three newspaper The Times of India, The Hindu and Indian Express in Delhi tried to find out the main subjects in which Dalits were mentioned. He found that Election was the major subject and second most Dalit name that was covered is Mayawati and BSP that also related to election and politics.
A study by Deepa Tattimani, Tahmeena Nigar Sultana and Onkargouda Kakade on Kannada newspaper suggested that two leading newspapers of Karnataka VijayaVani and Vijya Karnataka are giving 0.7 percent and 0.6 percent respectively of total space to Dalit issues ( Tattimani Sultana & Kakade, 2016)
Ratnamala in her study found that media neglected caste based violence against Dalit in the name of proximity for national coverage and confined it as local news. The violence against Dalit was trivialized as day to day crime issue and not as issue of human rights. She concluded that the neglect, trivialization and stereotyping of Dalit by media is symbolic annihilation of Dalit in media. (Ratnamala, 2012)
A study of Hindi newspaper in eastern Uttar Pradesh about the coverage of scheduled caste people show meager representation of news related to them (3 percent space). They Mili Singh 15 were covered as victim of crime, situation, bureaucracy and accidents or beneficiary of government schemes in education and employment. (Singh, Ratnmala, 2016)
Understanding about Dalit
Dalit is a vast term including all the marginalized people. But my study is concerned with the people under scheduled caste list of government of India. The population of scheduled caste people is 201,378,372 and literacy is 66.07 percent at national level according to 2011 census. They constitute 16.63 percent of total population of India according to 2011 census data. The 154 million of Scheduled caste resides in rural areas and 47 million live in urban areas of India. So in absolute terms they form a big community especially in rural areas. 76.4 percent of total population of Scheduled castes is rural in nature. In urban areas also their numbers are quite significant and cannot be ignored. If we compare literacy of urban and rural Schedule caste the literacy rate is 67.5 percent and 59.8 percent respectively. (Census 2011)
The origin of Dalit can be traced with the origin of Shudras who were part of Hindu caste system and originated with coming of Aryans in Indian sub-continent. Aryans conquered the land and settled in Indian subcontinent. They were believed to bring caste system in the Indian sub-continent that was initially based on division of labor. Basically Aryans were agriculturists but later they divided themselves into the Kshatriyas who were the rulers and warriors, Brahmins were priests, scholars and thinkers. They were the guiding force for making of polices and preservation and maintenance of the laws for the nation. Vaishyas were in the profession of agriculturists, artisans, and merchants; Shudras were kept below the other castes and were laborers and unskilled workers, other than the agriculturists. The indigenous tribes of India those were living here for years were assimilated within Hinduism and given a place with the Shudras. (Nehru, 1946)
According to Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar Shudras emerged from a special tribe of Kshatriyas who came in conflict with Brahmins and later were denied of Upnayan Sanskara and deprived of sacred thread which led their status to fall below Vaishyas. (Ambedkar, 1946)
According to Joti Rao Govindrao Fule the Sudras and Ati-Shudras were regarded with hatred and contempt. Even common human rights were denied to them. Their touch and shadows were considered as pollutant. Their lives were not better than reptilian in the eyes of Brahmins. If a Brahmin kills Shudra his punishment was mere fasting penance for few hours but if a Shudra kills a Brahmin, life forfeiture of Shudra was the only punishment. 16 Coverage of Dalits in Indian Media: A Critical Analysis of Influences on Content (Fule, 1873) So there were discriminatory laws for the same crime based on caste system
Shudras as mentioned by Fule and Ambedkar were the people which later came under an umbrella term ‘Dalit’ which included many other marginalized people of India. The term Scheduled caste is included in Constitution of India and it enlists most unprivileged and socially discriminated group of people.
RESEARCH QUESTION AND PROPOSITION
The conceptual paper is intended to identify and understand the factors that influence the content and coverage of news about Dalit in India. Therefore the enquiry questions for this paper are-
1. Why print media marginalized the voice of Dalit after independence?
2. What are the external and internal influences on media content and coverage about the news related to Dalit?
Through this paper I tried to understand and trace out all the possible reasons behind the marginalization of Dalit in media coverage/ content. Most of the content analyses study done on media content about coverage of Dalit interpreted that people belonging to Dalit community are underrepresented in media content.
The following factors are the possible reasons for the under representation of Dalit in media. These factors are Indian Social Structure (Caste System), Organizational Structure of Media, Advertiser’s influences and Journalistic work style.
There are certain internal and external factors that influence the content regarding the Dalit. Internal factors means the influences on content that arises within the newsroom of a media organization and external factors means influences caused outside the media organization. Internal factors include the organizational structure of media and Journalistic work style while external factors include Indian social structure and Advertisers influence. Based on the these studies following propositions can be derived
Proposition 1: Dalits are non-consumers of media
Proposition2: Advertisers influence the news contents related to marginalized section of people
Proposition3: Lack of diversity in newsroom leads to lack of pluralistic publication of news Mili Singh 17 Proposition4: Western news values and journalistic practices eliminate the chances of news publications related to Dalit.
Proposition 5: Caste problem in Indian society subdues the Dalit voices.
METHODOLOGY
This is a review study based on work done by scholars and researchers. For the study I collected research journals, articles and books from internet, library and from my colleagues. The research work by various scholars and media person which I collected is based on topic of ‘influences on media content’ typically related to Dalit. The study is done by analyzing articles and research published on the subject, discussions on the subject, results and conclusions drawn in different media studies. Main study was focused on the researches on influences on the media content
The effects and influences of media messages have been studied and numerous researches have been done considering content as independent variables keeping effects influences and impact audience as dependent variables. (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996) Media content effects are read and debated but what shapes the media content is often neglected. Large amount of media contents are quantified to measure the coverage given to a particular event be its election, riot, war or rally in inches, columns and percentage coverage. Similarly media contents are studied qualitatively also to understand the view, the way of representation and slant of coverage, fairness and unfairness about an event or trail or stereotyping of images. Media content researches failed to give several answers related to Dalit coverage in India. What are the possible reasons that Indian media professionals neglect the issues and problems of Dalit?
The purpose of this study is to examine the forces and conditions that the media are most likely to be influenced while covering or neglecting Dalit Issue. Specifically, this study asks how often, and what are the external and internal forces attempt to influence the content of newspaper and their coverage. To answer this question, this study examined and analyzed various research papers and interviews of journalist to examine how extra and intra media and administrative forces of the media organizations influence news content and coverage decisions.
The study is based on theories given by Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen D. Reese in their book ‘Mediating The Message: Theories of Influences on Mass Media Content’ to understand how the content of Indian newspaper and its coverage about the Dalit is 18 Coverage of Dalits in Indian Media: A Critical Analysis of Influences on Content governed by organizational structure of media house and social structure.
Analysis and Discussion of the Literature
Dalits are non-consumers of media
Dalits are considered as non-consumers of media specially print media based on two reasons literacy and rural back ground. Literacy rate of Scheduled caste (66.07 percent) in India is still less in comparisons to national literacy which is 74.04 percent (census 2011). So they are not given the importance as prime consumers of newspaper. More over the population of Schedule caste people are mostly rural in nature where reach/penetration of media is lesser in comparison to urban population. As there are fewer readers from this community they are not given priority in coverage. Owners of newspapers, top-level management executives suggest coverage of particular story or emphasize a particular agenda. Moreover Newsroom management influences a reporter’s decision of how to cover any event, incident or story. Scheduled Caste people lack the status of prime consumer so the stories relevant to them or concerning their needs and demands are not focused or kept on the top of Media’s agenda list.
A major of Dalit population in India lives in villages. About76.4 percent of total Scheduled Caste population lives in rural areas and only 23.6 percent lives in urban areas (census 2011). Accessibility of newspapers in rural areas is still meager. Even with increase in literacy and reach of newspaper is improved in rural areas if we compare it with urban areas it still less.
As comprehended by Sevanti Ninan literacy is not only requirement for creating a newspaper readers but also education and political empowerment which creates a hunger for news. Rural readers must develop desire to read what the newspaper is offering, capability to buy a daily newspaper by paying more price than their urban counterparts. It is not only the rural people responsibility to increase the readership at village level but it is also publisher’s responsibility to reach to rural clients on time. (Ninan, 2007)
In his speech Mr. Justice G.N. Ray (2009), Chairman, Press Council of India reflected the same idea “The whole reach of print media in rural areas is rather limited due to low literacy which is further compounded by low purchasing power and poor means of transportation for timely delivery of newspapers. There is direct link between backwardness or underprivileged condition and deprivation of communication resources.” Mili Singh 19 In the same speech Justice Ray then mentioned an analysis done by CMS to understand the rural readers done in year 2002. It found that only one third of country’s rural populations, above age of 14 years were reading newspapers daily. He further said that the reach and the readership of the print media will improve with the improvement of literacy, economy and rural infrastructure that also leads to the better coverage of rural news. (Ray, 2009))
As per reports of census report 2011 only 14 % Schedule Caste households in rural areas own radio set in comparison to 18.9% household of general category. Similarly TV Set is owned by 29.1 % SC households and Computer/laptop by 4.8 % of SC households in rural areas. Condition of Scheduled caste household owning media in urban areas is better as Radio is owned by 19.7%, TV is owned by 68.5% and laptop is owned by 11.1% Schedule Caste households. But Scheduled caste population is mostly rural (76.4 %) and this leads to the lack of media reach to the whole population. (Census 2011) All these conditions lead media industry to consider Dalit as non-consumer of media.
Advertisers influences the news contents related to marginalized section of people
Advertisers are keenly watching the circulation of newspapers and the possible buyers of their products. ABC and advertising agencies are watching not only the readers of newspaper but the demography of the reader, their purchasing power, needs and demand of the product. Dalits are economically weaker section and they are not target consumers of product advertised by many advertisers. They give advertisement to those newspapers whose readers are capable of buying their products. Thus advertising money becomes guiding factor for decision of editorial policies. Who should be given priority in publishing of news? Advertisers are well versed with market segmentation and they plan their media selection according to the audience research done. To avoid any circulation waste they give advertisement in those newspapers and broadcast media which can support their sales objective. Dalits being economically weaker cannot afford many goods and services so their priority and voices are neglected. So advertisers’ money is the guiding external force that influences editorial to give priority to particular subject and that could exclude Dalit voice.
There are many internal and external forces involved in the news-decision process. It is very common that advertisers exert pressure on the management of newspaper or media houses to avoid covering a story because that could harm their company’s image and subsequently their profits. Regarding the news coverage all these important questions 20 Coverage of Dalits in Indian Media: A Critical Analysis of Influences on Content that should not be ignored and asked again and again. In today’s media world, the news workers, be the journalist or part of management are continuously facing with competing loyalties from both within and outside their organizations. To increase bottom-line pressure on media houses the advertisers’ potential influences on news content decisions are even more evident. (Shoemaker, Reese)
The same kind of result is observed in the study done by (Rita F. Colistra, 2008) which indicates that advertisers do influence the media specially the small newspapers and reporters from small market, though the other extra media and intra media influence play more dominant role.
According to Pringle and Starr (2005, p. 102) the advertisers principal interest is in using broadcast media to bring about attention of the audience to the product they advertise. The program that attracts potential customers stands the best chance to attract advertising revenue.
Western news values and journalistic practices eliminates the chances of news publications related to Dalit
Western news values which are based on prominence and oddity in news publications leads to negligence of common problems of Dalit. News about prominent Dalit leaders, their life style, election campaigns and speeches are covered with zeal but common Dalit problems have no voice. Similar trend of under representation of Dalit was observed by Dr. Ratnamala Vanamamalai in her study on Tamil newspapers. She studied the coverage of everyday reporting of Dalits in two newspapers Dina Thanthi and Dinamalar in years 1999 to 2004. The study shows Dina Thanthi published twenty news articles about Dalit in six composite weeks. During the same period Dinamalar published twenty four news items. The major news that was published in Dina Thanthi was about Dalit political parties, news about social and economic development, human rights violation educational and cultural development and welfare interest of Dalit was totally ignored. (Ratnamala, 2015) Their problems are published when some oddity is involved. When crime accident or certain violence is involved then only the news related to common Dalit is published.
Lack of diversity in newsroom leads to lack of pluralistic publication of news
Ownership and pattern of employment can affect democratic thinking. Variations of thoughts are the spirit of democracy. Democratic society accepts diverse opinion and thinking and allows their coexistence in comparison to socialistic or authoritarian society Mili Singh 21 where one type of view point is accepted. Diversity of thought, coexistence and acceptance of views in negation is the soul of democratic values.
As Glasser (1984, 137) said, “Divergent points of view are desirable because they sustain public debate, public debate is desirable because it nurtures an informed citizenry, and an informed citizenry is desirable because it brings about a more perfect polity.” Diverse viewpoint is the requirement for a democratic society and concentration of same views destroy the fabric of democratic values. (Glasser, 1984)
Robin Jeffery (2010) in his essay [Not] Being There: Dalits and India’s Newspapers observed that there is nearly total lack of Dalit journalists in Indian newsrooms. Those who are there are not at decision making level. According to statistic given by Robin Jeffery Dalit constitutes more than 15 percent of total population of India or 150 million people in year 2000; and Indian daily newspapers sell 50 million copies per day. This shows both big numbers not touching each other anyhow. Owners of the media houses are also non Dalit. Organizational influences which include owners and top-level executives in decision making position of the news contents, affect coverage of news related to Dalit both indirectly and directly.
The organizational pressures like economic, owners’ and executives’ pressure and staff size pressures could directly affect reporters’ thinking and way of gathering news. Organizational Influences could directly influence reporters’ perceptions on content of news. So the news workers do not wait every time for their news directors to tell them to do so but they may feel the pressure themselves and act according to indirect orders. Simply put, in an organization as they are not only trained for the news style but also socialized to accept that responsibility and self-edit. (Rita, 2008)
The lack of diversity at lop level leads the newspaper to publish news that goes in accordance to the belief system of people at executive or owner level and same type of news worthiness concepts percolates to the news workers at lower level in hierarchy.
Caste problem in Indian society subdues the Dalit voices
Media being the part of society and the influence of the heritages are deeply rooted in people working with it. It’s hard for a common man to change or divert from the firm belief system under which he or she has been born and brought up. Journalists are not better than others. As far as Indian society is concerned being part of caste system is very natural that may be seen with surprise by western scholars. Class and power differentiation and 22 Coverage of Dalits in Indian Media: A Critical Analysis of Influences on Content discriminations related to it is prevail in all part of world in one way or other.
This observation is categorically given emphasis by Shoemaker and Reese as they write–“Content is a function of ideological positions and maintains the status quo. Hegemony is a broad theoretical approach suggesting that media content is influenced by the ideology of those in power in society.” (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996)
Shoemaker & Reese further emphasized that media is key of the economic system that is controlled by the people with economic power, so mass media maintains an ideology consistent with the economic power and further ensure that society will continue in its present form.’(Shoemaker & Reese, 1996)
Shoemaker & Reese also inferred from the contents that are frequently published or broadcast, that the media tell us what is normal and what is deviant. By portraying some people and groups frequently and in powerful positions, media gives importance to them and marginalizing others or presenting them less privileged. The treatment of deviance is therefore an important feature of media content that categorizes people or group as important or less, or mainstream or marginalized. (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996, p 44)
If we see the social structure of India, caste system is prominently playing role in all aspects of polity, business, bureaucracy, teaching and in other fields. If we keep date of Indian independence as starting point of judging the socio-economic growth of people of India we find the upper caste has got the advantage of education and sound economic background to hold the important places in every field. On the other hand Dalit were deprived of education and had poor financial background for centuries and could not compete with their counterparts of upper castes. To eliminate this economic, social and financial differences reservation policy was introduced by Constitution of India. Because of this policy many Dalit were able to get government jobs and their economic and educational conditions improved. If there would be no reservation policy the gap between the socio- economic conditions of dalits and upper caste would surely increase. But in private sectors the organizational composition and employment pattern is not as liberal as in government sector. As there is no stringent law to monitor reservation in private organization, the private holdings are not bound to imply the reservation system in their organization. If we see the media in India is mostly owned by private ventures and so no reservation policy is bound on them also.
“The caste composition of the media was perpetuated because the media had no fixed norms for appointments, and people were free to hire whom they pleased, so it was Mili Singh 23 difficult for other castes to break in. A Brahmin is likely to hire more Brahmins, and this was demonstrated by the employment pattern in Indian Nation.”Nalin Varma.*(Ninan, 2007)
Absences of Dalits and people of backward classes at top level in media houses are the reality of not only in Hindi belt but also in other regional media. This gap of diversity in the newsroom is the reason of lack of concern about the issues relating to oppression of lower cast people. National media is more likely to publish atrocities against Dalits, than regional or Hindi media.’ (Ninan,2007, p 220-222).
Finding From The Literature Review And Discussion
Literature was useful for understanding the topic for this conceptual paper. The literature enabled me to answer the two inquiry questions.
1. Why print media marginalized the voice of Dalit after independence?
The discussion on literature related to media content on Dalit concludes that social status or caste system still matters in Indian society and media gives prominent coverage to the prominent group of the society. This way of coverage also fulfills the requirement of western practice of newsgathering guidelines given to media persons in India. Lack of diversity in newsroom and the employment system that neglects the government reservation policy also subdue the dalit voice. Advertisers consider Dalit as non-consumer of media as well as their products indirectly influence the coverage of news related to Dalit.
2. What are the external and internal influences on media content and coverage about the news related to Dalit?
Based on the above discussions and findings we reach on the following model which explains the influence of media content about Dalit in India. There are two broader factors for under representation and distorted presentation of Dalit issues in Indian media. External factors are those related to society and culture within which media work that includes caste system and non-consumer of media. Dalit or scheduled caste population is rural in nature and their literacy is less in comparison to other communities that reduce their media consumption especially to those media that require special training to consume print media like newspapers and magazines. Buying capacity is low because of their poverty so they cannot afford media and its product.
Internal factors include the influences related to media organization. Advertisers 24 Coverage of Dalits in Indian Media: A Critical Analysis of Influences on Content view Dalit as non-consumers of their products. So they will divert their ad money to the media that leads to least circulation wastes. As Dalit are not able to buy the advertised products they are last in the priority of manufacturers and business men who feed media with advertisement money. So Dalits are also last preferable subjects to be published or broadcasted by media.
Lack of diversity in employment leads to lack of diversity in understanding of events in diverse prospects. Same kind of people produce monotonous news or same aspects of an event. As we know news is an account of event as perceived by media men and then it is delivered to the audience. In case of diverse views about the problems and issues of Dalit is prepared by any journalist and , the scanners of gatekeepers (Editors and Management) kill the diversity of the story. Lack of Dalit journalist at decision level or owner level is a major concern in media organization that ultimately cannot understand the problems faced by Dalit people in society so the media content related to Dalit become unbalanced and biased. Western practices of newsgathering do not find unusual or prominence in stories related to Dalit so they leave them unattended. All these factors are mingled to form a situation that leads to underrepresentation or misrepresentation of Dalit in mainstream media.