UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY

Reading the Play:

Interpreting Violence in Canadian Ice Hockey

by

Steve Dumas

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY

CALGARY, ALBERTA

October, 2009

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•+• Canada Abstract

The Canadian justice system is based upon modifications to classical theory. Classical theory suggests that when individuals engage in socially harmful behaviour such as assault, they are to be punished for their self-interested acts. But, many criminal acts go unpunished even when detected, and they do not always appear to be entirely motivated by rational thought. This is particularly true in Canadian ice hockey arenas where violent behaviour is not uncommon, and it is rarely brought before the courts.

This study uses Jack Katz's version of symbolic interactionism to explain violence in

Canadian ice hockey. This brand of symbolic interactionism, referred to as "moral transcendentalism", suggests that criminal and deviant events are attempts to embody the moral good. That is, people may violate state laws, but believe that they are seeking "justice". When faced with serious status threats, people will find themselves humiliated and seduced by their own rage. Others, including judges and jurors, are able to identify with the emotional processes experienced by perpetrators and will, at times, empathize with them. Consequently, criminal behaviour may go unpunished. This study incorporates the method of analytic induction to examine information provided by 39 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with male and female hockey players, coaches, and administrators at several levels of the Canadian game. Taken together, they provide considerable support for the Katzian perspective.

iii Acknowledgements

I would like to acknowledge the support of my advisor, Dr. Kevin Young. His ongoing patience

and hard work made this study possible. I would also like to acknowledge and thank Dr. Lloyd

Wong, Dr. Doug Brown, Dr. David Paskevich, and Dr. Brian Wilson for their contributions and good will.

iv Dedication

I dedicate this dissertation to my mother, Mary Rose Dumas, and to my father, Gunnar Kahn.

v Table of Contents Chapter One-Introduction l Introduction 2 Questions About Ice Hockey Violence 2 Purpose of the Study 4 Violence in Canadian Ice Hockey 5 Examples of Ice Hockey Violence 8 Hockey and Fighting: An Ambiguous Relationship 11 Layout of the Study 13 Conclusion: Why Study Sports? 14 Chapter Two-Literature and Theory 16 Introduction 17 Epistemological Interpretations of Deviance 18 Demonic deviance 18 Deviance as choice 19 Deviance as sickness 19 Sociological Explanations of Deviance 21 Functional deviance 21 Societal reactionism 23 Conflict theory 24 Critical theory/Cultural studies 27 Research themes in sport studies 29 A word on choice: Situational control theory 37 The Emotional Lure of Physical Violence 41 Mead and the social self. 41 Goffman: Drama, ritual, and the social self. 42 Constructing the "enforcer" role: Race and ethnicity 50 Channelling rage: Sex 52 Limitations of Katz's moral transcendence theory 54 Conclusion 55 Chapter Three-Methodology for Investigating Violence in Ice Hockey 57 Introduction 58 The Problem of Motivation 61 Ontological Assumptions: Poignant Emotional Moments as Data 64 Methodological Strategy: Interviews about Emotional Provocations and Responses 66 Analytic induction 67 Data Collection Procedure 72 Instrument: Inquiring into Righteous Violence 75 Data Analysis Procedures 76 Methodological Experiences 79 Ability to Schedule 82 Willingness to Participate 83 Experiences With Voice Recognition Technology 84 Reliability and Validity 85 Ethics 87 Conclusion 87 Chapter Four-Constructing Toughness 89 Introduction 90 Status, role, and identity 91 Constructing Physical and Mental Toughness: Heavyweights, Bullies, and Dirty Rats 94 Appearance Work: A Scary Looking Dude 102 Building a Ruthless Reputation 108 Generating Fear and Indecision 113 The Impact of Fans 116 Conclusion 121 Chapter Five-Violent Stimuli: Justice, Cheap Shots, and Dirty Plays 125 Introduction 125 Justice for Cheap Shots and Dirty Plays 126 A Good Ole Hockey Game - A Typology of Canadian Ice Hockey Fights 134 Rivalry fights 141 Career fights 142 Enforcement fights 144 Strategic fights 148 Self-righteous fights 149 Fighting and Gender 152 A Unique Game 156 Perceptions of Why Violence Occurs 162 Nature of the game 163 Aggressive individuals 165 Heat of the moment 168 Conclusion 171 Chapter Six-Conclusion 176 Introduction 177 Research Question 177 Method: Analytic Induction 178 Interviews 178 Alternative Methodological Strategies 179 Study Findings 180 Agency and Social Structure 184 Subculture 185 The Inevitability of Ice Hockey Violence 188 Litigation 190 Limitations of Righteous Violence 193 Positive Social Change 194 Conclusion 197 References 200 Appendix A. Male and Female Participation in Hockey Canada, 2007 217 Appendix B. Interview Guideline for Administrators 218 Appendix C. Interview Guideline for Coaches 223 Appendix D. Interview Guideline for Players 226 Appendix E. Informed Consent Form 229 1

Chapter One-Introduction 2 Chapter One-Introduction

Introduction

On October 22nd, 2006, Calgary's Stu Peppard Arena was the site of a violent spectacle

(Chapman & Zickefoose, 2006). During a regular season Junior B ice hockey game between the

North East Athletic Association Canucks and the North West Calgary Athletic Association

Bruins, players and fans became embroiled in a serious physical altercation which required the intervention of paramedics, police and even court officials. The incident began when a player left his bench during the game, "sucker-punched" another player, and continued as a referee escorted the instigator from the ice surface. At this time, players for both teams became involved. A linesman was left unconscious on the ice after being repeatedly kicked by a crowd of players, the Calgary Junior Hockey League Governor was pushed around by fans while trying to alleviate the conflict, and a player, adhering to the orders of an on-ice official to return to his dressing room, was struck by another player's parent on his way (Kennedy, 2006). As the incident was under investigation by Hockey Calgary, all coaches and players involved were temporarily suspended. Ultimately, however, one player was charged with assault, two players were suspended for two years (effectively ending their careers in the League), a coach was permanently suspended, and a player's parent was banned from entering all Calgary ice hockey arenas governed by Hockey Calgary for one year.

Questions About Ice Hockey Violence

Not surprisingly, the event received considerable attention in the mainstream media.

Some referred to it as "mayhem", a "brawl", others called it a "vicious brawl" while many drew attention to the "mob mentality" or the "mob scene" that ensued (CBC News, Oct 24; CBC 3 News Oct 30; 2006; Chapman and Zickefoose, 2006; Kennedy 2006). How could an arena that has hosted thousands of peaceful events descend to this level? Ice hockey is frequently played in front of hundreds or even thousands of viewers, some games are video-recorded, regulated by on-ice officials, governed by administrative organizations and controlled, at times, by authorities.

Although sports violence is not uncommon, this particular incident was unique as it included players, hockey administrators, and fans. Given such controlling forces and the magnitude of this altercation, the event would appear to defy explanation. This study will demonstrate that such incidents can be explained by the theory of self-righteous violence advocated by Katz

(1988).

One might assume that inappropriate behaviour, publicly viewed and properly punished, would not occur, or alternatively, that it would be kept hidden from others. Consequently, violent incidents like the Stu Peppard event, raise several sociological questions about social order. Are violent events in Canadian ice hockey taken seriously by players, parents, fans, administrators and the courts? Are they manifestations of an "anything goes" mentality (Pfohl,

1996, p. 253)? What causes such violence to erupt and how can social order break down so quickly? Importantly, what, if anything, can be done to prevent these things from happening in the future?

Sports have long been thought of as inducing conformity to the normative order. After all, when parents spend time and money placing their children into various sports, the hope is that the experience will be positive. Mead (1934) argued that the development of the social self consists of important stages in which playing and gaming are central forces. Children learn to adhere to a set of rules dictated by society. At the same time, however, some maintain that sport celebrities are scrutinized and their deviant acts rabidly consumed by intrigued on-lookers 4 (Blackshaw and Crabbe, 2004). Consequently, sports are said to induce rule-violation. Do athletes provide society with admirable role models? Might their deviant acts spill over into society? Are all sports settings sufficiently insulated from the dominant society as to constitute subcultures? What are the effects of sports like ice hockey on society more generally and are they changing over time?

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to better understand violence by exploring accounts of violent incidents, perpetrated by players on the ice, using the method of analytic induction. This effort resulted in 39 interviews of players, coaches, and administrators. At this stage, Coakley and Donnelly's definition of violence will be used (2004, p. 187-8). Violence refers to the use of excessive physical force, which causes or has the potential to cause harm or destruction. In contrast, aggression is the use of verbal or physical actions with the intent to dominate, control, or do harm to another person.

The study is unique to the extent that it is informed and guided by Katz's criminological theory of righteous slaughter (1988) which was originally developed to interpret homicide.

Criminology has a long history of theoretical development. This is not surprising since social upheaval and control elicit strong sentiment from those affected. When it comes to justice, everyone is affected. Consequently, the discipline of criminology offers a rich body of knowledge for those interested in sports violence. The use of this literature allows for new, creative, and sophisticated ways to understand human behaviour.

Currently, displays of injury and interpersonal violence are sufficiently tolerated in

Canadian ice hockey culture to the extent that they elicit no warnings of violent content for 5 viewing audiences. Rather than conceal such explicit practices, the mass media diligently record and even replay such spectacles for consumption by viewers of all ages (Coakley & Donnelly,

2004, p. 190). Some victimological studies suggest that the profit motive is responsible for these incidents (Young, 1993, p. 374-8). That is, although hockey executives and managers publicly condemn violence as distasteful, they covertly embrace it for profit. Popular hockey commentators including Don Cherry, a controversial commentator of the Canadian Broadcasting

Corporation's Hockey Night in Canada, however, maintain that careless and "dirty" play may be attributed to more effective safety gear which creates a gladiator mentality among players (Gillet,

White & Young, 1996, p. 70; Smith, 1987, p. 4). And, yet another view purports that ice-hockey violence is partly the result of a hypermasculinist work culture (Young, 1993, p. 378-82).

Because some explanations for, and solutions to, rule-violation within Canadian ice hockey incorporate self-interested, rational actors, or dramaturgical subjects, acting within a unique cultural context, this study will examine these competing claims. Should violent behaviour be accurately characterized as simply rationally calculated or understood as attempts to achieve a commonly understood notion of "justice", or otherwise? The objective is to better understand violent behaviour in ice hockey.

Violence in Canadian Ice Hockey

Ice hockey occupies a mythical place in Canadian culture (Whitson & Gruneau, 2006, p.

1-25). Initially, it was played simply for fun, but educators increasingly came to see it as a vehicle for teaching masculine virtues of strength, toughness and determination (Gillet, White &

Young, 1996). By the end of the nineteenth century, many came to see it as a way for young people to develop self-discipline, respect for authority and value fair play. In the mid-1920s, ice 6 hockey was a thriving business that generated solid regional followings. By the end of the

1930s, radio audiences were as large as 2 million listeners and at the end of the 1960s, Hockey

Night in Canada was the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's (CBC) most highly watched television program with approximately 3 million viewer watching the National Hockey League team, the Toronto Maple Leafs, and another 2 million viewers tuning in to watch games played by the Montreal Canadiens.

Violence has been a part of this history. Smith (1983, p. 1) argues that the terms violence and aggression have been used to refer to so many different kinds of actions that they have lost much of their meaning. He contends that there are several reasons for this confusion (p. 1-2).

First, the various academic disciplines such as psychology and sociology seek out different aspects of violence and behaviour. Each one will perceive violence and aggression somewhat differently. Second, it is likely that there are many different dimensions to these concepts making precision more complex. Finally, they are loaded concepts with moral, social and political meanings. An example of how controversial are these issues is illustrated when CBC commentators claimed that those opposed to fighting in hockey contributed to a "pansification" of the game (CBC Sports, January 31, 2009). These references angered members of Egale

Canada, an organization that seeks equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered people.

They maintained that these references were insulting to gay men or people perceived to be gay.

Violence and aggression elicit considerable emotions in most people including academics and their personal views may generate biased definitions.

Smith (1983, p. 2) argues that compared to violence, aggression is a general concept. A person may be aggressive by hurting another physically or emotionally. By contrast, violence is physical and is qualitatively different (more intense) from say, psychological violence. At the 7 extreme of physical violence is the killing of another. Violence contains several components (p.

2-8). It includes an intent to injure another person. This aspect of the definition is the most difficult to sustain because it is impossible to sufficiently ascertain the motives of a perpetrator and determine whether or not harm was intended. Viewed in this way, violence is a private act.

As well, it is questionable whether it should include cases where there is no attempt to avoid injuring another.

Although Smith provides readers with a precise definition of violence, the reference is frequently subjectively defined by many in society. That is, it is not regarded in objective terms by its consequences. Rather, it is often thought of as behaviour that is labeled so since some types of physically harmful behaviour are not deemed violent. It depends on who is harming whom and under what conditions (see Becker, 1963). At times, violence is legitimized as acceptable, understood or necessary. Smith's definition of violence is physically assaultive behaviour that is designed to, and does, injure another person or persons physically (Smith, 1983, p. 7).

In order to understand violence in sports settings, Smith advances a useful typology. This typology of sports violence is among the most frequently used by those attempting to interpret such incidents (Young, 2004, p. 336-37). It includes relatively legitimate "brutal body contact" and "borderline violence" as well as relatively illegitimate "quasi-criminal violence" and

"criminal violence" (Smith, 1983, p. 8-23).

Relatively legitimate brutal body contact is contact between players that is permitted by sports leagues, but can be dangerous nevertheless because the severity of this contact is highly variable. It includes tackles in football, checks in hockey and collisions in soccer. By contrast, borderline violence contravenes the rules of any given sports league. These acts are, however, 8 generally accepted by those involved in the sport. A fist-fight in hockey is a good example of borderline violence since many will maintain that it is an integral part of the game.

Relatively illegitimate quasi-criminal violence includes behaviour which violates the formal rules of the particular sport, but also contravenes the informal rules of the sport. When these kinds of actions take place, sports leagues often intervene by subjecting players to suspensions, fines and even lifetime bans in extreme cases. By contrast, criminal violence refers to action that clearly violates the rules of the given sport and cannot be avoided by the state.

Smith refers (1983, p. 21) to the Smithers case as an example of criminal violence. Smithers, an

African-Canadian hockey player, was convicted of manslaughter because he attacked and killed another player in a Toronto arena parking lot in 1973 following a Midget-level game. Because a death was involved, the incident received world-wide publicity.

Examples of Ice Hockey Violence

Although there are several types of violence in hockey that frequently occur every year, a few cases are noteworthy because they are so exceptional. The first are the Richard Riots

(Harvey, 2006, p. 38). These began when Maurice Richard "The Rocket" was suspended for the remainder of the regular season of play including the playoffs after he struck a linesman on

March 13th, 1955. Richard was skating with the puck to his opponent's net when Hal Laycoe of the Boston Bruins slashed him with his stick causing him to bleed. When Richard charged after

Laycoe, the linesman managed to grab Richard holding one of his arms behind his back. Laycoe took advantage of the situation and punched The Rocket. At this point, Richard hit the linesman and again went after Laycoe. Crowds rioted at the next game in Montreal and spilled over into the streets. This was a significant event in the NHL because the suspension was relatively 9 lengthy, violence spilled over into society, and the event was the result of ongoing ethnic tensions. Montreal Canadiens fans did not riot simply because of this one suspension; rather, they had long been angry about the poor treatment of French speaking players by English speaking owners and managers.

Another salient event was a stick swinging incident perpetrated by "Terrible" Ted Green of the Boston Bruins against Wayne Maki of the St. Louis Blues in 1969 (Young, 2000, p. 59-

60). The event began with a couple of hard checks and escalated to a stick swing which gave

Maki a fractured skull requiring three major surgeries and a steel plate in his head (Bernstein,

2006, p. 8). This was the first case where NHL players were charged with assault in the courts although both were ultimately acquitted using self-defense as their legal strategies.

Another memorable violent episode occurred at the 1972 "Summit Series" between Team

Canada and the USSR (Whitson & Gruneau, 2006, p. 165). During Game Six, reportedly at the request of coach John Ferguson, Bobby Clarke slashed Valery Kharmalov breaking his ankle.

He received no serious punishment. Questioned about the incident years later, Clarke said "If I hadn't learned to lay a two-hander once in a while, I'd never have left Flin Flon" (Bernstein,

2006, p. 9).

The McSorely-Brashear incident represents one of the most serious cases of violence in the NHL (Coakley & Donnelly, 2004, p. 191). On February 21st, 2000, Marty McSorely of the

Boston Bruins slashed Donald Brashear of the Vancouver Canucks to the head leaving Brashear with a grade 3 concussion. McSorely was ultimately suspended for the rest of the year and was found guilty of assault by the courts. He was given a conditional discharge of eighteen months and never played professional ice hockey again.

A well-known recent example of ice hockey violence is "The Bertuzzi Incident" which 10 took place on March 8th, 2004 (Moore, 2006, p. 189-93). It was the culmination of aggressive events between the Vancouver Canucks and the Colorado Avalanche between February and

March of that year. The result was a particularly violent clash between several members of both teams with Moore enduring a career-ending spinal injury. In February, Steve Moore of the

Colorado Avalanche delivered what referees deemed a hard but legal hit to Vancouver Canucks' star Markus Naslund. Naslund's facial scars required thirteen stitches. Vancouver Canucks' players openly called for revenge against Moore and enforcer Brad May announced that a bounty had been placed on Moore's head. He said, "There's definitely a bounty on his head. Clean hit or not, that's our best player and you respond. It's going to be fun when we get him" (Moore,

2006, p. 189).

During their next meeting violence erupted with Bertuzzi punching Moore from behind and jumping on him bringing him crashing to the ice. Players from both teams piled on one another. Bertuzzi was suspended for the rest of the year and his suspension carried through the lock-out for the next season. He managed to avoid trial in BC by pleading guilty on the assault charge in exchange for a $500.00 fine, community service and a one year probation while the

Vancouver Canucks organization was fined $250,000 (Moore, 2006, p. 193). Bertuzzi's suspension without pay resulted in a salary loss of just over $500,000 and he still faces multiple civil lawsuits from Moore and his parents (Bernstein, 2006, p. 21-26). Bertuzzi has also filed a lawsuit against his former coach, Marc Crawford, for negligence in failing to control his players from attacking Moore (CBC Sports, March 28, 2008). Finally, Canadian ice hockey's reputation has been tarnished significantly (Bernstein, 2006, p. 21).

The National Hockey League currently schedules 1,230 games each year and it has been in existence since 1917 (Bernstein, 2006, p. 3). In addition, Hockey Canada registered 558,117 11 players in the 2007-2008 season and has had over a half a million registered participants since the mid-1990s (see Appendix A). Consequently, the incidents discussed above do not represent an exhaustive list of violent events in Canadian ice hockey. Such a list would require considerably more space than is available here. These few examples of violence are included because of their cultural impacts or due to the legal precedents they set.

The Richard Riots are impossible to ignore given the amount of property damage to the city of Montreal and the level of ethnic antagonism involved. The Green-Maki incident is instructive because it was the first time NHL players were charged with assault even though they were acquitted on these charges. The Summit Series between Canada and the USSR represents a significant cultural event that called into question key aspects of Canada's postwar hockey mythology because the teams were so evenly matched (Whitson & Gruneau, 2006, p. 5). The

McSorely-Brashear clash is included because it resulted in the longest suspension the NHL ever handed out and was the first case successfully prosecuted in court since 1988 (Bernstein, 2006, p.

14-15). Finally, the Bertuzzi incident was discussed because of the extent of damage suffered by his victim, the length of his suspension and the resulting loss of salary, and the fact that he was found guilty of assault. As mentioned above, the lawsuits have yet to be settled.

Hockey and Fighting: An Ambiguous Relationship

It is apparent that violence generally, and fighting more specifically, are not uncommon characteristics of Canadian ice hockey. Given the mythological status of hockey in Canadian culture, it has been relatively easy to marginalize those who criticize the sport in any way. As such, most of the ice hockey literature written before WWII consisted of "laudatory volumes about great teams or players" or "how to play" books (Whitson & Gruneau, 2006, p. 7). In fact, 12 Whitson and Gruneau (2006) explain that it was not until the 1960s and 1970s that players and academics generated books containing negative views of such violence. For example, former

NHL Toronto Maple Leaf player, Brian Conacher, and academics such as Bruce Kidd and John

McFarlane produced analyses that were highly critical of violence in the game.

The nature of the relationship between violence and Canadian ice hockey organizations is, however, highly contested. Whitson and Gruneau (2006) point out that, with their focus on the mind rather than the body, scholars of the humanities tended to dismiss sporting behaviour as

"mindless conformity". In contrast, they explain how Marxists have argued that ice hockey fights may be deemed "opiates of the people" (p. 8). That is, they are analogous to drugs that make people feel well despite a less sanguine reality. As these beliefs are so deeply embedded in ice hockey, Coakley and Donnelly (2004, p. 190-2) suggest that such violence may be plausibly perceived as overconformity to the sport ethic.

With a concentration on economic factors, inequality, Marxists and conflict theorists more generally maintain that fighting exists in sport settings because power rests largely in the hands of those who own the means of production. Owners and management of NHL teams hire players with the expectation that they will become involved in such behaviour. Those who refuse to engage in violence or do not effectively ignore the pain caused by injuries and play through them, are likely to be excluded from playing entirely. In sum, it is declared by some that fighting exists because it generates profits for capitalists.

Young (1993) has noted that the relationship between Canadian ice hockey and fighting is far more complex. Occasional waves of concern about fighting in the sport demonstrate that violence is not simply about putting "bums in seats", but rather, illustrate manifestations of hypermasculinity in the context of exploitive workplaces. Players are encouraged by the society 13 at large to defend and make salient, their gender status. Individuals with such dispositions are pushed and pulled towards such behaviour.

As hegemonic, patriarchal structures, the media and the courts are also significant influences in this process. Gillett, White, and Young (1996) reveal that popular hockey broadcasts such as Hockey Night in Canada tend to celebrate violence. As well, Young and

Wamsley (1996) explain that the court system has been noticeably reluctant to intervene in such cases. The Canadian courts tend to allow sports organizations to regulate themselves.

It appears that Canadian ice hockey has maintained an uneasy relationship with both fighting and violence. While the spectacle of fighting may be profitable, it also comes under criticism from players, academics, and fans (Young & Wamsley, 1996). An economic interpretation of violence does not include hegemonic factors such as gender and culture.

Players are aware of such expectations well before they ever get the chance to play the game. At the same time, participants are both victim and perpetrator. From a symbolic interactionist perspective, this study will illustrate why players behave they way they do in such an environment.

Layout of the Study

This study is about deviance generally and violence specifically in the sport of Canadian ice hockey. Deviance refers to rule-breaking and/or behaviour that violate people's expectations

(Tepperman, 2006, p. 3). Players, coaches and administrators at various levels have to deal with these issues on an ongoing basis. Navigating the terrain is not easy for participants or researchers. This is, in part, because term deviance itself is problematic. Who determines what is deviant behaviour in this unique setting? How has it changed over time? How should 14 deviance be dealt with and who should do so?

While this chapter sketches out the central problems under consideration, the next provides a more detailed review of the state of the literature. It will identify conceptual and theoretical issues and controversies that have implications for the sociology of deviance, the sociology of sport and sociology more broadly. Drawing upon the work of criminologist Jack

Katz (1988), there will be offered the theory of moral transcendentalism loosely situated within the perspective of interactionism; a unique but powerful way to perceive seemingly inexplicable events such as the aforementioned episode at Stu Peppard Arena. The third chapter explains the methodological approach taken to try and provide answers to the questions posed above. The fourth chapter "Constructing Tough Ice Hockey Identities", outlines how the social self is constructed in ice hockey. The results of discussions with ice hockey participants will demonstrate how players establish tough identities while simultaneously generating fear and indecisiveness in others. A discussion of the utility of deviance in the game and the impact of fans upon it will also take place. In the next chapter "Violent Stimuli: Justice, Cheap Shots and

Dirty Plays", participants explain how they delineate what kinds of aggressive play are deemed acceptable. A discussion of a fluid code of conduct will be undertaken and a typology of fighting included. This chapter also includes participants' thoughts and feelings on hockey league discipline and litigation in order to ascertain their ideas on how to deal with wanted and unwanted violence in the sport. The final chapter will summarize the key findings, discuss the limitations of this work, and offer some suggestions for positive social change.

Conclusion: Why Study Sports?

At first glance, studies on sport may appear to be rather self-indulgent affairs and it is 15 likely that the topic of research does reflect the particular interests of those who study it. The same, of course, may be said of any other social scientist whether they focus on crime, gender, social stratification or social order. This is not to say, though, that sports are ordinary institutions and are easily understood. They are frequently leisurely activities, though not always. They are often voluntary interactions, but not all of the time. They may reflect people's wishes and desires, much of the time.

Some may believe that since they are frequently voluntary, leisurely activities, sports somehow may be less deserving of academic scrutiny. This writer derives the opposite conclusion from the same set of premises. That is, when people volunteer to engage in activities, the behaviour exhibited indicates much about what they feel and believe. Sports may also say something significant about how people are regulated and how the social self is generated.

The examination of sports offers something distinct to say about our social world even as this subfield intersects many others in sociology. There exist unique interactions in terms of crime and deviance, gender, race, social class in an increasingly globalized world. The analysis of sports settings also generates opportunities for a better understanding of the interplay between the effects of subcultures within the dominant society as sports are not merely reflections of the dominant society because they may challenge some of the ways in which society is organized.

The next chapter explores some of this exciting literature. 16

Chapter Two-Literature and Theory 17 Chapter Two-Literature and Theory

"All in all, I enjoyed a good scrap. I enjoyed every aspect of it. It was one of my favorite things in the world. I could take all my pent-up energy from the week and just release it on somebody during a game. And hey, it was legal" (Twist, 2006; cited in Bernstein, 2006, p. xv).

Introduction

Given the ability to sanction ice hockey players, it might be tempting to assume that the existence of violence is tolerated or even accepted by sports authorities. As former National

Hockey League (NHL) enforcer Tony Twist argues above, some believe that fighting in the NHL is legal even though it clearly contravenes the rules of the sport. Although fights in ice hockey are not uncommon and are rarely litigated in the courts (Young, 1993), this is not to say they are entirely acceptable and devoid of controversy. Whether perceived as underconformity or overconformity to the rules (Coakely and Donnelly, 2004, p. 155-7 ), many consider fighting, even in hockey, to be deviant. This chapter will review literature salient in both the sociology of sport as well as the sociology of deviance. It will demonstrate that definitions of deviance are highly subjective, vary based upon the epistemology or theoretical perspective utilized, and that deviance is best explained by the theory of righteous slaughter (Katz, 1988).

Definitions of deviance, however, tend to vary across both time and space (Beaman,

2000; Clinard & Meier, 1989; Cohen, 1972; Downes & Rock, 2003; Schissel & Mahood, 1996).

For instance, in North America, homosexuality was considered a mental illness just a few decades ago while same-sex marriages are now legitimated by the Canadian state (Kinsman,

2007). At the same time, Saudis may be executed for engaging in homosexual acts. The definition of deviance is also problematic because it is affected by situations. While killing 18 someone is often defined as murder and may be punished by death in some countries, it may also be considered heroic in the context of warfare. At times, the legal system will even set a known killer free if the perpetrator can demonstrate that their actions were consistent with self-defense

(Katz, 1988, p. 12-20 ). In sum, it is no simple task to validly and reliably define deviance because it is affected by the religious, economic, political and social manifestations of power and control at any given time.

Epistemological Interpretations of Deviance

Demonic deviance.

Definitions of deviance are complicated by the fact that they are the result of human agency. This was made painfully clear during the Middle Ages as monarchical punishment was characterized by public displays of torture and executions (i.e. Foucault, 1977). At this time, the technology of punishment was both arbitrary and repressive. Importantly, the definition of deviance was based upon temptation into sin or via demonic possession. The focus of punishment was to control actors as well as their actions.

Foucault (1977) explains that the Enlightenment brought dramatic changes to the modern understanding of definitions of deviance and methods of punishment. Classical theorists sought to bring uniformity to punishment by ensuring that the legislative body generated laws and the judicial determined questions of guilt (Pfohl, 1994, p. 72). These reformers, likely considered deviant themselves at the time, maintained that all behaviour was hedonistic; attempts to maximize pleasure and minimize pain. As such, deviance was deemed no different than any other behaviour and effective control was based on swift, certain punishment slightly more 19 severe than the pleasure derived from it (p. 73).

Deviance as choice.

Classical reformers presented significant changes to the definition of deviance. They problematized it by noting that it was no different, by nature, than any other acts. As they saliently resisted the control of actors and desired only to control actions, they required a clear basis on which to do so. Bentham proposed that laws could be created when deviant behaviour presented a demonstrable social harm. If there was no victim, then there was no harm done

(Pfohl, 1994, p. 75). Thus, it appeared as though the prevailing moral basis for determining deviance had been dealt a serious blow. Although demonic deviance had been challenged by enlightened reformers, morality was still evident in definitions and treatment of deviance.

Determining the common good is a subjective process that explicitly disregards the rights of minority groups.

Deviance as sickness.

Pfohl (1994, p. 100-69) argues that the nineteenth and twentieth centuries represented a reversion of sorts for definitions of deviance. This is true, in part, because there existed a return to a focus on the body. While demonic definitions of deviance in the Middle Ages had identified deviance through witch's marks (birth marks, warts, moles and other bodily imperfections), slips of the tongue, accusations, confessions and spectral analysis (ghostly forms) (Pfohl, 1994, p. 26-

28), those made by pathologists such as Lombroso, Goring, Goddard, Freud and others also argued that physical aberrations and slips of the tongue revealed certain truths. The body or the mind had been infected and required repair. Proposed solutions included insulin-induced comas, pre-frontal lobotomies, sterilization and other invasive surgeries (Kendall, 1996, p. 140-1).

Mahood points out that these bodily intrusions were not always based upon efforts to rehabilitate offenders in a humane fashion, but also to punish them as well. Such efforts to rehabilitate were more frequently used upon minority groups including women, immigrants and rural residents.

This brief summary of the main epistemological interpretations of deviance illustrates considerable variation in thinking on the subject. An epistemology refers to "a theory of knowledge" (Mason, 1996, p. 13). In other words, those interested in better understanding deviance incorporate different rules for what constitutes relevant knowledge. In the demonic perspective, deviants were identified on the basis of spectral analysis (ghostly images), if they had birth marks, or if they showed signs of odd or eccentric behaviour (Pfohl, 1994). The classical approach identified deviants when they caused demonstrable social harm (i.e. victims).

Lastly, the pathological approach turned towards the body to find evidence of dysfunctional bodily processes.

It is not just variation in the definition of deviance that is important. It should be noted that the political, economic and social forces of the periods in question were highly influential upon definitions of deviant behaviour. The Enlightenment had exposed the arbitrary nature of identifying and punishing deviants and the motivations behind the use of force were as transparent as ever. This revolutionary thinking was ultimately thwarted by scientific approaches to the matter and a reversion of sorts took place. Deviant behaviour was once again rendered as self-evident through physical characteristics and bodily intervention was the solution. A kinder, gentler solution had been constructed since rehabilitation was the expressed objective. It should also be recognized that the term deviance is based on morality even when the objective of some theorists (i.e. classical theorists) has been to expunge the moral basis from 21 the concept.

Sociological Explanations of Deviance

Functional deviance.

The first truly sociological explanation for deviance was put forth by Durkheim.

Resisting the analytical individualism of classical economists, biologists and psychologists

(Taylor, Walton and Young, 1973, p. 67-90), Durkheim argued that social order could not be explained simply by social contract alone because individuals did not choose to enter into such contracts. As well, industrial society appeared to be divided into different and unequal interest groups. Viewing the discipline of sociology as a solution to modern day disruptions, Durkheim maintained that societies should be understood as composed of interrelated systems that contributed to the social whole. Every social institution including religion, education and the justice system contributed to the collective conscience; the normative order. Deviance existed when there was a breakdown in the social system or when an abnormal division of labour was generated. Functionalism is a control theory insofar as deviance exists when controls collapse.

Although deviance is typically considered a negative characteristic of society, Durkheim explained that it had social functions (Pfohl, 1994, p. 224-228). When deviance is controlled by society, it may clarify the moral boundaries, enhance group solidarity, be innovative, and reduce social tensions. Although Durkheim believed that deviance was normal and control of it functional for society, he was aware that this line of logic could be regarded as teleological and warned social scientists not to conflate functions with reason for existence (Durkheim, 1997, p.

11). 22 Durkheim laid the foundation for a sociological understanding of deviant behaviour by arguing that there existed a normative order to which all abided or at least understood when they violated it. Even the deviant act of suicide was convincingly explained as the result of social solidarity since the behaviour varied by group membership and was not correlated with mental illness. In fact, the term deviance originated within the functionalist perspective (Coakley and

Donnelly, 2004, p. 148; Downes and Rock, 2003, p. 82). Not surprisingly, Blackshaw and

Crabbe (2004, p. 18-41) purport that the modern understanding of deviance is constrained by this sociological perspective. They maintain that sociologists interested in sport have been tied to this perspective because it has been dominant for so long. Sports sociologists frequently end up assessing the functions of sports and whether they have positive or negative impacts upon society.

Likewise, Coakley and Donnelly (2004, p. 148-152) argue that the study of sport reveals problems with this term. They point out that it assumes there is widespread consensus about what constitutes normative behaviour. Sports participants are governed by a different set of regulations and acts which are accepted in sports are not tolerated in the larger society.

Moreover, deviant behaviour in sports settings may be the result of overconformity to subcultural norms rather than underconformity to parent culture norms (Coakley and Donnelly, 2004, p. 148-

152). For example, altruism in athletes may take the direction of training too stringently or playing while injured (Young & White, 1995).

Despite these serious problems, Durkheim's questions regarding the nature of social order were important and he was instrumental in laying a foundation for the discipline. Even though the term deviance is considered problematic, it is still used by sociologists and whole courses are taught about the subject. In response to these conceptual difficulties, some have 23 chosen to assert the existence of multiple normative systems within the larger society. Others maintain that norms are virtually all encompassing to the extent that they are difficult to detect and resist. Another option is to purport that norms have little to do with deviance as is advanced by the societal reactionism approach.

Societal reactionism.

Symbolic interactionists interested in deviant behaviour are also known as societal reactionist theorists and labeling theorists (Pfohl, 1994, 345). Influenced by early Chicago

School interactionists such as Mead and Cooley who were influenced by Weber's Verstehende methodology, labeling theorists concentrate on the importance of subjective meaning in everyday life. The social self is believed to develop in interaction with others and individuals take the views of others towards themselves. As the individual is the primary unit of analysis, it is a micro-sociological theory.

Labeling theorists made a significant break from functionalism by maintaining that norms had little to do with definitions of deviance (Becker, 1963; Lemert,1951; & Tannenbaum, 1951).

They contended that there was nothing inherently deviant about sick, strange or bad behaviour.

Rather, deviance was considered a mere label successfully affixed to another. Becker (1963, p.

9) stated that,

... deviance is not a quality of the act the person commits, but

rather a consequence of the application by others of rules and

sanctions to an "offender". The deviant is one to whom that label

has successfully been applied; deviant behavior is behavior that

people so label. 24 Deviance was defined as existing only in the eyes of the beholder although at times, there arose moral panics throughout society (Cohen, 1972; Goode & Ben-Yehuda, 1994; de Young,

2004).

According to Pfohl (1994, p. 348-350), labeling theory was appealing in the 1960s and

1970s particularly on California campuses. These campuses were often public institutions that accepted diverse student bodies with a plurality of views at a time when counter-cultures and new social movements were developing. Because they frequently used field research, they came into contact with 'deviants' more often than did their Eastern counterparts and so they empathized and sympathized with the difficulties faced by tagged offenders. Labeling theorists were also prominent in explaining the dehumanizing conditions in mental institutions and questioned the ability of psychiatrists to diagnose mental illnesses ( see Goffman, 1959;

Rosenhan, 1973; Szaz 1974).

Becker (1963) was not only interested in informal labeling techniques, but in ways in which the labels were generated in the first place. That is, he was interested in the historical development of deviant labels. He maintained that moral entrepreneurs (p. 147-163) crusaded hard for prohibition, the abolition of slavery, to eliminate gambling and to eradicate the use of marijuana. These crusaders, claims Becker, came largely from the "upper levels of the social structure" while the labeled are frequently from the lower levels (1963, p. 149).

Conflict theory.

Societal reactionists interested in deviance in sports settings draw attention to the processes by which people enter sports. They also examine the ways in which participants experience sports and how subcultures develop (Bernstein, 2006; Fine, 1979; Fine, 1987; & 25 Reynolds, 1976). Although societal reactionist theorists do not ignore the role of power throughout history, Taylor, Walton and Young (1973, p. 167-9) argue that they tend to under- apply it and that further attention must be directed to the structure of power and institutions.

This sentiment is echoed by Coakley and Donnelly (2004, p. 42).

Taylor, Walton and Young (1973, p. 209-10) point out that Marx did not expend much energy on deviant behaviour although Engels did purport that demoralization, disorder and violence was the result of industrialization. Other conflict scholars such as Bonger (1916),

Quinney (1977), Spitzer (1975) and Chambliss (1964), however, did articulate theories of deviance. Drawing upon Marx, these explanations make salient the effects of the capitalist system in our understanding of deviant behaviour.

The fundamental contradiction of capitalist societies is that the bourgeoisie own the means of production whereas the proletariat have only their labour to sell. Upon this unequal material foundation emerges the political and legal superstructure (Quinney, 1977, p. 51-68). In other words, when any given society is characterized by material inequity, those who control the productive forces also control the state and all its institutions including the criminal justice system. Quinney contends that crime cannot be divorced from this context. This is because the state defines crime as any behaviour that impedes the accumulation of surplus value (p. 52).

Laws emerged with the capitalist system in order to protect the interests of the dominant class against dangerous and subversive elements (p. 53). Dangerous and subversive elements generally refer to members of the working class (p. 66) and include unemployed, reserve army workers who represent threats to the capitalist system because of their revolutionary potential

(p.145-152). In late capitalism, laws are oriented to controlling the masses.

Political economy approaches to social behaviour direct attention to how hegemonic 26 power, also known as ideological domination, is generated, expressed and maintained in stratified societies (Hiller, 2006, p. 96). The central tenets of a political economy of sports violence emanate from an understanding that the context of economic inequity generates conflicting social and political relations. The analysis would identify the fact that professional sports organizations are businesses with profit motives. To the extent that violence is profitable, it will be tolerated by owners, managers, coaches and even players (Young, 1993). As such, the very definitions of deviance in sports settings and beyond are continually affected by unequal relations. Even the court system which operates with relative autonomy is lenient upon perpetrators when they engage in extremely violent ways (Young, 2004). The mass media share in the accumulation of sports violence profit and will depict sports violence in manners that at once celebrate and condemn (Young, 2000). That is, since stories of violence are rabidly consumed by viewers, they generate profit precisely because they are condemned.

The commercialization of sports has largely involved private organizations in monopoly situations (Coakley & Donnelly (2004, p. 341-346). As monopolies, they are able to dictate who may own a team in their league and thereby prevent teams from establishing themselves in some cities. They have the ability to prevent competition. Since many organizations use publicly funded stadiums and arenas, various levels of the state are involved with these organizations and effectively help prevent competition in the future. Sports leagues also charge substantial franchise fees that are divided among existing owners. For instance, in the late 1990s, entry fees alone cost US$50 million in the National Hockey League while they cost as much as US$700 million in the National Football League.

Conflict theory was a natural extension of labeling theory. Societal reactionists demonstrated that the definition of deviance could not be taken for granted and deemed self 27 evident. Conflict scholars, however, argued that the ability to affix and deflect deviant labels took place within the context of capitalism. Some conflict theorists pointed out that despite their stated concern for deviants, societal reactionist theorists tended to focus on sensational street crimes (Liazos, 1972) while others pointed out that corporate crime was treated more leniently even though it is more costly in financial and human terms (see Ellis, 1986; Reasons, Ross and

Patterson, 1986; Snider 1994; Snider, 2002). Chambliss (1964) convincingly demonstrated how the origins of vagrancy laws in England and the United States coincided with economic expansion and contraction. Young (1996; 2004) has documented a similar process in sports as violence is associated with social groups, such as English hooligans, while the role of sports organizations and the complicity of the state are frequently ignored.

These studies represented significant advances in the understanding of deviance in advanced capitalism. They were, however, overly economically deterministic. That is, they assumed that all components of the superstructure including sports were shaped by the inequities of capitalism. Sports, for example, would be understood as molded entirely by capitalists and serve to distract the working class from the dimensions of social inequality. As well, under this scheme, prospects for positive social change are limited. Finally, conflict theorists had difficulty explaining how such an exploitive economic system could be sustained in democratic nations.

Critical theory/Cultural studies.

In response to these issues, cultural studies scholars turned their attentions to the ways in which exploitive systems were sustained (Crosset & Beal, 1997, p. 75-6). Although Becker and

Mills are referred to as American cultural studies theorists, it usually refers to the work of Hall and others at the Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of Birmingham in 28 the United Kingdom (CCCS). The approach is decidedly eclectic as it encompasses several disciplines and methodological techniques. As such, it is difficult to define precisely.

The cultural studies perspective does contain some unique concerns and key concepts

(Crosset & Beal, 1997, p. 75-6). It examines the development of hegemonic thinking. The concept of hegemony was used by Mao Tse-Tung to refer to a system of domination of one country over another that was not imperialistic while Lenin and the Mensheviks used it to mean a type of leadership in the democratic revolution (Bottomore et al, 1983, p. 201-203). The term was used extensively by Gramsci (1971) in Prison Notebooks, however, to refer to states that use both brute force and active consent to rule. Over time, behaviour becomes ritualized and normalized (Pfohl, 1994, p. 416). Thus, while Marx reversed the causal direction of Hegel's dialectical method and asserted that material circumstances produced ideas for social change,

Gramsci turned his attention to the importance of ideological practices and domination.

Cultural studies in sports examine the development of power by the dominant as well as the acceptance and resistance of this power by the subordinate. Subordination is frequently based on social class, ethnicity and sex. Most cultural studies of sports settings incorporate some or all of these variables. For example, Harvey (2006) explains how ice hockey has undergone significant changes in Quebec culture throughout the century. Rather than being the important cultural expression it once was, hockey is now more comparable to, and in competition with, other entertainment options due to changes in ownership of the Montreal Canadiens, the ethnic composition of players, the location of games (from the Forum to the Molson Centre) and means of broadcasting (from Radio-Canada to RDS). 29 Research themes in sport studies.

A majority of the sociological studies on sport are currently completed from a cultural studies/critical theory standpoint to the extent that most tend to explore issues of hegemony, domination, resistance, and power. This is not surprising as the subdiscipline is relatively new and emerged in tandem with this perspective. Although this study uses a version of symbolic interactionism, it is important to review how this literature has developed and to ascertain its current state. Such a review is also helpful in providing a clearer comparison of how this analysis differs from others. As Coakley and Donnelly suggest (2004, p. 51), although they have frequently used interactionist theories in their own research, they have also been influenced by critical theories and critical feminist theories. Such a comprehensive approach is common in the subdiscipline and, as such, it is sometimes difficult to categorize individual studies.

Many sport studies examine how social class, race and ethnicity, sex and gender, the media, and the state affect behaviour in this setting. Rosentraub (2006) problematizes the definition of "revenue" as NHL owners attempt to ensure cost certainty by introducing salary caps on players, particularly following the 2004-05 lockout. While national television monies and incomes flowing from ticket purchases are obvious forms of revenue to be shared with players, less apparent are those obtained by local media or from merchandise sold by separate but intertwined companies. Bellamy and Schultz (2006) note that the NHL has faced several problems securing lucrative television contracts because large market teams are content to retain revenue streams from local markets. This has resulted in reduced national exposure in the US making it difficult for small market and expansion teams to remain viable. Expansion into the

Sunbelt states, claims Mason (2006), has been fraught with uncertainty despite the sense of optimism in the 1990s. Pitter (2006) reveals the cultural practice of excluding First Nations peoples and Blacks

from ice hockey. He convincingly asserts that although NHL stars such as Grant Fuhr of the

Edmonton Oilers, and Jarome Iginla of the Calgary Flames, have become prominent,

discriminatory behaviour is still evident. Robidoux and Trudel (2006) critically analyze Hockey

Canada's position on bodychecking. The subculture of minor hockey sustains this practice even though empirical evidence demonstrates that bodychecking contributes to injuries. Even in the minor hockey leagues, Robidoux (2004, p. 297) points out that Kainai players in Southern

Alberta are described as "monstrous, dangerous" and were consequently banned from their league. The importance of race and ethnicity in Canadian ice hockey may be demonstrated by the reality that only relatively recently have Black men become part of the NHL elite squad of players (Harris, 2003, p. 14-15).

Hall (1999) documents the cultural struggle and resistance of women in sport in North

America and points out that women were often discouraged from participating. Participation meant that women deviated from their appropriate gender roles and it was also considered harmful to their health. When women did become active in sports, they were highly regulated by male authorities. It should not be surprising then, that a very different set of cultural cues and values have developed in women's hockey and that they do not include valorizing violence. This may, however, change given time.

Theberge (1995) points out that male and female locker room discussions differ significantly. Men's discourse tends to emphasize their physical strength and dominance and it is sometimes used to degrade women and gay men. By contrast, women's change room conversations could be better characterized as generating camaraderie among players. Routine chatting involved players' daily lives including their relationships with men. Another common 31 discussion topic and source for humour is sex. At times, this included congenial jokes about players' sexuality. Of course, player equipment issues and concerns with the practice of the game were frequently the topic of discussion. In a critical analysis of masculinity, Connell

(1994, p. 54) explains how the competitive nature of sports generates a hierarchy among men that simultaneously dominates women. Likewise, Adams (2006) indicates how ice hockey privileges white males through discourse and practice as mass media tend to concentrate on national victories achieved by males and recreation facilities frequently devote more time to its play than alternatives.

Many analyses have also examined deviant practices including hazing, drug use, and risk taking more generally. These actions teach new players the composition of the team's hierarchy and test whether rookies hold the appropriate values and beliefs required for membership. In their examination of sports-related hazing, Bryshun and Young (1999) found that male hockey players endured rituals including physical punishments, nudity and the consumption of alcohol.

By contrast, females reported that they were rarely expected to endure as abusive or aggressive rituals. They state generally that "the more physical and violent the game, the more aggressive or even abusive the hazing tends to be" (Bryshun &Young, 1999, p. 288).

Sports organizations have historically enjoyed considerable freedom from state intervention into cases of player exploitation, injury and violence (Young, 2004). Self-regulation has resulted in non-enforcement or covert facilitation and, even where litigation has occurred, judicial outcomes have been highly variable. Such variability is due, in part, to the general application of the English common law notion of volenti nonfit injuria, or voluntary assumption of risk, which assumes that ice hockey players accept a measure of risk when they play the game.

The subjective nature of defining these risks blur the legal distinctions between appropriate and 32 inappropriate behaviour on the ice. As such, Young points out that only recently have players turned to the law for justice (2004, p. 334-35).

As courts have generally been reluctant to intervene into cases of sports violence and injuries, there are significant opportunities for rule violation. Armed with the knowledge that organizations usually follow paths of nonaction or meager sanctions including "warnings, fines, suspensions and other forms of deterrence" (Young, 1993, p. 384), owners, coaches and players will be tempted into deviant behaviour. Owners and coaches may sanction players who refuse to play while injured and players will be more likely to rationalize violence on the ice. Young

(1993) argues that certain kinds of deviance within sports settings is best explained by exploitive workplaces combined with hegemonic, hyper-masculine subcultures.

Young (1993, p. 374-8) identifies several unique trends in the world of sports that make these more dangerous workplaces. First, the use of performance-enhancing drugs has resulted in players becoming better able to inflict relatively legitimate forms of violence including brutal body contact and borderline violence. Between 1981 and 1991 the number of National Football

League players weighing over 3001bs increased from 23 to 370 respectively. Second, he also notes that in the same league, players are negatively affected by "medical mastery and neglect"

(Young, 1993, p. 376) and that it is not uncommon for players to have body parts "x-rayed, frozen and splinted" (p. 376). Third, athletes in commercialized sports are commodities and are often treated as such by their coaches. Specifically, coaches supply tremendous pressure for players to ignore pain, endure dehydration and suffer from potentially debilitating injuries. They endorse harmful behaviour on the part of the athlete.

There may exist no consensus as to whether or not violence in the media necessarily results in violent behaviour on the part of consumers (Brannigan, 2004), but there has been some 33 evidence to show that hockey violence tends to spill over into other settings including other sports and the family (Bloom & Smith, 1996). Although it is too simplistic to maintain that the mass media indoctrinate paying fans, it is equally simplistic to argue that it has no effect at all. It seems as though the mass media set agendas by telling people what to think, do and buy

(Coakley & Donnelly, 2004, p. 366).

The media tend to focus on sensational sporting events (Coakley & Donnelly, 2004, p.

385-95). They concentrate on "hype" and invent rivalries and other reasons why people should consume media representations. Unfortunately, this trend has meant that the mass media in

Canada have increased their coverage of professional sports to the detriment of amateur sports since the 1950's. The mass media have also spent a considerable amount of time covering success stories. Stories of hard work, victory and dominance are plenty. Race and ethnic themes are also apparent although the media appear to have reduced the amount of stereotyping and better reflect the diversity of Canadian society in recent years. As well, there is significant coverage of gender themes. Men's sports receive over 80 percent of the coverage in all media, but women are now used less often as sex objects in advertisements (Coakley & Donnelly, 2004, p. 387). Men's sports attract coverage that emphasize strength, power, dominance and intimidation.

Coakley and Donnelly (2004, p. 192) believe that commercialization and money in sports have generated greater opportunities for violence to be covered by the media. Increased sponsorship leads to violence becoming more visible than ever before. As mentioned above, athletes will also emphasize and dramatize their dangerous performances in order to achieve celebrity status.

Gillet, White and Young (1996) purport that sports commentators frequently rationalize and justify violence in sports. For example, they note that Don Cherry, who hosts a segment called Coach's Corner on CBC's program Hockey Night in Canada, is characterized as a regular, working class guy who "tells it like it is", his comments are regarded as a defense of Canadiana, xenophobia and self-identified intolerance. This is because he contends that Canadians are superior hockey players and foreigners "play dirty". He also engages in nostalgic defenses of the game as it currently operates. McGregor (as cited in Gillet, White & Young, 1996, p. 64) points out that Cherry has a considerable vested financial interest in perpetuating player violence as his

Rock 'Em' Sock 'Em' video series was a best seller in Canada in the 1990s. Of course, the CBC also profits from his controversial remarks and is likely reluctant to end their relationship with him given budget cuts they faced in the 1990s.

Controversy continues to exist within the CBC in 2009 as Cherry still hosts Coach's

Corner. In addition, the CBC has hired Mike Milbury who was a defenceman for the NHL team, the Boston Bruins, and was a General Manager for the NHL's New York Islanders. On two occasions, he has used the term "pansification" in reference to those who wish to eliminate fighting in the sport (CBC Sports, January 31, 2009). When Helen Kennedy, the executive director of a gay rights advocacy group known as Egale Canada, lodged a complaint with the

CBC over the use of the term, she was accused of attempting to censor CBC's program by Ron

Maclean. Interestingly, Maclean is known to many Canadians as Don Cherry's "straight man"

(Gillet, White & Young, 1996, p. 65) and perceived to be more reliable because he frequently disagrees with Cherry's rationalization of fighting and violence in the sport more generally.

Commercialization has had a relatively more pronounced affect upon the orientations of athletes, coaches and sponsors (Coakley and Donnelly, 2004, p. 338-339). Athletes increasingly become well paid entertainers and even celebrities. As entertainers for mass audiences, they will 35 be more likely to engage in heroic, dramatic acts of danger. For example, basketball players will slam dunk balls and hockey players will check other players harder in order to get a reaction from crowds.

The organizations that control sports are also significantly altered by commercialization

(Coakley and Donnelly, 2004, p. 341). As revenues become more and more important to the existence of sports organizations, a variety of specialists are used to ensure goals are met. As such, players involved lose considerable control over the sport as owners, managers, consultants and others exert greater control. This trend explains, in part, why many sports have become more dangerous over time. Of course, definitions of danger in sport are both objectively and socially constituted.

Critical theories including feminist perspectives and cultural studies have been useful interpretations for studying sports settings. The focus on hegemonic forces provides convincing explanations for the naturalness of the gender order, the hierarchy of masculinity, violence and aggression in sports. As middle-range approaches, critical/cultural studies researchers can simultaneously incorporate the insights of the societal reactionist and conflict perspectives.

More precisely, deviant behaviour is acknowledged as not inherently bad, but defined by dominant groups. They also avoid charges of being ahistorical and resorting to economic determinism. The cultural studies approach is quite broad and this flexibility makes it difficult to categorize specific studies and to summarize some of the literature.

At this point, it is worth reviewing what has been examined. Functionalists purported that norms are generated in every society and their violation was deviant by definition. Since norms were depicted as the natural product of society, failure to abide by them could only occur during abnormal divisions of labour that disrupted them, put them into question or via faulty 36 socialization. In other words, deviance occurred under exceptional circumstances such as when the very basis of society was shaken or when individuals in social groups were unable to adhere to norms.

These explanations were problematic because deviance does not appear to be exceptional, but rather systemic. As well, definitions of deviance and moral behaviour differ greatly.

Consequently, solutions to the problem have varied considerably. While labeling theorists attempt to eschew norms altogether, conflict theorists assert that they exist as products of capitalism, and cultural studies theorists maintain that they are hegemonic constructions; the complex interplay of both agency and structure.

A solution to the normative question proposed by theorists from every perspective was to assert that some individuals were unable to submit to the norms of society because of subcultural influences. As far back as 1927, Thrasher noted that gangs arose spontaneously through face to face interactions, generated traditions, solidarity, morale and engaged in conflict. But subcultural explanations can be problematic if not employed carefully. Fine and Kleinman

(1979) argue that it is theoretically impossible to define culture and thus distinguish cultures from subcultures. Crosset and Beal believe that the term is used too often and risks "losing its explanatory power (1997, p. 74)." Matza (1964) has pointed out that deviants drift between both unconventional and conventional worlds and spend most of their time following society's conventions and laws. This raises the question of how subcultures can exert such powerful effects within the widespread forces of order and conformity.

The argument here is not to suggest that subcultures do not exist or that they have no affect upon individual behaviour. Crosset and Beal (1997) point out that such explanations are particularly useful for understanding the behaviour of marginalized groups. They refer to studies 37 on rugby by Young (1983) and windsurfing by Young and Gallup (1989) that demonstrate how such groups draw strength from their marginal status. It is argued that there is value in examining other social processes as well.

A word on choice: Situational control theory.

Coakley and Donnelly (2004, p. 153-154) point out that when sport enthusiasts identify deviance on playing surfaces, they may be tempted to advocate tougher rules to get rid of the

"bad apples". These ideas resonate with some because choice is always exercised when deviance occurs. Indeed, as White, Haines, and Eisler (2009) point out, these variables are central to "New Right Criminology" that has ascended in popularity since the 1980s. Situational control theory, initially developed by criminologists Clarke and Cornish (Downes and Rock,

2003, p. 237), make choice and environment salient in their micro-sociological explanation of crime and deviance..

This theory asserts that crimes will likely occur when there exists a motivated offender, a suitable victim, and the absence of a capable guardian. In short, when opportunities within the immediate environment are available, crime will flourish. Consequently, efforts to reduce crime in society must include adjustments to the physical and social environment.

According to Clarke (1997, p. 2), situational control theory's focus on the setting of the crime stems from attempts to resolve two significant flaws in modern criminology. The first error is the tendency for criminologists to be concerned with explaining crime by explaining offenders. That is, academics have been preoccupied with identifying defective character traits or attributes in criminals at the expense of the circumstances surrounding criminal events.

Existing explanations frequently include variables such as the offender's levels of internalized 38 control, race/ethnicity, sex, age and socio-economic status. The second flaw in traditional criminology is the inclination to reduce crime by dealing with criminals directly.

It appears that situational control theory may present some insights when used to explain deviance generally in Canadian hockey. In ice hockey, competition is fierce and there are always motivated offenders and suitable victims. Players controlling the puck (puck carriers) represent potential victims and they are constantly pursued by competitors trying to take the puck from them. Of course, the threat posed by the puck carrier varies depending upon their location on the ice, their position relative to teammates, the score of the game, and the time remaining in the game.

Despite the synoptic controls evident within Canadian hockey, deviation and rule violation exist nevertheless. Some of these infractions can be understood as rational behaviour to obtain desired rewards and this result is predicted by situational control theory. Few players have never committed some minor offence such as icing the puck (which occurs when a player shoots the puck down the length of the ice in order to relieve offensive pressure by their opponent). Coaches are known to make short-term goaltending changes in order to delay games and relieve unwanted pressure posed by the opposition. Despite automatic penalties, goaltenders will send the puck out of play in order to deliberately eliminate the possibility of an impending goal by the opposition. These appear to be rational acts that support the logic contained within situational control theory.

In these cases, it appears as though players are determining their behaviour on the basis of perceived risks versus potential rewards. Indeed, observant players are praised for their awareness and ability to "read" plays. Veteran players, specifically, are identified as having such abilities even if they lack the physical presence they held in their youth. That is, many older 39 players who might lack speed or agility may be preferable to their younger counterparts because they can prevent offensive attacks by "using the rules" in a more strategic fashion. They are often more likely to take "good" penalties (Smith, 1987, p. 3).

A situational control theory of deviance in organized ice hockey would further suggest that should equal opportunities to deviate present themselves, all players will engage in such behaviour. Indeed, over an entire season, it is conceivable that most players will have ample opportunities to engage in such behaviour. It is also likely that there will be occasions where violating the rules of the sports may be worth the denial of potential scoring chances. In other words, all players will trip others with their sticks or legs, pull them with their sticks, or "run interference". Interference occurs when a player illegally checks an opposing player in pursuit of the puck. Players are not supposed to be checked unless they control the puck.

It should be pointed out that this is a particularly important hypothesis for situational control theory to meet. If there are gross discrepancies in who commits these kinds of acts

(deemed here as strategic infractions based upon rational decisions), then the theory loses a significant amount of explanatory value. If equal opportunities to deviate present themselves, then similar rates of deviation should be evident.

It is doubtful that all players are penalized to the same extent even though all players have the ability to elbow, slash, spear and hit others from behind regardless of their physical statures. As well, all players will have equal opportunities to fight should the pleasure and rewards of fighting exceed the pain of simply turning away. But, it appears as though more muscular players fight among themselves rather than choosing lighter, finesse players. These choices appear to run counter to conventional opportunistic logic. Strategically, larger players should initiate conflict with finesse players in order to obtain skill advantages over opponents 40 when both players are penalized.

The discussion above reveals that there are many rewarding ways to deviate in ice hockey. It is also known that deviation is not randomly perpetrated and is not purely rational or hedonistic (Braithwaite, 1999). Such deficiencies in situational control theory call for alternative explanations to explain group differences in perpetration. Situational control theory is noticeably incapable of explaining the gendered nature of deviance in ice hockey. While some males in some sports settings celebrate hypermasculinity and frequently engage in violence, females tend to exhibit camaraderie and avoid engaging in violence on the ice (Theberge, 1995, 389-90). If opportunity and environment alone were the most important causal variables determining rule- violation, then surely it would be able to explain such glaring differences. It is unable to explain why opportunities are less available in various leagues. This is a considerable flaw given that the theory was generated in order to repudiate dispositional theories of crime and deviance. Not surprisingly, if biological characteristics are inexplicable within this perspective, the temptation may be to consider dispositional explanations. Unfortunately, not one successful case study in

Clarke's edited text mentions the gendered nature of crime.

The inability of situational control theory to explain violent behaviour demonstrates the problem of tautological and spurious reasoning. Such reasoning is evident as opportunity is considered the main causal variable, but it is clear that opportunities are needed for any crime to exist which is not to say that it must be the causal variable of interest, only that must be present.

Other causes should be investigated.

There is also the concern that situational control theory comes dangerously close to victim blaming. If crime is caused by opportunity, then victims must be making themselves vulnerable somehow. Most importantly, however, emotional outbursts appear to reside beyond 41 the domain of this theory. An understanding of such emotional outbursts is the focus of Katz's

(1988) study of violence.

The Emotional Lure of Physical Violence

Mead and the social self.

Katz (1988, p. 3), a well-known crime and deviancy theorist explains violent behaviour from within the perspective of symbolic interactionism. Symbolic interactionism is a branch of sociological theory that examines the development of the social self throughout the life course.

As a social psychological theory, it explores the everyday actions of human behaviour to explain why children and adults behave the way they do. Because it focuses upon individual actions and behaviour rather than concentrating analyses upon the influence of larger social structures such as multinational corporations, capitalism or globalization, it is considered a micro-sociological theory (Brym, 2008). This does not mean that these social structures are simply ignored, but rather, they are regarded as important contexts for human behaviour.

Prominent symbolic interactionists included John Dewey, Charles Cooley, Herbert

Blumer, George Herbert Mead and Erving Goffman. They tended to downplay the role of biology in the understanding of human behaviour and preferred to concentrate their studies on how people define themselves and others in any given situation. Mead's insightful ideas about the development of the social self made him one of the most prominent symbolic interactionists from the United States. The self, according to Mead, is a social object and consists of the "I",

"me" and "generalized other" (Mead, 1934). The "I" is the subjective part of the self that is impulsive, spontaneous and initiates action, while the "me" is an object generated through 42 interaction. The "generalized other" refers to that part of the social self that has inculcated the broader norms of society.

When born, people have no sense of self. As children, we first only have the capacity to imitate and the self develops as we grow through stages of development. As selfhood develops, we experience emotions more fully. We gain self-esteem, self-hatred, self-discipline and self- control. That is, we learn to communicate, perceive and control ourselves. While symbolic interactionists assert that the social self is constructed by the actor and others and constantly undergoes modification, the field of psychology relies more heavily upon the conception of personality; a set of character traits stable over the life course (Stone & Faberman, 1981, p. 155-

6).

Goffman: Drama, ritual, and the social self.

Goffman (1959) emphasized the social nature of the self more than did Mead. Goffman tended to downplay the relevance of the "I" and maintained that the social environment consists of drama, self and ritual. In every social situation, people attempt to manage impressions of themselves. The social self is then, created anew in every situation because others are needed to construct it. Rituals are central to the construction of the social self since much of what we do in everyday life takes place in an uncritical fashion. For example, strangers on the street will make eye contact and then quickly look away in order to establish mutual trust. He calls this behaviour civil inattention (Goffman, 1967, p. 91). The generation of the social self is important in every place and situation a person may find themselves.

Katz (1988) incorporates both Mead's and Goffman's logic into his analysis of violence.

That is, he believes that people behave violently when they experience status threats. A status is a socially defined position in a group or society characterized by certain expectations, rights, and 43 duties (Kendall, Murray, & Linden, 2007, p. 129). A person's social status is but one component of their overall social self, and when it is threatened, violence is more likely. For instance, when a man feels his masculinity is being threatened, he may act in a violent fashion against the individual posing the challenge. This logic holds true for sport settings where the importance of masculinity is most salient. Participants who are challenged in such a manner are more likely to react violently.

Katz (1988) argues that criminologists have too often examined background factors at the expense of foreground factors. Background factors include the psychological dispositions of criminals as well as social interpretations of sex, race/ethnicity, age and socio-economic status.

By contrast, foreground factors include the seductive, sensual qualities of crime including the emotions of shame, frustration, humiliation, excitement and rage. The objective is not to ignore important, salient background factors, but rather, to link them with equally important foreground events.

Such linkages are essential to a fuller understanding of violent behaviour. As Coakley

(2004, p. 42) has noted, by concentrating on the immediate construction of meaning, identity and culture through social interaction, symbolic interactionism tends to ignore the important historical development of social structures and the material conditions of society. By linking background factors such as sex, social class and ethnicity, to immediate foreground events, Katz attempts to resolve this salient theoretical problem. As such, the theory is to be evaluated by the success of the linkages made.

Another reason for this analytic trajectory is that many of those predicted to engage in crime do not commit crimes, many who do not fit the constructed causal categories have engaged in crime, while others tend to drift in and out of crime (Katz, 1988, p. 3-4). As such, for any 44 given behaviour, social scientists should seek out the individual motive(s) underlying them. In other words, criminologists should attempt to ascertain what the actor is trying to accomplish.

In order to better understand the foreground factors involved in criminal behaviour, Katz uses a variety of evidence (1988, p. 11). His methodology involves the use of reports on shoplifting, burglary, and vandalism; narrative descriptions of robberies; results of graduate student field research; ethnographies; life histories; reconstructions of crimes by police and social scientists; autobiographies by self-identified ex-criminals; best-selling biographies of criminals and participant observation journalism. Evidence suggests that some murders may be best understood as righteous slaughters; that criminals are often making appeals to perform the moral good. That is, they are performing justice by violating the norms of society.

Katz specifically refers to his version of symbolic interactionism as "moral transcendentalism" (1988, p. 10). This is because he believes that deviants are pushed and pulled by the seductive, emotional aspects of crime to the extent that they experience themselves as objects rather than subjects. Only status threats are sufficiently threatening as to trigger this emotional process. Indeed, such extreme emotional feelings are not easily produced in, say, a laboratory setting. They can only be examined by detailed descriptions of extraordinary events.

For Katz (1988; 1999), extraordinary events are those when people experience sufficient anger as to engage in, for example, "road rage" or physical assault.

In Katz's scheme, it is important to consider the event in question rather than simply the characteristics of the offender in order to truly understand what has transpired. He illustrates several examples where impassioned killers transcend their subjective selves and experience themselves as objects lured towards the seductive qualities and temptations offered by crime

(1988, p. 12-17). Homicides of children, for example, are most often committed by parents 45 during efforts to discipline children. Generally, the intention is not to kill, but to discipline. In these cases of self-righteous violence, Katz demonstrates that it is not uncommon for juries to refuse to bring charges against perpetrators, to acquit them, or even find them not guilty. This is true even in cases where there is no debate surrounding the responsibility for such events. At times, jurors acknowledge the moral righteousness of some killers attempting to extinguish humiliation by rage.

The outcomes of some highly publicized cases of Canadian ice hockey violence appear to illustrate Katz's notion that self-righteous, violent acts are condoned even if officially defined as deviant (Young, 2004, p. 337-341). For example, although NHL player Marty McSorely was found guilty of assault with a weapon after using his stick to hit opponent Donald Brashear on the head, he received only an 18-month conditional discharge. A condition of his punishment was that, barring any further violent incidents, he would not maintain a permanent criminal record. As well, legal defenses for violence in sport settings make outcomes of litigation highly variable. These include the battery and the problem of establishing intent defense, the assumption of risk defense, the consent defense, the provocation defense, the involuntary reflex defense, and self defense (Young, 1993, p. 385). Each legal defense suggests that violence in sport is to be assumed and expected because it takes place in a unique, competitive context.

According to Katz (1988, p. 18), there are three components to self-righteous murder.

Most acts lack premeditation, they occur amid a quickly developing rage and the intent of the killer is to resolve a dispute rather than actually kill their victim. Katz states "the victim's death is nether a necessity nor a sufficient element of the assailant's animating project" (1988, p. 18).

In each example cited by Katz, he reveals that impassioned killers were upholding their respectable statuses as husband, wife, father, mother, property owner, virile male, poor and deserving welfare mother or responsible debtor.

These are not examples of neutralization (Sykes & Matza, 1957). Neutralization techniques are generally understood as justifications used to relieve any guilt felt by perpetrators.

Rather, Katz is referring to a processual development in which the actor perceives himself or herself as an object rather than a subject. They are seduced by the alluring qualities of the criminal behaviour they are contemplating and believe that they are truly embodying the good.

In short, they do not feel the need to neutralize guilt in order to commit violent acts.

According to Katz, the following findings illustrate the problematic nature of casting murder as simply a rational act by a calculating perpetrator (1988, p. 18-20). Killers rarely make an attempt to flee. Police believe that they are able to make arrests in 75-90 percent of murder cases. During such events, the roles of perpetrators and victims are frequently reversed and victims are known to tease, taunt, dare or even pursue their killers. Rather than take place in private settings as would be anticipated by classical theorists, homicides are frequently carried out in the presence of an audience and it is not uncommon for members of the audience to contribute to the escalation of the event as opposed to trying to end the dispute. Finally, most nonpredatory crimes take place in casual settings as opposed to workplaces.

These findings are used by Katz to suggest that homicides in Canadian society are often not rational, but emotional acts. Assailants realize that they have violated laws which carry severe punishments and defending their actions will be difficult. If homicide were purely rational, it is assumed that perpetrators would be expected to flee considering they anticipate the

grievous nature of punishments applied to such violence. As well, it would likely be easy for authorities to identify perpetrators from victims in descriptions of these events. Rather, Katz argues, homicide is an emotional response to humiliation. The audience shares this humiliation 47 and seeks to have it addressed by contributing to its escalation. Katz maintains that death is not a necessary outcome of righteous violence (1988, p. 18). Thus, the theory can be used to explain instances of violence in ice hockey.

Righteous slaughter theory may sound somewhat similar to the frustration-aggression hypothesis. Frustration-aggression theory was developed by Dollard and colleagues in 1939 in an effort to explicate the causes of racism (Kendall, Murray and Linden, 2007; Lindsay, Beach and Ravelli, 2006). As a social-psychological theory, it seeks to explain how aggression satisfies psychic needs in certain individuals. They argue that in multicultural societies, some people will be unable to achieve important goals, become hostile, and will "scapegoat" members of visible minority groups. Should the frustration persist over a long period of time, they might blame marginalized groups such as Jews, gays, or bureaucrats, and act aggressively toward them.

Jarvis (1999) indicates that frustration-aggression theory has also been used to explain violence in sports. He defines aggression as unpleasant behaviour ranging from verbal abuse to physical violence. It is not the same as competitiveness or anger. The former is an attitude while the latter is an emotion. Sport settings generate many possibilities for being frustrated. When individuals are unable to perform as well as they wish, they might act aggressively towards others.

Marger (1991) notes that this theory may seem convincing because most people can identify with the experience of being frustrated. As well, we may even be tempted to displace our anger onto significant others. He notes, however, that it does not precisely articulate the conditions in which frustration fails to produce aggression. Research has demonstrated that the frustration-aggression sequence is not inevitable. As well, frustration is not always displaced onto others. It may be directed inward or thrust upon the actual source of the frustration. 48 Finally, Marger indicates that the choice of "scapegoat" is usually socially produced and frustration-aggression does not explain why specific social groups tend to be scapegoated.

The main differences between frustration-aggression theory and righteous slaughter theory stem from the fact that the former is a "types of people" argument while the latter is a

"kinds of situations" perspective. Frustration-aggression theory posits that those with this personality type are prone to aggression. Others may become frustrated, but they will not as often behave aggressively towards others. Righteous slaughter theory maintains that situations are more important to understanding violence. Given the appropriate social stimuli, most people will be at an increased likelihood of acting aggressively. Status threats are deemed more important than are personality types.

Hirschi (1969) suggests that psychological theories are deficient in explaining delinquency including violence. If personality types alone are responsible for such behaviour, it is difficult to explain why those without such a disposition become violent at times. Also, if individuals with such a personality type do not behave aggressively when frustrated, then one must assume that they were somehow able to control themselves. In their discussion of crime policies, Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) argue that such explanations lend support for selective incapacitation policies to control crime. If it is possible to identify such people, then they can be more strictly controlled at an early age. They note, however, that such policies are unpopular because people predicted to engage in crime are frequently deemed conformist, and some people not expected to engage in crime do act criminally. This belief is shared by Katz (1988).

Righteous slaughter also differs from explanations that posit violence is generated by subcultural social norms or what some psychologists call "bracketed morality". An ongoing discussion within the study of sport is whether participation builds moral character (Coakley & 49 Donnelly, 2009; Doty, 2006). Webb (1969) argues that sports tend to socialize participants into a unique set of norms. As athletes spend more time in sports and rise to more competitive levels of play, they learn to value winning over playing by the rules of the game. This is referred to as the "sports ethic" and it contains four components (Coakley & Donnelly, 2009, p. 155-6).

Athletes must be dedicated to the game above all else, they must strive for distinction, be willing to engage in risk-taking and tolerate pain, and accept no obstacles in the pursuit of success.

In his analysis of role conflict, Stevenson (1991) examined how Christian athletes dealt with the demands of their religious values and the sport ethic. Role conflict refers to dilemmas people face when roles suggest contradictory action. In this case, athletes dealt with such dilemmas by committing themselves to fair play. They banned body contact, fights, profanity, and beer in the locker room. Sometimes, they segregated and compartmentalized roles. They would identify themselves as Christian in one context, and as an athlete in another. Second, they were selective in how they accommodated the two roles. They would emphasize the importance of one role at a time. Third, they remained committed to Christian values, although some admitted to moral selectivity.

Another large body of work on moral reasoning has been generated within the psychology of sport (Bredemeier & Shields, 1984a; Bredemeier & Shields 1984b; Shields et al.,

1995). Using structural developmental and social cognitive psychology to understand morality in sport settings, these authors maintain that athletes are often able to set aside everyday moral constraints and engage in rule violation. This is why Coakley and Donnelly (2009) refer to overconformity to the sports ethic as the most common form of deviance. Athletes conform so strictly to the subcultural normative order, that they violate the norms of the parent society.

In sum, a significant body of research provides evidence that athletes tend to modify their 50 behaviour in relation to the moral atmosphere generated by sports. They are able to bracket and compartmentalize their morals depending upon the social setting (Doty, 2006). Although these notions are quite appealing, they are problematic to the extent that violence is rendered a voluntary, subculturally enforced endeavour. That is, athletes rationally choose to adhere to the pressures created by sport settings and, at the same time, ignore the lessons provided by the larger culture.

The logic that morals can be suspended at will is also problematic. It ignores the possibility that the causes of violence might be culturally produced and evident throughout society. The sports world may not be as unique as these explanations suggest. Rage-induced violence on the ice might be produced by the same factors that generate rage in the air, on the road, or at a school.

Constructing the "enforcer " role: Race and ethnicity.

Extending his theory of moral transcendence, Katz (1988, p. 9) argues that for each type of crime, a different set of conditions exists containing a path of action, a line of interpretation and an emotional process. It is important to examine these interpretations in order to completely understand the meaning of human behaviour. As such, criminals are perceived as confronting moral rather than material challenges. In this process, deviants transcend their subjective selves in order to manage this confrontation. For homicides, this is demonstrated by extinguishing humiliation. It is important to link these foreground factors with background factors including race and ethnicity (Katz, 1988, p. 10).

Katz demonstrates that particularly "bad" forms of criminality including gang activities require the ability to construct the self as a "badass" (1988, p. 80-113). There are three 51 components to becoming a badass (1988, p. 80-1). The first component is being tough. In order to be tough, one must demonstrate that one is not impressionable. The second component is to construct an alien identity which is foreign and incomprehensible to others. Lastly, one must be mean. Being mean includes the ability and desire to pursue one's will regardless of material circumstances.

In order to be bad, members of infamous gangs such as the Hell's Angels must embrace a tough physical exterior. The Hell's Angels must deploy a tough physical exterior by wearing symbols of their membership on leather vests or denim jackets (Katz, 1988, p. 97). It is well known that they generally ride Harley Davidson motorcycles which represent unity, strength and toughness. Badasses must not only look bad, they must act bad as well. They must engage in group-specific rituals such as cleaning their weapons or fighting with others after intentionally bumping into them.

Just as role-playing is required in order to commit and defend themselves from crimes in society, this dramaturgical role-playing is important in Canadian ice hockey. Indeed, most players in ice hockey exhibit some form of physical toughness (Curry, 1991; Kane & Disch,

1993; Messner, 1988). Even finesse players need to demonstrate mental and physical strength and endurance (Harris, 2003, p. 175). During the play-offs, many male players will symbolize their toughness by growing a beard. Although a measure of toughness should be demonstrated by all participants, it is highly variable and marquee players generally rely upon their statuses as talented players. Only a few players approximate the badass known as "the enforcer".

Enforcers are specialists in maintaining a level of respect among players. Known for their physical prowess, they are considered important to a team because they ensure that marquee players, in particular, do not endure inappropriate, if legal, roughhousing (Harris, 2003, p. 176). 52 Enforcers maintain the threat of violence against potential rule violators. Ironically, they dispense justice by breaking the formal rules of the game.

Thus, the enforcer must be tough and even alien. This is particularly difficult to accomplish given that players must wear uniforms which annul their individuality. In order to demonstrate toughness, enforcers must maintain a stoic demeanour. They cannot be perceived as affected by events on the ice or in the stands. NHL enforcers such as Tie Domi (retired) of the

Toronto Maple Leafs and Donald Brashear of the Washington Capitals, for example, cannot be overtly jovial too often. Toughness can also be generated by maintaining facial hair, shaving their heads like boxers or dawning scars on their faces. Recently retired Chris Simon has been known to sport a Mohawk, keep his hair quite long or shave it completely.

Uniformity of dress also makes it particularly difficult to construct alien personas. How can players invent, in Katz's words, "a version of civilization that is not only foreign but incomprehensible to native sensibilities" (p. 80)? Here is where the background variables of race and ethnicity intertwine with constructed foreground personalities. NHL enforcers are often members of visible minority groups and include Vancouver Canuck, Gino Odjick; Peter Worell who played for the Colorado Avalanche; Chris Simon of the Minnesota Wild; Washington

Capital, Donald Brashear; and, Georges Laraque of the Montreal Canadiens are just a few.

Combined with their impenetrable role performances, they are able to be perceived as more threatening and menacing.

Channelling rage: Sex.

Adams (2006, p. 77) notes that there are far more male ice hockey players in Canada than female hockey players. In the 2002-3 season, there were 476,975 males and 61,177 female 53 players. Female hockey has grown considerably, however, with an increase of 534 per cent between 1990 and 2000. She argues that ice hockey is still decidedly a male sport with the mass media dedicating more space to male victories, more ice time goes to male events and most

Canadian hockey heroes are male. Violence in hockey is also gendered and fights are rare in women's hockey.

Katz (1988, p. 47-51) notes that females have been far less involved in crime and deviance than have males. Females are especially underrepresented in serious crimes such as homicide as males account for about 80 per cent of homicides in the United States. If the explanation for violence is a prevalent emotional process rather than a purely biological or psychological one, surely women should be actively involved in deviant acts. He is doubtful that statistics on violence can be attributed solely to machismo or male cultures of violence since homicide is a relatively rare event.

Regardless of the proportions of male and female violence, Katz believes that the patterns of such behaviour are quite different and have different meanings. The social identities of males and females affect the likelihood of violence perpetrated by women. In her study of domestic violence in Canada, Mann (2003) notes that males and females behave quite differently. While males inflict violence in order to control their partners, women do so more often out of self- defence. Campbell (1993) makes a similar point when she argues that male violence often can be explained as attempts to dominate others, while female violence is frequently about a lack of self-control.

In order to apply the concept of righteous slaughter to Canadian female hockey, it must be able to explain why women rarely fight, slash one another and generally cause bodily harm.

The answer likely has to do with the different rules of the game. Female hockey does not 54 tolerate fighting and body contact is quite different. While males frequently check each other at high velocities, females are suspended for such behaviour. As such, the cues for humiliation are not as prevalent in this environment. The women's game has also emerged relatively recently and been under male control.

Limitations ofKatz 's moral transcendence theory.

Transcendental theory as proposed by Katz offers considerable explanatory possibilities for violence in hockey. Athletes are interpreting and acting upon developments during games and must deal with many triggers and cues for aggression and violence. The main problem with

Katz's theory of moral transcendence is that it is somewhat tautological. That is, those experiencing humiliation may either extinguish it with overt rage or they may not. The main causal variable may be perceived as producing entirely different effects. Of course, this criticism can be directed at all micro-sociological theories. Humans are self-actualizing creatures and they resist simple determinism.

As the theory is based upon the perpetrator, the victim and even the audience constantly interpreting events, no predetermined causal ordering of events can be perfectly ascertained. As

Katz says (p. 42), "there are multiple contingencies on the road to righteous slaughter". The victim may back off and in effect compel the perpetrator to desist from rage. There are numerous possibilities which can only be carefully documented. For example, "The Bertuzzi

Incident" of 2004 described above may well have played out differently had Steve Moore openly accepted his challenge and one can only speculate what events would have transpired had Moore been benched in the first place. Although this attack would not have occurred if Moore were absent, a bench brawl is not inconceivable. 55

Conclusion

This chapter has reviewed the main epistemological interpretations of deviance and several sociological explanations for deviance in sports settings and society more generally. The term deviance has generated many problems because it suggests that there is consensus to the normative order. Societal reactionists problematized this assumptions and conflict theorists pointed out that deviance takes place within a unique context. Critical theories concentrate on hegemonic forces including patriarchal influences.

All theories incorporate subcultural explanations into the analysis. While this approach has been useful, it is alluring to remain fixed upon these effects and ignore other processes at work. Situational control theory assumes that incidents of deviation within hockey are due to the self-interested nature of participants. Increased opportunities will inevitably lead to higher rates of deviance given a motivated offender, an appropriate target and the lack of a competent guardian. This scheme appears to explain many types of rule violations. This theory, however, is ultimately tautological. Opportunity is said to be the main causal variable and we know this because without criminal opportunities, crimes could never exist.

Situational control theory may not appear very sociological. This is true, in part, because, strictly speaking, the theory ignores social factors by locating the causes of human behaviour within rationally calculating individuals. These actors are perceived as simply attempting to minimize pain and maximize pleasure. Nevertheless, Downes and Rock maintain that "rational choice theory is now in ascendancy in a number of areas of social science" (2003, p. 237). This is true because of the apparent success of economic models of human behaviour as espoused by

Gary Becker . As well, they point out that Clarke and Cornish argue that "criminal man chooses 56 crime" (p. 238). Though seemingly simplistic, it is worthy of sociological consideration.

A theory of righteous violence aptly explains why, despite occasional instances of moral outrage to the contrary, injuries and interpersonal violence are sufficiently embedded into Canadian hockey culture, yet generate no warnings to viewing audiences. While situational control theory argues that the causes of ice hockey violence can be effectively assuaged by hockey organizations,

Katz's transcendental, symbolic interactionism maintains that changes to the very culture of the game are also required. Rule changes to professional ice hockey will be ineffective if regulations are also not initiated in the early years of sport socialization. 57

Chapter Three-Methodology for Investigating Violence in Ice Hockey 58 Chapter Three-Methodology for Investigating Violence in Ice Hockey

Introduction

This chapter will discuss the methodology utilized to examine violence in the study of

Canadian ice hockey. It will demonstrate that although deviance is often hidden, it can be better understood by drawing upon the experiences of onlookers. It will be explained how the method of analytic induction is used to identify, describe, and explain, noteworthy instances of violence.

In his critical examination of the decline of social psychology, Brannigan (2004) identifies the reliance upon the classical experiment as instrumental in the process. During the first half of the twentieth century, this methodology was considered superior to others in the social sciences including cross-sectional surveys, ethnographies and personal interviews because it was believed that the design best met the minimal requisites for establishing causality

(McClendon, 2002, p. 4-10). It was also held that the experiment could demonstrate covariance between two or more variables, convincingly specify the temporal sequence of these variables and ascertain whether statistically significant relationships were nonspurious (Brannigan, 2004, p. 2). Despite these high expectations, he notes that the method is imperfect because it was never intended to ensure the generalizability of findings to larger populations. As well, the frequent use of deception fuelled concerns about the need for more ethical research. In the end,

Brannigan (2004, p. 141) asserts that the results of social psychological research are modest, frequently misleading and sometimes simply incorrect. Due to ethical violations and limited findings, he purports (p. 18) that "much of what passes for science in psychology is morality in an experimental form".

The "Golden Age" (Brannigan, 2004, p. 3-6) of psychological experimentation was not without its critics as many influential sociologists expressed concerns with the methodology at 59 the time. For example, Mead (1934) argued that introspection was needed in order to obtain valuable knowledge about human behaviour and Mills (1959) maintained that sociologists required a better understanding of historical structures of power. Brannigan (2004) attributes the ascendancy of the sociological discipline, in part, to the use of a variety of investigative techniques. This holds true for the subdisciplines of deviance and sports settings.

Downes and Rock state that a healthy level of diversity characterizes the sociology of deviance. They argue (2003, p. 1) that the "sociology of deviance is not one coherent discipline, but a collection of relatively independent versions of sociology." Indeed, within this area of study exists several theoretical approaches to many kinds of behaviour incorporating a breadth of methodological tools. During the first third of the twentieth century, Chicago School social disorganization theorists such as William Thomas, Florian Znaniecki, Robert Park, Ernest

Burgess, and Frederic Thrasher sought to explain prostitution, drug use, juvenile delinquency, theft and gangs using the analysis of letters, journals, diaries, spot maps of reports of crime in cities as well as personal interviews and ethnographies (Pfohl, 1994, p. 186; Downes and Rock,

2003, p. 60-81). Conflict theorists and socialist feminists in the last third of the century examined historical legal documents to better understand vagrancy laws and drug policies

(Chambliss, 1964; Comack 1991). By contrast, Hagan and Gillis (1985) and Hagan et al. (1987,

1990, 2002) examine the links between rule violation and gender using cross-sectional surveys while Hirschi (1969) Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) and Arneklev et al. (1999) use this methodology to study the effects of individual attributes such as self-control on crime and deviance more generally.

Many deviance theorists, however, are critical of such choices for investigation. They maintain that the units of analysis are frequently sensational forms of deviance such as prostitution, mental illness and juvenile delinquency. Liazos (1972) has argued that the discipline is better understood as the sociology of "nuts, sluts and perverts" and Kinsman (2003) deems prostitution and homosexuality as entirely inappropriate to be studied within the purview of the sociology of deviance.

Sociological studies of sport have also employed several theories and methodologies to examine the causes of violence, the social processes and effects of class, gender and race

(Atkinson, 2007). As a relatively new area of sociological inquiry, analyses often draw upon the logic of interactionism, conflict and feminist theories and critical/cultural studies perspectives in eclectic, thematic and integrative fashions. While Faulkner (1974) studied hockey violence using observation studies within the interactionist perspective, Smith (1979) did so within the same theoretical perspective using triangulation. More precisely, his data consisted of surveys, personal interviews and participant observation. Weinstein, Smith and Wiesenthal (1995) used survey research to examine the social construction of masculinity upon violence in amateur and professional ice hockey and Smith and Bloom (1996) used the same methodology to ascertain the effects of how such violence spills over into other settings. Young (2000) and Atkinson and

Young (2005) used content analysis and interviewing strategies to examine masculinity, sports violence, terrorism and security while Theberge (1989) has used content analysis of media reports on hockey violence and participant observation (2000) in her studies of the construction of gender in Canadian ice hockey.

In his review of methodologies used in sports and gender studies, Atkinson (2007) maintains that variance has been the general rule. He categorizes commonly used methods into unobtrusive research, the examination of interview data and ethnographic analysis. Although unobtrusive research includes secondary data analysis, content analysis, historical research and 61 discourse analysis, interviews are noted as being the dominant data collection technique because researchers typically pose questions about players' experiences and feelings about the gender process. Ethnographic research, also known as participant observation, is increasingly being used when studying sports settings particularly when investigators hold the belief that they must possess the same experiences and observations as do their participants.

Atkinson warns sport sociologists, however, of possible methodological stagnation due to the limited scope of questions posed. For example, he notes that few studies empirically examine the construction of masculinities or provide statistical analyses of women's involvement in sports. Experimental methods are rarely used and ethnographies tend to focus on single teams rather than including audiences and institutions more broadly. Although the explanation of human behaviour is no easy task, Atkinson suggests that sociologists turn their efforts towards generating and employing new questions and methodologies in their research.

The Problem of Motivation

Sociological analyses are hampered by the complexities involved in uncovering the motives for human behaviour. This is particularly relevant to the study of deviant behaviour since it is frequently not displayed publicly, but kept hidden and secret (Downes and Rock, 2003, p. 25-7). Because such behaviour may be highly stigmatized, researchers should not expect easy or complete access to deviant thoughts and motivations. It is not simply that deviants attempt to avoid detection from others; they may also engage in a process of self-denial. In a sense, they may hide their bad deeds from a part of themselves. As potential criminals are exposed to the dominant norms of society which dictate conformity and obedience, rule-breaking might generate a measure of guilt within actors and thus constrain them. 62 This problem was acknowledged by Sutherland (1924) when he constructed his theory of differential association and suggested that crime was a learned phenomenon. Confronted with the problem that people learn conformity from society at the same time they learn how to engage in crime, his resolution was to assert that deviants learn not only practical criminal skills, but effective motives and justifications for such actions as well. This conception was later refined by

Sykes and Matza (1957) as being "techniques of neutralization". They contend that deviants deny responsibility, injury, the existence of victims, condemn the condemners or appeal to higher loyalties in order to free themselves from any constraining guilt.

Potential criminals are not passive recipients of social messages and they make choices with whom to associate. Cloward (1959) argued that there exist differentials in learning and opportunity structures. That is, the availability of illegitimate means is not constant among people, but highly variable. This intimates the importance of opportunity and is problematic because opportunities to deviate would be expected to be constant among males and females, rich and poor and other minority groups, yet crime varies by membership in such social groups.

Hirschi (1969), Kornhauser (1978) and Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) believe that there is no reason to study motivation at all as the motivational component for crime is obvious: the possibility of obtaining easy rewards. As such, the construction of a moral vacuum is unnecessary since only controls over behaviour vary significantly. Control theories eschew the problems associated with identifying the motivation for crime by focusing on the individual character trait of low self-control. If the desire to violate rules is present in every person, then there is no need to examine motivation.

It may be tempting to ignore the complexities involved in studying human motivation.

When using control theories, not only do the problems associated with establishing motivation 63 appear to vanish, but high rates of recidivism might suggest that the examination of individual attributes is worthy of consideration. Control theories, however, are problematic because they describe impulsive actors devoid of thoughts and feelings and they lack any prospects for inducing positive social change. Without suggestions for crime prevention, the alternative is simply to police the crisis and incarcerate as effectively as possible. Laub and Sampson (2003) have also pointed out that people tend to desist from lives of crime and deviance when support systems are available to them.

Although control theories suggest that crime and deviance are the consequence of a lack of control, they do not refute motivational theories of deviance. Control theorists either attribute sex differences in the perpetration of crime as the result of biological propensities

(Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1990, p. 144-149) or require other variables such as social class and power in order to discuss these differences (Hagan and Gillis, 1985; Hagan et al.1987). Further, it is doubtful that impulsive actors engage in rule violation regardless of situational factors such as time and place. Criminals and deviants will not strike in any place, at any time. Rather, they will pick and choose opportune times to deviate.

These logical problems inherent within control theory are made most salient by the study of sports settings such as ice hockey. Control theories which advocate low self-control as the central variable in the perpetration of deviance face considerable difficulties explaining variability in the perpetration of ice hockey violence across cultures. As well, although rates of recidivism are high, control theories would ignore the construction of unique roles on any given team. While highly talented players rarely fight or are involved in other acts of violence,

"enforcers" are identified by a willingness to do so. It is unlikely that those with low self-control become "enforcers", rather, it is more likely that their physical stature and limited opportunities to obtain spots on teams explains this behaviour.

It is also difficult to conceive of many violent crimes without including rage within the

causal chain. Like many violent episodes in ice hockey, dangerous driving encounters, intimate

violence and homicide all include rage. In his study of road rage in Los Angeles, Katz (1999)

points out that a person's vehicle becomes a part of themselves. There is a metaphysical fusion

of drivers with their vehicles that is not experienced by passengers. When cut off by others, people become enraged to the extent that they risk their own lives in order to teach others "a

lesson" (p. 20).

This study suggests that sociologists need not abandon motivation when searching for the

causes of crime and deviance. The emotions of anger and rage are reported to be common

features of the perpetration of much violence. They are not easily studied, however, as emotions

require authentic social stimuli that cannot be summoned on command.

Ontological Assumptions: Poignant Emotional Moments as Data

The theory of moral transcendentalism poses an inherent ontological assumption that the

social world largely consists of dynamically constructed selves, ongoing interpretations of other's intentions and largely invisible emotional experiences (Katz, 1999, p. 8-12). This makes investigation difficult for social scientists who concentrate their analyses on the thought processes residing within people. Simply put, people do not always do what they say, or say what they do, for many reasons. Given these difficulties, how is the researcher to ascertain people's motivations?

In order to better understand the potential foreground factors involved in a variety of different criminal acts, Katz uses a variety of evidence (Katz, 1988, p. 11). His methodology 65 involves the use of reports on shoplifting, burglary, and vandalism; narrative descriptions of robberies; results of graduate student field research; ethnographies; life histories; reconstructions of crimes by police and social scientists; autobiographies by self-identified ex-criminals; best- selling biographies of criminals and participant observation journalism. He incorporates several methodological strategies because he is interested in murder, violence, theft, robbery, snitching and gang involvement. As mentioned above and in Chapter Two, the evidence garnered from these techniques suggests that some murders may be best understood as righteous slaughters; criminals believe they performing the moral good. In other words, they are performing justice by violating the norms of society. Similarly, Mann (2003, p. 52) refers to these acts as "anti- normative".

The central problem to be overcome, however, is that of narrative authenticity (Ochs and

Capps, 2002). People are frequently unable to provide accurate accounts of their behaviour:

Typically, the person will not be able to help us with the analysis because he is taken in by his efforts to construct the dynamic. If we ask, "Why did he do it?" He is likely to respond with self-justifying rhetoric. But he can help us with a detailed account of the processual development of his experience. If we ask, "How did you do that? And then what did you do?"

We are likely to discover some poignant moments (Katz, 1988, p. 7).

In this study, poignant moments refer to times on the ice when players interpret the actions of others as insulting. According to Katz, actions are offensive to the extent that an emotional process is initiated. In these cases, individuals simply cannot ignore the challenges posed because they are regarded as attacks on their very worth. Consequently, they consider various ways to respond and are ultimately seduced by the ensuing rage and violent incidents erupt. For every type of crime, Katz maintains that there is a path of action, a line of interpretation and an emotional process to consider. This study seeks to identify these processes in the sport of ice hockey.

Methodological Strategy: Interviews about Emotional Provocations and Responses

The theoretical and methodological foundation for this study is loosely situated within symbolic interactionism. Charon (2001, p. 206-211) identifies several key assumptions frequently made by interactionists that affect the manner in which they believe research should be conducted. He suggests that an understanding of the social world can only take place if we are able to ascertain what actors believe about their world. Ideally, this is accomplished by gathering observational data of people in real situations. He also suggests that interactionists are critical of traditional social science, its use of scientific methods and its definition of important causal variables. This is because they generally believe that the best way to understand human behaviour is to take into account peoples' central qualities including how they define situations and solve problems. Strictly speaking, symbolic interactionists place more emphasis upon how active individuals behave in the present as opposed to attributing present behaviour to the past.

In sum, symbolic interactionism assumes that careful description of human interaction is the central goal of social science and that it is important to move from mechanical modes of causation to processual models.

Although a variety of methods may be used to ascertain how meaning is developed through interaction within the sport of hockey, many symbolic interactionists have relied upon various observation strategies. This is because many assume that human thought processes can only be validly inferred by identifying what people actually do. Motive is validly induced once the researcher is convinced that certain lines of action are connected with one another. While interactionists often use observation techniques and they are often employed by sports sociologists (Atkinson, 2007), they are not particularly helpful for this study since the focus is on exceptional violent incidents. While violence is not uncommon in ice hockey, the use of observation techniques would be cumbersome and potentially ineffective at many levels. A team of players could be observed for an entire season with relatively few incidents of the behaviour in question. As will be demonstrated below in Chapter Four, this was the case for many female ice hockey players.

Hockey teams are also private organizations making it virtually impossible to break in and participate (Lofland, 2006, p. 34-40). Additionally, many levels of play are not recorded or are inconsistently recorded by video equipment making review a limited technique. Finally, this study assumes that violent events can be effectively recounted by onlookers and that participants can understand the meaning and motive behind these relatively uncommon experiences. Hence, personal interviews were employed in order to determine the perceptions and understanding of those involved in the game.

Analytic induction.

The methodological strategy chosen was analytic induction (Katz, 1988, p. 11; Mason,

1996, p. 94; Berg 2001, p. 255-6). Although the technique is often credited to Znaniecki

(Robinson, 1951), Lindesmith (1952, p. 1) points out that it was used by Stuart Mills in the nineteenth century. It is a common methodological strategy used to examine qualitative data in order to develop and test an existing theory (Gay and Airasian, 2003). The researcher begins with a preliminary explanation of the phenomenon of interest, generates hypotheses from the theory being utilized, and then gathers data to test the theory. If the hypotheses are upheld, then 68 more data should be gathered to further test them. By contrast, if the hypotheses produced by the explanation question are not sustained by the data, then the researcher should revise them and modify the theory being used. It involves theoretical validation and generation.

Lindesmith describes analytic induction as:

The principle which governs the selection of cases to test a theory

is that the chances of discovering a decisive negative case should

be maximized. The investigator who has a working hypothesis

concerning the data becomes aware of certain areas of critical

importance. If his theory is false or inadequate, he knows that its

weakness will be more clearly and quickly exposed if he proceeds

to the investigation of those more critical areas. This involves

going out of one's way to look for negative evidence (cited in

Berg, 2001, p. 255).

In the present study, data analysis involved such a moving back and forth from validation to generation. While most of the data support Katz's interpretation of violence, some accounts do not.

The explanation in question is that of righteous violence. Righteous violence is deemed as lacking premeditation in defence of communal values, it occurs amid a quickly developing rage, and its outcome is uncertain. That is, the victim may sustain serious injuries, or no injuries at all. Consequently, the main hypothesis under consideration is that most violence in Canadian ice hockey is best explained by this conception.

Incidents of sports aggression and violence are not easily studied. According to Coakley and Donnelly, "violence is the use of excessive physical force, which causes or has the potential 69 to cause harm or destruction" (p. 187). In contrast, aggression is the use of "verbal or physical actions grounded in an intent to dominate, control, or do harm to another person" (Coakley and

Donnelly, 2009, p. 188). Although these concepts overlap considerably, Coakley and Donnelly explain that they differ to the extent that "some violence occurs without aggressive intent" (p.

188). Aggression encapsulates a broader range of behaviour.

Coakley and Donnelly (2009, p. 188) point out that these definitions do not eliminate all conceptual problems. The overlap among them is obvious. As such, the use of these working definitions may refer to similar or the same behaviours. A simple ice hockey check may be deemed "excessive" by some, but not others. It may be regarded as possessing intent or not depending upon the individual interpretation of the act.

The notion of righteous violence is employed to deal with some of these difficulties because it poses an explanation for what seems inconceivable on the surface. As Katz (1988, p.

12) argues, "When people kill in a moralistic rage, their perspective often seems foolish or incomprehensible to us, and indeed, it often seems that way to them soon after the killing." The working concepts of aggression and violence themselves are in question.

This conceptual imprecision presents significant challenges from a methodological standpoint. The very use of the terms during interviews may influence participants' responses.

Given such conceptual overlap, the terms aggression and violence were not precisely defined for participants. Rather, participants were allowed to use and explain them on their own so that further conceptual and theoretical precision could be attained.

In order to ascertain whether aggression and violence could be explained by righteous violence, players were asked several closed-ended and open-ended questions about why they take place on the ice (see Interview Guideline). More specifically, they were asked whether such 70 incidents were due to aggressive individuals, the nature of the game, or due to events taking place in the heat of the moment. These questions were designed to decipher whether aggression and violence could be explained by "types of people" theories; rationality theories, including control theories; or, righteous slaughter theory.

Because fighting is generally regarded as a violent act, players were also asked to carefully recount such an experience still fresh in their minds. Due to the concern that personal accounts of such behaviour might generate deception, these questions were posed about fights that they had witnessed. This series of questions was designed to ascertain whether or not fights were best understood as premeditated.

The interview data presented in Chapters Four and Five were included to demonstrate the emotional tone of righteous violence in ice hockey. Because analytic induction was used, outliers were also included in the typology of fighting presented in Chapter Five. The impression left by the typology might be that each type of fight occurred at equal frequency. The analysis of the data will demonstrate that this was not the case. Righteous violence was far more common and the others were used to provide the reader with a fuller sense of the variation in the data. As there were 39 interviews conducted, it was inevitable that some interview data would have to be left aside. This information was not excluded because it was irrelevant. Rather, it was simply considered less compelling and persuasive than what was included vis-a-vis the research themes of interest.

Data were collected by using in-depth semi-structured interviews of professional and amateur male and female hockey participants in Western Canada. The rationale for this method is based upon the ontological assumption that players understand the nature of interactions and can relate information about emotional experiences when they face status threats. They are able 71 to produce detailed accounts of how others experience these events. That is, they can "read the play". Interviews about violent events focusing primarily upon the series of events leading up to them can elicit insightful results if participants are asked to provide detailed explanations of what they have experienced and witnessed.

Mason (1996, p. 40) warns that interviewers must be aware of the limitations inherent in interviewing people. Specifically, she argues that experiences can only be recounted and that people's interpretations and understandings do not allow researchers to get "inside their heads".

Should the researcher utilize the interview to generate data, it should be understood that the information obtained has been refracted through the perspectives of participants. In other words, these are experiences that have been recounted by participants and not necessarily what has transpired.

Katz (1999, p. 8) addresses this issue directly in his examination of self-righteous violence and he is instructive on this point:

When people generalize about what they do, much less try to

explain why they do what they say is extremely suspect as

anything other than an artifact of the inquiry. On the other hand,

when people describe what they were doing at times when the

stakes for them were both high and independent of the current

inquiry, we have reason to have more faith in reading what they

say as evidence about what they have lived.

In other words, although the researcher must be wary of the limitations inherent within this particular method, it is possible to generate data that provides insights into the causes of human behaviour when asking participants to focus on specific, highly charged incidents. 72

Data Collection Procedure

In order to test the hypothesis that the theory of righteous violence can explain aggression and violence in the Canadian ice hockey setting, it was deemed necessary to interview players because they could provide first-hand information about the violent incidents that they had witnessed. They not only see aggression and violence on the ice, they also interact with those who engage in it. Coaches were interviewed because they help shape player's perceptions of events during and between games and practices. Administrators were interviewed because they formulate rules and dispense discipline. They can also provide their suggestions for positive social change in order to eliminate violence in the game. Referees, assistant coaches, sportscasters, members of player's families, and even avid fans could have been interviewed as well. They were not included because the main interest was to learn about and consider the experiences of players. It is assumed that this sample is sufficient in testing the central hypothesis in question.

The study is based on 39 respondents (see Table 1 below). Included in the sample are 29 males and 10 females. Although female-perpetrated violence is uncommon, the experiences of women are important nonetheless. Negative cases are deemed worthy of analysis. Because the emphasis is on the experiences of players, there were 20 players, but also 8 coaches and 11 administrators. Although there were few female coaches and administrators, it should also be noted that many of these participants held multiple roles at the time of scheduled interviews or had held multiple roles during their ice hockey careers. For instance, almost all of the administrators had played the game and coached at some point. In addition, all but one of the coaches had played the game and some players were just beginning to coach or expressed an 73 interest in coaching in the future. Some administrators also coached and played the sport at the

same time.

Table 1. Table of Types of Participants.

Players Coaches Administrators Total Males 13 6 9 28 Females 7 2 2 11 Total 20 8 11 39

Although many participants held multiple roles, they are placed into different cells on the basis

of their highest level of experience. Interviews were conducted until conceptual saturation was reached (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) and no further knowledge was deemed to be forthcoming.

As the method of analytic induction suggests that working hypotheses be tested against negative cases, a range of experienced people in the sport were included in the study including administrators, coaches and players. Administrators brought considerable experiential knowledge as they were required to create and modify the formal rules of the sport, deal with transgressions among players and, at times, speak to the media. All of them had played the sport at some level and some were involved in preparing Canada's National Teams for competition.

Likewise, all of the coaches with one exception, had played the sport. They were pertinent to the study because they directly spoke with players and gave them instructions on how to play and deal with opponents. Some of them offered their experiences about international play. They also identified weaknesses and adjustments in their player's efforts and carefully monitored their behaviour. Players were also included in the study as they directly exhibited much of the behaviour of interest.

The players interviewed had extensive experiences in the sport as they often had played for several teams at various levels. Some played professionally while others were avidly seeking 74 positions on professional teams. Some had international experience while others had rarely left the Province of Alberta. Some were available only because they were injured at the time of study, while others were healthy "scratches". Healthy scratches are players that coaches do not play for various reasons even though they are healthy. Although it is logical to assume that players would first play amateur hockey and then move to professional play, many came back to amateur sport in order to further their education. That is, they played professionally and then came to play in Canadian Interuniversity Sport (CIS).

Not surprisingly, due to the gender imbalance in hockey, far more males than females were available to participate in the study. Adams (2006) notes, for example, that in the 2002-

2003 season, the Canadian Hockey Association registered 476,975 male players and 61,177 female players. There were only two female administrators, one female coach and 9 female players. This reflects the reality of participation in the sport in North America. Information derived from female participants supplied insights as to how aggression manifests itself in the sport and how unwanted violence is resisted or irrelevant. Many of these players served roles on

Canada's national team.

The sample was derived by targeting participants at organizations such as Hockey

Canada, Hockey Alberta, Hockey Calgary and various teams throughout Southern Alberta and

Southeastern British Columbia. Most of these teams maintain internet sites listing players, coaches and administrators and include contact information as well. These participants were contacted via email and telephone. The technique of snowballing also contributed to generating the sample. 75

Instrument: Inquiring into Righteous Violence

The interview guides used for participants in this study are included in Appendices B, C and D. As this study involved the use of semi-structured interviews, some questions were modified depending upon the nature of the responses given. At times, players would use jargon specific to the sport and further explanation of their responses was warranted. After the first three interviews had been completed, it was deemed necessary that one question be modified in order to better evaluate hypotheses driven by the theoretical design in question. This item asked participants "When aggressive behaviour takes place on the ice, do you think that it is due to the nature of the game or is it because of a few individuals who are really aggressive?" As this is a closed-ended question, a tag was added so that it read "When aggressive behaviour takes place on the ice, do you think that it is due to the nature of the game, is it because of a few individuals who are really aggressive or due to situations that develop in the heat of the moment?" This adjustment appeared to give respondents more latitude in terms of their responses. Finally, in one case, the respondent had not witnessed a fight and several questions were not relevant as a result.

The interview guide began with a few basic background questions. These questions identified the respondent's sex, age, ethnicity and highest level of education obtained. The questions also identified the community where respondents were socialized and the teams and leagues in which they were involved. The next set of questions asked respondents to compare the sport of ice hockey to other sports where violence and aggression take place. This section also tapped into players' and coaches' ideas on the utility of aggression.

Dramaturgy is a term first coined by Goffman (1959). It refers to the ways that people 76 manage impressions of themselves in any given situation. The section on dramaturgy asked players to identify the "tough" people in their respective leagues and how they exhibited such toughness. Players were next asked about their experiences with violence. Here they identified the number of fights they had witnessed, why they occurred as well as a related detailed description of the sequences of events leading up to and following recent conflicts fresh in their minds. At this point, information was garnered about the kinds of violence that exists, the events leading up to "poignant moments", and how they were resolved. It is important to ascertain how people engage in management impression as it is linked to the seriousness of status threats. That is, the threat is gauged in reference to the performative work being conducted.

Although the interview guides were otherwise quite similar, coaches were also asked about they managed to establish control over their players. As well, administrators were asked about the official processes and overall effectiveness of sanctioning players when they contravened the official rules of the game. As internal sanctioning is not always effective, all respondents were asked about their feelings on matters of litigation. Specifically, they were probed about how well they felt various leagues had dealt with the effects of violence and whether it was appropriate for players to use the courts at times. Finally, the role of fans in influencing the nature of play was examined in order to determine the potential effect of crowds on all kinds of behaviour on the ice.

Data Analysis Procedures

According to Mason (1996, p. 107), there are three basic methods used to index and sort qualitative data. These techniques are cross-sectional and categorical, non-cross-sectional and the use of diagrams and charts. Mason points out that sometimes researchers may make use of 77 all three options. The choice made is not analytically neutral since it reflects assumptions made about what constitutes data and specifies the manner in which they will be read. Data can be read literally, interpretively or reflexively (Mason, 1996, p. 109). A literal account of the data simply reflects what is said by those interviewed. In contrast, an interpretive account of the data involves the researcher reading beyond literal accounts and making decisions about the meanings of what data represent. A reflexive technique firmly situates the researcher within the data.

When data are analyzed in this fashion, the investigator pays particular attention to the role they played when the data are generated and their relationships with participants are carefully examined and discussed in the analysis.

In this study, cross-sectional indexing strategies were used to sort the data for analysis.

Also known as categorical indexing (Mason, 1996, p. 111-128) it involves the researcher

"slicing" the data in a consistent fashion. As such, it is appropriate for data sets that are arranged uniformly. For example, highly structured interviews would be ideal for such a sorting technique particularly when the researcher wishes to establish how well the data addresses research questions and theoretical concerns. This technique helps identify "lower level" conceptual properties (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, 36-37) which can function as headings or subheadings in chapters of books.

In this case, cross-sectional sorting was useful for identifying how Canadian ice hockey players demonstrate "toughness". Mason (1996, p. Ill) argues, however, that there are several potential problems involved when using this technique. There is a tendency to construct broad or bland conceptual categories. As well, any piece of qualitative text is likely to address more than one topic, theme or concept. Finally, it is not particularly useful when questions and responses are not uniform. 78 While cross-sectional indexing involves the use of a standard lens upon an entire data set,

non-cross-sectional methods involve slicing data in a fragmented fashion. It is like applying

order to chaos. Bits, pieces and discrete parts (Mason, 1996, p. 128) are examined in order to

generate themes and conceptual categories. It is useful when data consist of semi-structured

personal interviews. In such cases, participants are given a measure of latitude in responding to

questions posed by the interviewer.

Most of the questions in the interview guide here contain themes that cut across various

groups of participants being interviewed. There are, however, important differences due to each

group's unique involvement in the sport. For example, coaches and administrators were asked

about their ability to manage conflict among their players. As well, there were times when

participants used jargon specific to ice hockey and they were asked to expand on what these

terms meant. It was also not uncommon for participants to refer back to previous questions and

answers as the interviews progressed.

Mason (1996, p. 131-133) also argues that the use of various diagrams are also useful

when analyzing data. She points out that they can be helpful whether one is using categorical or

non-cross-sectional techniques as the main indexing method because they allow the researcher to

visualize causal relations. They present eye-catching display tools in order to get a better handle

on the data. In this study, data were first organized in a cross-sectional fashion with preliminary results disseminated at various sociological conferences. Corbin and Strauss (1990, p. 6) purport that shuffling back and forth between collection and analysis are interrelated processes. After receiving this feedback, tables were constructed so that responses for a particular category were inserted by row and categorical themes by columns. The intention was to get a better grasp of the data by identifying what was common among them and what was distinctive. Sorting and analyzing the data in several manners described above facilitated this effort.

Methodological Experiences

The theoretical approach employed in this study suggests that the analysis of normative structures and observed behaviour in social settings alone is an insufficient strategy for understanding deviance. It maintains that the focus of research should be on the development of meaning systems as constructed by a variety of stakeholders in the institution of sport. These stakeholders constituted administrators, coaches and players and it emerged that each group had different reactions to being interviewed for this study.

While interviewing participants, administrators were the most careful about what they said. At times, they were guarded with their responses. In order to interview one administrator, for example, I was told that another had to be in attendance as a witness. They explained that they were concerned about information being misrepresented to the public. They felt that previous interactions with the media following violent ice hockey events had depicted the organization in a negative manner because a predecessor had expressed shock, dismay and used particularly descriptive violent terminology to describe an ice hockey fight. As such, they wanted to ensure that this would not happen again. They were adamant that they had nothing to hide from me or anyone else, but they were openly concerned about the effects of negative press.

Two other administrators expressed similar concerns. They openly asked me why I was even considering the subject of violence in this particular sport. They questioned why I was not looking at advances in sports medicine or the positive socializing effects of the sport on youth.2

This reaction should not be surprising. Although there is considerable support for violence in the game of ice hockey, there is also significant opposition to it (Smith, 1979). As a contested 80 behaviour, it requires ongoing legitimation (Smith, 1975) particularly as players increasingly redress assaultive behaviour in the courts (Young & Wamsley, 1996). In general, administrators ascribed outbreaks of violence as the result of overzealous fans and parents, bad apples among players, or the physical nature of the sport.

Coaches were sensitive to negative press as well. They frequently pointed out that they performed valuable services for players and the community as a whole, but they also wanted their players to intimidate opponents and play as physically as possible. Most were clear that they did not teach players to be dirty, take cheap shots or liberties with other players, although they did expect them to stand up for themselves and other players if other teams exhibited this behaviour. Many also maintained that there were "bad coaches" out there who taught other players to behave violently and good coaches who are most valuable to the sport. Like administrators, they tended to blame violence upon fans, parents and they also tended to draw attention to the actions of referees. It was most common for them to identify instances where conflict arose when players were unsure of the way that the official rules would be interpreted.

Of course, the official rules of the game do not actually change, but their interpretation and practical application is in a state of flux during any given game. As such, what could be considered inappropriate play at the beginning of the game was later believed to be acceptable should a referee fail to make the right call. Ironically, just as coaches indicated that there existed a hockey "code", they were also clear to state that it was constantly changing in relation to the actions of the referees and that there were sufficient numbers of players who did not abide by it, were unsure as to its precise content or frequently attempted to change it.

Players appeared to be the least reluctant to offer information on perpetrating violence and having to deal with it from others. They had to actively navigate rough terrain. They were 81 aware of fans and their desires for hard hits and even fights, they knew that their coaches wanted them to play in an intimidating fashion and on the edge as much as possible, and that other players were equally on the edge and might try to intimidate them as well. As such, they are subjected to a set of rules constructed by those in authority, but they also played a role in defining the practical rules of engagement with their opponents.

The notion that different vantage points and experiences affect the development of sporting behaviour is most pertinent to the study of violence and aggression. Using the reference other approach, Smith (1979) suggested that father's approval, player's age and the level of competition accounted for 29% of the variation in fighting behaviour in amateur hockey. As players reached the latter teen years and moved into more competitive leagues, their parent's approval for violence increased as well. The feelings of coaches in regards to player violence was also noteworthy. Smith (1979, p. 112) does note that mothers consistently disapproved of such violence on the part of their children.

In Canadian ice hockey, these are not simply innocuous topics, but rather, highly contested issues. Some people vigorously purport that there is no room in the sport for violent behaviour while others may steadfastly proclaim that aggressive and violent behaviour are simply long-standing cultural expressions and, as a result, are truly consensual and acceptable.

As many participants on various sides of this discussion are very aware of the consequences of labeling behaviour including the ability to legitimate moral claims and control definitions of what constitutes deviant behaviour, this dynamic affected data generation not only in terms of the nature of responses provided as noted above, but also in terms of the ability to schedule interviews and the possibility of refusals. 82 Ability to Schedule

The ability to schedule interviews was affected by several variables including the researcher's personal demands and work life. It was also impacted by work being done by all participants. Many ice hockey players simply have very busy schedules to maintain. Some players, for example, practice three to four times per week and play one or two games per week.

Many also train outside of hockey, attend post-secondary institutions and hold down employment to sustain their hockey play. Of course, they also have personal lives that demand considerable time.

Most players, however, were quite receptive to being interviewed. Some wanted to

simply talk about the game and pointed out that they had recently discussed some of these issues in conversations with friends and family. Others anticipated successful careers and felt it important to get accustomed to being interviewed. Many others simply wanted to help out a researcher interested in the game.

Coaches also maintained hectic schedules. Most of these participants had jobs outside the game and spent valuable personal time developing their teams. They were quite receptive to being interviewed as many were accustomed to speaking with media and seemed to feel that speaking with me was part of their overall service to the community. I found it wise to keep up with team schedules, as coaches are clearly busier when they have to prepare for games and tournaments.

As administrators derive their primary incomes by working in the sport, they obviously devoted considerable time to it. In fact, some interviews had to be scheduled several weeks or even one or two months in advance. Although this seemed to be a constant for these participants, some times of the year are more problematic than others. The ability to meet with 83 administrators was affected by preparation efforts for various tournaments and by their involvement with various cases of sanctioned players.

Willingness to Participate

The level of desire to participate in this study varied somewhat by the roles held within ice hockey organizations. Players and coaches were the most willing to respond to questions. In fact, extra copies of interview guides and consent forms were used because of their openness to invite others to participate. One coach called in more players before a practice and allowed me to use their photocopier to produce more consent forms. Apart from one player who broke her leg in a car accident two days before the scheduled interview, none contacted refused to be interviewed. One coach stated that he could not participate because his volunteer time was already stretched to the limit. He also performed an administrative role.

There was some reluctance on the part of team management to allow their players to be interviewed. A senior manager from one professional men's hockey team initially agreed to allow players to be involved in the study once the playoffs were over, but ceased communication exchanges once their playing season was complete. By contrast, representatives from another professional men's hockey team was quite communicative, but claimed that they were concerned about the possible legal ramifications of being involved in such a study despite my insistence that there were safeguards in place by the University to protect anyone from being identified, misrepresented or harmed. I also offered to provide them with the interview questions in advance, but to no avail. One administrator was willing to participate only after receiving the questions in advance. Another was willing to be interviewed only after reading sections of the informed consent form about efforts to ensure their confidentiality. 84 Interviews took place in a variety of settings. Most were conducted in various private offices at the University of Calgary or in the offices of administrators. The dressing rooms for some teams were also utilized. At times, a local coffee shop was deemed to be the most convenient place to meet.

Experiences With Voice Recognition Technology

While conducting the interviews, a digital voice recorder was used to record the information. They are useful because of their small size, ability to store large amounts of information and quality of sound. This particular device was considered ideal because it was packaged with voice recognition software with voice to text capability; that is, the user can speak into the recorder, download files onto a computer hard drive and the program will translate it to text.

The software, however, was unable to transfer participant's statements directly to text because of variation in speech patterns and background noises at some interview locations. One set of interviews, for example, took place in the team's dressing room with a running washing machine and dryer in the room adjacent to it. Although the noise did not seem to be loud during the interview, the recorder picked up significant bass. A thunderstorm created similar difficulties during another interview at a local coffee shop. High frequency treble did not create the same problems.

The solution to these challenges was to listen to the interview files located on my computer using headphones and then dictate them into the recorder again. I then downloaded the new files I dictated onto the hard drive and then used the voice to text software capability. This was effective because the program is trained to recognize the user's voice and few errors were 85 encountered using this technique. Overall, this technology did not save considerable time compared to tape, but it did provide me with a digital voice file that can be quickly accessed at any point in the file. By contrast, revisiting a point in a taped interview takes significant time.

As well, dictation is made easier with the ability to slow the playing speed and it makes the researcher more familiar with the data. Finally, it changes the nature of the work performed by the researcher since more work is done by speaking rather than by typing.

Reliability and Validity

It is instrumental that the results of analysis are isomorphic with social reality.

Isomorphism means identity or similarity of form (Kerlinger, 1986, p. 396). This study must ultimately be evaluated in terms of its validity and reliability. Reliability refers to the consistency, dependability or predictability of measures. Whether conducting qualitative or quantitative research, sociologists want stable, accurate (precise) measures that reduce error.

When we speak of validity, we ask ourselves whether we are measuring what we think we are measuring (Kerlinger, 1986, p. 417). Do empirical measures capture social reality effectively?

Maxwell (1992, p. 284) suggests that data, in themselves, are not valid or invalid.

Rather, it is the interpretation of data that may be judged in terms of validity. Validity is a continual question in all kinds of research and it may be subjectively questioned. Maxwell

(1992) argues that validity for qualitative research has long been a contentious issue. He points out that:

Qualitative researchers have generally responded either by denying the relevance of the quantitative or scientific paradigm for what they do (for example, Cuba & Lincoln, 1989), or by arguing that qualitative research has its own procedures for attaining validity that are simply 86 different from those of quantitative approaches... (p. 280).

Taking the latter perspective and pursuing a "critical realist approach" to the notion of

validity from the standpoint of the qualitative researcher, he admits that qualitative researchers

have been less than successful at explicating these kinds of validity. As a result, he proposes five

different kinds of validity that qualitative researchers should consider (Maxwell, 1992, p. 284-5).

These include descriptive validity, interpretive validity, theoretical validity, generalizability and

evaluative validity. In a nutshell, he asserts that descriptions must be precise, researchers must

provide an accurate account of what the objects, events and behaviours mean to the people they

study, theoretical constructs must be valid and results must stand up to the results of future

research. Evaluative validity is ensured by the researcher recognizing any potential source of

personal bias.

In this study, issues of reliability and validity were considered continually throughout the

research process. Although subjectivity is inherent in any study of human behaviour simply by

choosing one topic over another, care was taken to ensure that it was minimized. The

methodological technique of analytic induction facilitated this objective by pressing the

researcher to explore exceptional results. Outliers are an important part of analysis. They are

not simply disregarded and ignored. The data were also collected through the use of semi-

structured interviews that were subject to modification, sorted in a variety of ways and analyzed

using an interpretive procedure. Ultimately, in the end, reliability and validity are assured through replication. That is, future research on the topic will determine whether these requirements have been met. 87

Ethics

Ethical concerns must always be paramount particularly in the study of deviance as people will have engaged in behaviour that might be socially unacceptable. In this particular study, some players were punished for their behaviour and wanted to maintain a measure of privacy in regards to their motives. Some were in positions of authority and expressed concern about being identified after offering candid responses to questions about the appropriateness of violence and litigation. Participants were asked to sign a consent form that explained the details of their participation in this study. This consent explained that respondents could refuse to answer any questions they found uncomfortable or inappropriate and that they could withdraw from the study at any point in time. They were also given the option to review any transcripts generated in this process. Finally, the digital audio recordings of the interviews will be destroyed after the analysis is complete and the confidentiality of respondents will be assured by substituting real names with fictitious ones when transcribing and publishing the results of the analysis. Only the researcher and the supervisor will have access to the digital audio recordings and transcripts which are kept in a locked filing cabinet at the researcher's residence.

Conclusion

This chapter has outlined the methodology employed to examine aggression and violence in Canadian ice hockey. It suggests that the exploration of violent motivation is a worthy pursuit. The method of analytic induction is chosen to examine the interview data collected.

This strategy specifies that researchers should identify a useful explanation for a behaviour of interest, and collect data to verify or revise hypotheses derived from the chosen theory. 88 Sampling occurs until the researcher is satisfied that conceptual saturation has been reached

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The sample included both male and female players, coaches, and administrators.

The theory of righteous violence makes bold assertions about human thought processes, and emotions are the most important part of this framework. It suggests that the production of emotions such as anger, humiliation, and rage are causal factors of violent behaviour. In short, the sensation of rage frequently leads to hostile actions. It specifies that violence is not premeditated, it occurs in the course of a quickly developing rage, and its outcome may or may not lead to significant injuries on the part of the victim.

A total of 39 in-depth semi-structured interviews of males and female players, coaches, and administrators were conducted. They were used to generate knowledge about players' experiences in the game and how they construct meaning in the sport. Players were asked about how they define aggression and violence, and when they consider such behaviour appropriate in the game They were also asked to recall an instance of violence in order to test hypotheses generated by righteous violence theory. Coaches and administrators were questioned in order to understand how they help shape these interpretations and control players' behaviour.

The next two chapters examine the data collected. Chapter Four presents an analysis of how the social self in ice hockey is generated among players. Both male and female participants explain the importance of developing tough identities through their play, appearance work, and reputation. Chapter Five examines various poignant violent events and includes a typology of fighting in the sport. Together, they provide ample evidence to validate the emotional processes identified by Katz in his explanation of crime and deviance. 89

Chapter Four-Constructing Toughness Chapter Four-Constructing Toughness

"So, why do we do what we do? We are hockey players, and we all have roles to play. Not everybody can be Wayne Gretzky; that is just a fact of life. Football teams need offensive linesmen, and hockey teams need enforcers. That is how teams win, with role players"

(McSorely, 2006, cited in Bernstein, 2006, p. xi).

Introduction

On Friday November 23 rd, 2007, police in Guelph, Ontario received a request to deal with an on-ice hockey brawl between the Niagara Falls Thunder and the Duffield Devils

(Alphonso, 2007). Video footage of the event showed players, fans and coaching staff from both teams, pushing, shoving, and throwing punches. Ultimately, the police laid no charges against members of either team, and left the matter of sanctioning participants to the relevant governing hockey association. Although hockey fights may not be uncommon, this particular event gained considerable media attention because the players were only eight years old and according to the investigating police, had been encouraged to fight by their coaches.

Despite the fact that no children sustained any serious injuries as a result of this incident, it does raise questions as to what could cause them to behave in this fashion. Apart from their coaches, what other agents of socialization might have been involved in making violence an acceptable and appropriate reaction? What was going through their minds when they acted this way? Using data obtained by ice hockey participants, this chapter will illustrate how the social self develops and how ice hockey identities are established. 91

Status, role, and identity.

The questions raised above are important to consider in order to better understand ice hockey violence. In Chapter Two, it was noted how Katz (1988) maintains that status threats lead to self-righteous violence. When faced with a status threat, an individual can either accept the humiliation caused by the threat and experience shame, or they can refute it by seducing themselves with thoughts of violence, acting upon those thoughts, and ultimately extinguishing feelings of humiliation.

Status, role expectations and performance, and identity are key aspects of the social self and need to be explored for a comprehensive analysis of self-righteous violence to be undertaken. A status is a social position or location and it entails unique roles (Kendall, Murray,

& Linden, 2007, p. 129-131). Just as important is a person's identity. Identities are, "meanings a person attributes to the self (Burke, 1980, as cited in Charon, 2001, p. 86). We hold a status in society, attempt to play the roles associated with that status, and, over time, generate our unique identities. Because these concepts are integral to self-righteous violence, this will include a discussion of how players see themselves, how they establish themselves through role performance, appearance work, and by building their ice hockey reputations.

The generation of the social self is important in every place and situation a person may find themselves. Sports settings are no exception. In sports such as Canadian ice hockey, players, coaches, officials and fans interact and create identities that frequently undergo change.

Ice hockey participants may be crowd favourites one moment, but they can just as easily fall into disfavour when they perform less well than expected. As such, players must expend considerable energy on and off of the ice to ensure that they express themselves in manners that positively impress others. 92 On the surface, ice hockey may appear to be a simple and transparent sport where players use their physical strength, maneuverability and stick handling abilities to score goals against their opponents. Most players, however, describe the game quite differently. They point out that it is an environment where they strategize, size up other players and carefully manage impressions of themselves for other players, coaches and fans. Failure to do so has negative repercussions for them individually and for their teams as well.

Players constantly attempt to define situations when interacting in ice hockey settings. A setting includes all of the furniture, decor, physical layout and others aspects of the background

(Goffman, 1959, p. 22). In this sport, settings include the ice itself, the boards and glass, the nets, seats in the stadium, players' benches, penalty boxes and the exits leading to the players' dressing rooms. The ice surface can be considered analogous to a stage where performances for audiences take place. Coakley and Donnelly (2004, p. 211) note that the situational factors affecting crowd dynamics include crowd size and composition, the meaning of the event for spectators, the history of the relationship between the teams and fans, crowd-control strategies, fan alcohol consumption, the location of the event, motivations for fan attendance and the importance of the team's identity to spectators.

As with all settings where interaction takes place, players construct their social selves and they are not developed in isolation, but built collaboratively (Goffman, 1959, p. 253). They are affected by aspects of the setting and other actors involved in the play. Goffman points out that people rarely present their true social selves, preferring to put on fronts for others. A front is a piece of expressive equipment employed consciously, or frequently used unwittingly, to define the situation for themselves and others.

Ice hockey players are social objects constantly undergoing statistical evaluation. Their 93 heights, weights, dates and places of birth, positions of play and highlights of their playing histories are readily available for almost anyone interested in them. For any given game, statistics are accumulated about the amount of time they are on the ice, the minutes they spend in the penalty box for rule infractions they have committed, the number of checks or hits they make on other players, the number of times they successfully shoot the puck on their opponents' nets, as well as the number of assists and goals they manage to score. It is well known that should players score three goals in one game, it is called a "hat trick" and fans will acknowledge such an accomplishment by throwing hats onto the playing surface. General information about injuries to players' bodies is also accumulated.

There is even a statistic generated about their overall contribution to the team. This is coined as their plus-minus rating. The plus-minus rating is assumed to provide others with a better understanding of whether their team scores more goals or are scored upon when they are on the ice. As such, a positive figure indicates that on average, they have made a scoring contribution to the team while a negative figure suggests that they are a scoring liability. Taken together with other accumulated data, these statistics provide insights into what kind of player they may be. In sum, a player is an evaluated statistical object with numbers on their backs for simple identification.

This information is important because it reveals how players are socially constructed by others. They may be considered as scoring or physical threats. The manner in which their identities are developed has implications in terms of their likelihood of engaging in violence.

They internalize these interpretations of themselves (Mead, 1934) and are labeled by others

(Lemert, 1951). Should a player be deemed a physical threat, they may be targeted for, and retaliate against, aggressive action. 94 Constructing Physical and Mental Toughness: Heavyweights, Bullies, and Dirty Rats

Male and female ice hockey players explain that it is important to exhibit tough exteriors.

Several reasons are given for this effort. They want to impress their coaches so that they obtain

spots on their teams and receive more playing time if they are chosen. As well, toughness

ensures a measure of intimidation over other players. Intimidation is beneficial because it

demonstrates physical and mental strength and these attributes are considered instrumental in

order to win games. Scoring chances become more plentiful and players are more able to deter

others from engaging them in conflict.

Constructing toughness is not easily accomplished, however, since players' identities are

mitigated by wearing uniforms, which is discussed in more detail below. Components of the

uniform include the insignia on jerseys and the colour of their socks, pants, jerseys, gloves and

helmets. Individual differences are made possible by wearing equipment made by different

manufacturers. Given these constraints, players set themselves apart from others by their behaviour, their physical appearances and by their reputations.

Although interviews with coaches and players revealed that toughness was an important

attribute to posses and express, there was significant variation as to what actually constitutes toughness. Some players suggested it was about playing an important, key role on a team.

A male in his early twenties with considerable playing experience throughout the Western

Hockey League and in University, drew attention to the importance of role playing.

Max: I guess there's different roles on a hockey team. Not so

much in the University level, as for fighters, but in some ways,

fighter[s], you know, they do want that reputation of being tough

and mean and I mean, that's part of their job. 95 One such role is that of the enforcer (Coakely & Donnelly, 2009, p. 198). Enforcers will frequently engage in physical fights and must be successful at it. Fighting is a useful way of showing toughness, because it reveals physical and mental strength. Mental strength is needed when fighting because one must be able to resist the fear of other players and they frequently must do so cold. That is, they often have to fight when they have not played much in the game.

One male player in his twenties suggested that toughness was established by:

Sam: Fighting early and a lot. Early and often. So early in your

career you're always going and you're taking on the oldest,

toughest guys. You know what I mean? So it's continually

flowing. So, you're 16-17, a first year player, you're fighting the

19-20 year olds that are supposed to be heavyweights, as they call

them. By the time you're 19-20, you've built that reputation. You

almost don't even have to fight anymore because people are scared

of you. So you've built yourself up that reputation because early

you showed you weren't afraid, and now later you don't even have

to prove it anymore because everyone knows that.

The utility of fighting, however, was not universally accepted. Some believed that a willingness to fight could likely reveal the existence of weaknesses in other areas of play. These differences suggest that there is variation in identity construction, but all players must demonstrate that they are tough. Many pointed out that players who skate hard, check briskly when appropriate, and do so in a determined way reveal true toughness. For instance, a male player in his early twenties explained:

Andrew: I think that I would identify a tough player as a hard, as 96 from a forward's perspective, a tough player is a hard defenseman

to beat. A guy who is gonna finish his check, run you into the

boards, you know, solid kid. That is a tough player. One of these

looney tunes running around spearing people yelling. I would not

consider them tough. I mean a tough player is a kid who is going

to the net and gets a stick in the face and gets up and keeps going.

That is how, that is how I would if I were to identify tough players,

you know it would be the fast, the strong and it wouldn't be the

guys who are willing to fight because a lot of the times, the guys

who are willing to fight aren't like the real hockey players. Those

aren't the guys that you gotta be worried about.

Another male player in his mid-twenties, who was drafted into the National Hockey League, but was playing in the Canadian Interuniversity Sport (CIS) league at the time of the interview, was critical of those who express toughness by fighting:

Keanu: Certain guys, and not everyone per se, but there is always

you know at least, 2 or 3 out of 20 on team, that are gonna you

know, gonna wanna show that, and a lot of times, it is because they

don't bring very much to the table. They are not a skilled player or

a guy that is good on the penalty kill, or the power play or

something like that. Then, how else are they gonna stay on the

team?

This sentiment was echoed by another male CIS player in his early twenties who described himself as small: 97 Mike: ... when I was playing junior, there was a couple of guys

who probably lacked on the skill side? But, they made a name for

themselves on the toughness department and fighting and so yeah,

I think uhm, players who sort of lack the necessary skills to get the

job done on like the scoresheet, like scoring goals or whatnot, that

there is other ways to make a name for themselves.

Several male players pointed out that becoming identified as tough by fighting also carried with it many burdens, and that it could become a negative label difficult to shed. At times, referees may be less likely to give known fighters the benefit of the doubt and coaches might expect them to continue fighting if they are successful at it.

When asked if hockey players make an effort to be known as tough, a tall, muscular male player with extensive experience in the game in North America and Europe argued:

Bart. I think so. I think at the junior ranks I saw a lot of that. I

think they tried to establish a name for themselves, get a few fights

under your belt, so that the coach can see that yeah, you can play

as well as you can fight. But that is a double-edged sword,

because if you pigeon-hole yourself as a good fighter, then the

likelihood that you keep playing that if the coach sees promise who

is a smaller player, they might rely on you to have those protection

services ... You can fight your way into the NHL.

This quote indicates how people can be imprisoned in their social roles. Once a person is categorized in a particular fashion, the label is difficult to shed as it becomes their master status

(Lemert, 1951). One's master status is the most dominant, all-encompassing one. Another male 98 junior hockey player explained:

Jordan: When you are a little, when you are a little kid growing

up, you can be everything. You can be a forward, a defenseman, a

skilled player a big guy and everything. Then as you grow up, you

kind of are placed in some certain role.

The player above later drew attention to the labeling process:

Jordan: Well I think once you are labelled, it is a hard label to get

rid of. If you are going to go out there and challenge other teams'

heavyweights and your coaches and your team mates expect you to

do that consistently? They might tap you on the shoulder and tell

you to go take care of that guy. Whereas, you know, the player on

our team who had that label for so long and he's trying to shake it

but it's difficult.

Others thought toughness was constructed through other types of rule violation. For example, another male playing at the junior level maintained that "little things" can agitate opponents:

Tyson: ... a lot of times they are they are power forwards or uhm

big defenseman and uh just little things I mean, in between what's

frustrating the bench, they will hack you behind the legs, or give

you a shot in the back of the head, you know just little things like

that they are trying to get you off of your game and I would say

that those are the, the characteristics that sets them apart from most

other players. 99 Another player simply referred to these types of participants as "dirty rats".

Although toughness was cited as prevalent for all male players, there was more variation in responses among female participants in terms of how it was constructed. Several female players argued that there was little need for such an identity to be expressed because the rules of the sport did not allow for much violent play. A woman with playing experience in US College hockey and the Western Women's Hockey League pointed out that:

Car lie: People aren't out to be known as being tough. I mean, we

don't really have that sort of role on any of our teams. And I think

again because of the different rules, we don't really need to like an

enforcer on the team, because there's usually not too many

incidences for it. And there's no fighting and stuff. And we

wouldn't want to fight anyway, but there's no fighting in the game

and things like that. So I don't think people are worried more about

their reputation about being tough.

The response above is interesting as it suggests that the formal rules of the sport including the manner in which they are interpreted and applied, affect the types of roles participants acquire.

A similar view was expressed by a player on Canada's National Women's Team:

Sandy: Yeah, I think it is not as prevalent in the women's game as

it is on the men's side because you don't get a chance to body

checking or fighting or anything like that. However, there are

players that you identify that you say, this is a tough player like

play physical, they like to uhm, take the body and you definitely

know on each team who those players are. 100 Although there was considerable variation in responses about generating toughness among male ice hockey players, they usually made reference to ways of imposing their will upon others. This was not the case for female players who frequently spoke about self-discipline and self-control as manifestations of toughness. A similar conclusion is made by Campbell (1993) in her study on the differences in male and female violence and aggression. A female ice hockey player in her mid-twenties involved in the Western Women's Hockey League (WWHL) argued that the attribute of toughness was preferable to being depicted as soft:

Mary: Like I think being a hockey player you always want to be

called tough, you wouldn't want to be called soft. So, you

definitely, you want to be called tough, but I think some people

probably you know go a little further in trying to make sure

everyone like understands how tough they are and sometimes go

unnecessarily far to show that yeah I am tough. Like hitting

someone from behind. That isn't tough, you know there is

different things that people might see as tough and others might

not. Like playing through an injury, that means you're tough.

Responses varied about how toughness was most effectively demonstrated, even if the utility of the characteristic itself went largely unquestioned. These responses differed significantly by sex. While many females believed that toughness was a useful attribute to possess, several thought it was irrelevant to their game. Indeed, many purported that male and female ice hockey were completely different sports and were not even comparable. This is not to say that all males admired tough behaviour. One male participant in his early twenties playing in the CIS expressed confusion about the need for tough behaviour and did his best to avoid bullying. He said:

Mike: I mean you don't want to have guys smashing your faces in

when you gotta get up and go to school the next day, but, playing

junior hockey yeah, you definitely knew who the tough guys were.

And, I think as myself being a smaller player, and not the fighter, I

try to stay away from those guys if I could.

Many participants stressed the importance of presenting toughness in authentic ways as is evident in the following comment:

Keanu: Yeah, there is like two kinds of toughness. There is the

toughness that everyone see everywhere on TV on the ice and all

that, and then there is kind of the hidden toughness where they

don't know that you just played the last 5 games with a sprained

ankle, or you know your shoulder is completely messed up and you

still played through it, or that maybe you have some kind of

personal issues that you were dealing with and I think that goes

into it too, you know?

The statement above illustrates what Goffman (1959) refers to as the difference between expressing and impressing. The former refers to an attribute being displayed by the actor, whereas the latter is what others infer from them. The two will not always be synonymous.

When they are not, a person's self is called into question and they may experience embarrassment. A player might express toughness by fighting, but others might perceive the expression as an indication of weakness. In order for an identity to be accepted as valid by others, it must be perceived as authentic. Authenticity is achieved through consistent behaviour, 102 appearance, and reputation.

This section has identified the importance of establishing both physical and mental toughness. It illustrates that toughness is an important attribute to possess and demonstrate, although the manner in which this is accomplished is based upon sex. Males generally tend to exhibit this attribute by establishing control over others, while females do so by exerting control over themselves. Campbell (1993) and Mann (2003) come to similar conclusions in their studies of male and female violence.

This finding is significant from a Katzian point of view which suggests that rage is a response to status threats (1988; 1999). Although toughness is important for both males and females, there are simply fewer opportunities for females to express it when playing in the women's game. As their behaviour is constrained by different rules, so are their roles and identities.

As mentioned above, behaviour alone is insufficient in developing a tough ice hockey identity. Role performativity is established by looking tough. As such, the next section describes how appearance work affects players' identities and behaviour and how they are implicated in violent behaviour.

Appearance Work: A Scary Looking Dude

The social self is strongly affected and defined by behaviour; people are frequently defined by what they do. Physical appearance is an important component of this process as well

(Stone, 1981a; 1981b). At times, peoples' appearances are either validated or challenged by others. When subjected to the gaze of others, people become social objects as they are evaluated by others. 103 When people enter into any given situation and become social objects, they rely upon others for validation of their performances. Without such validation, identities are consistently open to interpretation, and this may present considerable personal strain. It is almost impossible to conceive of people who lack any identity whatsoever. Exceptions might include those in the background of a movie scene or props in music videos who are relatively unimportant to viewers

(Fleras,2001).

Identity is roughly analogous to Mead's "me" (Stone, 198lb, p. 188). This is true to the extent that people become social objects and are affected by various social relations. Universal relations include references to attributes such as a person's age or gender; people are also referred to by names and nicknames, titles, and relational categories such as music-lover or customer. In any given situation, the various aspects of these relations interact and so they are dependent upon definitions of situations made by others. So, at times, a person may be known as a good father or mother, a loyal friend or a curious academic.

Katz (1988, p. 80-113) examines the ways in which identities are formed in deviant subcultures such as youth gangs. In these subcultures he describes a "badass" style as an integral aspect of individual identity formation. Dress, insignia on clothing, gestures, movements, language and vehicular styles are important symbols used to sustain chosen identities. Failure to successfully establish such an identity may lead to individuals experiencing a host of uncomfortable emotions such as embarrassment, humiliation and shame.

These identity formation processes are not limited to gangs. For example, ice hockey players also wear uniforms Team uniforms often come in varying colours and symbolize where they are playing. In North America, when teams dominant colours are light, it signifies that they are playing in their opponent's arena. Should the dominant colour be dark, it symbolizes that 104 they are playing at home. Jerseys represent an annulment of personal identity. The only manifestations of individual identity are the numbers and last names placed on the backs of their jerseys as well as wearing equipment made by different manufacturers.

The most salient component of uniforms are the jerseys that include a team's insignia.

The insignia often make reference to the names of teams frequently symbolizing toughness and masculinity (Connell, 1995). For example, teams will be referred to as the Rangers, Devils or the Flames and be sponsored by corporations such as General Motors or Pengrowth Energy.

Indeed, it is difficult to conceive of feminine references employed to symbolize teams or corporate sponsors. The Regina Queens playing at the Palmolive Centre would take some getting used to.

Ice hockey players establish their identities by manipulating their appearances. Height and weight, growth of head and facial hair, a mature look, "the look in players eyes" and the manipulation of equipment affect appearances in desired ways. In this study, appearance modification was largely a male phenomenon. This finding is noteworthy given the considerable work done by sociologists that documents the pressures posed by appearance norms upon

Canadian females (Findlay, 1996; Matthews, 2000). Such pressure has been implicated in eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia (Bruch, 1973; Bruch, 1978; Klein, 1997).

Although women often perform more appearance work than do men in society more generally, this is not true in ice hockey settings. The following is an excerpt of one conversation with a female hockey player:

Interviewer: What about appearance? Have you come across

things that people do to their appearance to make them seem more

menacing or tougher? Elisa: No, no I don't think so. When I played boys yeah, yup, but

not in girls.

Interviewer: Because I've heard of players tell me that in other

interviews that they see some people use really small shoulder pads

or even none so that they appear to be, you know, potential fighters

right. You don't see anything like that?

Elisa: Not in the women's game, not in the girls.

Another female participant had a similar response when asked about the possibility of constructing identities through appearance efforts:

Mary: ... I am just trying to think of examples on my team. I

know some people wear smaller shoulder pads but I don't know if

they really just want to look tough other than they are just really

big girls and if they wore big shoulder pads they would be huge

girls. Uhm, I don't know. I don't know if they do it specifically to

look tough on the ice or if that's just kind of the way that they are.

Kind of you know? That is just the way that they dress.

Only one female player noted an adjustment to physical appearance although she was not entirely sure of whether this was done for ice hockey. She said:

Ashley: Maybe try to try to look like a male. Short hair, kind of

aggressive looking, I think they, they act like that off of the ice

also. Like they, I think that is how they, they want to be perceived

and I think that how they like to be perceived, kind of. I mean that

is their choice. 106 Males, by contrast, indicated many ways in which physical appearance was manipulated to achieve a desired outcome. Despite the difficulties inherent in asserting unique identities while wearing uniforms, many male players suggested that this was accomplished in creative ways. At times, a player's height and weight demonstrate their identities. One player stated, "... I mean you look at their size obviously is, is a good indication of that's what it is they are like." Others pointed out that differences in hair styles had an impact. He said: "hair I guess. Hair on the top of their heads doing crazy things, dying it". Having facial hair also made their demeanour

salient. One male player in his teens explained:

Jordan:... For instance there is a player we played against this

year. He has got the facial hair, the beard. He looks, he looks like

he is 35 years old and you look, nobody really wants to mess with

him whether that means he is actually a strong person or not, you

know, don't know. But, definitely that would make a lot of people

think twice about doing something to him that which would piss

him off. Uhm, size has a lot to do with it too.

Tattoos were also reported to help construct the desired identity. One player said it helped another to look like a "scary looking dude."

It was not just hair and tattoos that influenced others, "the look" in other players' eyes was also a commonly cited symbol of toughness in others. Although players did not find it easy to articulate exactly how this "look" is accomplished, they often explained how deeply it affected them. For instance:

Andrew: I mean, there is a look in someone's eyes, you know that

they are crazy, but if they are 1401bs you know it is nothing you 107 need to worry about rather than a 6'4" defenceman who is 2601bs.

He looks like he wants to eat you.

The unique use of equipment is also instrumental in this process. Players pointed out that the use of shoulder pads varied significantly. Although one might assume that wearing larger pads might make the opponent appear larger and more menacing, most were aware that the opposite was true. That is, wearing smaller shoulder pads was a sign that they were sufficiently tough as to render this protection unnecessary. It also signified a willingness to engage in physical conflict since bulky equipment is known to restrict the movement of arms in a hockey fight.

"Andrew" continued:

Like if you look at some of the pros they have those really thin tiny

shoulder pads on, it is because those are considered fighting

shoulder pads. No bulk, you can move your hands real fast. So,

guys who wear tiny shoulder pads. I mean I played with a guy

who did not wear shoulder pads at all. He just went out and put his

jersey on and was huge, he was crazy. Yeah, never wore shoulder

pads... Yeah, it actually looks like you are a sporty fighter almost.

Instead of just that big, I think that ideal is gone like the big whole,

like the Goliath, you know the huge, but I mean you look at a guy

who is medium height, pretty built not wearing shoulder pads you

know he is ready to throw. You know you see a lot of times in the

NHL they have to try and get out of their equipment as fast as they

can because that is something for you to grab onto. It is something

for you to hold him down with. If they have nothing but a jersey you are grabbing nothing. You are gonna get pummelled.

In sum, appearance is an important part of constructing tough identities among males. In order to be considered tough, one must play the part and appear as such (Katz, 1988). In reference to gang clothing styles, Katz says, "These symbols suggest that the wearer presumes himself fundamentally rooted in a world of deviance and so is unresponsive to conventional moral authority (1988, p. 89). In other words, mean, tough exteriors are symbolized by clothing.

Although hockey players wear uniforms and their equipment is largely standardized, male players will frequently make adjustments in order to express their tough self-identities on the ice.

In contrast, female ice hockey players report these efforts to be uncommon in their game.

Because there is no checking, there is no need to appear more menacing. Many female players went so far as to state that they did not simply play a different version of hockey, but an entirely different sport altogether as it has unique formal and informal rules to govern behaviour. This is true despite the fact that Canadian culture generally dictates greater alterations to female physical appearances in most other settings.

While physical height cannot be significantly manipulated, other characteristics that can be changed to suggest a willingness to engage in physical conflict include growing hair, looking older, eyeing up others and choice of equipment. Many players, however, questioned the authenticity of toughness if based entirely upon appearance. Tough exteriors are only deemed real when backed up by rugged behaviour. When this is the case, players establish reputations that precede them and influence the ways others interact with them.

Building a Ruthless Reputation

Reputation per se is not frequently identified as an integral component that creates the 109 social self. The labelling process, however, has been well documented (Lemert, 1951; Becker,

1963). While symbolic interactionists usually describe the deviant labelling process as constraining upon people, Canadian ice hockey participants identified the positive effects it can have for them in this setting. Rather than having to thoroughly reconstruct their social selves anew every time they enter arenas, their tough reputations precede them. Thus, previous self work has a measure of longevity. As one male player explained:

Keanu: I think a lot of players once they, like I have seen it in the

Western Hockey League, once you get that reputation, and you

only like, it is sort of like an elite group, you don't have to like say

you are a true fighter and sort of that's your role on the team. At

that point, if everyone knows you are tough, the only guy you are

ever gonna fight is the other real tough guy. So, you don't have to

worry about the young this guy and that guy you know? Let's say

if you are in front of the net and a guy comes around and you

crosscheck him and knock him down and he is mad and he gets up

but he sees who it is. You have already paid your dues per se and

you have already fought enough guys and proven that you are

tough. He is gonna look at you and be like "yeah, okay, never

mind".

Being known as tough gave players reprieve from constantly having to proves themselves to others. Another player with considerable experience in the NHL suggested an interaction effect.

That is, size coupled with reputation helped achieve this effect:

Zander: Mark Messier may be the best and in the modern era 110 anyway at that. Mark rarely had to fight. Rarely, he might have

fought two times maybe, maybe in his earlier years five times a

year. But, why would you want to fight him, because when you,

he did fight, he was ruthless ...

Another male player in his twenties identified the characteristics of well-known tough players:

Interviewer: ... could you identify the players that were the most

well-known as being really tough?

Max: Yeah, I mean, by reputation and word of mouth, obviously.

Interviewer: You knew the number [of the player]?

Max: Yeah, yeah, exactly.

Reputation was not simply established in interpersonal terms. It was also noted that some organizations expend considerable effort to accumulate information about opponents to share with their players in preparation for games. That is, coaches will tell their players how opponents present different kinds of threats. Once a player has been labelled, coaches will put certain players on the ice at the same time in order to mitigate the advantage such players may pose. This is called "line matching." Consequently, intimidation of this sort is initially calculated on the part of the actor, but it is also constraining over time because the reaction to it is sustained by others. The following discussion with a male university player in his mid- twenties illustrates how hockey organizations match up players:

Cam: Yeah, you find that out from playing them, but you can also

find that out like coaches they get scouting reports and so and from

people watching the games they know they can see the tendencies

of each players. Ill

Interviewer: Will coaches actually point out those players?

Cam: Oh definitely. Especially. Not so much in our league [the

CIS] because there are not as many games, but in the WHL there is

a lot more staff to the teams so we had scouts everywhere in every

city. And so, when you are playing divisional games, where you

are playing opponents a lot, and you kind of see the teams more

often so you can tell those tendencies yourself. But when you are

playing a team that is, let's say, out of your division where you

don't see them as much, it's nice to have those scouts in that area,

where they can watch their games, see what their tendencies are,

what each player brings to the table, and what they can pull out

scouting reports on each player ...

Interviewer: And then they will make match ups, players based on

that information?

Cam: ... uhhuh.

In the discussion above, the player demonstrated that significant resources were expended by some hockey teams to inform their players about potential threats. Scouts will identify players on the opposing team who are successful at scoring or have the tendency to hit hard. This is done to prepare teams in negating these challenges. Of course, players recognize that they are also being scouted and that their opponents are aware of their ice identities. Scouting initiates the labelling process even before contestants meet and this affects the likelihood of violence taking place during matches. A large player who routinely fights will rarely fight a smaller player who avoids them and prefers to focus on scoring. This is because the smaller player is 112 usually unable, and likely unwilling, to mount a serious status threat to the willing fighter. The labeling process is part of the process of identity formation. Once labelled as a type of threat, that label may be difficult to shed particularly as a player's reputation is partially sustained by the number of penalty minutes he or she has been given.

This process is also maintained in other ways. Reputation is also established by having

"the look." One player pointed out that team photos illustrate toughness. For instance:

Cam: Team pictures. How many kids do you see go like this

[participant smiles] smile, [participant and interviewer laugh].

Every team picture and you, look open up a magazine for the

Alberta Junior Hockey League of all the kids. They are all

frowning and trying to show how tough they are. Why? Because

when the other team opens the magazine, they don't want to see

them smile. I mean it is comical.

Establishing a tough, ruthless reputation was not often mentioned by female players. When they did refer to reputations, it was done so by identifying marquee players who also exhibited an ability to play while hurt. One person indicated being impressed when Canadian hockey star

Hayley Wickenheiser played despite having a broken wrist. Another cited offensive talent

Krissy Wendell of Team USA being able to "get through it" no matter what is thrown at her.

Thus, while women had reputations that followed them, they did not have the reputation of being enforcers. Their reputations were based on the ability to resist showing pain rather than the ability to inflict it on others.

Male and female Canadian ice hockey players feel the need to construct tough exteriors.

As Katz (1988, 80-113) argues, toughness includes being perceived as impenetrable and 113 inalienable. Nothing can affect them and they cannot be hurt by others. While this effort may be considered to be a relatively unconscious set of routines, it is also done at the behest of coaches for practical purposes.

Generating Fear and Indecision

Although ice hockey is a sport where teams compete on the basis of physical strength, talent and effort, they also compete in emotional terms. That is, players are coached to engage the opponent in order to generate fear and indecision in them by a hard check or a hard shot. If they are able to do so, they may create scoring chances in order to win the game. Of course, opponents are aware of these tactics and will do their best to counter these efforts. These preparations set the stage for the emotional logic of humiliation to rage to take place as asserted by Katz (1988). A hard check that results in a player falling to the ice may result in a fight as might a hit to the goaltender who has less ability to defend himself.

In general, emotions are often considered to exist in opposition to rationality, and frequently need to be brought under control. Symbolic interactionists point out, however, that attitudes taken towards the self are both affective and cognitive. Hewitt (2003, p. 73) purports that emotions have two major components. First, they are associated with physical sensations.

When faced with a particular situation, an individual may experience paralyzing fear. Second, emotions are named and interpreted when they are experienced. An extreme physiological view of emotions would assert that emotions are merely unique physical states that are given names, but this logic ignores similarities in socially distinct emotions such as fear and guilt. A purely socially constructed viewpoint suggests that emotions are just labels. This logic ignores significant differences in emotions such as fear and guilt. 114 Hewitt has identified three important facets of emotions (2003, p. 74-5). Emotions typically arise out of the completion of individual and social acts. For example, a successful body check in ice hockey is likely to produce a pleasurable sensation. Emotions are also an experience of the social self. That is, as social objects acting in the presence of others, we engage in role-taking and imagine ourselves from the standpoint of others. Lastly, emotions are a key component of the role-making process. We anticipate the appropriate emotions to express in the presence of others. Joy is expected at weddings, while sorrow is common at funerals.

A variety of emotions are expressed during ice hockey competitions. Fans make their feelings known to players and others. Players are affected by these expressions and may be motivated to play better. Ice hockey participants are fully aware of the emotional nature of hockey games. They recognize that emotions are not merely physical sensations to be experienced, but are intentionally evoked by others. Players are taught by coaches to control their emotions, not let "emotions get the better of them" and to be prepared to induce emotions in others. One way this is accomplished is to demonstrate individual toughness and team toughness. As one coach remarked:

Jason: ... I don't believe in having guys on the team that are

intimidators or guys that are out there for one reason and that is to

fight and protect other guys. I believe in having 20 guys in the

bench that can play and using all players on a regular basis. On the

other hand, going into the season, one of the first things you do at

camp is in selecting your team is to make sure that you do have big

strong players as well because you cannot afford to play at this

level with 20 small skilled guys. You just won't win. 115 This response is interesting because the coach struggled with the problem. He did not want to have any enforcers per se, but he wanted every player to come together and demonstrate team toughness. Each individual needed to have the ability to be violent when needed.

Another strategy is to chase after players and deliver hard body checks. This induces a measure of fear into others. A male player in his early twenties pointed out that this tactic is foolproof since it is virtually impossible to ignore or deny:

Keanu: As much as that is a cliche, it is true. You know, there is

times when you don't think or when you just react. Human

reaction, you know, someone is coming at you and you feel

threatened. Some people run, some people hit first.

Equally important is that indecision be generated in opposing players. The objective is to make others hesitate when passing the puck. Should a player become increasingly afraid of receiving the puck because of the threat of a check, then they will spend less time concentrating on making quality plays and "choke" or "cough up the puck". In other words, they end up inadvertently giving the puck to the opposition by passing it too quickly and early. For example, a male player in his thirties suggested:

Bart: Well, there is hugely that intimidating factor and it is a

psychological advantage. I mean I don't know about you, but if I

know a guy is tough, for me at times, I would be intimidated by

that. But you have to look at it, I am big and tough too. But it's

there is a huge psychological advantage. Like what you believe,

what you believe, or what you think about, comes about? So, if

you believe something, you build it up. It tends to come to fruition 116 because your fears come to reality.

Interactionists refer to this process as the "self-fulfilling prophecy" (Merton, 1968). Many others indicated that being known as tough created space for the more talented players, in other words, a tendency for players to maintain a measure of distance from some players due to a fear of retaliation. A professional player recounted experiences of playing against Wayne Gretzky:

Cam: That is the best example of protection. Absolutely you knew

you were going to get it because even if I hit Gretzky, rubbed him

out even, I would have every other guy on that ice barking at me

telling me they were going to kill me. And then the line that would

come out, the tough line that would come out, again every time

you are dead, you're dead, you're dead. Is that intimidating?

Yeah, and are you going to think twice about that next time?

Yeah. And if you are not used to that, you're terrified.

The Impact of Fans

Katz (1988, p. 21-22) notes that the location is an important factor in the perpetration of violent behaviour. He maintains that social time and space are important characteristics of most violence leading to homicide. The setting affects the challenge to the identity of the actor. Ice hockey settings are affected by the importance of fans to players, the number of fans in attendance and their reactions to the play and the size of the arena.

The tempo of play is not only affected by the availability of physical energy, it is also affected by fans. Fans affect the play in several ways. At times, they may express their discontent. This is accomplished with boos, chants, jeers and signs that they display throughout 117 arenas. Alternatively, they may express their satisfaction with chants, singing, signs, cheering, wearing the uniforms of their teams, playing instruments such as drums or horns in the stands and even by banging on the glass surrounding the ice surface.

Ice hockey players are aware of the impact of fans. Players acknowledge that ticket purchases cover all of the costs of hockey operations. A male semi-professional player explained:

Bart: Oh, of course, I mean I always made the joke that the lower

the farther south you go and they blow the whistle, they clap

louder. Like off-side for example, you know when you play in

Texas, they went nuts. And when there was a fight, no one said

anything. It was like {respondent gasps} you know like this

anticipation. Once the fight was over, the place erupted. So, of

course fans have a huge influence on economic, uhm benefits and I

mean, if the house is packed we are getting' a bigger paycheque.

As such, players feel a measure of pressure to entertain them and give them reasons for attending games. Ice hockey is a sport, but it is also a business (Home, Tomlinson and Whannel,

1999, p. 259-86; Coakley and Donnelly, 2004, p. 336-64). Players in this study explained, however, that fans were more important to them in terms of providing motivation to play harder during lulls in play; with fan encouragement they could more easily rise to the occasion and play harder. As such, fans are not merely ticket purchasers, they are observers who can see the entire ice surface and provide emotional feedback to players.

It should not be surprising that fans have such effects. Interactionists clearly indicate that the social self is impacted by others. Games are not simply competitions among players, they 118 are performances for audiences. When a player scores a goal or makes an error that causes their team to be scored upon, they realize and imagine the judgement of others. As this male player suggested:

Max: I think as a player you have more adrenaline and when

there's a lot of fans and you make a big hit or score a big goal, it's,

you know, it really gets you going, whereas if there's no fans there,

it's not as big a deal, right? And so I think the fans play a huge

part in the game. They make the game better, they make it more

interesting and I guess sometimes they make guys do things they

shouldn't do because it's entertainment, right?

It might be assumed that violence is usually a private affair, where perpetrators would wish to conceal their actions. After all, violence is frequently stigmatized and punished by those in authority. Drawing upon evidence obtained by Luckenbill, however, Katz (1988, p. 20) points out that violence is often perpetrated in the presence of an audience. In fact, he maintains that audiences are instrumental parts of violent interactions. They are frequently supportive of violence taking place in any given situation and usually do little to defuse situations. The audience will even point out offences to actors and urge them to react to them. At times, they will even supply perpetrators with required weapons to deal with it. If onlookers are able to identify times when people lose face, one might wonder why they contribute to the escalation of violence rather than attempt to reduce it. However, Katz maintains that audiences do not simply observe interactions between participants, but are an active a part of the dynamic. They recognize and even feel the emotions experienced by actors.

In sports such as ice hockey, the identity of fan is constructed by the players and the 119 player's sense of self is affected by the fans. While fans can escape any sense of humiliation posed by poor play on the team, players' very identities are shaped by their fans. Furthermore, player records and statistics ensure that these labels are maintained.

Consequently, audiences have varying effect upon players. Sometimes, they can be an important part of the game, while at other times, they have little effect. Simply put, there are games in which fans are exuberant and others when they are not. The number of fans and the size of the arena affect this dynamic. One might assume that a larger arena with greater seating capacity to hold more fans would be more influential upon players, but the opposite was reported to be the case. When asked about the potential effects of fans on the play, one male player in the juniors explained:

Homer. Ah, it depends what rink you are in. Sometimes,

sometimes you don't. In some smaller rinks you will, but you try

to focus on the game ...

Interviewer. So, in the smaller ones you would hear the fans more

when they scream compared to the bigger ones?

Homer. Yeah, you hear them a lot more. [Name of player's arena]

is a lot smaller rink and you hear lots in there so they are just small

little groups so it just kind of bounces around.

The same sentiment was expressed by many female players. One female player in her teens playing in the Western Women's Hockey League stated:

Ashley: Like I played, we actually played in, in Germany with the

under 22 National Team and there is I would say about 1500 or no,

2000 fans I would say. And like a very small arena so it was just packed and I remember I was just like going like 100 miles a

minute, like oh my God, oh my gosh yeah. Like it is crazy when

there are so many and there is like fans there, and it was crazy. So

I think, I think it's it is almost like you are not acting like yourself

and I think, I think, I think a lot of players I am sure players get,

get used to it obviously, but I mean at first like you almost don't

even feel like yourself. Like you are just going a 100 miles a

minute and you are you know so I think at that point you know,

you almost things might happen and you might you almost can't

even control it. You know?

Although female players felt that fans present did motivate them to play harder when they made their presence known, most admitted that they did not often have fans in attendance.

This female participant also in her teens suggested that:

Elisa:... we don't get a lot of fans and it is just kind of, you go out

there and you play it fun, but it is not that exciting. But we played

a series of games ... around Alberta, just half rinks and excitement.

It was just so much more fun because everybody is yelling and it's

just you, just a game. I think is almost taken to another level when

that's a full rink. It's lots of fun to play.

A male European participant believed that players were not just affected by the size of the arena in which fans made their presence known, but the type of fans that showed up to watch games. Interactions between teams and fans intersected with social class:

Bernie: We have really violent fans and a lot of it is, whether it's soccer or hockey, is what kind of a class of people go to the

hockey games. Here it's so expensive, only business can afford it.

There [in Europe], it's quite cheap, so you get the lower-class, the

worker-class, pent up with aggression from the whole day of

working, they are unhappy. And just waiting to let their

aggressions out. It's actually more fun to watch the games; they

are really into it. It's really home team advantage.

Conclusion

When considering the crime of murder, Katz (1988, p. 18), argues that there are three components to what he deems righteous slaughter. Most acts lack premeditation, they occur amid a quickly developing rage, and the intent of the killer is to resolve a dispute rather than to actually kill their victim. In the examples cited by Katz, he notes that impassioned killers were upholding their respectable statuses as husband, wife, father, mother, property owner, virile male, poor and deserving welfare mother or responsible debtor.

This emotional process is dependent upon identity construction. This chapter has explained how Canadian ice hockey players generate their ice identities. These are interactive efforts involving players, coaches, administrators, spectators and the physical decor. In this setting, impression management strategies are important. That players wear uniforms for identification with symbolic purposes, the construction of unique identities is made more difficult. In order to generate toughness, players explained that this was accomplished by their behaviour, appearance and reputation. For males, fighting, impenetrability of pain and delivering solid body checks on others was sufficient. Appearance played a role as well. Players 122 will grow beards, look stoic and have "a look in their eyes" that intimidates others. Older players are able to accomplish this more easily than others. Time and experience are also vital to the construction of this performance as reputation is also a key component of this effort.

Developing such a reputation takes considerable time, effort and a measure of consistency. As such, it also requires constant self-control and surveillance. Players need to ensure that they do not show too much openness or accessibility. This means not smiling on the ice, during warm- ups or even during the taking of team photos.

The construction of unique identities was not often expressed by female players. As the rules of the game do not permit body checking, they did not feel the need to construct tough identities in the same way as did males. They defined toughness as the ability to endure pain and not inflict it. Their perceptions of risk due to rule violation were also higher compared to males.

It is one thing to put on a performance and an entirely different matter to have it accepted by others. As Goffman suggests (1959), the construction of social identities involves considerable risk. This is true even in sports settings. A body check requires careful timing and if the player misses, falls and is hurt, they lose face. The audience is made up of fans and players indicate that their clapping, cheering and jeering provides them with feedback on their performances. "Bart" humorously stressed the depth of the experience:

I mean you are just a couple words away from a religious

experience. You think about it, think about it. It is very religious

in the fact that people go and they watch it, and they breathe it,

they buy into it, they take their kids to it. And I mean if we lit fires

and had a tiki guy there, it would be somewhat of a religion.

Although the data presented in this chapter were provided by both male and female participants, much of the discussion has revolved around male behaviour. This focus was inevitable because females reported fewer efforts at impression management. Although females in society generally do much to adjust their appearance, this is not the case in ice hockey. In fact, males reported far more "appearance work" than females. Female players also reported engaging in fewer acts of violence compared to males. Although these findings are not surprising, the differences are striking and are likely best explained by their unique sporting histories, the fact that males tend to administrate and coach females, and because they contain different rules. Females simply have fewer rewards for engaging in impression management.

The next chapter "Violent Stimuli: Justice, Cheap Shots and Dirty Plays", attention will be drawn to how Canadian ice hockey players determine why violence takes place in the game.

It will illustrate examples of righteous violence and provide a typology of fighting. It will explain how players consider the sport unique and probe into their perceptions of why violence takes place. 124

Chapter Five-Violent Stimuli: Justice, Cheap Shots, and Dirty Plays Chapter Five-Violent Stimuli: Justice, Cheap Shots, and Dirty Plays

"No one is saying we should get rid of fighting ... I'm just saying we should ask the question, because before everyone was afraid to ask the question" (Campbell, 2007, cited in CBC Sports,

2007).

Introduction

The preceding chapter illustrated the importance of establishing unique, tough identities among male and female ice hockey players. Male participants maintained that this is useful for several reasons. Such successful identity formation increases their chances of being chosen to play on teams where selection is competitive, it reduces their likelihood of being injured by others, and it provides them with scoring opportunities at times. Chapter Four also pointed out that the social self is generated interactively with other players, coaches and fans, and that the development of these identities impacts the likelihood of engaging in deviant behaviour on the ice. Simply put, some players are known to be more aggressive and violent while others resist such temptations.

Although players interactively construct different roles, this is not to suggest that this process alone explains violent behaviour. Role conformation alone does not account for all deviant and violent behaviour. The construction of the social self may aid in the understanding of who is most likely to perpetrate violence, but this does not explain why it occurs in the first place. Rather, authentic social stimuli are required before violence can be enacted or else it is deemed to be senseless by the audience (Katz, 1988, p. 87).

Using narratives from ice hockey players, this chapter will illustrate how emotions affect our behaviour. It will show that players become enraged and react violently given authentic social stimuli. It will also include a typology of Canadian ice hockey fights. This typology suggests that the theory of righteous violence (Katz, 1988) is highly effective at explaining most fights, but using the method of analytic induction, it also draws upon negative evidence to explain behaviour that deviates from this explanation.

Justice for Cheap Shots and Dirty Plays

Katz (1988, p. 25) points out that deviant behaviour may often appear senseless to the actor and audience. Canadian ice hockey players point out, however, that deviant behaviour such as violence exists for important reasons. They argue that fights, for example, occur to defend, as Katz says (1988, p. 12), "one or another version of 'the Good'". A few examples illustrate these efforts. Recounting violent experiences on the ice, a male junior level player in his early twenties explained:

Andrew:... There are a few serious ones from back in the day that I

remember which is probably the worst moment for me playing

hockey. I got hit from about 3 feet from the boards and went in

head first, tore both muscles in my back, and my legs went numb

and were tingling. And, like I couldn't move my legs at all. And,

so I just freaked. I am lying there and I just got hit, went head first

into the boards, and couldn't breath. Because, when I pulled my

muscles, my rib cage had come loose. It was not being held tight.

So, I couldn't breathe, everything was all mangled. But, I

remember after I got hit, and I looked over and the highest scorer

on our team, a goal scorer, a scrawny little kid, chased the kid down and started beating him. Because it was a cheap play, and

that one sticks out in my mind, because never would you think you

would see a big guy on your team, a big goal scorer, that are not

known to fight. But, that is when you fight, when something like

that happens...

The behaviour described above is a good example of self-righteous violence (Katz, 1988). As was noted in Chapter Two, self-righteous violence takes place in society when people endure status threats from others. When this happens, they nullify the threat by invoking rage and acting violently. In doing so, the challenge to their identity is transcended.

The narrative above reveals this process well and it may sound more like a war story than a sporting experience. The participant in question literally felt that his body had "come loose" after a hit from behind into the boards. Such a hit has a high probability for serious, permanent harm. Many other aspects of this event are striking. It is telling that the participant clearly remembers the retribution sought on his behalf given the ordeal. It is also noteworthy that "a scrawny little kid", a goal scorer, came to help him by attacking the perpetrator who was no longer posing a physical threat. A strictly rational decision would be to allow a larger player to seek vengeance for him. Moreover, the victim seemed to understand and appreciate this response even though a more practical reaction might have been to make medical intervention more expedient particularly as the perpetrator was no longer engaging in violence. That is, he could have briskly skated to his bench and helped others bring out a stretcher or approached him to better ascertain his injuries. As this was perceived to be a "cheap shot", however, "emotional logic" (Katz, 1988, p. 29) dictated that physical retribution was the appropriate response and others were left with the responsibility of tending to his health needs. The play was dirty, or cheap, because the victim was unaware of and unable to respond directly to the threat posed. Cheap shots were frequently brought up by participants as a significant cause of fighting. One player described them as: "Well, like hitting from behind or somebody gets jumped, lots of times more people will join in and try and stick up for whomever, or anything like that probably like using your stick when you shouldn't be and stuff like that."

Another said: "cheap shots mean like guys are digging at a guy who is vulnerable to injury and he is not really being protected. So another guy would come in to protect him to ensure his player, his brother, is ok."

From a Katzian perspective (1988, 1999), cheap shots in Canadian ice hockey may be understood as a type of status threat. Even when they are not physically dangerous to the victim, cheap shots produce rage because the victim is unable to respond to the behaviour and assert their tough identity. Literally and figuratively speaking, these players are blind-sided and constrained. Consequently, others may need to react on their behalf.

Cheap shots are synonymous with "taking liberties" (Bernstein, 2006, p. 14) which includes: "Oh, bumping into the goalie, or running him when he could have stopped, another is a guy going after the knees, swinging with the sticks. Just playing outside the rules and uhm, things that maybe the ref missed or just was not calling." Participants were clear that hitting from behind, slashing the back of a person's legs with a hockey stick, using a hockey stick to hit another across the back or neck (i.e. crosschecking), punching another player from behind (i.e. a sucker punch), kicking another's foot out from under them (i.e. slew footing) and running into a goaltender were common instances of cheap shots or liberties being taken.

Cheap shots often contain the possibility of serious physical injury. They are difficult to defend against as they occur when a player is in a vulnerable position and sufficiently offensive as to elicit a physical response. Many take place from beyond the victim's vision. As such, they are also referred to as "being jumped". Another male junior player explained:

Tyson: ... You can be unaware or not wanting, and if someone

persists after, I mean, if you are turned around and he grabs you

and he turns you around and starts punching you, you got jumped.

Anytime that you don't look each other in the eye and make eye

contact, drop the gloves and square off, it is considered being

jumped ...

Vulnerability is an emotion that includes both trust and, at times, even naivete. It is connected to the family of emotions associated with self-righteous violence including humiliation and rage

(Katz, 1988). Players identified it as a spark that leads to violence particularly in the case of goaltenders. Goaltenders are the most vulnerable of players because they are relatively immobile, do not have the ability to avoid body checks, and cannot check others. Consequently, when they are the object of physical play, other players on their team are expected to assist them.

The fight described below by a teenaged male ensued in order to achieve justice and protect a vulnerable player:

Tyson: .. .the first game of the playoffs, one of their guys ran our

goalie and was on top of our goalie, so obviously our defenceman

stepped in and, and took him off of there and it just started a big

scrum in front of the net. And our guy dropped the gloves and

obviously that's so, that's one of those cases where you can't let

your goalie get run.. .it was one of those cases where you got to

protect your team mates and yourself. And, and, and uh definitely 130 things like that will, will obviously I mean they hit home. You

don't just let those types of things slide, so that's when the

aggressive side of anybody will come out whether you are the

littlest guy on the ice you, you, it's almost instinct to step in there

and protect your goalie. Protect anybody who gets a cheap shot

like that...

This excerpt and the terminology used by this participant is informative. This is because he explains how aggression is "almost instinct" under certain circumstances. In this case, the intent is to protect the goalie. Goalies are the most vulnerable players on the ice.

Many players identified that "running the goaltender" was a cheap shot. In ice hockey, goaltenders have to keep their eyes on the play in order to prevent opponents from scoring. As well, they wear heavier equipment making movement more difficult. As such, when team mates perceive an offence has taken place against their goaltender, it is shared by other members on the team, particularly those on the ice. When a goalie is checked by an opponent, others feel justified in seeking vengeance for him or her.

Emotions are experienced and summoned. At times, people can use emotions to accomplish desired goals while, at others, they are seduced by them. Katz points out (1988, p. 8) that unlike other sociological perspectives on deviant behaviour, phenomenology has appreciated that people can experience themselves as objects in the social world" controlled by transcendent forces". The following incident by a male NHL player reveals that the emotional process required for violent engagement is not easily reproduced without the appropriate stimulus. It is a long description, but it is insightful for elucidating the emotional process involved in self- righteous violence. As was noted in Chapter Three, Katz (1999, p. 8) argues that only detailed 131 descriptions of poignant events can provide evidence for the motivation of deviant behaviour.

Zander. .. .he was this huge, huge like Darth Vader defenceman

uhm tough guy, and we were battling for the puck in the corner and

he came up and cut me in the lip. Now I've got a fat lip and it is

bleeding. Ok, it ticked me off. I am playing the game, I am

focused, I am not looking for a fight and so the whistle blew

shortly after, this was before you get a penalty for any of that, and

there was no penalty, nothing. I was mad, looked at the ref, no

penalty. Then, and then I am mad at [name of player], so I start

swearing at him, I'm calling him every name in the book. I'm

going to kill you, I'm going to get you. And everyone's looking at

me like it's just [name of player]. Yeah right. I'm still seething.

My lip is getting bigger! I don't like that. Puck drops and I start

slashing him and whacking everyone in my sight and I get a

penalty. I am still yelling and screaming at [name of player] and

like you know, I will get you!

... That game passes and the next game happens in LA. And it

was back-to-back nights in L.A. And there is a fight that started in

front of the net. Everyone goes to pair off. I turn around and pair

off and who is it? It is [name of player]. He is not, right away I

think "oh God". I'm not, I don't have the adrenaline to run through

my blood anymore. I am not feeling hatred toward [name of

player] anymore, but, you know I'm feeling okay. I have to fight 132 him. I have to. I have told everyone on the ice the previous game.

They all heard me saying I will kill you, I will get you. I have no

choice. I have to build up this courage knowing I am going to get

my head pounded in by this guy ...

The sequence of events in this case is as informative as is the inability of the participant to summon anger during the second game. During the initial match, the interviewee had been cut by the stick of his much larger opponent. This individual was well-known as an enforcer with success fighting the toughest players in the NHL. The growing fat lip was a painful reminder that he had been struck unfairly. To make matters worse, the offence was not even acknowledged by the referee by penalizing the attacker. As he points out, he was not looking for a fight and was much smaller than the "huge Darth Vader defenceman" who could have seriously hurt him. As such, his behaviour deviates from rationality.

During the next game, this player felt compelled to act upon the previous interaction, but felt no hostility. He later explained that he had to summon the necessary courage and this was not an easy task. He did so by shaking his opponent in order to elicit an insult from the enforcer in the form of profanity. Only after inducing such lack of respect was he able to become angry and fight with some confidence.

Finally, "emotional logic" (Katz, 1988, p. 29) is evident in the following case where a player was again hit from behind. According to this junior male participant, players were increasingly behaving more aggressively as the game came to an end:

Jordan: Alright, well last night we had one where the game was

getting out of hand. It was five to one with a minute left. And, the

game was basically over and their, their player was on our guy's 133 case and crosschecking him and you know he crosschecked him

from behind into the boards and there was no call on the play. And

then, he crosschecks and again and he was getting a penalty to

begin with, and our guy turned around looked at him and said

"look do you want to do this? If you are going to crosscheck me

we might as well fight." And so they just, you know, heat of the

moment, they just kind of shoved each other, dropped their gloves

and started throwing punches. They each landed a couple of

punches, it was a pretty good fight.

In this case, the physical act of crosschecking initiated the fight. A purely rational act would be for the player being struck to escape from the situation. This would have resulted in an advantage for his team because the instigator would have received a penalty. The player was not thinking strategically and eventually lost his temper. This description of a game that was

"getting out of hand" again reveals that unpenalized infractions add to the sense of frustration among players.

All of the narrative above reveals the existence of a family of emotions connected to violent outbursts. In the first case, the "scrawny little kid" reacted less to his mate's compromised health and seemed more concerned with revenge. In the second case, the individual was attempting to uphold his status as a reliable team player by defending another more vulnerable line mate who could not let the offence "slide". The third incident shows that serious violence requires authentic social stimuli not easily summoned without proper provocation. The last example describes a fight emerging in the heat of the moment as the result of a hit from behind. In the end, both players "landed a couple of punches" and the event drew 134 to a close. It was described as a "good fight".

Taken together, these acts illustrate what Katz refers to as self-righteous violence (Katz,

1988, p. 12). Self-righteous violence is not planned, but rather, arises spontaneously in reaction to status threats. The uncomfortable emotion of humiliation produced by the offence is frequently eradicated through acts of rage. While physical injury is often a result of righteous violence, the intention of the perpetrator is to extinguish an uncomfortable emotional sensation and not necessarily cause permanent physical harm to others. In each of the cases above, the emotion of rage was summoned very quickly as the result of physical interaction. Participants were most concerned with achieving what they deemed as justice, retribution or vengeance even at the expense of immediately helping those in need. They conflated violence with assistance to those who needed it. Although the violent responses to each altercation resulted in no serious injuries to the perpetrators in question, the victims were satisfied with the results attained by their protectors. Although self-righteous violence is the most common type of violence in the game of ice hockey, it might be regarded differently by most because of the media depictions.

A Good Ole Hockey Game - A Typology of Canadian Ice Hockey Fights

On November 30th, 2006, Los Angeles King, Raitis Ivanans, and Phoenix Coyote,

Georges Laraque, were engaged in a sensational fight that caught the attention and imagination of the mainstream media (Marek, 2008). While the incident resulted in no significant injuries to either player, it generated headlines because Laraque was wearing a microphone during the game, and his comments were broadcast live on the Fox Sports Network in Arizona.

Consequently, it seemed as though viewers were able to get a rare glimpse into the thoughts and behaviour of ice hockey players preparing for violent physical conflict. 135 As these players approached one other, Laraque asked Ivanans: "You want to do it?"

Ivanans accepted the invitation and, surprisingly, Laraque pleasantly wished him "good luck" before they wrestled and landed a few punches. This incident may leave the impression that deviant behaviour, including fights in ice hockey, are premeditated, rational attempts to entertain viewers (Clarke, 1997). Participants in this study insisted that such events are the exception and not the rule. That is, most fights arise spontaneously in the heat of the moment and are the result of rage induced by authentic social stimuli as was depicted in examples provided the first section of this chapter.

It is important to acknowledge evidence that contradicts the logic of the perspective used to explain human behaviour. As was noted in Chapter Three, this study uses the method known as analytic induction. Lindesmith (as cited in Berg, 2001, p. 255) explains that this technique involves the researcher deliberately seeking out negative cases in order to validly address them.

Failure to do so raises questions about the validity of the study.

What follows is a typology of fighting that takes place among Canadian ice hockey players. It was generated inductively by analyzing the results of questions about players' detailed accounts of fighting. As mentioned in Chapter Three, these experiences do not refer to their own fighting behaviour, but rather, that of others they play with. Asking players why they fight might lead to responses that rationalize or legitimize behaviour that cause them discomfort.

It should be pointed out that players frequently recounted more than one fight that they felt contained a unique cause. Although the actors were almost all male, accounts of the fights were gathered from both male and female participants. The typology is the result of analytic induction and it reveals strong support for hypotheses emanating from righteous violence theory. It also acknowledges data that do not fit into this perspective. 136 As responses to questions about fighting experiences accumulated, it became clear that its motivation varied in important ways. This was a poignant moment in the data collection procedure. Not one player felt that the reasons for fighting were homogeneous. They described times when others felt compelled to react to a behavioural stimuli such as a "cheap shot" or a

"dirty play". They also indicated that players sometimes plan fights in order to gain the approval of the coach and fans, or to swing the momentum of the game in their favour.

These initial "pure types" were constructed, tallied, and then divided further. The result is that there are five types including the rivalry, career, enforcement, strategic, and self-righteous.

The columns represent whether or not the fight was planned in advance of the game, while the rows indicate if a status threat was present. Because players frequently recounted more than one fight that they had witnessed, there were a total of 32 fights. Half of them closely approximated the self-righteous fight, while a sixth were categorized as career and strategic fights, and a tenth were defined as rivalry and enforcement fights. Although righteous slaughter theory would expect that enforcers would be more likely to be members of visible minority groups, the sample did not include sufficient variation on this background variable to make any definitive claims in this regard. This process is left to future studies on Canadian ice hockey violence.

Fighting is not the only kind of deviant behaviour in the sport, but it draws significant media attention. People's impressions of why fighting occurs are affected by these reports.

Participants explained that violence exists for many reasons and referred to several different types of fights. One player maintained that there were two basic types of fights:

Jamie: ... Uhm, well there is kind of two different kind of fights.

There is a planned fight which can either be because a coach tells

you to go out and fight this guy or because two guys tell each other 137 that they want to fight each other. And then there is a fight that

just happens in the heat of the moment. I mean two guys are

battling each other and one guy maybe gets the glove up in his face

and the other guy doesn't like it and they just keep getting back and

forth until eventually they, they fight...

The main difference between the two types of fights is that the former is planned in advance while the latter is spontaneous and involves a build up of energy and emotion. Another male player in his twenties elaborated on this explanation suggesting that there are actually three types of fights:

Andrew:... I have seen like just emotional fights. Like guys are

just snappin', you know had a bad day, something like that. Or,

self-defence fights. A guy gets hit in the boards and a D man

comes in to protect his player and there is a fight because of it.

Then, there are stupidity fights. Some guys just won't back down.

You know and you always see it all the time. First it starts with he

slashes him, he slashes him, a crosscheck and a crosscheck, and

then a spear and then a spear. And not one of the guys is gonna

back down. They are both just trying to hype themselves up until

finally it just boils over and there is a fight. Because there is no

way to prove your dominance and if either of those guys backs

down, then I guess you have proved your dominance, right? But,

there is no way unless you clash heads in a fight to prove your

dominance ... 138 Dominance is a well-established masculine characteristic in North America and elsewhere.

Connell (1995, p. 71) notes that masculinity is an ordered social practice. In Canadian ice hockey, it exists in a hierarchical pattern based on violent acts and when an individual's masculinity is challenged, fighting can be a way of reaffirming it in oneself or annihilating it in another (Connell, 1995, p, 134). As will be demonstrated below, however, not all fights are caused by challenges to an individual's masculinity. That is, at times males will draw upon their masculinity in order to fight while, at others, they may feel more like an object of masculinity and compelled to act upon it.

The next two male participants suggested that fights occur when players attempt to protect themselves and others on their team. The first player is in his teens and plays at the junior level while the second had considerable experience in professional leagues. They noted that some fights take place when players try to motivate themselves or establish dominance over others.

Tyson: ... there was one instance this year one of our guys got hit

from behind and you've got to step up to those kind of guys I mean

those are the guys went there they are injured or not it is not

something you can accept. So, that being one category. The other

category is just a challenge. Uhm, you get the tough guy

challenging the tough guys and that is how a lot of fights start.

Uhm, it is that quest to be the toughest and before you can be the

toughest, you gotta fight the other tough guys so uhm that is the

two categories really. Defence, I mean protecting yourself and

then come just tough guy to tough guy ... 139 Both players agreed that dominance was a salient cause of fighting, but the latter explained that there was greater variation:

Zander: ... Tough guy against tough guy that's the one scenario.

The other one would be two guys who are trying to get themselves

going and they, one guy doesn't like the way he was hit and wants

retribution, so they're both motivated to, to do something to uhm

and the other is protecting a teammate. I think those are pretty

much the only three things that happen now, fighting ...

Discussions with participants painted a picture of many different types of fights in

Canadian ice hockey. Presented below is a typology of such fights. These categories should be understood as ideal types in the Weberian sense. Weber (1978, p. 6) acknowledged that much human behaviour of interest was irrational or emotional and thus difficult to accurately interpret at times. As such, he advocated the use of convenient tools known to be deviations of rational action. This study is concerned precisely with emotional behaviour and, as such, ideal types are most useful. 140 Table 2. Typology of Canadian Ice Hockey Fights

Planned

Yes No Existence of status threat Rivalry Self-Righteous

(ongoing anger developing (rage produced by interaction)

within and between matches)

Career Enforcement

(attempts to attain a spot on a (attempts to establish dominance and

team) regulate behaviour)

Strategic

(to shift game momentum)

Table 2 identifies five types of fights in four cells including the rivalry fight, the career fight, the strategic fight, the enforcement fight and the self-righteous fight. The career fight and self-righteous fight are polar opposites. Career fights are planned long before matches take place and are manifestations of self-interest while self-righteous fights are not planned before games and occur when status threats are salient during games. Of course, this is the kind of violence described by Katz (1988; 1999). The rivalry fight is contrasted with the enforcement and strategic fight. The rivalry fight refers to occasions when competitors who have interacted in the past engage in fisticuffs after one crosses the line and delivers a challenge that cannot be ignored by the other rival. The strategic and enforcement fights are similar to the extent that they are planned and participants are usually acting as subjects rather than objects. The strategic fight occurs when players set out to engage in violence in order to swing the momentum of the game in their favour while enforcers are expected to engage in hostilities even when they are cold and have hardly played in the match.

Rivalry fights.

Many players reported that there is a fine line between aggression and violence in ice hockey. In order to be successful, they need to have sufficient energy and adrenaline running through their bodies. They also need to sustain considerable self-control in order to refrain from taking unwanted penalties. Many argued that the leagues in which they play are relatively small and it is not uncommon to know players from other teams while growing up. Because they know each other and play against each other so frequently, rivalries inevitably develop. A male university player in his teens explained:

Jordan... the most serious I can think of is just a fight that had

been planned between two players. Growing up playing hockey

you get little rivalries especially in Saskatchewan in small towns

you have a lot of players you play against from the time you're 10

until you are 16 years old. That is a long time to develop a rivalry.

And you get guys that will they will get each other's e-mail

addresses or phone numbers and they will get a hold of each other

before the game starts and say "Look, we are going." But, that,

that's the worst thing that I have ever encountered ... The rivalry fight is fascinating because everyone is aware of the ongoing conflict between the two players. Fans, players and coaches know, before the game begins, that the possibility of violent interaction between them is high given the proper interactions and opportunities on the ice. Thus, to an extent, the rivalry fight is premeditated and, as such, offers support for the classical perspective (Pfohl, 1994; Taylor, Walton & Young, 1973; White, Haines, & Eisler,

2009) and situational control theory (Clarke, 1997). At the same time, however, a rivalry may not erupt into a fight if the contestants are not on the ice at the same time, if the referees are regulating the game too strictly, or if coaches have the ability to control their players and wish to prevent unnecessary penalties from adversely affecting their team's chances of winning. When the interaction between players who know each other contain status threats, the rivalry fight also approximates self-righteous violence (Katz, 1988; Katz, 1999).

Career fights.

The story at the beginning of this section described an NHL fight between two well- known players. At the time, one was a well-established enforcer while the other was relatively new to the League. The players were not angry with one another and emotions appeared to have little to do with the conflict that resulted. As such, they are not examples of people "defending communal values" or acting upon rage (Katz, 1988, p. 18).

Participants were aware of career fights although they argued that they are uncommon.

One male player in his twenties noted such a fight, but suggested that there are fewer of these types of fights today than a decade ago:

Andrew. ... A lot of that is at camp still. Like junior A camps.

Like, back in the day, all they did was bring in hundreds of kids in and promote them to fight. They wanted to see kids actually fight.

And, so you would witness 2 or 3 fights a game. These guys

wanna prove by, I mean I don't know what the proof is that, you

just 1 of 2 options. Either you just got your ass kicked in front of

your future coach or you just got thrown out of the game and you

are no longer actually a viable source to win the game because you

got yourself kicked out. You know, I don't see any positives in

that at all...

It appears, however, that these fights still do occur even though they are less common. Another successful male from a successful team described that "the most amazing" fight he ever watched was a career-building fight. He explained:

Jamie: ... Okay, it was actually probably the best fight that I've

ever seen in my life. We had our tough guy uhm fought one of

Sherwood Park's tough guys, [names of players] who is on our

team. It wasn't actually a heat of the moment fight, it was one of

those fights that like. There was guys on our teams that were

friends of this [name of player] guy and [name of player] told him

to tell [name of player] that he wanted to fight him. Months before

the game even started because they wanted to, create, wanted to

see, because they were what people thought were the two toughest

guys in the league and they wanted to see who had the title of the

toughest guy in the league. So, it wasn't a, a question of whether

they were mad at each other. They just wanted to see who is tougher and it was kind of ah, it was just the most amazing fight

I've ever seen in my whole life. Like it probably went on for about

30 seconds 30-40 seconds which is a fairly long hockey fight and it

was just toe to toe, guys were, they were throwing rights and then

they both switched out and started throwing lefts.. .after the fight

was done, they weren't mad about or anything they just, if the

wasn't something that they were worked up about, they just like

doing it...

Career fights are those where players try to gain a spot on their team by fighting others. They are planned and are usually not the result of an offence generated by another. Rather, the opponents are simply acting out of self-interest.

Enforcement fights.

On March 21, 2007, an NHL enforcer for the Philadelphia Flyers by the name of Todd

Fedoruk became embroiled in a violent clash with Colton Orr of the New York Rangers (CBC

Sports, 2003). This fight garnered media attention because Fedoruk was knocked unconscious after receiving major facial surgery a few months earlier. In order to hold his new cheekbone implants in place, small titanium plates and screws were used by the surgeon. This event is an example of what is here referred to as the enforcement fight.

Perhaps the enforcement fight receives the greatest amount of attention from fans and the media because it generally involves large players known for fighting, and the risk for serious injury is high. As well, such battles appear on the surface to be welcomed by the participants, but this NHL player had experiences that suggested the contrary: Zander: ... I've seen those guys before games. They don't want to fight. Some of them say they get a kick out of it too. It adds to the reputation. They are drinking their 8th cup of coffee in 2 hours before a game trying to get that. They are trying to pound the boards in warm up, they gotta get that aggression up. And they gotta get that adrenaline up. A lot of them don't play much right, so they sit on the bench and how do you keep an aggression going?

So, so you're sitting there waiting, you're waiting and their tough guy goes on, you get the tap from the coach. You know that tap means you gotta go fight a guy who could kill you. You have to work, chase away the fear, and bring in adrenaline. Maybe use the adrenaline of fear. Adrenaline is the only thing that gets you through it. You have to have adrenaline running through you.

And, I know one guy I played with [name of enforcer]. What he would, what he would do, he would slash to the other player if he wasn't ready for a fight. He would give someone a cheap shot, just, it wasn't enough to hurt him, but enough for them to get mad at him. So he would go: "Oh, you want to go?" Then all of all of a sudden, he would build it up. It has to take some catalyst to get these guys going ... a lot of these guys they know they are going to get hurt or they definitely could get seriously hurt especially with the size of players. You have to have adrenaline running through your bones or you are going to lose and get your head smashed in. 146 The description of the enforcement fight by this participant shows how players will prepare for a fight. Even though the enforcement fight is premeditated, it still requires some effort to enact during the game. They may drink coffee, "pound the boards", or invoke some other "catalyst" in order to summon the anger necessary for fighting. As such, although it is the polar opposite of the self-righteous fight, the narrative above shows that they share some commonalities.

Some players noted that there were differences between enforcers and goons. The former were considered to be policemen because they regulate the play of others just by holding a spot on the team. Although they tend to play little and fight much, it is believed that they reduce conflict in the game because of their willingness to retaliate against who play dirty. Goons were depicted as reckless in the violent play. This player spoke about an interaction he had with a goon.

Keanu: ... he was a terrible player, hopefully you are not related to

him, and he would basically go out and you know, just run guys.

He would elbow guys, take penalties, which was good for us ... So,

he was very successful and you know basically tried to take my

knee out with a stick, and I am laying on the ice and the next thing

I know there's 3 guys, almost 3 on 3 brawl, only one ended up

being a fight, you know the other ones kinda left their gloves on

and it was more of a shoving match. But, the other fight broke out

and it was one of our tougher guys against him and they went at it

pretty good and of course this guy decided that he was gonna try

and eye gouge, he was gonna try and pull his hair, this guy was just

a mess. And uh, so, in the meantime, I am laying on the ice trying to find out if my knee is still there and if I am ok, and all the

trainers are out on the ice. So, they get me off the ice and they are

still fighting, and like the referees, these guys were big guys, and

the referees weren't very big that day, so they could barely

separate them and ... Anyways, so that's how it ended ...

It might seem odd to describe the enforcement fight as one that is not planned and rarely involves offences to their hockey identities. After all, enforcers are known to fight frequently and have ongoing rivalries with other enforcers. Using Katz's logic (1988; 1999), the typology is based upon the motivation for fighting. As "policemen", enforcers are only useful as long as they are eligible to play in the game and fighting reduces their potential time on the ice. As such, enforcers are always ready to fight, but readiness to fight is not necessarily the same as planning to do so. After enforcer Marty McSorely had been suspended and fined for his assault on Donald Brashear, he explained some of the events leading up to the incident:

Hey, my coaches put me on the ice with 28 seconds left in the

game to go after him. They even scrambled to pull one of our guys

off the ice from a position I didn't even play just to get me out

there. I mean, you don't have to be a rocket scientist to figure out

what they wanted me to do (Bernstein, 2006, p. 15-16).

He also noted that one of his coaches said to him: "Mac, Mac, you're up. You're going. You're going." (Bernstein, 2006, p. 14). Because they are hired by the team for their protection role, enforcers rarely fight well-known goal-scorers even though this would seem most beneficial to the team. Strategic fights.

According to participants in this study, some fights are purely strategic. That is, players will engage in physical confrontation in attempts to swing the momentum of play in favour of their team. The belief is that other players and fans will experience the emotion involved in the fight and play harder and enjoy victory. For example:

Sam: ... Fighting happens a lot to shift momentum in games. It's

really weird because the crowd does play a big deal. When a

crowd isn't really loud or anything, your team seems lethargic, but

when it starts. You can make a bit hit, the crowd goes crazy, your

team gets a little more excited, right? It's just excitement, like a

rock concert. The show's as good as the players, the players are as

good as the fans ...

It is hard to ascertain the success of such fights. If a team manages to score after a fight has ensued, others may attribute it to the fight even if they are purely independent events. Many were convinced, however, that there was a place for strategic fights if they begin at the right time. Strategies frequently go wrong. Another player suggested that such fights can actually hurt a team if not done properly. Winning a fight at the right time is central to the success of this project.

Cam: ... a fight can help motivate your team. It can help. But, it

can also, at the same time, it can hurt your team if you do not do it

at the right time. So, I mean if you are down, if your team is down

by two goals and you go out there and win a fight, your fighter

goes out there and fights, and he wins the fight, it could change the momentum of the game. And that could lift it up. But then, if you

are that player on the winning team, and you go out there and fight

and then change the momentum of the game, that might be a

disadvantage ...

Like the enforcement fight, the strategic fight is not premeditated and status offences are not involved in the motivation to fight. As such, they lack self-righteousness (Katz, 1988). Rather than acting upon humiliation induced rage, players are trying to summon anger in themselves and others. Players explained that this was the purpose of the fight.

Self-righteous fights.

On March 17th, 1955, the City of Montreal was consumed with looting, vandalism and violence in what has become known as the "Richard Riots" (Harvey, 2006). Young (2000) has noted that this was one of the largest riots in the history of Canadian sport. During a March 13

NHL game in Boston between the Boston Bruins and the Montreal Canadiens, Montreal star

Maurice Richard was struck to the head by the stick of Bruins player Hal Laycoe. When Richard chased Laycoe to fight him, the referee managed to restrain his arms and Laycoe used the opportunity to punch Richard. Once he broke free, Richard struck the referee and was suspended for the rest of the year. When news of the suspension was released by the media, outraged fans began throwing eggs at the "very Anglo" (Harvey, 2006, p. 38) NHL president

Clarence Campbell during the next Montreal game against the Detroit Red Wings. Rioting then spilled onto the streets.

This incident is considered legendary because of the damage inflicted in the aftermath, but also because it symbolized the blatant inequity experienced by many French Canadians. It is 150 a good example of self-righteous violence (Katz, 1988) because Richard "lost it" after a long history of ignoring attempts to antagonize him. In this case, the "it" was the ability to ignore the challenge to his status as French Canadian marquee hockey star. Although sports fans realize that officials need to be protected when performing their duties, this event sparked considerable outrage because the referee added insult to the initial injury by holding Richard. It symbolized

French Canadian oppression.

Although this particular game is unique given the aftermath of rioting, the catalyst for the incident is not. In this study, many participants identified similar types of actions that sparked fighting. For instance:

Andrew: ... last week a guy got tossed out. The events that led up

to that were probably the same thing. A guy was trying to cross

the middle, made a move, got kneed, and there was no call on the

play. So, it was kind of a distant cheap, dirty hit, no call. So, then

the play went in the far end and they were in the corner. And you

know, the same guy went in and cross-checked him in the back.

No call again. So, there was just steam building because there

were no calls being made. They were just letting it go and players

were starting to take liberties. And it got to the point where they

got to the front of the net, the puck came in and there was a scrum

in front and the same guy punched him. The same guy punched

him, the same guy, in the face. The third time he did it, and it just,

all of a sudden the gloves came off and these two just went at it...

The scenario described above illustrates aspects of the self-righteous fight. Although the 151 instigator appeared ready to fight, this was not possible until "cheap, dirty" plays occurred and

"liberties" were taken. There is no mention of his team mate preparing for the fight in advance.

Rather, "steam was building" because the referee did not acknowledge the rule violations, and he ultimately reacted violently.

The next description of ice hockey fighting is very detailed. The player explains that emotions began to build after several offences were delivered in conjunction with some players being in vulnerable positions. Despite desperately needing to win the game, everyone on the ice began fighting in what is called a "line brawl". He said:

Bart:... There was one of a line brawl that I was, I was on the

bench for. I always thought those were the most fun, but anyway

... what happened was it was just kind of like, one guy went into

the corner and he is holding the puck up ... So, as this is

happening, our offensive unit is trying to get the puck away, but as

this is happening, you can kind of see emotions starting to build.

More stick work and more little chippy crap. And that's what

actually sent everyone into like "Hey, hey! What's going on

here?" Because you have a defenceman on their team that is kind

of a meathead and he plays very aggressive. He doesn't play really

within the, like, within the rules. Like, you know, he will hold

your stick, hold your jersey, he will slew foot you if you are in

front of the net, hack you, really like I think that is cowardly crap,

but anyway ... these guys do this, they keep playing, they keep

messing around. It is like, something is gonna happen ... someone 152 is a gonna switch. And there is one of the guys who is like a

grinder on there, he could hold his own, and that is what happened.

So, a grinder comes in, the guy from the front of the net goes in

defends another player, a little cross check, another cross check,

back and forth between two players, the gloves comes off, and then

they go. And then everyone just kind of grabbed him and.. .then

our goalie starts, our goalie starts to head up, because the other

goalie kinda looked in, right? ... So, having this said that these

guys are holding each other, one guy, two guys fight, and another

guy is just holding off... So, I think that is how I saw it. It was

more for protection than anything.

The line brawl described above is an excellent example of self-righteous violence (Katz, 1988).

The emotional lure created by cheap shots to vulnerable players were sufficient to ignore their coach's warnings of avoiding penalties. The "chippy crap" of a "meathead" assaulting players on his team made the insults so inviting that every player on the ice felt the sensation. The prevalence of status threats affected the entire team and they all became embroiled in the conflict. It is doubtful that every player on the ice at the time had planned to fight at the same time. While such events may appear senseless, they are easily "read" by ice hockey participants.

Fighting and Gender

The types of fights described above are noticeably gendered. Discussions with both male and female players suggest that fighting in Canadian ice hockey is largely a male project. All male participants had witnessed and had been engaged in fights. In fact, many stated that they 153 had witnessed well over one hundred fights while playing the game. In contrast, only one female participant recalled a fight in the women's game and it was a recreational match, although they did have referees present. Two other female hockey players indicated that they had been in fights. When females did witness fights, it was usually in the context of playing in leagues numerically dominated by males.

The lack of fighting in women's hockey is informative. Perspectives on deviance that rely upon self-interest and choice, including situational control theory (Clarke, 1997), are noticeably incapable of explaining the gendered nature of deviance in ice hockey. If opportunity alone were the most important causal variable determining rule-violation, then surely it would be able to explain such glaring sex differences.

Female hockey players explained, however, that although fighting may be quite rare in the game, violence and unwanted aggression does exist. They noted that slashing, punching, slew footing and rubbing out are not uncommon. One female player in her teens explained what it means to rub out another:

Ashley: ... I guess when you, when a player is coming on a

defensive player, they can steer to the boards and somewhat put

some contact but not, not like a hit. You cannot like drive them

through the boards. You can pin them as in keep them on the

boards and then take the puck away so I, I would feel that is

somewhat of a physical presence and if you are getting the puck

away by either using your body and by using some physical

contact, I think that is always benefiting your team ...

With one exception, female players were happy with low levels of such behaviour in the 154 game. Most suggested that the male and female games are simply different largely because they have different rules. As one female participant in the Western Women's Hockey League explained:

Mary: I think, I guess I should make a distinction in our game, the

women's game. There is not really allowed, you know, there is not

body contact. So, I don't know, I think it, it probably tames down

the levels of aggression and that you know, we don't have as many

fights. Well we don't have any fights. And, well I shouldn't say

any. There's few, you know incidents maybe, but they are.. .few

and far in between.

Hall (1999) documents the cultural struggle and resistance of women in Canadian sport and points out that women have historically been discouraged from participating. Participation meant that women deviated from their appropriate gender roles and was also considered harmful to their health. When women did become active in sports, they were highly regulated by male authorities (Adams, 2006).

Some participants noted that these differences were becoming more pronounced as the rules are modified to prevent unwanted aggression. As one player said:

Ashley: Yes actually there, there are, the rules about any type of

stick work. You can't, even lift up a girl's stick anymore. Like it

gets its very they are encouraging more skill and speed than like

hooking and that kind of stuff.

Some female players discussed their experiences playing in men's leagues. While they revealed that they enjoyed the sport, they also admitted that they endured some rough play as a result of 155 their sex. The following excerpt is from a female player on a women's team that frequently played against men's teams. She explained:

Mary: ... those guys are great. Those guys are, they don't, they are

very nice guys, they would never fight. Well, actually the [name

of men's team], which you would think, apparently they are the

more well to do team, but they are the roughest and they slough-

foot. They are dirty. They are very rude and they, before we go on

the ice, they call us f n bitches and stuff.. .We played against all

last year, we played against all the boys teams. Like, I think we

could have been better. I wouldn't want to play the [name of

men's team] again though. Because they are the kind of team that

like, what I am talking about, crazy violent. That, you know,

things like slough-footing. There is no defence against that. You

don't even know it's coming. And yet, a girl on our team, it pretty

much ended her chances of going to the Olympics because she

cracked a rib ...

The behaviour discussed in the case above may seem out of the ordinary. In her experience, it was odd. According to this participant, most male competitors are quite respectful to female players and frequently request autographs from members of Canada's national women's team.

The taunting might have been a way to evoke an angry response which could justify violent behaviour.

As mentioned above, fighting is uncommon in women's hockey. As such, it is difficult to articulate upon righteous violence logic (Katz, 1988) to explain the few times when it does 156 occur. The lack of violence in the women's game, however, does suggest that perspectives proposing choice as the main causal variable are problematic because women could choose to deviate as often as do men.

A Unique Game

Fighting is not unique to Canadian ice hockey, but few other sports appear to explicitly endorse the behaviour or resist attempts to eliminate it from the sport. The phrase: "fighting is part of the game" is used so commonly in reference to Canadian ice hockey that one wonders why it is still employed. Participants in this study were no exception. What is compelling about this statement is its sheer obviousness. Even people who do not watch the game very often or at all are aware that fighting exists within the sport. The statement is akin to pointing out that fighting is a part of boxing. In a discussion about fighting in ice hockey, one male player in the

CIS made reference to boxing:

Keanu: ... I don't know if you want to put violent in there because

once you start putting titles like that on there, it's a lot different.

But, it's funny how people don't see boxing ... like it's not quote,

unquote, violent, even though all you do is stand there and beat the

crap out of each other ...

The participant maintained that ice hockey is held to a different standard than boxing. The nature of the sports produces different levels of violence. He wondered why fighting in ice hockey provokes such a negative response from society when violence is an endemic feature of many other sports such as boxing. From a Katzian perspective (Katz, 1988; Katz, 1999), it is not surprising that rule-violation takes place more often in ice hockey than in boxing. This is 157 because boxing contestants are already engaging in physical conflict and, as such, status threats are more difficult to lodge.

Others were quick to point out that United States football is also, by the very nature of the sport, quite violent. Another professional male participant stated:

Zander: ... I think football is probably the most aggressive sport

anywhere ... because they are trying to kill the other player each

play. Every play you are trying to kill and knock the guy silly. In

hockey you can't. If you do that every time you are out there that

you are thinking about trying to hurt somebody you're, you're

completely out of position. So, hockey is the mentality of going,

fighting for loose pucks, doing everything else. But, when there is

a time in a game that "hey there is an opportunity, I can really drill

somebody" [snaps his fingers] you take it. Or you don't. You

make that decision. But hockey is not about going out trying to

hurt people ...

Another male made reference to US football. In this case, it was noted that ice hockey players interacted with a great number of opponents and that the ability to move throughout the playing surface increased the likelihood for deviation to take place. This junior level player explained:

Jamie: I think a lot of that has to do with the fact that, you know,

it is not like in football, and, it is like a controlled sport where you

don't... people have set paths and stuff, and hockey can get even

running around a bit with that maybe a little bit. But, uhm panic

can come about maybe? Uhm, I know for me whatever, I am 158 playing hockey, I might try to keep like a level head when I am out

on the ice. If you don't, I think it can affect the game.

This is worth thinking about. Interactions among football players are consistent and they are more able to ascertain intentions and levels of aggression in others. In contrast, ice hockey players have many sporadic interactions with others and this dynamic creates greater potential for behavioural intentions to be vague or misunderstood. The nature of ice hockey interactions produces greater possibilities for humiliating status threats to occur. A female participant reiterated this point when recounting an incident in ice hockey:

Ashley: ... I was playing defence and I had to stop her and then she

just started punching me and she was about like 5 foot 11 like she

was like 4 inches taller than me or more than that I would say.

Yeah, like she was so much taller than me. She was, just punched

me down. I didn't even understand why she was punching me

because I don't I don't usually fight and so I tried to fight back, but

after that, my helmet was like almost off of my head ...

A comparison of ice hockey to lacrosse was also made by a male participant preparing for a professional career:

Keanu: It is not just man against man, it's now, one you are on the

ice, so it's faster, that changes everything. If we could run that

fast, it would be different. Take lacrosse. They have weapons

there too. They are on their feet so it's not the same. Now, you

are skating down and you have all that momentum and when you

slash a guy, it's different than just standing there and hitting them. 159 According to this individual, the combination of speed and holding a potential weapon made violence more likely. Another female player who had experience in US College hockey made reference to United States baseball. In this sport, it is well known that fights take place when a pitcher throws the ball to the body of the batter. She explained:

Carlie: I mean, it's pretty intense, when people get kind of an

amped up, and you're in a space where you can run around and hit

people if you want. You know like on the baseball field it does

happen sometimes, though it's more like someone hits you with a

ball, and whatever, you might go chase them. But out on the ice, I

mean, the surface is ... it's pretty small for 10 bodies to be all

skating around sharing that space.

Although most female participants reported that there were few fights in women's Canadian ice

hockey to discuss, most played with males and had some experience with them. Many also

watched men's ice hockey on television and spoke about violence in the sport with family

members. They also played other sports and were in positions to make comparisons with them.

One female player in her twenties compared ice hockey to basketball:

Mary: ... I mean I don't know the history of hockey that well, but

uhm, I mean just having played it, I guess, uhm you know, you are

going around hitting people. I don't know, I mean of another sport

where you can really do that. You know, I am sure there are some

other sports, but you know basketball you cannot, or lacrosse you

know is aggressive too. You know in basketball if someone is

dribbling the ball, you can't go up and smoke them. But in 160 hockey, you can do that...

Another female discussed why she believed that ice hockey contained so many fights. This individual in her teens explained that she was an aggressive player who was in favour of allowing more physical contact in the sport. Like other female players, she did know why men's and women's hockey contained significantly different rules:

Ashley: I think when two players are skating full-speed and they

are racing for the puck and they hit, it looks a lot worse than two

soccer players running for the ball let's say. And, I just think that I

don't think well for me anyway, I am not out there to hurt anyone. I

am, I am, I am, considered as an aggressive player, but I have

never dared to hurt anyone I, I just want the puck type of thing. I

want to win. I, I, love to battle and that's, that's it.

Not surprisingly, participants in this study were active in many other sports. Many played and observed other sports out of personal interest. At times, coaches demanded that they play other sports for cross-training purposes. One female player, for instance, explained that she and her mates boxed in order to increase their physical endurance levels. These experiences helped shape their perceptions about the uniqueness of Canadian ice hockey.

In sum, participants comparing their experiences in ice hockey with other sports drew attention to factors that are consistent with a Katzian explanation for violence (1988; 1999).

They argued that the sport is played within a confined space where players frequently interact with other, often in a physical manner. The ice surface also allows players to move around at great speeds and this velocity combined with the ability to hit others can cause serious injuries.

At times, the motive for physical contact may be uncertain. That is, players may not be 161 convinced that they were hit within or outside of the rules. This uncertainty creates the potential to perceive physical contact as a threats to an individual's identity. Finally, the boards surrounding the ice makes escape more difficult and cumbersome compared to many other sports, particularly to those played on fields. These variables in combination with a history of violence make it a continuing feature of the sport including fighting.

Sports are inherently competitive events. As the objective of sport is to perform at one's best, it may not be surprising that participants experience a range of intense emotions including joy, sadness, fear, anger, exhilaration, frustration, embarrassment, surprise and anticipation.

Emotions are caused by behaviour and also influence subsequent behaviour. For example, intense fear may lead participants to make errors, while performing well makes participants happy. Sporting success requires individuals to experience and also control intense emotions.

When sporting emotions become overheated, it may not be surprising that aggression and violence erupt. But, the level and nature of violence vary by the type of sport. While tennis, gymnastics and golf elicit an array of emotions, they rarely produce serious violence. Even in contact sports such as water polo, soccer or US football, are there few incidents of violence. By contrast, violence is not uncommon in American baseball and Canadian ice hockey.

It is not only the frequency and nature of violence that differentiates sports in this regard, it is the type of reaction to it as well. Pulling an opponent's facemask is never acceptable in the

NFL and throwing a bat at another in MLB is always considered inappropriate, but violence in

Canadian ice hockey is frequently contested and even praised at times. Questionable body checks delivered with more force than needed to obtain the puck and physical fights are likely to debated. Indeed, many ice hockey players maintain that fighting is a part of the Canadian game.

As one male junior player argued: 162 Sam: ... Yeah, well obviously you watch a game and a fight

happens and the crowd goes crazy, right? Usually that's for a

reason. But then there is also those people, those players that are

just paid to do that. They just, they do. And it's. What's the

difference between seeing that and Ultimate Fighting? Some

people question that or whatever. Like lacrosse fighting, looks like

street fighting. You know what I mean? So, I guess there's that

fine line there ...

One difference appears to be that fighting is more likely to be celebrated within ice hockey than in other major sports where the behaviour is more often considered a blemish. Indeed, some participants maintained that fighting is simply a part of Canadian ice hockey.

Perceptions of Why Violence Occurs

Katz (1999, p. 8) suggests that it is inappropriate to ask respondents why they engage in deviant behaviour as such questions are likely to produce explanations that justify and validate their actions. Detailed descriptions of events, by contrast, are more likely to yield reliable and valid data. He also purports that people are able to interpret other people's behaviour rather easily.

In this study, participants were asked about their perceptions of why violence exists in

Canadian ice hockey. Some believed that aggression was built into the game and led up to violence while others argued that they were both the consequences of aggressive personalities in the sport. Most, however, maintained that aggression and violence were spontaneous, heat of the moment reactions to hostile behaviour. A Katzian perspective (1988; 1999) predicts that 163 violence occurs amidst a quickly developing rage and that people begin to see themselves as objects being acted upon (Katz 1988, p. 8).

Nature of the game.

As mentioned above in the preceding section of this chapter, players in this study acknowledged that the game is unique from others. It is played in a confined space on a surface allowing body contact at high speeds and players have frequent contact with others. It also has a history of violent behaviour. As such, it should not be surprising that many believe that the nature of the game has much to do with violence on the ice. One female player in the Western

Women's Hockey League offered her thoughts about aggression:

Mary: ... I think it is the nature of the game. Like, you know, you

are, you know, if you are forechecking properly, you are supposed

to get contact. It's not really you know, kill the person, but you are

supposed to get contact with that person and finish your check.

It's just part of the game to finish your check. I mean they say,

one of the terms is an aggressive forecheck as opposed to a passive

forecheck. So, you know that means in boys hockey you go and

you know you hit the defencemen who has the puck and in our

game it means maybe you don't hit them, but you make physical

contact with that person. And, you are right on them ...

As mentioned above, the intensity of bodily contact has an impact upon the preponderance of violence. When checked hard, players may perceive their opponents as trying to embarrass them by knocking them to the ice. This creates the potential for status threats to be experienced. A 164 male playing in the junior leagues suggested that:

Jon: ... Ahh, by the nature of it, I mean you are allowed to

physically uhm hit somebody body contact and so I guess you

could say it is a violent sport because normally you don't go

walking around body checking people into the boards out on the

streets. But, I mean, it is part of the game and everybody realizes

that body contact and uhm well, of course, fighting is part of the

game ...

Another pointed out that the history of hockey teams affects the likelihood of violence taking place. Simply put, some teams generate rivalries and players are prepared for aggressive and possibly violent play. A female administrator in her mid-twenties noted:

Sara: ... I definitely believe it's both. As for the nature of the

game, so, if it's, if you're talking about one game for instance,

things that can happen in a game that increase the level of

aggressiveness, whether its officiating, the coaches that are behind

the bench, the opposition that you're playing against. Some teams

have more rivalries against other team ...

What is interesting about these responses is that they refer to ways in which arena architecture and the structure of the sport affects the likelihood of violence. People are likely to experience emotions more intensely when they feel constrained in the arena. At times, such behaviour is expected from players by coaches, fans and even parents, but most of those interviewed believed it was caused by catalysts ensuing from the nature of interactions among players. Katz (1988) points out how such emotional catalysts are responsible for violent behaviour in society more generally. Others, however, maintained that much aggression and violence were the work of a few aggressive individuals.

Aggressive individuals.

Some social scientists (Gottfredson and Hirschi 1990; Arneklev, 1999; Caspi et al. 2006) posit that impulsivity and other individual character traits may be responsible for crime and deviance in society. Since Canadian ice hockey has a well-established history of violence in the game, it is possible that the sport attracts violent people. Indeed, a few participants blamed poor parenting as contributing to such behaviour in the sport. They argued that there were a few "bad apples" that tarnished the entire game and all those involved in it. A female administrator explained:

Sara: ... you have participants that just are naturally aggressive

when they step onto the ice, and it doesn't matter if they're playing

hockey or if they're at school or what they're doing. They're

always gonna be aggressive and they play that way ...

Another participant in the CIS was receptive to the possibility that aggressive people were the cause of most aggressive and violent behaviour. At the same time, however, he also purported that social circumstances were also contributing factors:

Keanu: ... I think it can be definitely the aggressive people, but I

think it is more spur of the moment that would take you know

maybe 60/40 versus the aggressive people. Because, even guys

that you know very well and they aren't an aggressive player,

quote unquote aggressive, uhm, in the right circumstance, in you 166 know, the heat of the moment, all of a sudden something happens,

they are gonna react, and they are gonna be just as aggressive as

someone who is, you know, has that reputation, you know valid

reputation because hey are like that. So, I think it's definitely the

heat of the moment. As much as that is a cliche, it is true. You

know, there is times when you don't think or when you just react.

Human reaction, you know, someone is coming at you and you

feel threatened. Some people run, some people hit first...

The information provided by the participant above suggests that players are aware of aggressive individuals in the sport. It also shows, however, that non-aggressive people will behave violently under the right circumstances.

Another participant playing junior hockey spoke about the social environment impacting an individual's nature. Like others, he believed that the game was constructed in a way that brought out the primitive side of human nature and causes people to "snap". He noted:

Andrew: ... It is kinda in between. I mean, uhm, the nature of the

game I mean, just the nature of human beings when it gets really

hot you know, and everyone is just battling and smashing into each

other and tempers are flaring and emotions are going, you know,

sometimes it is just someone goes someone just snaps. You know,

and I guess that is just the primitive side of human beings. I mean

you just kind of crash into each other and it just happens. You

know like the aggressive parts just you know, its just boils over

and then a fight happens ... 167 It is interesting that Andrew identified tempers flaring, emotions building up, and people snapping. He also acknowledged that violence is a situational event that occurs under the right conditions. Thus, even those who argued that violence is the result of aggressive individuals drew attention to righteous violence logic.

Most of the players who believed that aggressive individuals were the most likely to behave violently also identified the social aspects of identity. Rather than accept that it was the manifestation of a biological or psychological trait, they believe it was the consequence of a role performance. A male professional explained:

Zander: ... It depends upon your role. Everyone that, the players

on your team, there are some guys who that is in their sole purpose

in being there. It is total aggression. Aggression and intimidation.

And others that their sole purpose is to score, others is to be

passive and defensive. Everyone has a different, but at certain

times I was one of those players that was more of a defensive and

passive, but if somebody popped me in the mouth, I wanted to, I

wanted to pop them back fast. And I wanted to hurt them fast, so I

needed to it to be initiated. Everyone is different based on their

role, background, intelligence, how they grew up...Because it, it

takes somebody else to bring it out...

It may be compelling to identify aggressive individuals for violence in society and in sport.

Such an explanation deflects attention from others in the game. While some participants did purport that individuals were the cause of much violence, most provided explanations that are consistent with a Katzian approach as they argued that violence generally took place when 168 players lost themselves in the heat of the moment. As the respondent explained, "it takes somebody else to bring it out..."

Heat of the moment.

The majority of participants maintained that social cues were the primary cause of aggression and violence. Rather than accept that violent people were responsible for violent behaviour, they believed that it was a manifestation of social identity. A male university player explained that people can be conformists in most aspects of social life only to be very different once the skates were laced up:

Mike: ... I think it is sort of spur of the moment and certain triggers

just set people off. Uhm...I've seen people who were more

aggressive on the ice be the kindest, gentlest people off the ice and

vice versa as well. So, I think it's uhm more situational and I think

just the competitive, heated atmosphere sometimes tends to bring

that out in people ...

The main points of the excerpt above may be obvious, but it is interesting to note how the individual describes "triggers" that "set people off. It is also noteworthy that even people who usually choose to be gentle and kind become violent under certain circumstances. The identification of "triggers" and heated situations is in opposition to the conception of violence being premeditated.

Incidents that happen in the heat of the moment are shaped and fashioned by rivalries and team performance. In this case, a male player in the CIS explained that teams become more emotional when losing: 169 Cam: ... Yeah, I think that in the heat of the game when it is a

close game and it is a really tight game especially ah if you play a

team a lot then there seems to be a more aggression towards

them...

Situations that cause aggression are also influenced by the identities of players. As Chapter Four explained, players generate unique ice identities. The male junior player below described that some players intentionally try to agitate others and their efforts are met with aggressive behaviour. The reason for agitation is to get the other person to take a penalty:

Jon: ... I think it is a little bit of everything. I mean I think the

spur the moment things can happen. You can get mad over one

little thing. A guy who is out there to agitate you and [inaudible]

it's just overall how how guys are acting in each situation uhm

things can happen in a split instant...

The velocity of the game was another aspect affecting players. Ice hockey is simply played at a much faster speed than most others and this forced players to react on impulse rather than on reason. A male in his early twenties playing junior hockey explained:

Andrew: ... I mean I have played football and I played a bunch of

different sports as well. But, and some of them are actually I find,

are even dirtier than playing hockey. But, it's ah, I don't know

what it is that the media grabs a hold of. Why it seems to be so

aggressive. Maybe because the pace of the game. Maybe it is so

fast that you know, and things are happening so quickly for some

people, that it just, it seems like chaos out there. And you know a lot of people they like their things slow and steady and they don't

like things to change too quick. And, I think maybe the pace of the

game. It is the only thing I could think of that maybe warrants the

the idea of chaos and aggressiveness. Whereas in football you get

a stop in between each play ...

Finally, another male player in the CIS suggested that violence may be due to the nature of the game as well as aggressive individuals acting in the heat of the moment in ice hockey arenas.

That is, all three were said to be causes of ice hockey violence:

Sam: ... Probably all of those reasons. You could be playing the

whole game and you could be in a battle or with one guy the whole

game. You've been on each other and it's just, you want to settle it

and it seems like after you've settled it, you don't care anymore.

Your mind isn't on it anymore and then sometimes, hockey is a

team game and, as you grow up, it's really stressed, the wolf pack

culture sort of thing. One guy is gonna go down, we're all gonna.

One guy is gonna get hit from behind or something, you're told -

you're not told - you're expected to deal with it and stick up for

your teammate, kind of thing. It does fire your team up. It does

create momentum and you wanna play for each other. It's a real,

it's different because it's a real, you learn to know guys a lot better

especially when you play junior hockey. You're on the bus, I

don't know how many hours of a year, it's crazy. And you get to

know a guy more than you would, say, if you just went to class 171 with and you're buddies at school because you know the guy

inside and out pretty much in a shorter time. So you wanna help

him out and just kinda of, you're out there and you don't like to

see your friends get taken advantage of is. I think what usually

happens when it gets heated. But sometimes, it is just spur of the

moment happens and then it's over ...

It is instructive that most players described violent events as occurring in the heat of the moment as this hypothesis is central to a Katzian explanation of violence (1988; 1999). If most violence is premeditated or engaged by a small group of individuals, then such an approach is difficult to sustain.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this chapter began by presenting interview data illustrating righteous violence. In each case, participants drew attention to behaviour that elicited an irrational, emotional or violent reaction. Katz (1988, p. 9) suggests that every type of deviant behaviour contains a path of action, a line of interpretation, and an emotional reaction. In terms of self- righteous violence, the path of action refers to behaviour that generates humiliation and embarrassment. When interpreted as such, individuals will endure the uncomfortable sensation, or push it away by seducing themselves into violent behaviour. This was the case when examining emotional, violent behaviour in Canadian ice hockey.

The chapter also presented a typology of fighting. This was formulated as a consequence of using the method of analytic induction which specifies negative evidence is to be examined.

The typology analyzed fights that deviate from righteous violence logic. These are identified as 172 rivalry, career, enforcement, and strategic fights. Although the data were quite uniform and a half of all players identified fights that are consistent with righteous violence logic, it should be made clear that some also indicated self-interested, premeditated types of fights that together comprised the other half. Players were also asked directly to recall any incidents of premeditated aggression and few were able to do so.

After various types of fights were examined, a discussion of how Canadian ice hockey is unique from other sports was conducted. The intent behind this section was to explain why violence is not uncommon in ice hockey, but rare in others. Players noted that the combination of physical contact, velocity, the enclosed setting, and possession of a stick made the game different from most others. Finally, the chapter concluded with a look at players' perceptions of why violence occurs. While some noted that the nature of the game and aggressive personalities might generate violence, most indicated that situational catalysts occurring in the heat of the moment were the primary cause.

It should be pointed out that there are alternative ways of interpreting the data presented in this chapter. When righteous violence was described by participants, the actors were reacting to authentic social stimuli. The methodological strategy of using player's accounts of why violence occurred lends itself to a concentration on the reaction to such behaviour and less attention is placed upon why the provocation occurred in the first place. It might be possible that such provocation was strategic and rational. If this is the case, then other perspectives such as classical theory or situational control theory might be valid.

It is difficult to rule out premeditation in such absolute terms. This is because when people act, their minds are still working. Righteous violence is depicted as taking place when actors "seduce" (Katz, 1988) themselves into violence. When successfully seduced, they behave 173 violently. They do, however, make a decision to allow themselves to be controlled by their emotions. In addition, detailed descriptions of violent events may be perceived as illustrating detailed thoughts. The reader is encouraged to realize that this was not the case.

Responses from male and female ice hockey players at various levels of the game have demonstrated that most violence, including fighting, may be depicted as self-righteous. This means that individuals become outraged under what they deem to be intolerable circumstances.

Although they realize that they are breaking the rules of engagement, they consider their actions acceptable. It matters not whether they are penalized for their actions as long as they are acting for "the Good" (Katz, 1988, p. 14). Perhaps this explains why players differentiate between good and bad penalties. The former are enacted on the part of the team and may involve sacrifice, whereas the latter are predicated upon self-interest and impulsivity.

Of course, some violent incidents are planned even long before matches ensue. Most players interviewed for this study were aware of such incidents although only a few had actually witnessed such acts. Some pointed out that ice hockey careers depend upon the ability to impress their coaches by fighting and others noted that some players became familiar with rivals and planned to seek vengeance at opportune times. Players in this study also made reference to violence designed to shift the momentum of games or ensure that the play was regulated for marquee players. These fights have been coined strategic and enforcement fights respectively.

Interview data presented here suggest, however, that it is difficult to generate the hostility required to fight well without an authentic catalyst. Rivalry, career, enforcement, and strategic fights may be entered into easily, but the ability to summon rage takes considerable effort. They are most likely to become enraged when threatened personally and behave violently to eliminate humiliation endured. Threatening circumstances are experienced in direct and indirect manners. That is, if a player is hurt by an opponent, other players on that team are also affected by the event. Agnew

(2006) refers to this as vicarious strain. As was explained in Chapter Four, the development of the social self is of utmost importance to participants and identity or status challenges are threatening to the very worth of these individuals.

There are contingencies to this conclusion however. Katz (1988, p. 42) claims that there is no inevitability to violent behaviour. As well, fighting is not very common in female hockey, even in Canada. Of course, this is not to say that aggression and violence are entirely absent from the sport. Many females pointed out that their game has been misunderstood in this regard.

Rubbing out, slough-footing, and punching are not uncommon and injuries do occur. Of course, the rules of the women's game limit the ability for fighting to occur. The differences in rules suggest that gender at the macro-level of analysis is worthy of consideration.

Although these findings are not surprising, they do merit further attention. Such an explanation appears unlikely using the theory of righteous violence. This is because righteous violence explores the motivation for behaviour. If the behaviour is absent, then there is little to examine. As such, the theory requires reformulation. The inclusion of female players should not be considered futile, however, because their accounts of male behaviour contributed much to the analysis. Unfortunately, the sample did not contain much variation in terms of ethnicity. As such, few conclusions can be drawn about this background variable.

Violence is also less common in other nations where ice hockey is played. It is not uncommon to hear that violence is largely a characteristic of Canadian ice hockey. Some of the participants in this study had experience in different roles in European nations and said that violence, including fighting, did occur. Like the female game, however, the cues that elicit rage 175 were absent and hard body checking is deemed illegal. Violence is much less likely to occur where there exist fewer threats to social identities (Katz, 1988). 176

Chapter Six-Conclusion 177 Chapter Six-Conclusion

Introduction

This chapter will review the main research question of the study. It will also discuss the methodology employed and possible alternatives that could have been used, and summarize the main findings of the study. In addition, it will briefly discuss the tension between human agency and social structure, the difficulties posed by subcultural explanations of violence, players' beliefs in the inevitability of ice hockey violence, the contentious issue of litigation, the limitations of righteous slaughter theory, and prospects for positive social change. In this case, positive social change refers to a reduction or elimination of violence.

Research Question

The objective of this study was to better understand violent behaviour. Existing explanations for violence suggest that it is premeditated (Clarke, 1997), the result of aggressive personalities (Jarvis, 1999), influenced by subcultural norms (Coakley & Donnelly, 2009), or enacted in order to prove the authenticity of masculinity (Young, 1993). In order to expand upon this knowledge, the study deviates from these explanations by incorporating Katz's criminological perspective on violence leading to homicide. Katz's righteous violence theory maintains that homicides are rarely premeditated, occur spontaneously when status threats are realized, and the outcome of violent behaviour is uncertain. Because a perpetrator's primary motivation is to refute threats to their social selves, injuries may or may not occur when violence erupts.

The use of this criminological perspective in the subdiscipline of the sociology of sport makes the study unique because few analyses of violence in sport settings draw heavily upon this 178 rich body of theory and research. Rather than focus on choice, psychological conceptions of personality, or social norms, situations are the units of analysis. In addition, this well-known explanation (Katz, 1988; 1999) of violence has rarely been tested particularly in the sociology of

sport, even though it suggests bold changes to the nature of punishment. If Katz is correct in

suggesting that violence is usually not premeditated, but rather an emotional response to status threats with uncertain outcomes, then the eradication of violence involves targeting the manner in which status and identity are constructed and rewarded in the sport and society more generally. This may include educational campaigns designed to validate a multiplicity of identities in the game.

Method: Analytic Induction

The method of analytic induction was chosen for the study. This is a well-established and common technique used in qualitative analyses of human behaviour (Robinson, 1951; Katz,

1988; Mason, 1996; Berg, 2001; Gay and Airasian, 2003). This method requires that the researcher begins with a preliminary explanation of a given phenomenon and generates hypotheses to be tested against the data collected. It is a method that allows the researcher to test and revise an existing explanation of the behaviour of interest. In this case, the focus is on a deeper understanding of violence.

Interviews.

In order to achieve the central objective of the analysis, the study generated 39 interviews with male and female Canadian ice hockey players, coaches and administrators. Interviews were used because they were deemed to be the best way to obtain information on how players 179 construct their ice hockey identities. The use of interviews also allowed for insights into their experiences with violence. They were conducted until new insights were no longer forthcoming.

More specifically, interviewing stopped when participants were not providing more information about violent experiences or how they constructed their ice hockey identities and, as such, conceptual saturation had been achieved (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

Alternative methodological strategies.

The decision to use interviews was made because the explanation for righteous violence maintains that people construct identities of great importance to them. Indeed, their identity is who they are in society. When faced with the possibility that their identities are threatened, the likelihood of violence increases.

Personal interviews allowed for explanations of what these identities look like and how they are constructed by actors. Interviews also provided detailed descriptions leading to violent events which meant fighting. The intention behind asking players for their interpretations of others' behaviour was to avoid the problem of neutralization (Sykes & Matza, 1957) or self- justifying rhetoric.

Although it was concluded that in-depth, semi-structured interviews offered the greatest efficiency for inquiring into both of these processes, the use of additional techniques might aid in future evaluations of righteous violence. This perspective requires that researchers probe into individual motivations for behaviour that do not involve premeditation.

Observation of ice hockey games might help provide further information on violence in ways that personal interviews do not. Detailed observations of violent behaviour could be made by attending games as well as watching them on television in order to identify actions that 180 precede violence. Although this method alone would make it difficult to inquire into some aspects of identity formation, it could be used in conjunction with personal interviews and structured questionnaires. In sum, a triangulation of methodologies would likely increase the reliability and validity of studies into this area of inquiry.

Study Findings

Although Katz's (1988) righteous slaughter explanation was initially formulated to explain cold-blooded murder, it is also useful for investigating violence more generally. This is because self righteous violent behaviour is an emotional type of social action experienced by everyone at some point in their lives. Katz (1988) maintains that most murders are not the result of premeditation, but occur in the heat of the moment when people experience status threats.

When people endure humiliation, they can either accept the insult and feel shame, or refute it by invoking rage. Katz describes an incident when a male became enraged because his female sexual partner called out the name of a former lover during an intimate act, when a father became angry and killed his baby because of its persistent crying, and when people were driven to violence when their property rights were abrogated. Interacting with others and their environment more generally, people construct identities that are important enough to them that they will engage in violence to protect them.

Of course, many social theorists have pointed out that human agency cannot be simply reduced to rationality. According to Weber (1922), for instance, social action is an interactive endeavour involving more than one person and consists of traditional, affectual, instrumental as well as rational behaviour. Likewise, Parsons (1949) maintained that human behaviour is instrumental, but also expressive and moral. Finally, Habermas (1984) identified instrumental, 181 strategic, normative, dramaturgical and communicative types. McMullin (2004) notes that any given act may consist of more than one type of social action.

That rage leads to violence including murder may not seem to be a very startling claim, but this logic runs counter to the very foundation of Western criminal justice systems which consist of modifications to eighteenth classical theory (Taylor, Walton and Young, 1973).

Classical theorists believed that most crimes are self-interested acts involving considerable thought before they take place. Justice systems are designed to deter crime by punishing perpetrators and, not surprisingly, it is anticipated that criminals will attempt to avoid detection.

In stark contrast to such assumptions, Katz maintains that violence is emotional, not rational; that violent acts are spontaneous rather than premeditated; and that murder, the crime that carries the most serious punishment in most societies, is most frequently cleared by police due to the self- confession of the perpetrator. These people usually call the authorities before the police are aware of the crime.

In Canadian ice hockey, status threats are experienced differently depending upon the type of identity formed over time by players. As discussed in Chapter Four, toughness is an important attribute to possess. Some players are known to be marquee goal scorers and rarely engage in violent behaviour. They establish toughness by perseverance, determination and by ignoring the pain caused by injuries. In contrast, others construct their tough identities through physical action. When faced with status threats, they may feel the need to prove themselves to others by reacting violently to such threats.

Canadian ice hockey identities are constructed differently along the lines of gender. This is not surprising since males and females experience and respond to insults and aggression differently in the broader culture. For instance, Campbell (1993) maintains that aggression and 182 violence for women is the result of a lack of control, while for men, it is about asserting control

over others. Likewise, Mann (2003) argues that violence in the home perpetrated by females occurs less often and is qualitatively less severe compared to violence committed by males. It is often done in self-defence. Although female players reported that they frequently became angry with others, they maintained that the rules of the sport and the equipment they wear prevent outbursts of rage in the first place. There is little body contact to generate rage, and player equipment such as steel face cages make violent behaviour largely a futile endeavour.

Chapter Five revealed that most violence including fighting is situational. Players explained that violence occurs most often in the heat of the moment and is rarely planned.

Interviews demonstrated that when players reflected upon violent incidents, they generally recalled a physical act on the part of an opponent that they felt could not be ignored because it was so inflammatory.

This chapter also presented a typology of fighting that was generated in an inductive fashion. Male and female players were asked to recall an instance of fighting in a detailed manner. This question was posed with the intent of ascertaining whether their recollections were consistent with Katz's theory of righteous violence. The columns in Table 2 identify whether or not the fight was planned in advance of the game, while the rows indicate whether or not a status threat was evident. It was clear in the early stages of the research process that descriptions were usually consistent with the righteous violence perspective. This is because most of the participants described a social trigger that resulted in an explosion of anger on the ice that had not been planned in advance of the match. In many cases, this emotional process involved players who rarely fought in the past.

The typology also illustrates negative cases that were generated via the use of analytic 183 induction. While almost all players described what is here referred to as self-righteous fights, many participants also pointed out other reasons for fighting. Less often, they explained that status threats did not precede fights and that considerable planning was evident. Consequently, in addition to the self-righteous fight were the identification of the rivalry, career, enforcement and strategic fights respectively. The acknowledgement of these other types of fights illustrates the complex nature of violence, but does not indicate their frequency. Rather, they are the consequence of exhausting conceptual categories. While self-righteous fights were most common, the others were identified less often.

Finally, Chapter Five noted that females rarely fought. They were interviewed in order to provide a contrast with males. It was expected that there would be some fighting among women or that there would be some examples of violence. It was also assumed that such a sampling strategy would be consistent with the method of analytic induction as there might be more negative cases to be analyzed. It turned out that most female experiences with fighting occurred when they played alongside males. As noted in Chapter Five, righteous violence theory examines the motivation for behaviour. Given that there was little violent behaviour among females, there was little female motivation to investigate. This lack of behaviour is likely better explained by elements of feminist, critical, and control theories than by righteous violence theory alone.

This effort might entail an integration of righteous violence theory with power-control theory (Hagan & Gillis, 1985). Power-control theory suggests that male dominance in the workplace translates into power and control in the household. Girls in patriarchal families are less likely to possess a taste for risk and tend to have a higher perception of risk compared to girls in egalitarian families. It might be that such a dynamic affects social identity, status, and 184 "emotional logic" more generally (Katz, 1988).

Agency and Social Structure

This study has examined violence in Canadian ice hockey at the micro-level of analysis.

Micro-level sociological studies are those that analyze the nature of everyday social interactions between people. This is evident as much of the focus has been on how the social self develops and how individuals interpret events that take place on the ice. Self-righteous violence is characterized as behaviour perpetrated by individuals after they experience serious status threats from others. But, the concept of status is not only an individual characteristic. Defined as the most salient social characteristic of an individual, a person's master status is also affected by the larger society and not just the individual. This was demonstrated in Chapter Four in which the generation of the social self was explained as emerging within the larger society.

As such, this explanation of sports violence does not rule out macro-level forces as important in the causal chain. Much research has pointed out that class, race, and gender intersect in ways that affect violence in sports (see Theberge, 1995, Robidoux, 2004 and

Donnelly and Coakley, 2004). Donnelly and Coakley (2004, p. 195-6) maintain that males from lower-income, minority-group families are more likely to use intimidation, aggression and violence in order to command respect in sports settings.

Chapter Four explained that players need to possess and demonstrate toughness in order to play the sport. The attribute of toughness was depicted in decisively masculine terms, and this was true for both male and female players. Although masculinity is an individual character trait, it also exists at the macro-level of analysis. Many argue that masculinity is a hegemonic process that affects all males. Connell (1995, p. 71) defines gender as: 185 ... a way in which social practice is ordered. In gender processes, the

everyday conduct of life is organized in relation to a reproductive arena,

defined by the bodily structures and processes of human reproduction. This

arena includes sexual arousal and intercourse, childbirth and infant care,

bodily sex difference and similarity.

The characteristics of class, ethnicity and gender should be conceived of and analyzed as intermediate-level variables. This means that they are formulated by both individuals and society. In his theory of structuration, Giddens (1979) purports that human agency and social structure presuppose each other. This is because social structure is both the medium and the outcome of action. Put another way, human behaviour creates society, and society creates humans. Goffman made a similar argument, when he said that there existed an interaction order consisting of structure, process and human interaction (Charon 2001, p. 187-8). Just before his death, he also referred to the notion of social membranes (McMullin, 2004). That is, on the basis of their interactions, people develop thicker or thinner "skins" and have different abilities to resist the influence of social structures. In this analysis, gender and the social self are treated as intermediate-level variables and the interest has been on how emotions are influenced by these constructions.

Subculture

One strategy for constructing social explanations at the intermediate level of analysis has been to study deviant subcultures. In the 1960s and 1970s, it was common for sociologists to explain deviant behaviour by drawing attention to the influence of such subcultures (Downes and

Rock, 2003). This should not be surprising since sociology is, to an extent, an intermediate 186 discipline that attempts to bridge the division between individualistic and cultural explanations.

Yinger (1960) defines a subculture as a group that is unique in terms of its language, values, religion, diet, and style of life. Subcultures are unique, exist in opposition to the dominant culture, and are looked down upon by other members of society.

In subcultures, it is believed that there exist unique social processes that influence human behaviour in ways that deviate from the parent culture. In gangs, for example, individuals are able to eschew societal norms because the subgroup exerts a powerful socializing force.

Although the idea of a subculture may be useful to describe some sports, Crosset and Beal

(1997) believe it is used too often in describing sports settings.

This appears to be particularly relevant for a sport such as Canadian ice hockey. It seems more appropriate to characterize ice hockey as a cultural manifestation, rather than a subcultural product. It might be convenient to attribute violent behaviour to certain segments of society. If such behaviour appears to be unique, it is enticing to simply compartmentalize it to other less desirable parts of society. It is also relatively easy to blame a subculture than to look at the content of society.

The behaviour examined in this study is not indicative of subculture to the extent that subcultures are totalizing influences upon members. Although one comes across references to an ice hockey code (Bernstein, 2006), players explained that most violent incidents are not the result of following a code of conduct, but rather occur in the heat of the moment when they are not really thinking at all. A distinct code of behaviour would produce consensus among hockey participants and ascribe a measure of honour to those who violate the rules of the sport, but supposedly work within that code. However, this study showed that such a code is not formalized and that violence is much more likely to be prompted by individual interactions, 187 rather than by adherence to a prescribed subculture.

This study maintains that the emotional process causing rage in ice hockey is found throughout society and it is not entirely unique to sport. Sport does not exist in a vacuum, because fans affect the sport, as do the laws of the state. Just because behaviour may be unique to a particular setting, or group of people, does not mean that it is necessarily subcultural. There is considerable resistance to efforts to eliminate violence, which may be deemed a cultural influence. Young (2000) has noted that the use of the courts to constrain sporting violence has been rare and this might be, in part, because the game is a cultural product.

After players engage in violence, it might be tempting to perceive their explanations for behaviour as justifications for inappropriate conduct. For example, when players hit others from behind, swing their sticks at others, or fight, these events could be interpreted as evidence of pre­ existing violent desires. As well, their explanations may be interpreted as ways to neutralize any societal constraints. Sykes and Matza (1957) maintained that techniques of neutralization are frequently employed to free the offender to engage in crime and deviance. As well, Matza

(1964) held that neutralization allows people to drift back and forth into from conventional to rule-breaking activity. Sykes and Matza (1957) constructed the notion of neutralization because they were not convinced by subcultural theories (Topalli, 2005). They believed that criminals were aware of and were influenced by conventional values. As such, Matza once stated: "The subculture of delinquency is not a delinquent subculture" (1964). In other words, the behaviour of subcultural members cannot be blamed on norms constructed at the subcultural level. A similar viewpoint has been expressed by Kornhauser (1975). Finally, there is also confusion about when neutralization takes place. Hirschi (1969) indicates that Sykes and Matza are inconsistent about whether neutralization occurs before or after deviant conduct. 188 Although neutralization techniques may accompany crime and deviance, this does not mean that they are necessarily components of the causal chain of ice hockey violence since correlation is merely one aspect of causation (McClendon, 1994). In this study, many players reported that they did not enjoy fighting, and as one coach pointed out, many players quit the sport as a result of such aggression. Fighting was described as a necessary evil. Such explanations are not consistent with subcultural forces requiring the use of techniques of neutralization. As well, many players and coaches were comfortable with having a lengthy conversation about violence and aggressiveness in the sport. If people are trying to neutralize guilt, it would seem illogical to wish to examine and carefully discuss this behaviour.

The Inevitability of Ice Hockey Violence

Although there is no consensus about whether exposure to violence increases the risk of engaging in such behaviour (Brannigan, 2004), Fleras (2001) argues that viewing violence may increase peoples' fears of being victimized. Agnew (2006) has suggested that people are more likely to be violent if they experience violence vicariously and Bloom and Smith (1996) believe that there is a danger of violence on the ice spilling into society. As children experience sport by playing and watching the game, they may perceive violence to be an acceptable behaviour. As such, there is good reason to be concerned about violence in the sport. This is true even at the professional levels where the NHL is struggling to market the game in new markets which may be less receptive to violent play (see Bellamy and Shultz 2006; Mason 2006).

Although participants were concerned about violent incidents that result in serious harm to others, they did not believe that simple rule changes would be sufficient to reduce the frequency of these incidents. When players were asked about the possibility of eradicating or 189 significantly reducing current levels of violence and fighting from the game, most did not feel that this was likely, even with significant rule changes, although they agreed that holding and interference has decreased in the "New NHL" and junior leagues. If there can be decreases in these type of infractions, it seems possible that violent behaviour could be reduced as well.

Some suggested that violence simply exists throughout all societies that have stringent rules punishing it, so the sport of hockey should not be expected to be any different.

Many argued that the only viable way of significantly reducing violent behaviour would be to eliminate all physical contact between players. However, doing so, they felt, would make the game much less interesting and entertaining because it would resemble "shinny hockey" or mere "street hockey". Although physical contact was regarded as a key stimulus for violence, many believed that physical contact also reduced much violence. This is because it was deemed to be a legal way for players to unleash their aggression and any attempts to reduce this contact would have latent negative side-effects. Many participants argued that fighting averted more harm than it caused.

Many players, coaches and administrators viewed the game of ice hockey in structural functionalist logic. The structural functionalist approach maintains that crime and deviance may be regarded as functional, especially when sanctioned (Pfohl, 1994). Punishment tends to set moral and ethical boundaries, it enhances group solidarity by bringing together both those who oppose and those who support the punishment put in place, and it can also be innovative because it has the tendency to revise its rules in response to new environmental changes. Finally, deviance reduces tensions in society because individuals are scapegoated. Deviance allows people to "let off steam" (Pfohl, 1994, p. 226). As mentioned in Chapter 2, such logic is problematic, because it is tautological, teleological and supports the status quo. In this case, the 190 solution to the problem of violence is argued to be violence itself.

Litigation

Athletes do not only experience violence at the hands of other players. They frequently find themselves participating in exploitive workplaces (Young, 1993). Managers of sports organizations have intentionally dehydrated players in efforts to toughen them up, required them to play even when seriously injured, and expected them to remain silent under such conditions.

Despite such intolerable environments, sports organizations have rarely been sued by players.

The absence of sports litigation cases has meant that this continues to be an evolving area of law and judgements against sports participants are uncommon. Young (2004) maintains, however, that player litigation is becoming more common.

Given these circumstances, it might not be surprising that participants in this study were ambivalent about turning to the courts for criminal or civil justice. Most hoped that there would be no need for legal action and that violence could be handled appropriately by ice hockey administrators. Many players argued that participants should learn to deal with their own problems without turning to outside control agents. Some were concerned that legal interference might ultimately produce too much fear for those playing the sport due to frivolous suits. Many maintained that players must accept a measure of personal risk when entering the sport, while some did accept that litigation was appropriate for exceptional events.

Moral judgements about violence are generated by people both inside and outside of the sport of hockey. This is because games are broadcast via the mass media into peoples' living rooms. As such, ice hockey does not exist in isolation to the larger society. As Harvey (2006) notes, ice hockey in North America is an important cultural product. Consequently, debates 191 about fighting in Canadian ice hockey can be regarded as cultural contests. Unlike other sports such as American football, soccer and baseball, violence in ice hockey is tolerated, and many participants will say that fighting is simply part of the game. As hockey legend Wayne Gretzky once stated, "hockey is the only team sport in the world that actually encourages fighting" (cited in Coakley and Donnelly, 2004, p. 193). Others suggested that violence is difficult to define, identify, and, as such, hard to control.

Statements explaining violent behaviour made by perpetrators may appear to be rationalizations for behaviour. They are, however, interpreted quite differently from a righteous violence perspective. If taken at face value, they reveal the seductive quality of violence that people would rather ignore and avoid. As well, they demonstrate that the impetus towards violent behaviour is a characteristic of our culture.

For Katz (1988), data obtained by the criminal justice system offers considerable information into the seductive quality of violent crime. For example, he argues that a fascinating feature of self-righteous slaughter is the fact that assailants are rather easy to catch and punish.

While it should not be surprising that murderers are more likely to be arrested since their crimes are far more serious than property crimes, Katz suggests that it is not the seriousness of the crime or the persistence of the police that results in assailants often being captured. Rather, it is because perpetrators frequently turn themselves in by calling the police and make hysterical confessions. They are aware that they have violated the law, but do not accept that they have done wrong. Their actions are not in doubt as actus reus (guilty act) is well-established and mens rea (guilty mind) is usually apparent (Gomme, 2002). That is, perpetrators acknowledge that they have violated the laws of the state. At the same time, they feel that they are upholding community standards and performing the "Good". It is illegal to kill another, but killing is 192 understood and even accepted given certain circumstances.

These facts refute the contention that serious acts of violence are planned. Given that the most violent of crimes carry the most serious of repercussions, it is logical for people to flee the law. Most perpetrators do not and when they face the law in court, judges and juries frequently acquit defendants. Katz believes that this is because they can appreciate that people can occasionally be overcome by their emotions.

This reasoning contributes to the existing body of knowledge regarding the lack of litigation by sports participants (see Smith 1983; Young 1993; Young 2000; Coakley and

Donnelly 2004). As there have been relatively few cases of litigation, laws in this area are underdeveloped. The courts are unclear as to what constitutes acceptable levels of violence on the ice. As well, when players register to play the game, it is assumed that they accept a measure of risk of violence taking place and the range of violence on the ice is quite broad.

Consequently, there have been few cases of successful player litigation in North America.

This study suggests, however, that the current lack of clarity on these legal matters is also due to the fact that the emotional processes at work on the ice exist throughout society. It is difficult to successfully prosecute cases of homicide because judges and juries are able to appreciate the experiences of offenders. Katz (1988) notes, that in cases of righteous slaughter, it is often difficult to tell the perpetrator from the victim without knowing the outcome of their interaction. This is because victims are known to taunt, tease and provoke their attackers. If this is the case in society generally, it should not be surprising that confusion exists for lesser offences in sports settings. This may explain why many players, coaches and administrators assertively stated that since there is much violence in society, hockey arenas are unlikely to differ in this regard. While behaviour is more carefully monitored during sports competitions, there is also considerable body contact which has been demonstrated to increase the likelihood of participants becoming enraged.

Limitations of Righteous Violence

Much has been gained through this analysis of violence in sport. Examination of interview data using the method of analytic induction suggests that violence is not simply a rational, premeditated act, but is more often an emotional response to insults that take place in the heat of the moment. As such, Katz's theory of righteous violence is applicable. This explanation, however, is not exhaustive and it requires some modification. This is because some participants admitted that they were aware of planned violence. For example, one participant explained that his teammate had called a friend playing for an opposing team, to arrange a fight.

Several players described how fights took place to secure spots on teams, and others pointed out that fights occurred when enforcers were fulfilling their roles. Finally, another noted that sometimes fights were the culmination of players simply feeling frustrated about personal problems and they were prepared to behave violently.

It is, at the time of physical confrontation and frustration, difficult to refute claims that premeditation is involved in violence. Clearly, the mind is still at work and thought processes occur. Citing passages of interviews inevitably leaves the impression that participants give considerable thought before they act even though this is not the case. The challenge posed by premeditation is made even more troublesome because some might be inclined to conflate rationality with thoughts experienced while enraged. This study, however, purports that significant deliberation is not involved in most acts of violence. As well, it is unlikely that males are likely to express how they reacted when they experience status threats. It is likely that males 194 in such a setting are unwilling to admit vulnerability even if it exists.

It is also difficult to entirely eliminate subcultural effects. Sports are affected by parent culture forces including gendered relations, but they are also unique. In fact, Coakley and

Donnelly explain that violence can be explained by overconformity to the sports ethic (2009, p. 155-6). While Katz offers an individualistic, micro-sociological approach that needs to be linked with structures such as gender, it does not specify the influence of subcultural forces. The theory should be revised with an emphasis on subculture. Patriarchal forces should also be more clearly identified in order to fully explain how status and identity develop in women and men.

Positive Social Change

Although players were pessimistic about prospects for reducing violence in the sport, they also noted that the game already appears to be undergoing significant changes. For example, most were impressed by "The New NHL". Although the rules of the sport have not changed significantly in this league, they are enforced more stringently for infractions such as holding, high sticking, checking from behind and interference. Because of this new emphasis on rule enforcement, the speed of the game has increased, and slower players with fewer skills and more brawn are deemed less valuable. As such, the role of the enforcer has somewhat diminished. This is because many enforcers develop their ability to fight well, but frequently lack speed, the ability to pass well and score goals.

These changes suggest that reductions in levels of violence are possible. In order to reduce violent behaviour, the theory of self-righteous violence (Katz, 1988) would suggest that the stimuli responsible for violence need to be eliminated. This is not an easy task since peoples' identities are important in the causal chain. Such a change requires that players and coaches, as 195 well as the media, place greater emphasis extolling the virtues of players who develop identities stressing talent and skill rather than those engaging in violence.

Changing this aspect of the game may allow for a greater diversity of players in the sport.

A female player with considerable coaching experience argued that many male players stop playing the game because of this violence even if they have considerable talent to offer. She noted that the men's and women's games were quite different because females had greater opportunities to develop their playing skills, while males had to spend too much time monitoring the play in order to avoid being checked hard and injured as a result. Over time, pressures to demonstrate their toughness accelerate and resistance to this type of masculinity diminishes. At higher levels of the game, the players remaining in the sport exhibit what Young (1993) refers to as hypermasculinity. Such a finding is also consistent with work conducted by Connell (1995) where it is acknowledged that there are different types of masculinity that vary significantly in terms of their behaviour including the ability to exert their will upon others.

Administrators were convinced that not much more could be accomplished over what they are currently doing to control players and the game. When violent incidents erupt, they collect evidence by talking to witnesses and administer appropriate punishments. They noted that implementing overly severe punishments would not have the desired effect of helping players develop in personal terms. This does not mean that efforts to improve the game are destined for failure.

Because Katz (1988) purports that violence is a reaction to humiliation, it is logical to assume that a reduction in violence requires a reduction in the behaviour that produces these negative emotions. A coach with considerable experience argued that hockey leagues should enforce two-step checking. That is, when players check each other, they are only allowed to take 196 two strides before they initiate contact with others. If this initiative were implemented, there would be a significant reduction in players' velocity when they make contact with others and the probability of injuring them. As a result, there would be fewer occasions for team mates to intervene and fight the instigators. As demonstrated in Chapter Five, many players explained that violence took place when they have received a cheap shot. This suggestion is certainly not radical as it simply requires that officials apply existing rules more stringently.

Another change that could be made would be to alter the design of the physical environment. Several times, it was noted that hostility that began on the ice spilled over into other areas of the arena. Often, this was because players came into contact with angry fans when they were sent to their dressing rooms after engaging in inappropriate conduct. In order to address this problem, players should be escorted by staff when ejected from games so that they cannot return to fight with those who are still playing. Although it is not easy to change arenas, some have used tarps that cover entrances to the ice to separate fans and players.

It might be appealing to simply increase the length of suspensions in order to deter violent conduct. Violence is less common in leagues where longer suspensions are dispensed.

For example, participants of women's, college and university hockey play fewer games every year. Because they play fewer games each year, suspensions for violent conduct are often proportionately greater compared to leagues where more games are played.

Increasing the length of suspensions in order to reduce violence was not embraced among participants in this study. This was particularly true for administrators. While such rejections might appear to defy common-sense and lead investigators to conclude that administrators are simply reluctant to punish rule-violation in the sport, they are treated quite differently from a righteous violence perspective. The self righteous approach (Katz, 1988) does not share the classical theory explanation for deviant behaviour and punishment. That is, it rejects the idea that people simply rationally calculate units of pain and pleasure before acting. Consequently, it also does not accept that rationally calculated punishment will be effective. This is true even if punishment is certain, delivered swiftly and its severity carefully determined. This is because offenders are acting according to emotional logic and not rational logic.

It might be emotionally seductive to impose harsher penalties upon deviants. The payoff, however, is not in deterrence, but in retribution. This demonstrates a tremendous contradiction in Canadian punishment policies. While the seductive nature of crime is often eschewed, calls for severe punishment illustrate the seductive aspects of retribution.

Conclusion

Violence is fascinating because it is both repulsive and seductive at the same time (Katz,

1988). While it is generally regarded as uncivil, it is also accepted as an unfortunate reality of any given society. Although it disturbs, frightens and offends, violence also tends to intrigue and allure and is, consequently, the subject of many novels, movies and news stories. Donnelly and

Coakley (2009) define violence as the use of excessive physical force, which causes or has the potential to cause harm or destruction. It appears to be defined by them as a rational, strategic type of behaviour. This study of ice hockey suggests that it is an emotional product and aggression is rational-strategic (Katz, 1988; Katz, 1999). Moreover, violence is seductive to the actor and attempts to separate emotion from action will produce partial explanations for why violence exists.

The study of sport offers sociologists with many insights into social behaviour. Sports 198 settings contain all types of social action including conformist and deviant behaviour. Players construct unique identities by interacting with their physical environment, fans, coaches and other players. They often experience labelling while navigating the sports terrain. In the

Canadian ice hockey arena, violence is not uncommon even though it violates the rules of the game and is sanctioned by governing bodies and at times, even by the courts. Sports offer sociologists with opportunities to better understand why people engage in violence. They also offer sociologists with significant opportunities to employ a variety of methodological strategies.

Personal interviews, self-report questionnaires, content analysis and observation studies may be used to better understand human behaviour.

It is not uncommon to hear people say that Canadian ice hockey violence including fighting puts "bums in seats." The suggestion is that violence is exciting, alluring and seductive.

Violence alone, however, is not enough to sell tickets. Violence also elicits negative reactions from many and these reactions present the possibility of hampering marketing strategies particularly in places where the sport is not yet well established. As well, there are other sports such as boxing where violence is more prevalent.

People are also turned off by inauthentic fighting. As Coakely and Donnelly (2004) point out, the XFL was ultimately unsuccessful in financial terms. Although it contained much violence, this was insufficient to sustain the league. The point is that although violence in the sport of ice hockey stirs fans, it is argued here that the game itself is what is most enjoyable for onlookers.

Future research should use the multitude of methodological techniques to examine how

'race' and ethnicity may affect the likelihood of engaging in self-righteous violence (Katz,

1988). If 'race' is socially constructed in ways that affect the use of intimidation, aggression and 199 violence, it would be useful to understand how it is connected to self-righteousness. Further research should also include the analysis of other possible variables that lead to rage and how to prevent violence in the sport.

This study has largely focused on violence in Canadian ice hockey. As a result of this analysis, readers may conclude that the sport offers participants very little else. This is certainly not the case. All participants in this study explained how passionate they were about the sport as well as the pleasure it gave them. They enjoyed playing the game and giving back to it by coaching or officiating. Administrators and coaches vigorously defended the game and its reputation because they felt that they were providing valuable service to youth and the community more generally. Most coaches and administrators argued that they helped many troubled youth who were able to obtain a better sense of right and wrong. As mentioned in

Chapter Three, the sport of ice hockey is run, in large part, by volunteers who put significant effort into their endeavours. Ice hockey is an exciting part of our culture and it should not be entirely surprising when passions lead to people crossing the line into unwanted behaviour. It is hoped that this examination into the exciting sport of ice hockey contributes to improving the game. 200 References

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(pp. 108-127). London: Sage. 217 Appendix A. Male and Female Participation in Hockey Canada, 2007*

Men # Women # Total

Minor Hockey 471,572 Minor Hockey 73,791 545,363 British Columbia Hockey (BC) 37,748 British Columbia Hockey 6,355 44,103 (BC) Hockey Alberta 53,997 Hockey Alberta 6,956 60,953 Saskatchewan Hockey 24,008 Saskatchewan Hockey 3,949 27,957 Association Association Hockey Manitoba 19,973 Hockey Manitoba 3,769 23,742 Hockey Northern Ontario 4,615 Hockey Northern Ontario 408 5,023 Ontario Hockey Federation 172,993 Ontario Hockey Federation 38,539 211,532 Ottawa District Hockey 24,063 Ottawa District Hockey 943 25,006 Association Association Hockey Quebec 90,304 Hockey Quebec 6,165 96,469 Hockey Nova Scotia 15.508 Hockey Nova Scotia 2,261 17,769 Prince Edward Island 4,530 Prince Edward Island 1,403 5,933 Hockey New Brunswick 12,831 Hockey New Brunswick 1,651 14,482 Hockey North 2,869 Hockey North 707 3,576 Hockey Newfoundland and 7,596 Hockey Newfoundland 685 8,281 Labrador and Labrador * Hockey Canada http://www.hockevcanada.ca/2/3/9/5/2/indexl.shtml 218 Appendix B. Interview Guideline for Administrators FacesheetI (Questions for Administrators) / would like to thank you for your help with my research on the sport of hockey. It is greatly appreciated. As a former minor hockey player, I have some knowledge about the rules of the sport, but I would like to hear from a variety of different sources about how the sport works at higher levels. The intention of this interview is to get a better understanding of how players and other important people involved in the sport deal with wanted and unwanted aggression and the goal is to be as objective as possible about this topic. Anything you say will be kept completely confidential. There are no right or wrong answers to the questions that will be asked of you. To begin, I have a few background questions.

Background Questions 1. What is your age ? 2. Sex. 3. What is your ethnicity? 4. In what city/town/region did you grow up? 5. Education. 6. What is your current position? 7. For how long? 8. Are you a former player? (identify previous hockey experience)

Research Questions

Theme: Aggression. 9. Aggression, both wanted and unwanted, exists in many organized sports (i.e. baseball, football, soccer). What is it about hockey that has created its reputation for being an aggressive sport?

10. Would you say that it is a reputation earned or one that has been given to the sport rather unfairly?

11. When aggressive behaviour takes place on the ice, do you think it is due to the nature of the game or is it because of a few individuals who are really aggressive?

12. Is it fair to call hockey a violent sport?

13. Do you think that there is a place for aggression in hockey?

14. When might it be appropriate for players to be aggressive? (Examples)?

15. Can violent behaviour be completely eliminated from the sport?

16. If violence could be eliminated or even almost eliminated from the sport, what would need to happen to get rid of it?

Theme: League reactions to aggression. 17. What have professional and amateur hockey leagues done about issues of serious aggression in the sport? 18. Do you think they have been very effective in dealing with wanted aggression?

19. What have they done to try and curb violence specifically?

20. Do referees have sufficient tools to curb aggressive behaviour that is violent?

21. Might tougher punishments issued by hockey leagues be enough to curb violence?

22. If so, what would tougher punishments look like? (i.e. longer suspensions, fines)?

Theme: Issues of litigation.

23. Can hockey leagues deal with issues of wanted and unwanted aggression alone, internally?

24. Can you think of something that they can do internally about this matter, but are not yet doing?

25. Do you think that there are times when players should deal with violence in the courts?

26. What do you think is the effect generally, of players litigating in the courts?

Theme: Violence and fans.

27. Are hockey leagues affected by fans? If so, how?

28. Do you think violence is less tolerated today than in previous decades (say the 1970's)?

29. How do you think fans affect the play of the game?

30. On the whole, do you feel paying fans contribute to levels of violence?

Theme: Conclusion.

31. What do you think of the New NHL?

32. Who should I bet on to win the Stanley Cup this year? Inside tips are most welcome!

Once again, I would like to really thank you for answering my questions. 220 Post-interview comment sheet I Jot down field notes about the interview itself. In the space below, indicate the time of the interview, its emotional tone, any particular difficulties (personal or methodological) that were encountered and insights and reflections about the interview.

(use other side if needed) 221 Appendix C. Interview Guideline for Coaches Facesheet II (Questions for Coaches) / would like to thank you for your help with my research on the sport of hockey. It is greatly appreciated. As a former minor hockey player, I have some knowledge about the rules of the sport, but I would like to hear from a variety of different sources about how the sport works at higher levels. The intention of this interview is to get a better understanding of how players and other important people involved in the sport deal with wanted and unwanted aggression and the goal is to be as objective as possible about this topic. Anything you say will be kept completely confidential. There are no right or wrong answers to the questions that will be asked of you. To begin, I have a few background questions.

Background Questions 1. What is your age? 2. Sex. 3. What is your ethnicity? 4. In what city/town/region did you grow up? 5. Education. 6. What team do you coach?(indicate team and league i.e. WHL) 7. For how long? 8. Are you a former player? (identify previous hockey experience)

Research Questions

Theme: Aggression. 9. Aggression, both wanted and unwanted, exists in many organized sports (i.e. baseball, football, soccer). What is it about hockey that has created its reputation for being an aggressive sport?

10. Would you say that it is a reputation earned or one that has been given to the sport unfairly?

11. When aggressive behaviour takes place on the ice, do you think it is due to the nature of the game or is it because of a few individuals who are really aggressive?

12. Is it fair to call hockey a violent sport?

13. Do you think that there is a place for aggression in hockey?

14. When might it be appropriate for players to be aggressive? (Examples)?

15. Can violent behaviour be completely eliminated from the sport?

16. If violence could be eliminated or even almost eliminated from the sport, what would need to happen to get rid of it?

Theme: Coaching. 17. Do hockey coaches in general believe that establishing a physical dominance over an opposing team is beneficial? 18. How precisely might it potentially benefit a team?

19. How might establishing a physical dominance over another team help your team win?

20. How do you exert a measure of control over the players on your team? 21. Do you find it difficult to stop players from behaving violently?

22. What can you do to stop them from violent behaviour?

Theme: League reactions to wanted and unwanted aggression. 23. What have professional and amateur hockey leagues done about issues of serious aggression in sport?

24. Do you think they have been very effective in dealing with wanted aggression?

25. What have they done to try and curb violence specifically?

26. Do referees have sufficient tools to curb aggressive behaviour that is violent?

27. Might tougher punishments issued by hockey leagues be enough to curb violence?

28. If so, what would tougher punishments look like? (i.e. longer suspensions, fines)?

Theme: Issues of litigation.

29. Can hockey leagues deal with issues of wanted and unwanted aggression alone, internally?

30. Can you think of something that they can do internally about this matter, but are not yet doing?

31. Do you think that there are times when players should deal with violence in the courts?

32. What do you think is the effect generally, of players litigating in the courts?

Theme: Violence and fans.

33. Are hockey leagues affected by fans? How so?

34. Do you think violence is less tolerated today than in previous decades (say the 1970's)?

3 5. How do you think fans affect the play of the game?

36. On the whole, do you feel paying fans contribute to levels of violence?

Theme: Conclusion.

37. What do you think of the New NHL?

38. Who should I bet on to win the Stanley Cup this year? Inside tips are most welcome!

Once again, I would like to really thank you for answering my questions. 223

Post-interview comment sheet II Jot down field notes about the interview itself. In the space below, indicate the time of the interview, its emotional tone, any particular difficulties (personal or methodological) that were encountered and insights and reflections about the interview.

(use other side if needed) 224 Appendix D. Interview Guideline for Players Facesheet III (Questions for Players) / would like to thank you for your help with my research on the sport of hockey. It is greatly appreciated. As a former minor hockey player, I have some knowledge about the rules of the sport, but I would like to hear from a variety of different sources about how the sport works at higher levels. The intention of this interview is to get a better understanding of how players and other important people involved in the sport deal with wanted and unwanted aggression and the goal is to be as objective as possible about this topic. Anything you say will be kept completely confidential. There are no right or wrong answers to the questions that will be asked of you.

To begin, I have a few background questions.

Background Questions 1. What is your age? 2. Sex. 3. What is your ethnicity? 4. In what city/town/region did you grow up? 5. Education. 6. Current league.

Research Questions

Theme: Aggression. 7. Aggression, both wanted and unwanted, exists in many organized sports (i.e. baseball, football, soccer). What is it about hockey that has created its reputation for being an aggressive sport?

8. Would you say that it is a reputation that has been earned or given to the sport unfairly?

9. When aggressive behaviour takes place on the ice, do you think it is due to the nature of the game or is it because of a few individuals who are really aggressive?

10. Is it fair to call hockey a violent sport?

11. Do you think that there is a place for aggression in hockey?

12. When might it be appropriate for players to be aggressive? (Examples)?

13. Can violent behaviour be completely eliminated from the sport?

14. In your opinion, do hockey coaches in general believe that establishing a physical dominance over an opposing team is beneficial?

15. Why might it be considered beneficial?

Theme: Dramaturgy. 16. Do hockey players put out effort to try and be known as tough?

17. Please identify the particularly tough players in your League. 18. How exactly do they exhibit toughness?

19. What do you think might be the advantages of being known as tough?

Theme: Experience with aggression. 20. Approximately, how many fights have you witnessed thus far in your career? (1-10; 11-20; 21-30; 30+). Circle the appropriate range. 21. When you think about these fights, do you think that they all happened for pretty much the same reasons or are all they all unique? How did they differ?

22. Would you please describe the events which lead up to one of the last fights you have witnessed? What specifically caused the fight to occur; how did it end?

23. Can you recall any acts of serious aggression that were planned in advance?

Theme: Issues of litigation.

24. Can hockey leagues deal with issues of wanted and unwanted aggression alone, internally?

25. Can you think of something that they can do internally about this matter, but are not yet doing?

26. Do you think that there are times when players should deal with violence in the courts?

27. What do you think is the effect generally, of players litigating in the courts?

Theme: Violence and fans.

28. Are hockey leagues affected by fans? How so?

29. Do you think violence is less tolerated today than in previous decades (say the 1970's)?

30. How do you think fans affect the play of the game?

31. On the whole, do you feel paying fans contribute to levels of violence? 32. If violence could be eliminated or even almost eliminated from the sport, what would need to happen to get rid of it? Theme: Conclusion.

3 3. What do you think of the New NHL ?

34. Who should I bet on to win the Stanley Cup this year? Inside tips are most welcome!

Once again, I would like to really thank you for answering my questions. 226 Post-interview comment sheet III Jot down field notes about the interview itself. In the space below, indicate the time of the interview, its emotional tone, any particular difficulties (personal or methodological) that were encountered and insights and reflections about the interview.

(use other side if needed) 227 Appendix E: Informed Consent Form Informed Consent Form Name of Researcher, Faculty, Department, Telephone & Email: Supervisor: Steve Dumas Dr. Kevin M. Young Faculty of Social Sciences Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Sociology Department of Sociology Phone: 220-2701 Phone: 220-6504 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected]

Title of Project: Reading the Play: Interpreting Deviance in North American Ice Hockey.

Sponsor: This project is funded by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) grant obtained by Dr. Kevin M. Young (University of Calgary) and Dr. Michael Atkinson (University of Western Ontario).

This consent form, a copy of which has been given to you, is only part of the process of informed consent. If you want more details about something mentioned here, or information not included here, you should feel free to ask. Please take the time to read this carefully and to understand any accompanying information.

The University of Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board has approved this research study.

Purpose of the Study: The main purpose of this study is to better understand wanted and unwanted aggression in North American ice hockey. What causes players to become angry and act aggressively towards other players? In order to better understand why this happens in hockey, I will interview people closely connected to the game. You were chosen as a result of your experiences with the sport. Your participation in this study is greatly appreciated.

What Will I Be Asked To Do? Should you choose to participate in this study, you will be asked about your experiences with hockey. I would like to know about the informal rules of North American ice hockey. What kinds of wanted and unwanted incidents of aggression have you experienced/witnessed? There is one interview to complete and it will take approximately 45 minutes. Your participation is strictly voluntary and you may choose to withdraw from the study at any point in time without any kind of penalty. There is no penalty, financial or otherwise, for withdrawing from this study and there is no financial reward for participating. The researcher will make every effort to ensure that all those who choose to participate and be interviewed are treated with respect, consideration, and patience.

What Type of Personal Information Will Be Collected? If you choose to participate in this study, you will be asked for some personal information. This will include your name, sex/gender, age and race/ethnicity. All of your information will be kept confidential. Your information will be kept confidential and a pseudonym will be used if you wish. Interview information will be collected using digital audio recordings and be kept confidential and anonymous when transferring the information to software/paper. 228

There are several options for you to consider if you decide to take part in this research. You can choose some or none of them. Please put a check mark on the corresponding line(s) that grants me your permission to:

I grant permission to be audio recorded: Yes: No:

I wish to remain anonymous: Yes: No:

I wish to remain anonymous, but you may refer to me by a pseudonym: Yes: No:

The pseudonym I choose for myself is:

Are There Any Risks or Benefits if I Participate? All research projects at the University of Calgary are required to undergo evaluation to ensure that no harm is done to participants that agree to engage in research projects. I suspect that you are better aware of the potential risks than I am and that you will decide on that basis what information to provide. Be advised that some questions may be uncomfortable for you to answer and that it is your right to withdraw from the study at any point in time, or to decline to answer any question posed. Every effort will be made to ensure that you are treated with respect for the insight that you have to offer in your participation in the study. You will not be paid as part of your participation in the study. If you wish to review transcriptions made of your interview, or view the final copy of my Ph.D dissertation, please feel free to ask.

What Happens to the Information I Provide? Should you choose to participate in this study, your participation is completely voluntary and confidential. You are free to withdraw from the project at any time. If you choose to end the interview, you will be given the option to have your interview recording immediately destroyed, or you may choose to have your interview, up to the point of withdrawal, transcribed and used in the study. No one except my supervisor and I will have access to the audio recordings made or hear any statement made by you. The recordings will be kept in a locked filing cabinet at the researcher's residence. When the information is transferred from the original audio recording to software or paper, a pseudonym rather than your real name will be used. This information will be maintained until the analysis is complete. Although your personal information will be kept anonymous, I may publish this information for scholarly purposes.

As with any project of this kind, there is the chance that your responses may reveal clues as to your identity or that people may simply guess as to who the respondents are. All possible steps will be taken to protect your identity and to keep your responses confidential. You will be thanked for your participation and given a copy of this informed consent document for your records.

Signatures (written consent) 229 Your signature on this form indicates that you 1) understand to your satisfaction the information provided to you about your participation in this research project, and 2) agree to participate as a research subject. In no way does this waive your legal rights nor release the investigators, sponsors, or involved institutions from their legal and professional responsibilities. You are free to withdraw from this research project at any time. You should feel free to ask for clarification or new information throughout your participation.

Participant's Name: (please print)_

Participant's Signature: Date:

Researcher's Name: (please print)

Researcher's Signature: Date:

Questions/Concerns: If you have any further questions or want clarification regarding this project and/or your participation, please contact: Steve Dumas Dr. Kevin M. Young Department of Sociology Department of Sociology The University of Calgary The University of Calgary Phone: 403-220-2701 Phone: 220-6504 Email: [email protected] Email: kyoung(a>ucalgary.ca

If you have any concerns about the way you've been treated as a participant, please contact Bonnie Scherrer, Ethics Resource Officer, Research Services Office, University of Calgary at (403) 220-3782; email bonnie. scherrer(g),ucalgary. ca.

A copy of this consent form has been given to you to keep for your records and reference. The investigator has kept a copy of the consent form.