Bringing the past back to the future: The politics of memory on the example of Yugonostalgia

Anita Dremel, PhD and Andrea Zekić

Abstract In this paper our aim is to analyse the contemporary cultural phenomenon of Yugonostalgia in with respect to the countervailing positions taken up by different theorists of nostalgia regarding the present politics of a nostalgic attitude to the past. In other words, our objective is to study Yugonostalgia in Croatia with regard to its conservative and restorative versus emancipating and reflective potentials and effects. We will look into different nostalgic representations of the past with the sociological interest in the problem of power and the potential to subvert it, leaning against the method of grounded theory construction rather than the testing of pre-formulated hypotheses. We will thereby draw from Svetlana Boym's (2001) concepts of restorative and reflective nostalgia, Dubravka Ugrešić's notions of terror of forgetting and terror of remembering, and several social theory contributions regarding nostalgia (e.g. Stauth and Turner, 1988; Frederic Jameson and Walter Benjamin). We will accentuate that nostalgia is a way of knowing the world and give a connected critique of deep-structure patriarchy that can be found under many forms of both Yugonostalgia and its criticism, pointing that way to a perspective that opens up the possibility to view nostalgia as resonating even if not manifestly in numerous themes and fields of study in social sciences, culture theory and humanities.

Key Words: nostalgia, past, Yugonostalgia, Croatia, war, post socialism, transition.

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1. Introduction This paper analyses the phenomenon of Yugonostalgia in Croatia. The concept of nostalgia is treated as a collective symptom. Any public mention of Yugonostalgia in Croatia causes turbulent reactions, because people are torn between two ideological camps.1 This strong polarization is one of our focal interests, and we aim to point at its ideological roots stemming from the cultural heritage of World War II. Relevant questions thereby are who is nostalgic and what they are nostalgic for, how this type of nostalgia is manifested and externalized and why it is so present currently, at times of neoliberal modernization of Eastern Europe.2 Yugonostalgia is nowadays like a wave of the past that floods not only Croatia but also other former Yugoslav republics. Yugonostalgia as a sociological and cultural phenomenon implies idealizing of the overall political, economic and 2 Bringing the Past Back to the Future ______cultural situation of the former republic and its leader Tito, being thus also called Titostalgia.3 Despite the fact that many people have positive nostalgic stories about the past, Yugonostalgia is also often seen as a negative and offensive term. Yugonostalgia is thus one force within the ideological matrix, participating in the politics of memory and being a possible agent of both hegemonization and subversion. Croatia, since 2013 the 28th member state of the EU, is a sovereign country, still in certain respects in transition, with a modern market economy.4 At the very beginning of its formation, Croatia was faced with the consequences of war devastation and economic, political and social crisis connected with refugees and displaced persons. The social processes of constructing a democratic republic have been, especially in the 1990s but still today, characterized by corruption - and the end of it does not seem to be very near.5 The bloody political transformation brought challenges connected to the globalization of the post-communist territory and the development of adequate social policy.6 All this has led to the fact that, although the war finished 20 years ago, its consequences can still be seen today. Economic downturn, brain drain, low employment rate, especially of young people, high level of poverty and displacement of population unfortunately describe the present situation in Croatia and also in other former Yugoslav republics.7 Such severe social, economic and political situation can help explain the appearance of intense nostalgic feelings for the past, but the situation with nostalgia is far more complex. We aim to look at Yugonostalgia as an attitude to the past which speaks of the present situation, participating in the struggle for power in the current Croatian context. To broaden the potential of analysing the effects nostalgia, we will wonder about its politics, using thereby tentative concepts of restorative and reflective nostalgia8, notions of terror of forgetting and terror of remembering9, and several other theoretical concepts problematizing the politics of memory in the sense of a complex interplay between personal memories and the desire to retreat from modern life10, and conversely a new utopia or possible form of subversion11.

2. Definitions and Functions: Theory and Politics of Nostalgia Nostalgia is primarily defined by an individual’s, group’s, or nation’s relation to (imaginary) past. We will therefore briefly discuss some common definitions and functions of nostalgia, focussing on the politics of nostalgia based on concrete empirical examples from contemporary Croatia, in a qualitative way. Researchers in diverse disciplines (clinical psychology, psychoanalysis, consumption research, anthropology, sociology etc.) define nostalgia differently. Going back to the history of the term, nostalgia was associated with homesickness. The etymology of the word bears witness to it: it comes from Greek words nostos (returning home) and algos (pain), and in this meaning there are also different Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 3 ______types and manifestation of nostalgia.12 The earliest definitions thus revolved around psychological suffering caused by the yearning to return to ones’ homeland13, present in classical texts of antiquity (e.g. in Hippocrates or the Biblical weeping for Zion by the rivers of Babylon)14, and particularly relevant for the early academic discourse is a medical dissertation by Swiss physician Johannes Hofer in 1688 describing the condition of homesickness (heimweh) of Swiss mercenaries15. In addition to this, nostalgia was conceptualized as both a positive and a negative feeling, subject to both hot and cold processing16, appearing in different modes of historical representation as pastiche or a simulacrum17, then in psychoanalysis as a form of archetypal yearning for the womb, in clinical psychology as a disease18, as a phenomenon exploited for commercial gain, in sociology as a form of sentimental yearning for any object (empirically separated from homesickness alone)19, even allowing for egalitarian and democratizing aspects of mass culture20, or as a feeling that enables maintenance of identity at times of big social changes. There is however a big problem with operational definitions and precise measurements, and accordingly there have been various types of nostalgia named, from personal and historical21, social22, and real, simulated, and collective23. Regarding the functions of nostalgia, many have been enumerated: it provides the ontological security in the past, but is also a means of taking one‘s bearings for the road ahead in the uncertainties of the present24, then it helps us recognize a continuum of identity and social support25, suggesting that nostalgia has a more prominent role in our time, due to modern societies constant changes, compared to pre-industrial times26. Nostalgia contained in religious rituals, and generational nostalgia in the sense of passing on the knowledge of the way of life (including the fact that we cook similar food, many choose spouses similar to their parents etc.) have been recognized as well. This is a relevant place for sociology, because nostalgia seems to be connected with the ways social positions and their micro culture are reproduced, which links it to the critical theories of social reproduction. Some researchers have mapped the possible functions into four groups – nostalgia as a repository of positive feelings, as a booster of self-esteem, as a means of social connectedness and as a tool utilized in terror management in the sense of inducing meaning to existential threats, like mortality. The pervasiveness of nostalgia is striking, 80% of respondents to a study conducted in 2006 reported that they felt nostalgic at least once every week.27 Let this suffice to conclude that forms and functions of nostalgia are complex and many and that nostalgia should, in accordance with the performative turn in social sciences and humanities, be seen through the aspect of use, bringing the politics of nostalgia to the fore. Nostalgia lacks an absolute definition because its form is per se of multiple functions. It accommodates progressive feelings of utopian idealized states as well as melancholic attributes.28 4 Bringing the Past Back to the Future ______In order to be able to detect the politics of nostalgia in the Croatian context, we need to provide at least a brief description of the recent situation regarding Yugonostalgia.

3. Yugonostalgia in the Croatian Context: The Elderly and the Younger Nostalgics Yugonostalgia is among older generations mostly a yearning for the good old days. Indirectly, this is of course linked to nostalgia for their youth. For them, was a time when food and jobs were plentiful, education was free and accessible to all, crime rate was low, ethnic differences were not significant, there was tolerance and equality and all the difficult political decisions were left to marshal Tito. Everyone could afford a car, a house and overseas travels. After the Homeland War, people found themselves in a new system, feeling lost and confused, in anomie, because old values and norms were lost and new ones have not yet established themselves. Finding themselves in a completely new world, they were left with memories that have a very strong role in terms of creating the present. In this situation even the unpleasant facts of everyday life become the object of desire and memory29 – the yards in which pigs were slaughtered, classrooms with pictures of Tito, celebration of the Youth Day, The day of Republic etc.30 This kind of bringing the past to the present is very much under personal illusions of the past, and often people aspire to re-live the experience that has actually never existed – making this type of simulated memory a sort of utopia characterized by the tendency to look at things as we think they should be. We can see here many theoretically detected ideal types of nostalgia, from personal to social and historical mixing and in interaction. The elderly and the majority of the Homeland War veterans who lived to see the independence of their country, ended up disappointed. A good indicator of this is an over 200-day long demonstration of Croatian war veterans, still going on. Many people used the war circumstances for semi-legal or illegal money gain, and the process of privatization was particularly problematic, creating the so called tycoons who monopolised the market and caused even greater impoverishment of masses. This has also been a powerful force in the processes of intense social, economic, and political-ideological polarization of Croatian society in the last twenty years. The young are also interested in and fascinated by the culture, symbols, icons and artefacts of the former Yugoslavia. If this can be called nostalgia, what is it that the young are nostalgic for when the majority of them were born after Yugoslavia or in the last decade of its existence, after Tito’s death. They have formed their views on the basis of narrated memories of their parents, grandparents and other older members of their families. The sources of narration of this history can be mutually harmonized or contradicting, but they all participate in the formation of an individual's view of the past.31 The nostalgics among the young Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 5 ______who have a positive image of Yugoslavia think that the former state ensured greater social security, health and retirement insurance, that it provided the young with better employment rate, enabling them sooner emancipation from their parents. They view Yugoslavia as having been just, stable, safe, and united, peopled by simple and happy citizens. The young see in the past what they lack in the present. The ones born in the 1980s are emotionally attached to certain symbols, and their memory is relatively fresh. They often tend to see even the things like travelling to Austria to buy good chocolate or to Trieste for a pair of jeans as a positive experience that children of today lack because they take everything for granted. A special aspect of Yugonostalgia of the young is their relationship to Balkans, even its glorification32: they see it as warm, humane, temperamental, and relaxed, in opposition to cold and overly rationalized Europe. The Yugonostalgic young see Balkans as ours, domestic, where the time has stopped or flows at a slower pace. A part of them feel proud to have belonged to Yugoslavia – a feeling for something lost but not forgotten and materialized through the discourse of the past.33 In addition to searching for an ideal future through the past, the young who lived in Yugoslavia report strong attachment to childhood memories. The young thus do not long for the lost state wishing to actually bring it back, but for the qualities they attribute to the past, not really knowing if they had existed, but believing it and knowing that these qualities do not characterize their bleak present.34 Also, some young people share a certain subculture wishing to fit in, not knowing what certain symbols represent and without being actually familiar with the past. Their experience is not authentic, but simulated, taken from the previous generation's stories and memories. In a way, they choose their nostalgia, and Yugonostalgia is the most frequently chosen type among the young.35 We can see that types of Yugonostalgia and the functions it serves among different age groups are complex and many, from personal and historical to social, simulated and collective. It can thus be seen as a a type of a hidden script of a part of the population, which is particularly prominent in times of big social changes, serving as a linking phenomenon and enabling the mourning of what is lost in the process of accepting the changes.36 It remains to look at the prevailing ideological manifestations of Yugonostalgia in Croatia or the politics of intense reactions to it.

4. Supporters and Opponents of Yugonostalgia: Ideology-Driven Divisions Many souvenirs and objects reminding of the past participate in the construction of identity and the formation of a general ideological view.37 Yugonostalgia has consequently found its expression in the commercial environment and popular culture.38 A good example is a 2005 song by Serbian performer Tijana Dapčević called ‘All is the same only he is not here’, where ‘he’ refers to Tito. The song ironically refers to Yugonostalgia through well-known stereotypes associated with each nation from the former state.39 Postmodern irony 6 Bringing the Past Back to the Future ______is no stranger to nostalgia, enabling the nostalgic subject to make a distance from the object of its yearning.40 Although Yugonostalgia is widely present today, it is rarely ever spoken of actual reuniting of the states. From this point of view, nostalgia can be a playful medium of achieving dialogue between the states in the context in which consequences of war are still harshly felt. After the violent realization of the independence of Croatia, every nostalgia for the Yugoslav past was met with harsh animosity by the social mainstream, especially in the 1990s, but also today at times of revived conservativism. The preferred nostalgia was only for the time before Yugoslavia, namely the Independent State of Croatia i.e. for the pure Croatian state and spirit.41 The intense ideological division between Tito's partisans and fascist Ustashas is a cultural heritage of conflict that has haunted Croatian political, social and cultural space for the last 70 years. On the one hand, there are many Yugonostalgic songs and songs by Yugoslav bands popular on the Croatian scene, but there is also extremely right-wing music, like that of singer Thompson, who glorifies Croatian and has a dubious relationship to other national minorities in Croatia, particularly Serbs. A notorious example of the widespread hostility to not only Yugonostalgics but also the very mention of the former state, particularly in the context of something being good in it, is a media scandal known as ‘The Witches from Rio’42, and ‘Croatian Feminists Raping Croatia’43 - an embarrassing journalistic event in which five Croatian female writers were accused of treason, which represented the peak of the media hunting by which Croatian public attempted to settle accounts with its communist past, using a kind of conspiracy theory as a force in the processes of national identity construction.44 This type of appeal to tradition can be seen as restorative nostalgia.45 It stresses the nostos part and attempts a transhistorical reconstruction of the lost home, presenting itself as absolute truth and lying at the core of recent national and religious revivals, of the so called great moving right show.46 The other tentative type of nostalgia is reflective nostalgia.47 It thrives in algos, delaying the homecoming, usually ironically, having no singular plot, and residing in details rather than in symbols, cherishing the shattered pieces of memory. Reflection serves to identify problematic places in the present. Ugrešić in this vein warns that the culture of lies can be established not only by fear, aroused national(ist) feelings, hatred, autocracy and the media, but also by terror of forgetting (when they make you forget what you do not remember) and terror of remembering (when they make you remember what you do not remember).48 These effects can be seen still today – some good sides of life in Yugoslavia are forcefully repressed, new textbooks are frequently published, partisan crimes re- enter the political discourse. The current president refused to join the rest of political elite in commemorating Jasenovac victims, instead secretely visiting Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 7 ______Bleiburg.49 Two biggest political parties, SDP and HDZ, keep replacing themselves on the position of power. The newly elected female president of the Republic of Croatia, Kolinda Grabar Kitarović, a member of right-wing HDZ, caused turbulent reactions in the public when she removed the bust of Tito from the Presidential Palace. She claims she wanted to finish once and for all with totalitarian communism and Tito’s dictatorship, seeing Tito together with her supporters as a criminal. The immense interest of the public is significant here given the fact that Tito died in 1980 and that even Franjo Tuđman, the first , did not remove the bust. There is however the other half of the voters who do not approve of this kind of action, together with the prime minister, Zoran Milanović (SDP). The president took care to point out that getting rid of Tito does not imply the dismissal of antifascist heritage, which again is confusing taking into consideration that Tito led antifascists. Some see this move as antidemocratic and propagating nationalism. This all indicates deep ideological divisions among political elites and the entire divided nation, who keep revolving around mutual accusations, actually that way moving the focus of attention away from the burning social and economic issues in Croatia, which none of the sides seems capable of dealing with. To conclude, despite literature mainly viewing nostalgia as reactionary and the opposite of progress, we can see that it is not necessarily antimodern, that it might even be rebellious, and that it is not always about the past, but about the needs of the present that directly influence the future. Both Yugonostalgic and anti- Yugoslav attitude in Croatia are used for concrete political purposes by the most powerful social groups, each appealing to approximately one half of the population, serving as strong ideological weapon that enables individuals and/or groups in power to legitimize their status. It seems that parts of history are represented as pastiche in different modes and according to certain pre-established pictures. We should therefore open up for a multiperspective study of nostalgia: in culture and style, poetic creation, as individual mechanism of survival or a possible countercultural practice, taking responsibility for our nostalgia, not letting others prefabricate it for us. Only that way could history of nostalgia allow us to look back at modern history as a search for not only newness and progress, but also unrealized possibilities and unpredictable turns.50

Notes

1 Ivan Kovačević, Žarko Trebješanin and Dragana Antonijević, ‘Teorijsko- pojmovni okvir za proučavanje nostalgije,’ Antropologija 13.3 (2013): 9-26, viewed on 20 April 2015, http://www.anthroserbia.org/Content/PDF/Articles/71ca98e5debf4f8080eb2809c50 fc400.pdf; Claire Bancroft, ‘Yugonostalgia: The Pain of the Present,’ Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection: Paper 787, 2009, Viewed 20 April 2015, 8 Bringing the Past Back to the Future ______http://digitalcollections.sit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1794&context=isp_coll ection; Aleksandar Bošković, ‘Yugonostalgia and Yugoslav Cultural Memory: Lexicon of Yu Mythology,’ Slavic Review 72.1 (2013): 54-78. 2 Mitja Velikonja, ‘Lost in Transition. Nostalgia for Socialism in Post- Socialist Countries,’ East European Politics & Societies 23.4 (2012): 535-551. 3 Mitja Velikonja, Titostalgia (Beograd: Biblioteka XX vek, Knjižara Krug, 2010); William Seil, ‘Tito Time: A Nation's Idealized Past: Collective Memory and Cultural Nostalgia through the Memorialization of Charismatic Leaders,’ Social Sciences Paper 11 (2010), Viewed on 29 April 2015, http://commons.pacificu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1011&context=cassoc. 4 Erma Ivoš Nikšić, ‘Hrvatska između rata i tranzicije: jedan pragmtičan pristup,’ Radovi/ Sveučilište u Splitu/ Filozofski fakultet Zadar/Razdio filozofije, psihologije, sociologije i pedagogije 10 (1993/1994): 89-98; Michel-Andre Horelt and Judith Renner, ‘Denting a Heroic Picture: A Narrative Analysis of Collective Memory in Post-War Croatia,’ Perspectives 16.2 (2008): 5-27; Marcel Meler, ‘Marketing in Transition Conditions: The Example of Croatia.’ Eastern European Economics 35.3 (1997): 66-74. 5 The cost of the war was at least 10.47 billion Deutsche marks, but these are only direct costs according to the data of the Croatian Ministry of Defence (for wages, import and production of weapons, refugees); the rest of a minimum of one billion Deutsche marks was stolen, and crime continued long after the war as well. Cf. Dražen Rajković, Kako je Ivo Sanader Ukrao Hrvatsku (: Jesenski i Turk, 2010). 6 Bob Deacon, Paul Stubbs and Baljit Soroya, ‘Globalizacija, postkomunizam i socijalna politika: teme u Hrvatskoj,’ Revija za socijalnu politiku 1.4 (1994): 333- 338. 7 Željka Šporer and Duško Sekulić, ‘Political Transformation and Elite Formation in Croatia,’ European Sociological Review 18.1 (2002): 85-100; Mitja Velikonja, ‘Nostalgic/Patriotic Mythology after Yugoslavia,’ Political Myths in the Former Yugoslavia and Successor States. A Shared Narrative, ed. Darko Gavrilović and Vjekoslav Perica (Dordrecht: Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation and Republic of Letters, 2011), 85-92. 8 Svetlana Boym, The Future of Nostalgia (New York: Basic Books, 2001). 9 Dubravka Ugrešić, Kultura laži (Ljubljana: Študentska založba, 2006). 10 Kovačević, ‘Teorijsko-pojmovni okvir,’ 9-26. 11 Nicole Lindstorm, ‘Yugonostalgia: Restorative and Reflective Nostalgia in Former Yugoslavia.’ East Central Europe/ L'Europe du Centre Est/ Eine wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift 32.1-2 (2006): 231-242; Georg Stauth and Bryan S.Turner, ‘Nostalgia, Postmodernism and the Critique of Mass Culture,’ Theory, Culture & Society 5 (1988): 509-26. 12 Andreas Huyssen, ‘Nostalgia for ruins,’ Grey room 23 (2006): 6-21. Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 9 ______

13 Constantine Sedikides, Tim Wildschut and Denise Baden, ‘Nostalgia: Conceptual Issues and Existential Functions,’ Handbook of Experimental Existential Psychology, ed. Jeff Greenberg, Sander L. Koole and Tom Pyszczynski (New York: Guilford Press, 2004), 200-214. 14 Willis H. McCann, ‘Nostalgia: A Review of the Literature,’ Psychological Bulletin 38 (1941): 165-182. 15 Johannes Hofer, ‘Medical dissertation on nostalgia,’ Bulletin of the History of Medicine 2 (1934): 376-391. 16 Sedikides, ‘Nostalgia: Conceptual Issues’, 200-214. 17 Fredric Jameson, ‘Nostalgia for the Present,’ Close Reading, ed.Frank Lentricchia and Andrew Dubois (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2003), 226-242. 18 Though it cannot be found in the DSM-IV, only maybe in terms of homesickness associated with separation anxiety. 19 Fred Davis, Yearning for Yesterday: A Sociology of Nostalgia (New York: Free Press, 1979). 20 Stauth, 'Nostalgia, Postmodernism', 509-26. 21 Krystine I. Batcho, ‘Personal nostalgia, world view, memory, and emotionality,’ Perceptual Motor Skills 87 (1998): 411-32. 22 Davis, 'Yearning for Yesterday'. 23 Stacey M. Baker and Patricia F. Kennedy, ‘Death by nostalgia: A diagnosis of context-specific cases,’ Advances in Consumer Research 21 (1994): 169-174. 24 Michael Pickering and Emily Keightley, ‘The Modalities of Nostalgia,’ Current sociology 54.6 (2006): 921. 25 Davis, 'Yearning for Yesterday'. 26 Pickering, ‘The Modalities of Nostalgia.’ 27 Tim Wildschut, et al. ‘Nostalgia: Content, Triggers, Functions,’ Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 91 (2006): 975-993. 28 Pickering, ‘The Modalities of Nostalgia.’ 29 Boris Beck, ‘Žal za Hrvatskom,’ Gordogan – kulturni magazin, 3.6 (2005): 222- 226. 30 Nevena Škrbić Alempijević, ‘Travelling to the Birthplace of “The Greatest Son of Yugoslav Nations”: The Construction of Kumrovec as a Political Tourism Destination,’ Yugoslavia's Sunny Side, ed. Hannes Grandits and Karin Taylor (CEU Press, 2010), 141-170. 31 Tanja Vučković Juroš, ‘Kako nastaju kolektivna sjećanja: promišljanja o interakcionističkom modelu kolektivnih sjećanja,’ Revija za sociologiju 1 (2010): 79-101. 32 Nicole Lindstrom and Maple Razsa, ‘Balkan is beautiful: Balkan in the political discourse in Tuđman's Croatia,’ East European Politics and Societies 18.4 (2004): 628-650. 10 Bringing the Past Back to the Future ______

33 Lara Pečjak, ‘Jugonostalgija mladih u Sloveniji.’ Tema 2.6 (2005): 62 34 Ibid. 35 Samir Forić, ‘O jugonostalgiji otvoreno,’ Viewed on 25 April 2015, http://www.pulsdemokratije.ba/sadrzaj/o-jugonostalgiji-otvoreno. 36 Vamik D. Volkan, ‘Nostalgia as a linking phenomenon,’ Journal of applied psychoanalytic studies 1 (1999): 169-179. 37 Tracey Benson, ‘The souvenir and nostalgia. Museum of the personal,’ (MA thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2001), viewed on 30 April 2015, http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16204/1/Tracey_Benson_Thesis.pdf. 38 Catherine Baker, Sounds of Borderland: Popular Music, War, and Nationalism in Croatia since 1991 (Farnham: Ashgate Press, 2010). 39 Ivica Baković, ‘Jugonostalgija kroz naočale popularne culture,’ Filološki studii = philological studies= Filologičeskie zametki= Filološke pripombe= Filološke studije, Skopje: Instiut za makedonska literatura 6.2 (2008): 89-99. 40 Linda Hutcheon, ‘Irony, Nostalgia and the Postmodern,’ viewed on 28 April 2015, http://www.library.utoronto.ca/utel/criticism/hutchinp.html. 41 Baković, 'Jugonostalgija kroz naočale', 89-99. 42 'Vještice iz Ria,' np., viewed on 30 March, 2015, http://www.women-war- memory.org/index.php/hr/povijest/vjestice-iz-ria. 43 'Hrvatske feministice siluju Hrvatsku,' np., viewed on 30 March, 2015, http://www.women-war-memory.org/index.php/hr/povijest/vjestice-iz-ria/39- hrvatske-feministice-siluju-hrvatsku. 44 Nenad Blanuša, ‘Uloga teorija zavjera u konstrukciji političke zbilje u Hrvatskoj: analiza političkog iz Ria,' np., viewed on 30 March, 2015, http://www.women-war- memory.org/index.php/hr/povijest/vjestice-iz-ria. 44 'Hrvatske feministice siluju Hrvatsku,' np., viewed on 30 March, 2015, http://www.women-war-memory.org/index.php/hr/povijest/vjestice-iz-ria/39- hrvatske-feministice-siluju-hrvatsku. 44 Nenad Blanušadiskurza 1980. – 2007. godine’ (PhD diss., Faculty of Political Sciences, , 2009). 45 Boym, Future of Nostalgia. 46 Stuart Hall, ‘The Great Moving right Show,’ Marxism Today (January 1979): 14-20. 47 Boym, Future of Nostalgia. 48 Ugrešić, Kultura laži, 92. 49 Ana Kršinić Lozica, ‘Između memorije i zaborava: Jasenovac kao dvostruko podredovana trauma,’ Radovi instituta za povijest umjetnosti 35 (2011): 297-308; Ljiljana Radonić, ‘Univerzalizacija holokausta na primjeru hrvatske politike prošlosti i spomen-područja Jasenovac,’ Suvremene teme 3.1 (2010): 53-61. 50 Boym, Future of Nostalgia.

Anita Dremel, Andrea Zekić 11 ______

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Anita Dremel holds a doctorate in sociology and teaches classical sociological theory (undergraduate) and teacher education for sociologists (graduate), Department of Sociology, Centre for Croatian Studies, University of Zagreb.

Andrea Zekić studies sociology and Croatology at Centre for Croatian Studies, University of Zagreb. She is currently writing her thesis on Yugonostalgia in Croatia.