Thesis Research Report, 2016 ‘The Impact of Past and Current Changes in the Socio-Economic Situation and Cross-Border Trade Dynamics on the Livelihoods of Farmer Households’

2015 ©Vincent van Leest

The case of Koboko District, West-Nile sub-region,

Information organisation Information student Ecopolis Europa Name: Milos van Leest Supervisor: Ir. Herman Fleer Student number: 860216002 Pootakkerweg 18, 6706BX, Wageningen VHL-University of Applied Sciences, Velp Tel: +31610952608 Major: Rural Development and Innovation E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.ecopolis.nl

The Impact of Past and Current Changes on the Socio-Economic Situation and Cross-Border Trade Dynamics on the Livelihoods of Farmer Households

Research report of a case study in Koboko district, West-Nile sub-region, Uganda

Bachelor thesis written in commission of Ecopolis Europa & Lake Albert Foundation in collaboration with the Youth and Woman Community Development Organisation of Koboko

Author: Milos van Leest Contact: [email protected] Registration number: 860216002 Degree: Bachelor University: VHL-University of Applied Science Supervised by: Marco Verschuur, lecturer VHL Supervised by: Herman Fleer, Director of Ecopolis Europa Date: 30th of June, 2016 Place: Arua town, West-Nile sub-region, North-Western Uganda

©2016 M. van Leest

The researcher does not assume liability for any damage, arising from the use of the results of this study and the implementation of the recommendations.

Cover page; Village elder from Koboko district telling the local, and his personal history (source: Vincent van Leest)

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Abstract

The abstract section provides a summary of the following research report which was commissioned by Ecopolis Europa and Lake Albert Foundation. Ecopolis Europa is a consultancy company active in training and project implementation in sustainable development. The Lake Albert Foundation is a non-profit cross- border initiative that supports sustainable economic growth and social development. They are based in the West-Nile region in Uganda and the Eastern Ituri province in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Currently, this joint initiative is investing in agro-industrial development in the cross-border region of Uganda and the Democratic republic of Congo. In November 2015, a Nuffic NFP program about cross-border development and food security took place at the Koboko based Youth and Women Community Development Organisation, implemented by Ecopolis Europa. To streamline the two-week course, it was necessary to gain a deeper understanding of cross-border trade dynamics, socio-economic change and the impact they have on farmer livelihoods living in the West-Nile border district of Koboko. In order to provide the necessary information, a student of Rural Development and Innovation from VHL-University of Applied Sciences in Velp was commissioned to do a thesis project for the joint initiative.

The thesis research comprised a desk study as well as a field case study. The desk study aimed to explore the already existing literature related to the past and current situation of regional cross-border trade, socio- economic change and the livelihoods of farmers. The input from the desk study was used to set up a method to collect more information by means of a field case study. To start off the field case study, a total of twenty- one semi-structured interviews, divided between three categories of key informants were conducted at institutional and sub-county level. Among the informants were four district officials, five specialists, eleven community elders and four sub-county development officers who provided general information about the past and current regional development situation. To verify the key informant data and to investigate cross- border dynamics at micro level, a rapid rural appraisal was conducted in Midia, a small rural village situated between the border of South- and the Democratic republic of Congo. In addition, a livelihood study was carried out by interviewing twelve farmer households. The study results were mainly related to the negative effects of climate change, low agricultural production, environmental degradation, youth- unemployment, drug/alcohol abuse, diseases and the negative effect of the Sudanese civil war on local food-security. Moreover, an exile period of more than six years, and post-war challenges of the 1990s rebel insurrections have disrupted and affected most of the district’s native population. However, there is strong cross-border ethnic connection facilitating informal trade and migration leading to socio-economic development.

It can be concluded that challenges regarding subsistence agricultural production, malnourishment, dysfunctional parents and demotivation are not just issues of attitude, but rather a result of deliberate stigmatisation and marginalisation of the local population after the infamous president of was removed from power. Two decades of instability, living in exile and a hampering regional development resulted in a general underdevelopment of many farmers. During the Nuffic NFI course, the participants came to the conclusion that a deeper motivational problem, a result of the exile and violent 90s period, needs another development approach. Namely, a tailor made development program which takes into account the social and political background of the native and migrant population that can be more effective for a smaller target group. The study gave a deeper inside on the impact of the dynamic and violent regional history on the present-day farmer livelihoods living in Koboko district. There are opportunities however, a blossoming informal cross-border trade system can be used to facilitate economic growth at rural level. Due to a flexibility and adaptability of farmers and informal traders, people can benefit from commodity trade between the three nations. Furthermore, the study shows that Lake Albert Foundation and Ecopolis Europa can be an important player in stimulating and strengthening cross-border collaboration between different ethnic groups with linkages to international markets, academic and vocational support.

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Preface

This research report is written by Milos van Leest, student Rural Development and Innovation of VHL University of Applied Sciences, Velp, The Netherlands. The research was commissioned by Ecopolis Europa and Lake Albert Foundation (LAF) and took place from August-December 2015 in collaboration with Muni University, Arua, and Youth and Woman Community Development Organisation (YWCDO), Koboko, West-Nile region, Uganda. This thesis report is the result of a case study done in the Koboko district in Uganda about the impact of past and current changes in the socio-economic and cross- border trade dynamics on farmer households.

My name is Milos van Leest, a 5th year bachelor student, with a minor in International Nature Entrepreneurship together with subjects about ‘globalisation and sustainable food consumption’ and ‘organic agriculture and society’ followed at the Wageningen University (WUR), the Netherlands. My personal interest in agriculture and nature started at a young age when I worked for several livestock farmers over a period of six years, and while doing practical placements at several Dutch based organisations for nature and forests conservation. After finishing secondary agricultural education, I started a 3-year vocational training study in Forestry and Nature Conservation. After successfully finishing the program I worked for several years as a Lumberjack and Tree-worker. Over a period of 10 years I became experienced in practical work divided over a range of agricultural and forestry subjects. However, during this period I realised that there is more to explore and to learn, my curiosity for science and cultures needed practical decisions. Therefore, in 2011, I started the study in Rural Development and Innovation which is now coming to an end having finished this thesis report. During that time, I experienced a growing passion for indigenous and local societies outside my original Dutch borders. During the period that came afterwards I did 2 internships in foreign countries, respectively Romania and Bulgaria. When in April 2015 the opportunity arose to do my thesis research in Uganda and the DRC, I did not hesitate for a moment. The results of the research on the impact of past and current changes on the socio-economic situation and cross-border trade dynamics on the livelihoods of farmer households living in Koboko district, Uganda, is described in this thesis report. The research subject has been formulated in collaboration with Ecopolis Europa, currently operating in the border region of West-Nile region, Uganda and Eastern-Ituri district, the Congo.

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Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I would like to thank my research supervisor Mr. Ir. M. Verschuur, Senior lecturer Rural Development and Innovation at VHL-University of Applied Sciences, Velp, The Netherlands, for his assistance and involvement throughout the process. This thesis would have not been completed without his support. I would like to thank him very much for his support and feedback during the period of field research in North-Western Uganda and the time of analysis and report writing in the Netherlands.

I would also like to thank the regional field expert and friend Lemeriga Rashid, project manager of Koboko Youth and Woman Community Development Organisation who was inseparably connected and involved during my field study. Without his passionate participation, input and professionality, the field and case study could not have been successfully conducted. Furthermore, I would like to express my gratitude to Baiga Ronald, coordinator of the Koboko Youth and Woman Community Development Organisation, for his collaboration, use of network, and hospitality during my stay in Koboko town.

For accepting my research application and support during the course of time, I would sincerely like to thank the director of Ecopolis Europa Mr. Ir. Herman Fleer, and Ecopolis representative Uganda, Patrick Onen Ezaga for the support, critical review and for offering the suitable climate for conducting my thesis research. Especially, the feedback provided by Mr. Ir. Herman Fleer, and being able to profit from his vast experience, have been a critical success factor to improving the quality of my thesis research and inspiring me to keep up the good work.

Furthermore, I would like to thank my classmate, colleague and friend J.D. Fleer for his support, participation and input. Without his positive and efficient working attitude during our days in the field this research report would not have been a success. Furthermore, I am grateful to my two friends S. Koetsier and A. van den Berg for giving technical support and feedback on the report.

I would also like to acknowledge the 2015 Koboko refresher course participants for their critical reflection and feedback during my preliminary results presentation in November 2015, and I am gratefully indebted for their valuable comments on this thesis. Moreover, I sincerely thank Wahid, human resource manager of Muni University, Arua, for his support and our prolific collaboration during our field study.

Finally, I must express my very profound thankfulness to Melina Fraai and Vincent van Leest for their technical support, and my mother, my uncle, C. Van Kampen for providing me with unfailing support and continuous encouragement throughout my years of study and through the process of doing research and writing this thesis. This accomplishment would not have been possible without them. Thank you.

Author,

Milos van Leest

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Content

Abstract ...... 2 Preface ...... 3 Acknowledgements ...... 4 Content ...... 5 List of abbreviations and concepts ...... 7 List of figures and tables ...... 8 1. Background ...... 9 The commissioning company ...... 9 Ecopolis Europa and the Lake Albert Foundation...... 9 Case study ...... 10 Problem statement ...... 12 Research objective ...... 12 Research question ...... 12 Sub-questions ...... 13 2 Methodology ...... 14 Desk research ...... 14 Field research ...... 14 Field data collection ...... 15 Data analysis ...... 16 Reflection on methodology ...... 16 3 Conceptual framework ...... 19 Socio-economic situation ...... 19 Cross-border trade dynamics ...... 22 Sustainable Livelihood Framework ...... 23 4 Results ...... 26 Meso-level ...... 26 Key persons interview findings at institutional level...... 26 Key person interview findings at sub-county level...... 27 Micro-level (Midia village) ...... 31 Household livelihood situation (micro level) ...... 35 5 Discussion of findings ...... 39 Further reading ...... 44 6 Conclusion ...... 47

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7 Recommendations ...... 49 8 References ...... 51 Appendices ...... 52 Appendix 1: Interview results of all key persons...... 52 Appendix 2: Full description of community and household research...... 63 Appendix 3: Flowchart of research methodology ...... 70 Appendix 4: Subjects explored and methods applied at macro-, meso-, and micro-level...... 71 Appendix 5: Example questionnaires used for semi-structured interviewing ...... 72 Appendix 6: semi-structured interview sub-county development officers ...... 78 Appendix 7: List of interviewed Key persons...... 80 Appendix 8: Livelihood data entry sheet Midia and Kabure village...... 81 Appendix 9: Topic list community elders ...... 83 Appendix 10: Research proposal ...... 87

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List of abbreviations and concepts

ACAV (Associazione Centro Aiuti Volontari)

CDO (Community Development Officer)

CEFORD (Community Empowerment for Rural Development

DCDO (District Community Development Officer)

DFA (Districts Farmers Association)

DHO (District Health Officer)

DPO (Districts Production Officer

DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo)

EE (Ecopolis Europa)

FAO (Food and Agricultural Organisation)

IFAD (International Fund for Agricultural Development)

LAF (Lake Albert Foundation)

LRA (Lord Resistance Army)

NAADS (National Agricultural Advisory Service)

NFA (National Forest Authority)

NUFFIC (Netherlands Universities’ Foundation for International Cooperation)

SLF (Sustainable Livelihood Framework)

UNRF (Ugandan National Rescue Front)

UWA (Ugandan Wildlife Authority)

WNBF (West-Nile Bank Front)

YWCDO (Youth and Woman Community Development Organisation)

West-Nilers The general name for all the inhabitants of West-Nile including the Kakwa, Lugbara, Aringa, Alur and Madi ethnic groups.

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List of figures and tables

Figure 1: Map of location Koboko district within West-Nile region ...... 10 Figure 2: Map of Lado Enclave (http://www.npi-news.dk/page37.htm) ...... 11 Figure 3: flowchart of research methodology ...... 14 Figure 4: Left; Poverty rate Uganda, census 2005, (source: world resource institute, 2009), Right; monthly consumption in Ugandan Shillings per district (source: poverty status report, 2014) ...... 19 Figure 5: Sustainable livelihood framework (source: DFID, 2001) ...... 23 Figure 6: Key-person interview locations, CDO's and Elders (Google. 2016) ...... 27 Figure 7: Location of Midia village within Koboko district (Google, 2016) ...... 31 Figure 8: transect drawing of Midia village ...... 32 Figure 9: Midia village socio-economic map ...... 33 Figure 10: Annual food self-sufficiency from own production in Midia village ...... 36 Figure 11: Annual food self-sufficiency and seasonal rainfall patterns in Midia village...... 37 Figure 12: Homestead, Lobule Sub County, Koboko district ...... 38 Figure 13: Homestead in Midia village...... 46 Figure 14: Team Ecopolis visiting Ndrele, during ‘pomme de terre’ Nuffic training, Mahagi territory, DRC (August, 2015) ...... 50 Figure 15: No. of languages spoken by respondents ...... 64 Figure 16: No and type of livestock owned per households ...... 65 Figure 17: type and no. of fruit-trees owned per household ...... 65 Figure 18: Farm equipment and assets owned per household ...... 66 Figure 19: Household equipment & assets owned per household ...... 66 Figure 20: type of crops produced ...... 67

Table 1:Historic overview of conflicts that occurred in Koboko district ...... 30 Table 2: Informal trade flows passing Midia village (Source: Village chief and representatives, Jean- guy, 2012 ...... 34 Table 3: production focus of Jabarra demo farm ...... 55 Table 4: List of interviewees at Meso-level...... 80 Table 5: List of interviewed village elders in Koboko district ...... 80 Table 6: List of interviewed sub-county community development officers...... 80

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1. Background The outline of the research report is as follows. The reason for the research is explained in the section of background information and includes a description of the commissioning company (Ecopolis Europa) and their research problem, research objective and research question which gives the focus of the study, furthermore, an introduction of the case study area is given. The literature review provides more information about the subject that has been researched from which sub-questions were derived and answered. The methodology section describes how the research was carried out, what method was used to analyse the collected data and methodological remarks give an insight in what could have been different. In the section of findings, the results of the interviews and observations are described and visualised and in the discussion the outcome of the key person interviews and livelihood analysis findings are linked with the literature and observation of the researchers and a reflection on the research is given. The conclusion section gives an answer to the main research question which can be found in the background section. Finally, the researcher will give recommendations to Ecopolis Europa and the Lake Albert Foundation concerning future research of the case of the Lake Albert region focussing on the Koboko district. The commissioning company Ecopolis Europa and the Lake Albert Foundation. The research was assigned by Ecopolis Europa, a consultancy company founded in 2004 in Wageningen, the Netherlands. Their main activities are project implementation and training in sustainable development. Since 2004, Ecopolis Europa has implemented 25 projects related to topics like sustainable municipal planning and development, food security, cross-border development and project management. Currently, their office is in Wageningen, the Netherlands, however, the clients are situated all over the world in South-central American, Asian, European and African countries. Currently, the company is establishing a multi stakeholder agricultural project in Uganda and DR-Congo together with the in 2015 established Lake Albert Foundation (LAF).

LAF is formally incorporated in Wageningen, The Netherlands and will deploy its activities in the Lake Albert Region, being West-Nile in Uganda and Ituri Province in DRC. Objective of the Foundation is "the promotion of sustainable economic and social development in the region north of Lake Albert by means of training, advice, the implementation of projects and anything else that can be conducive to this objective" (Lake Albert Foundation, 2016)

Ecopolis and the Lake Albert Foundation are part of a Dutch development initiative in the eastern part of the Ituri province in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and West-Nile region in Uganda. The aim of the initiative is to curb the on-going decline of the regional economy by inclusive investments in agricultural development. The initiative focuses on investment of the private agro sector, structural international educational and academic collaboration and exchange in reconstruction and regional development, land tenure registration and management support, investment climate development and effective mechanisms for management of regional cross-border collaboration and trade.

Connected to the development initiative a two-week tailor-made training about cross-border dynamics and food-security funded by the Nuffic NFP program took place in the last week of November 2015. The training was hosted by the Youth and Women Community Development Organisation (YWCDO) based in Gbulagbulanga village in Koboko district. In preparation for the course, Ecopolis and Lake Albert Foundation implemented pre-study activities that could help the course facilitators to get a

9 better understanding of the regional developments. In this framework three study objectives were formulated.

The first objective of the study was to collect primary and secondary data to include in a digital ‘’data bank’’ that will function as an information and knowledge base for the Lake Albert region. Ecopolis Europa and LAF are currently realizing the need for effective knowledge documentation and sharing. Therefore, they are effectively establishing collaboration between trans-border knowledge institutes such as Muni University (State owned university in Arua, Uganda), Unilac (Private university in Mahagi, DRC) and local partners (e.g. YWCDO). The second objective was to study the regional cross-border dynamics and food-security situation of West-Nile region, with a focus on Koboko District. This study is important to streamline the two-week course, and to start collecting input for a data base. Lastly, the research methodology used for the cross-border trade dynamics and food-security study is to be documented so it can be used for future studies about vertical relations and impacts between different levels of a rural society in the Albertine-Rift region (Eastern Ituri, DRC and West-Nile, Uganda).

Case study West-Nile region

The West-Nile region is located in the upper north-western part of Uganda (see figure 1). The region stretches from the northern shores of Lake Albert to the South-Sudanese border. It lies between the White Nile river and The Eastern Ituri border of the DRC and is geographically more related to north- eastern DRC than northern Uganda. West-Nile was first invaded by Arab slave traders from Turco- Egyptian Sudan before it was taken over by western imperial armies (Leopold, 2005). West-Nile region was originally part of the ‘’Lado Enclave’’, named after the town Lado, a river port in South-Sudan within the former Congo Free State. The enclave roughly covered the area of North-Eastern Congo, Northern Uganda and Southern equatorial Sudan (Acemah, 2013). In 1910, when the Belgian King Leopold died, the region came under control of the Anglo- Egyptians after the Anglo-German treaty of 1890 whose outcome divided the region and borders to the situation as it still is nowadays. In 1915 the new boundaries of the Ugandan protectorate were officially recognized by the two colonial powers of the region, Belgium and Britain (Acemah, 2013). For the British the inclusion of West-Nile within their protectorate meant Figure 1: Map of location Koboko district within West-Nile region they regained control of the Nile river from its source in Uganda up to Cairo, Egypt. The Lado enclave (including West-Nile region) was famous for its wildlife abundance. As Mark Leopold stated in his book Inside West-Nile (2005, 12); ‘’The Lado

10 became a playground, and a killing ground, for white adventurers, the last place in Africa in which unrestricted, unregulated, elephant hunting was possible’’.

The history of West-Nile can be seen as dynamic and violent. Mark Leopold writes in ‘’Inside West- Nile’’ (2005), that the region is seen by outsiders as a violent and dangerous place or better said; marginalized and brutal. As a result, the colonial army recruited many soldiers from the region for the King’s African Rifles. Probably the most notorious person originating from West-Nile was former president and field marshal Idi Amin who served for many years in the colonial army (The King’s African Rifles). Due to the understanding of West-Nile as a marginalized and brutal place, policies and actions did not work out in favour of the region. Neither have the recent Ituri, DRC and Sudanese conflicts that still have a significant influence on the regional development. Due to its border location, between the two countries, the local socio-economic situation of West-Nilers (people living in West-Nile region) was and is always influenced by the cross-border dynamics (commodity trade and migration) (Titeca, 2009).

Figure 2: Map of Lado Enclave (http://www.npi-news.dk/page37.htm)

West-Nile can be seen as a multi ethnic region, the predominant ethnic groups living in the region are the Alur in the south, the Lugbara in the middle and west, the Kakwa in the north west, and the Madi in the east covering the Nile river plains. The one thing they all have in common is that their ancestral boundaries are international in nature (Acemah, 2012). The Alur and Lugbara are both living in Uganda and the DRC. As for the Kakwa, their lands are in the DRC, South-Sudan and Uganda. For that reason, the West-Nilers are inseparably connected with their ethnic brothers and sisters across the contemporary borders which were made up by the colonial rulers in the early 20th century (Leopold, 2005).

The Koboko district

The Koboko district is located in the upper north-western part of West-Nile region bordered by South- Sudan in the North, Yumbe District in the East, Maracha/Terego (Arua) district in the south, and the DR-Congo in the West (see figure 1: Map of Koboko district.) The district covers an area of 80 thousand hectares. Most of this land is arable for agricultural purposes (The Annual District Statistical Abstract, 2009). The administrative and commercial headquarters is Kokoko town which hosts 55 thousand

11 inhabitants. Due to the strategic location near the DRC and South-Sudan, the region has a flourishing business potential (The Annual District Statistical Abstract, 2009). This partly results from the influx of Sudanese refugees and other ethnic groups who settled down in Koboko town executing business activities. A side effect of this is that, next to a fast growing native population, the refugees and migrants accelerate the population growth significantly which strengthens socio-economic challenges such as growing crime rates and health related problems (The Annual District Statistical Abstract, 2009).

Koboko was part of Arua district before it became an independent district in 2005 (The Annual District Statistical Abstract, 2009). Before the days of Idi Amin, Koboko was the headquarters of the so-called North-Nile District covering Maracha, Koboko and Aringa counties. In the late 70s, after the fall of Idi Amin, the district became part of Arua. From that time onwards, the district became a battleground for several wars over a long period of time. Even today the people have to cope with the consequences of the destruction that took place during that violent period.

Since Ecopolis Europa is the implementer of the Koboko refresher course, and network facilitator for cross-border collaboration in West-Nile region, a study about the context in which the course will take place is of great importance. To improve the quality of the RC-course, Ecopolis Europa needs to have an understanding of the ways in which cross-border dynamics and socio-economic changes are affecting food security and of cross-border development in relation to local farmer households. To come up with reasons for change and the related impact over the years, the study has to be put into a historic perspective. However, Ecopolis lacks sufficient understanding of the previously mentioned topics, and does not have time to carry out research on the spot. Therefore, a team of junior researchers from the Netherlands and key informants from YWCDO, Koboko, have joined efforts to investigate the past and current situation. The following problem is formulated to serve as a guideline for this study.

Problem statement Ecopolis Europa and Lake Albert Foundation are lacking knowledge about the impact of past and current changes in the socio-economic situation and cross-border (trade) dynamics on the livelihood situation of farmer households living in the Koboko district. Furthermore, they want to know how to continue executing in-depth research after understanding the socio-economic context of the district, and neighbouring regions.

Research objective The research aims to describe the impact of past and current changes in the socio-economic situation and regional cross-border (trade) dynamics in the Koboko district on the livelihood situation of households living in the Koboko district. Furthermore, the obtained outcomes will be integrated within a framework for ‘’Cross-border regional development’’ which gives an overview of the past, current and common regional potentials and problems and will function as a research agenda. Concrete recommendations will provide further direction for in-depth study possibilities for Ecopolis, Lake Albert Foundation and Muni University.

Research question The main research question is:

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‘’What is the impact of past and current changes in the socio-economic situation and cross-border (trade) dynamics on farmer households living in the Koboko district, West-Nile region, Uganda?’’ Sub-questions The sub-research questions are divided over three different topics that will provide an answer to the main research question. According to the concepts used in the main question, a division is made between the different topics. Every topic has its own set of research questions.

1. What are the past and current changes in the socio-economic situation in Koboko district?

2. What are the past and current changes in cross-border (Trade) dynamics in the border triangle of North-West Uganda, North-East DRC and Southern Equatorial Sudan?

3. What are the changes that occurred in the livelihoods of farmer households living in Koboko district?

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2 Methodology This chapter will explain which research strategy was applied to answer the research question and sub- questions. The research was carried out by using two research strategies: a desk study and a case study. Figure 4: flowchart of research method shows the stages and process of the research. Appendix 5 provides an overview of the subjects explored and methods applied at macro-, meso-, micro-level. Desk research During the desk study secondary literature was studied about socio-economics, cross-border trade and dynamics as well as literature about the livelihoods of rural households living in the Koboko district. The focus of the desk study was aimed at the national and regional level of Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo and then narrowed down to West-Nile region Uganda and finally the Koboko district. The desk study mainly focused on macro and meso-level which includes the current political, economic, social, technological, environmental and cultural situation. At meso-level it includes the study of the regional situation relating to local governance, ethnicity and the general socio-economic situation of the West-Nile region and Koboko district. Furthermore, meso-level research helped to gain insight in and understand the cross-border (trade) dynamics.

Figure 3: flowchart of research methodology Field research The purpose of the field study was to collect mainly qualitative data from the field. It focused on interviewing key informants within Koboko district’s sub counties near the Congolese and South- Sudanese border. For detailed information about the key informant interviews see appendix 1: Interview results of all key persons. The topics that were covered at meso- and micro level concern socio-economic issues, cross-border trade and household situations. Furthermore, a historic analysis was carried out by interviewing several people from the region and the collected narrative data have been converted into a timeline (See chapter 4, results). Preliminary data analysis was carried out

14 before the end of November in preparation of the Nuffic financed refresher course on Cross-border development and food-security where the preliminary findings were presented. Subsequently, a farmer household case study was carried out by the course participants in two separate villages in Koboko district to cross-verify the results of the pre-study. Involving the course participants in livelihood analysis could help to decrease the impact of existing pre-study research bias explained in chapter 2.5. Field data collection Data acquired from the case study were qualitative in nature. Using a qualitative approach helped the researcher to gain a better understanding of how a changing socio-economic situation influences a region, community or farmer household. Within the design of the case study, the decision was made to divide data collection between different levels of the national and regional society. The first level is macro-level, which includes data collection at a level of national and international environment which directly or indirectly influence farmers and communities in the case study area. The macro-level research was partly done before the field study, so the research team would gain understanding of the current socio-economic and cross-border situation in the region, and it was partly done when data collection had been finished in order to understand the regional situation in a national perspective. After doing so, the research zoomed in on the Koboko district meso-level situation by interviewing key persons who are working for local institutions and supporting organisations. Subsequently, the research zoomed in on sub-county level within the Kokoko district to acquire new data about communities and local history and to verify data which had been collected at district level. In line with verification of derived key person data, a small community case study was done by using the sustainable livelihood framework (DFID, 2002), and tools from the rapid rural appraisal toolbox.

Meso-level: Key person interviews

To get a general understanding of the current cross-border and socio-economic situation of Koboko District nine key persons were interviewed (see appendix 7). They were identified with the help of the Koboko team of YWCDO. The selection procedure was based on the position of the people within the district. The first group to be interviewed were officials of the district who have authority and knowledge at institutional level. These include officials of different departments (Agricultural, commercial, communal, educational and health). Furthermore, different NGOs and extension services were interviewed to gain insight from a different perspective, more related to agricultural development and trade. The tools used to collect data from key persons were a semi-structured interview including a topic list (see appendix 6). The questions and topics are based on specific socio- economic and livelihood topics. An interpreter/resource person from the Youth and Women Community Development Organisation helped to establish the contact with local authorities and private organisations.

Meso-level: Sub-County Community Development Officers and Elders interviews

In line with the creation of a general understanding of the development situation of the region, four sub-county CDOs were interviewed. According to the Higher Local Government Statistical Abstract of Koboko district (2009) the district is divided in 7 sub-counties, all with a separate sub-county office including a supervising CDO. The purpose of interviewing the sub-county CDOs was to understand the district’s dynamics and challenges as well as investigate a suitable place for an in-depth case study within a community living at the Congolese and/or Sudanese border. The community elders were interviewed by using a topic list with certain indicators derived from the DFID Sustainable Livelihood

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Framework (SLF) and indicators derived from the interview results at district level (See chapter 3.3: literature review about the sustainable livelihood framework). The community and regional history are of importance to the research outcome because they help to understand the current situation of communities and how this developed over time. A common limitation encountered is the lack of women at positions within the district’s governmental organisations and as community representatives, which may have led to gender bias in the results.

Micro-level: Community and household livelihood study

To verify the collected data at macro and meso level, a community and household livelihood study was carried out in Midia village (Kuluba sub-county) and a smaller household case study in Kabure village (Lobule sub-county). The purpose of the study was to gather information which gives insight and knowledge about the impact of past and current changes on livelihoods of farmers, as well as an understanding of how cross-border trade dynamics did or did not influence their livelihoods and the local economy. At the first location, in Midia village, a transect and village mapping was done in collaboration with the village chief, an Imam and a primary school teacher in order to create an awareness of the village setting, its location, and aspects related to agricultural production, trade, watersheds, social-economic situation etc. Apart from that, participatory village mapping was carried out by the village representatives to identify possible trade flows, resource allocation and land distribution. For educational purposes and time efficiency, the Koboko refresher course participants contributed to the household livelihood analysis. The participants collected twelve interviews in one day. In cooperation with the course facilitators, the collected data were analysed and integrated within a problem tree. This particular strategy offered the research team and the course a better grasp of the livelihoods of farmers at grassroots level, which is important for developing effective strategies for future development programs. Data analysis Data analysis and report writing was mainly done in the Netherlands. All the collected interviews from the different levels (meso-, micro-level) were documented and summarized in appendix 1. The livelihood data entry sheets were transformed in an excel sheet (see appendix 8) to process quantitative data into tables and graphs. The comprehensive description of the livelihood analysis and RRA, including graphs and tables, can be found in appendix 2. A short summary is included in chapter 4: results. It is advisable to read the extensive description of the results which are included in the appendices. However, for the readability of the report summaries of a majority of interviews have been made and they can be found in the result section. The collected field results have accordingly been cross-referenced with available literature about the study subject which can be found in chapter 5: Discussion on findings. Reflection on methodology Methodological boundaries

Lack of available and/or reliable data

The reliability of the collected data was questionable in the first phase of the research. The extent to which specific respondents are telling the truth, their observation, and the researchers themselves are coloured by political, cultural and/or social circumstances. From sources in the region the tendency came forward to distrust governmental technocrats, due to their powerful position. Furthermore, the period from August until December 2015 was marked by the campaigns of potential new members of

16 parliament (MPs). A political interest might have driven the respondents to answer in favour of politics. For that reason, the research methodology included verification at different levels of the Koboko society in order to identify contradicting results. Furthermore, existing literature gave a thorough and deepening understanding of the regional and historical context of the given answers.

Self-reported data

One of the main limiting factors questioning the reliability of the research findings is the matter of attribution (the act of attributing positive events and outcomes to one's own agency but attributing negative events and outcomes to external forces). As a team of researchers we encountered several instances of attributing negative events and outcomes to external forces rather than reflecting on the informant’s own contribution towards socio-economic challenges. For example: The Koboko district has always been associated with the Idi Amin regime and the mid-nineties insertions. There were respondents who experienced that period not as a victim or bystander, but as a collaborator. They consider the period after the regime change to be a loss of their pride and power. They never supported the Obote 2 or the current government. However, the positive effect on the results is a diversity in perspective of past and current changes, which enhanced the nuance of the study and forced us to bring it into perspective, viewed from different angles. So, for the one respondent a certain livelihood change could be caused by external factors but for another respondent the same livelihood change might be part of his own efforts.

Limitations of the researcher/research team

Longitudinal effects

The pre-study was bound by a limited availability of time. The total period available for collecting field data was restricted to a mere 4 months. The issue that presented itself was the continuous change of the external and internal research setting that the team had to operate in. Besides, the pre-study had the function of thesis research with its own set of goals and questions and a focus on TMT course preparation. Furthermore, the different parties involved (YWCDO, Ecopolis, VHL-students) had different interests regarding the target group, target area and possible outcome. Fine-tuning those interests consumed a significant amount of time and financial means, resulting in reducing the sample size of the number of interviewed farmer households.

Cultural bias and other types of prejudice

During field data collection certain aspects of cultural biasedness occurred. One of the main constraints when trying to gain a proper understanding of the regional socio-economic situation is gender roles. During the first meeting (August, 2015) the research team was formed. The team consists of four men, even though women were present during the meeting. The decision was made to add two local interpreters to the research team from the Netherlands. The reason for this decision is the fact that those interpreters were, according to the partner organisation, most liable to connect us to local authorities due to their respective positions as YWCDO coordinator and project manager. The coordinator of YWCDO is in charge of daily management and therefore well respected in the organisation. Furthermore, both interpreters are originating from the district and speak five different regional spoken languages (Kakwa, Ki-nubi, English, Lugbara and Kiswahili). However, the fact that research team consisted out of four men, may have influenced the way of questioning, as well interpreting interview results and decision making.

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Gender bias as such played a significant role in the collection of reliable field data. This aspect came forward at every level of research. At macro and meso level all districts officers, except for one, were male. A possible explanation is based on assumptions, therefore not a simple answer can be given to the impact on the research findings. Nevertheless, a possible implication on the outcome can be the way in which socio-economic problems are indicated and explained, and which have influenced the decision making process towards the next step in research. For example, as a team we often focused on topics such as production and market linkages, which is, according to several district officers, the role of a man within a household. Contrary, women are mainly in control of nutrition, food crop production and tasks related to the household. As a result, the aim of the three levels of research could be more focused on external household activities rather than internal issues and challenges. Furthermore, the team discovered that requiring access to a community involves predominantly men. The role of village elders and chiefs is, in the case of our pre-study interviewees, attributed to men, even though it is culturally accepted convention, the research findings can be limited by men focused results. The same challenge occurred while conducting community research and household interviews. In case studies, respectively in Midia and Kabure village, the village representatives were men. Moreover, the fact that our team consisted of men only, resulted in a strengthening of a male perspective. Since there is a limited set of data collected from a woman’s perspective of past and current changes in their socio-economic situation, the report cannot give a more detailed description of the specific impact on females within a household.

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3 Conceptual framework

Socio-economic situation After years of civil wars in Uganda, the country became more stable and less poor under the rule of President Museveni. In 1992, the poverty rate of the Ugandan people amounted to approximately 56% of the population countrywide. During the years that followed, poverty was reduced to 24.5% of the population in 2009 (IFAD, 2013). The report argues that the percentage decreased significantly, however, due to the population increase over the last 20 years the absolute number of people living in poverty has increased. Especially in the rural areas where 84 per cent of the Ugandans live, about 27 per cent still live below the national rural poverty line. Roughly speaking these are about 8 million people. According to the IFAD, the most vulnerable are living in remote regions in the northern and eastern parts of the country where access to transport, infrastructure and market linkages are weak or even non existing. In those areas, 40 up to 60 per cent of the population is consistently living in poverty. The reason for that is the violent history of the West-Nile region and Acholi-land in the central north. Both regions have known peace for about a decade only since the Lord Resistance Army of Joseph Kony left the area after years of fighting and violating human rights. In the case of the West- Nile, the region faced several outbreaks of rebel fights after Idi Amin was removed from power. Furthermore, the conflicts in DRC (Ituri conflict) and South-Sudan have resulted in a disruption of the entire regional development which is not limited by the national boundaries.

Figure 4: Left; Poverty rate Uganda, census 2005, (source: world resource institute, 2009), Right; monthly consumption in Ugandan Shillings per district (source: poverty status report, 2014)

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The map above shows the 2005 poverty rate per region. Although the data are old, the wealth distribution between the north and the south can be clearly seen. Currently, poverty rates in the north are declining, however, they are still high compared to the southern regions. The map on the right shows the monthly available cash per adult in Ugandan shillings. It clearly shows the wealth distribution is still strongly divided between the South and the North. A possible explanation is the fact that the northern regions are still recovering from the insecurities caused by the LRA and the consequent lockdown of West-Nile region.

According to IFAD (2013), the majority of the poor rural people live in fragile dry and sub-humid regions where the variability of rainfall and soil fertility makes farming a daily challenge. Most households fall short in providing minimum household needs. As a result, their household is prone to food insecurity. The problem is strengthened by climate change resulting in the occurrence of extreme climate events like an increased unpredictability of rainfall. Moreover, the impact of extending periods of drought, an increase in the number of floods and unpredictable precipitation cycles are threatening water availability, agricultural production and subsequently affecting rural livelihoods.

Concerning health and social issues, the county is facing some real challenges. The current population is about 36 million people and is growing with an annual rate of 3.4 percent (Census, 2014). The country had reduced HIV/AIDS infections significantly since the 1990s. However, the rates of infected people have started rising again in recent years. According to IFAD (2013) it causes more deaths amongst large numbers of young adults and orphaned 1.2 million children. Especially for women, the lack of health care and social services is a disadvantage due to longer and more labour intense working compared to men (IFAD, 2013). Furthermore, women are facing a double burden of ensuring household food security and taking care of the sick, the elderly and orphaned children. For that reason, the United Nations Development Programme’s human development index ranked Uganda 161st out of 187 countries in the Low Human Development category (IFAD, 2013).

Population trends

The Ugandan population is one of the fastest growing in the world; with an annual population growth rate of 3.24 percent it ranked the 5th place (CIA fact book, 2015). Over 83 percent of the Ugandans live in rural areas of which 75 percent of people are employed in the agricultural sector. The largest ethnic groups are the Baganda (16.9%), Banyankole (9.5%), Basoga (6.9%), Iteso (6.4%), Langi (6.1%), Acholi (4.7%), Bagisu (4.6%), Lugbara (4.2%), Bunyoro (2.7%), and 29.6 percent are other groups such as the Kakwa who are living in Koboko district, West-Nile region (Ugandan Bureau of Statistics, Census 2014).

In West-Nile region the largest ethnic group are the Lugbara people, they share the region with the Alur, Kakwa and Madi people. Those groups represent a smaller percentage of the total of 2.6 million people living in the region (Ugandan Bureau of Statistics, Census 2014) compared to the Lugbara who, with 1.6 million people, represent the largest ethnic group in the region.

The average household size in Koboko district is between 6.1 and 7.9 members per household. It differs per sub-county (Ugandan Bureau of Statistics, Census 2014). The current population size in Koboko is around 206.000 people with an annual growth rate of 6.24 percent (Ugandan Bureau of Statistics, Census 2014) which means the Koboko population is growing twice as fast as the national average of 3,4 percent. The population density in Koboko is 251 people per square kilometre. Compared to the national average of 174 people per square kilometre, the region is far denser populated.

Resource trends

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Uganda has limited resources in terms of minerals and metals; there are small deposits of copper, gold and other minerals (CIA fact book, 2015). In the Albertine rift basin, which lies in western Uganda, they have recently discovered oil. In the oncoming years the Ugandan government will facilitate drilling for oil (CIA fact book, 2015). The most important natural assets are fertile soils and water bodies (CIA fact book, 2015). More than 70 percent of the country is used for agricultural purposes of which 34.3 percent is used as arable land, 11.3 percent for permanent crops, and 25.6 percent as permanent pastures (CIA fact book, 2015). Apart from agriculture, 14,3 percent is covered with forests (CIA fact book, 2015) and 11 percent (26,000 sq. km.) are wetlands (Kaggwa, 2009, et al).

Wetlands are for many (rural) Ugandans an important source of livelihood. Some important benefits of wetlands are the provision of crops (horticultural, rice, papyrus), fish, and materials for roofing, livestock fodder and materials for crafts (Kaggwa, 2009 et al). In addition, wetlands provide a range of services (ecosystem services) such as water storage, purification and flood control (Kaggwa, 2009 et al). There are two different types of wetlands, permanent and seasonal. In the Koboko district all the wetlands are seasonal in nature which means that in the dry season the water level will drop significantly until the wetland is dried out and during the rainy season the water level will be restored (Kaggwa, 2009 et al). At a national level, wetlands have become more threatened due to overuse, encroachment, pollution and settlements which causes serious environmental problems. The destruction of wetlands results in an increased frequency of flooding, destruction of habitats, and relating loss of biodiversity and ecological processes. Wetlands can restore groundwater levels and reduce local temperatures (micro-climate) which has a positive effect on local climate conditions. Destruction of wetlands and the relating micro-climate can result in extended periods of drought. In the case of Koboko, there are no data available on the current condition of the wetlands in the district. Nevertheless, there is evidence, gathered from interviews with local key persons, elders and households, for serious wetland degradation which is in agreement with the national trend.

As mentioned before, the main natural resource of Uganda and the West-Nile region is agricultural land. The land is used by 75% of the total labour force and contributes for 25 percent to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). About 70 percent of agricultural production is meant for home consumption and produced by subsistence farmers (AmanigaRuhanga, et al, 2010). The soil productivity is degrading at alarming rates with an approximate income loss of 39 to 56 USD per Ha per year (AmanigaRuhanga, et al, 2010). The fast growing population, which has an impact on natural resources (deforestation, wetland degradation, soil erosion, and pollution) and applying traditional farming systems exercise enormous pressure on the agricultural production (AmanigaRuhanga, et al, 2010). While carrying out interviews in the Koboko district, the topic about land degradation was present at all levels (macro, meso and micro). Farmers have experienced a steady decline in land productivity over the years. This trend started after they returned from neighbouring countries in the post-Idi Amin exile period. Land degradation in Koboko is closely linked to issues such as over-population, wetland degradation, climate change, low adoption of agricultural technologies and traditional farming methods.

Forests are important for communities to sustain in their livelihoods. Forest and trees are crucial for the Ugandan ecology and the provision of energy sources (AmanigaRuhanga, et al, 2010). A vast majority of households depends for their energy needs on charcoal and firewood (AmanigaRuhanga, et al, 2010). Furthermore, they support biodiversity in all forms and are therefore a pull factor for tourism. Unfortunately, the country’s forest and woodland cover reduced for about 27 percent between 1990 and 2005, which is 1,3 million hectares in total over a period of 15 years’

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(AmanigaRuhanga, et al, 2010). The impact on communities is significant; country wide people have to face the consequences of deforestation. In Koboko the forest cover is 16 percent of the entire district. Many interview respondents indicated that the number of trees has reduced drastically. The impact of deforestation in Koboko district is, according the respondents, the cause of changing rainfall patterns and soil degradation. Moreover, the prices of charcoal are rising, and access to firewood and forest products has become increasingly more difficult. Cross-border trade dynamics Cross-border trade (dynamics) is trade done by traders who trade goods crossing national borders, and can be divided into two major characteristics: formal cross-border and informal cross-border trade (ICBT). For many nations, formal trade is an important contributor to the economy in terms of tax revenues and control over traded commodities. However, especially in sub-Saharan Africa informal trade is much more important than formal trade for the common citizen. It positively contributes to food security and income creation for rural populations to sustain their livelihoods (Jean-Guy, 2012). Reasons for traders to go informal are over-taxation and briberies at border posts (Titeca, 2009). Especially in the region of West-Nile, crossing formal border posts consumes the profits of small traders, therefore much trade goes via informal trade routes avoiding formal border crossings (Titeca, 2009).

ICBT does not have a clear universal definition since it can occur in different forms (Nkendah, 2010) for example; unrecorded trade, illegal trade, unofficial trade, underground trade, part of parallel market activity, the activities of black market, trade subject of over-and under-invoicing, smuggling or hoarding. To be short, ICBT can be best characterized by its non-inclusion in the national account of a country or region in terms of its domestic and international trade (Nkendah, 2010), and includes the previously mentioned dimensions. In the Africa Economic Brief (Jean-Guy, et al, 2012) it refers to trade in processed or non-processed merchandise which may be legal imports or exports on one side of the border and illicit on the other side. Important to know is the coexistence of ICBT (unrecorded) together with FCBT (recorded). This is a result of the significant socio-economic importance of ICBTs, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. According to Jean-Guy (2012), ICBT is a result of the following determinants: lack of trade facilitation, inadequate border infrastructure, limited access to finance, limited market information, corruption and insecurity, and limited knowledge, education and business management skills.

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Sustainable Livelihood Framework The description of the socio-economic situation and cross-border trade and dynamics in West-Nile is at national and regional levels. Neither the impact on the households in the Kokoko district nor the current development status of farmer households living in the district is clearly known To get an

Figure 5: Sustainable livelihood framework (source: DFID, 2001) understanding of what is happening at household level the research was designed according to indicators of the sustainable livelihood framework (SLF). According to the framework a livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets and activities needed for a means of living, and is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from shocks and stresses, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets and provide sustainable opportunities for the next generation. The sustainable livelihoods approach considers vulnerabilities as the main factor that shapes how people make their living.

The level of vulnerability of an individual or community is determined by how weak or strong their livelihoods are, what occupational activities they are engaged in, the range of assets they have access to for pursuing their livelihood strategies and the strength and support of the social networks and institutions that they are part of or which have influence over them. The most important factors that are influencing the strengths and choices of peoples’ livelihoods are based on a range of assets they use and have access to.

Vulnerability context.

The vulnerability context frames the external environment in which farmer households exists. The livelihoods of those farmers and the wider availability of assets are fundamentally affected by trends, shocks and seasonality. Important aspect of the vulnerability of livelihoods is the limited or no control they have over those three aspects. Therefore, the macro and meso level analysis is crucial to understand the environment which farmers have to deal with in daily life.

To identify the current livelihood status of farmer households living in the Koboko district the SLF provides certain tools to analyse household assets that are required to make a living. These assets (capitals) are divided in 5 groups:

Human capital: ‘represents the skills, knowledge, ability to labour and good health that together enable people to pursue different livelihood strategies and achieve their livelihood objectives. At a household

23 level human capital is a factor of the amount and quality of labour available; this varies according to household size, skill levels, leadership potential, health status, etc.’ (DFID, 1999)

Social capital: ’In the context of the sustainable livelihoods framework it is taken to mean the social resources upon which people draw in pursuit of their livelihood objectives. These are developed through: networks and connectedness, either vertical (patron/client) or horizontal (between individuals with shared interests) that increase people’s trust and ability to work together and expand their access to wider institutions, such as political or civic bodies; membership of more formalised groups which often entails adherence to mutually-agreed or commonly accepted rules, norms and sanctions; and relationships of trust, reciprocity and exchanges that facilitate co-operation, reduce transaction costs and may provide the basis for informal safety nets amongst the poor.’(DFID, 1999)

Natural capital: ‘Natural capital is the term used for the natural resource stocks from which resource flows and services (e.g. nutrient cycling, erosion protection) useful for livelihoods are derived. There is a wide variation in the resources that make up natural capital, from intangible public goods such as the atmosphere and biodiversity to divisible assets used directly for production (trees, land, etc.).

Within the sustainable livelihoods framework, the relationship between natural capital and the Vulnerability Context is particularly close. Many of the shocks that devastate the livelihoods of the poor are themselves natural processes that destroy natural capital (e.g. fires that destroy forests, floods and earthquakes that destroy agricultural land) and seasonality is largely due to changes in the value or productivity of natural capital over the year.’ (DFID, 1999)

Physical capital: Physical capital comprises the basic infrastructure and producer goods needed to support livelihoods. (DFID, 1999)

 Infrastructure consists of changes to the physical environment that help people to meet their basic needs and to be more productive.  Producer goods are the tools and equipment that people use to function more productively.

The following components of infrastructure are usually essential for sustainable livelihoods:

 affordable transport;  secure shelter and buildings;  adequate water supply and sanitation;  clean, affordable energy; and  access to information (communications).

Financial capital: denotes the financial resources that people use to achieve their livelihood objectives. The definition used here is not economically robust in that it includes flows as well as stocks and it can contribute to consumption as well as production. However, it has been adopted to try to capture an important livelihood building block, namely the availability of cash or equivalent that enables people to adopt different livelihood strategies. There are two main sources of financial capital. (DFID, 1999)

• Available stocks: Savings are the preferred type of financial capital because they do not have liabilities attached and usually do not entail reliance on others. They can be held in several forms: cash, bank deposits or liquid assets such as livestock and jewellery. Financial resources can also be obtained through credit-providing institutions. (DFID, 1999)

• Regular inflows of money: Excluding earned income, the most common types of inflows are pensions, or other transfers from the state, and remittances. In order to make a positive contribution to financial capital these inflows must be reliable (while complete reliability can never be guaranteed there is a

24 difference between a one-off payment and a regular transfer on the basis of which people can plan investments). (DFID, 1999)

On the basis of the previous mentioned vulnerability context and the household capitals and assets of the SLF the following sub-question is derived and used as the basis for the farmer household analysis.

 Sub-question: what are the changes that occurred at farmer household level in Koboko district?

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4 Results Meso-level Key persons interview findings at institutional level. The interview findings which were carried out at institutional level are summarized below. A detailed description of all interviews can be found in Appendix 1.

The inhabitants of Koboko district are facing different socio-economic challenges that directly influence the ability to sustain and develop their livelihoods. The main topics identified are related to climate change, food-security, market intelligence, agricultural production, youth, health, education and cross-border dynamics. The year 2015 was a year in which climate change became a point of attention due to the unpredictability of rainfall and extending periods of droughts in the region. The impact of droughts resulted in crop failure and decreasing yields which impacted an already vulnerable agricultural sector. The intensive use of land, due to increased population density, traditional farming methods and deforestation related to tobacco production, made farmers more vulnerable to the effects of climatic events. A lack of climate resilience amongst farmers is directly related to a limited availability of extension services and agents, and low technological adoption rates of the farmers themselves. A reason for that is their dependency on external support linking to the high numbers of farmers with a refugee background who are used to being supported by external parties.

A major issue addressed by the local authorities and NGOs is a decreasing food security caused by, for example, a need for cash via the sales of nutritious food crops. A ready market in South-Sudan, caused by a destructive civil war, is literally consuming large amounts of healthy crops from the Koboko markets. Traders are in charge of commodity chains and buy large quantities of vegetables, legumes and fruits from the region. As a result, healthy and nutritious foods are leaving the household in return for low nutritious foods like rice and cassava bought with earned cash. As Bongo from ACAV stated: ‘Malnutrition is a result of deficiency of production, a focus on cash crops and lack of knowledge about healthy food for children’.

Access to markets and increasing market intelligence is an important point which was addressed during the interviews. The larger trading flows, dominated by Ugandan merchants, are not beneficial for local small holder farmers. Reasons for this are a poor organisation of farmers to increase their bargaining position, a lack of means of transport, lack of post-harvest management and the inability to add value to raw produce. Furthermore, rural/urban migration of youth leaving the countryside for women and elderly only, which lowers the regional productivity. Youth are increasingly focusing on a quick gain of cash in larger regional towns rather than participating in agricultural production. However, the young people who migrated to urban areas are low-educated and low-skilled which leaves them jobless and prone to substance abuse.

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Key person interview findings at sub-county level. Sub-county Community Development Officers

Data gathered from sub-county community development officers overlapped and verified the information given by the local authorities and NGO’s. The situation is identified based on the experience sub-county CDOs have with the communities they represent. Those communities are facing several socio-economic challenges that still have to be solved or have changed over time. Currently, there is still are strong division and utilisation of tasks in crop production like the fact that men are responsible for tobacco, coffee, khat, groundnuts, legumes and maize. Additionally, men are in power of livestock rearing and selling 80 percent of their produce, meanwhile women are producing sorghum, sweet potatoes, rice, groundnuts and vegetables of which 50 percent is marketed. Cash income, derived from mainly tobacco and livestock sales, is used to pay school fees and luxury products. Women use cash income for domestic use, health care and household nutrition as well as investing in

Figure 6: Key-person interview locations, CDO's and Elders (Google. 2016) village saving groups. More often the household nutritional status is under pressure, due to the increasing need for cash, by selling all healthy crops the family produces. Currently, a general rural household can sustain itself for 70 percent by its own produce and has to purchase a 30 percent to overcome the lean season. In urban areas this is almost for 100 percent purchased at local shops and markets. Household cash needs are highest in periods before public holidays (Christmas, Id al-Adha, Independence Day) and tobacco sales increases just before to meet the household needs. Seasonal price fluctuation is strongly climate-related. Due to climatic changes, which influence and make the predictability of seasonal rains and droughts hardly possible, the normally correlated price cycles are also influenced. Directly after periods of harvest prices of crops are low (the season of plenty from December to February and July to September). From March until June, during the first rainy season, a period of hunger occurs, which puts pressure on the health situation of rural households since food stocks are running out and waterborne diseases appear. Besides, the first season is increasingly prone to droughts; the ‘hunger period’ is intensifying and weakening the capital position due to lower

27 marketable produce (decreasing yields) and increased market prices. What is more, most farmers do not have many other non-farm income-earning activities. Only a few are engaged in informal fuel trade and labour activities in other regions to service as alternative income source (remittances).

In contrast with the past, nowadays the youth is demotivated to participate in agriculture and they migrate to towns to find jobs. Furthermore, many of them drop out of school early, blaming their parents for not paying the necessary school fees. A lack of guidance by their illiterate parents is opted as a cause for problems with youth. Most parents lived in exile for many years in the 80-s, caused by Obote’s persecution of the Koboko people after Idi Amin resigned and left a generation uneducated. Civil wars in the neighbouring countries started a large migration of refugees, of which a significant part settled down in the region putting pressure on land and resource availability resulting in food shortage and increasing poverty. Deliberate effort to tackle poverty by empowerment of girls and women had a positive effect to a certain extent. Nowadays, girls are less affected by increasing poverty, however, a negative side effect is seen in Dranya sub-county. The issue there is an increase in household conflicts and divorce since women are more likely to sustain themselves. Men see this as loss of pride, power and control which causes conflicts and unrest. For boys and young men, it is a struggle to keep up with the development of their female counterparts and they face higher school dropouts, substance abuse and engage in illegal activities. The CDO does not put the blame on women, but on the design and implementation of empowerment programs mostly supported by organisations with strong western cultural approaches.

Community Elders

Data gathered from interviewing the elders overlapped to a certain extent with previous key person interviewees. However, elders can provide inside information about the situation in the past and the impact on the current situation for Koboko communities due to respectively their age and experience.

Shocks

The elders had to face many shocking events that occurred in the region. Especially the period after Idi Amin has had a life changing impact on their livelihoods. Since 1979, Koboko district has had several outbreaks of armed conflicts between rebel groups fighting the Obote-, and later the Museveni government. During the first 6 years of the 80s, most people in the region had to live in exile in neighbouring countries, fearful to be a victim of retaliation. Many of them have seen rebels looting and destroying their homesteads, or had to flee to town away from danger. A major conflict outbreak was the West Nile Bank Front insurgence in the mid-90s. Many people lived in fear and were displaced to camps. The last 30 to 40 years are marked as a period during which conflict after conflict occurred. The last serious clash was in the year 2000, when the SPLA rebels from South-Sudan looted villages in the sub-county of Ludara. Only for about 10 years the situation has become more stable. As one elder stated; the situation became quiet, we can even travel during the night. More recently, the elders of Chakulia village in Ludara sub-county were displaced from their ancestral lands by the national government. The reason for this is the fact that their crop- and grazing lands were located in a national forest reserve named Kei Forest Reserve. A direct effect on the livelihoods of the elders is the inability to produce sufficient food for their families. In other counties, an increasing population is causing conflicts between communities about land-distribution and ownership. Last year, during the first growing season of 2015, drought had caused crop failure and yield losses, which is relatively new for the elders. In those days, droughts were there, but not serious enough to endanger their lives.

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Trends

The diminishing of natural resources is a major change within the Koboko rural communities. Except for some communities living in forested areas, all wildlife has disappeared from the region. Most elders remembered the pre-Idi Amin time as a period of abundance. In the 80s most elders hunted in forests around their communities for the last time before poachers killed the last remaining large mammal populations. Besides, the wetlands were kept untouched and used as a year round water source for human and livestock purposes. Although some elders indicated livestock breeding has become more important nowadays, the number of heads of cattle was larger in the past due to increasing prices in the long run. Furthermore, over the years the population grew very fast due to the influx of refugees from Congo and South-Sudan. The elders have experienced an increase in human diseases over the time. They relate the diseases such as cancer and diabetes to a change in food culture, caused by foreign influences and the introduction of cooking oils.

Seasonality

The elders of several villages within the districts feel there has been a great change in seasonal rainfall. In the last 10 years, rainfall patterns changed towards extended droughts from January until May. In the past, from 2000 and before, rains were predictable and occurred from March till July. The effect on crop production is significant since now farmers are not able to plan land preparation and sowing. According to the elders, the change is a direct result of deforestation and excessive use of wetlands due to a rapid population increase.

Concluding remarks

To conclude with, to the elders and their families the pre-Idi Amin period (those days were) was a period of relative abundance in terms of predictable seasonality, land abundance, forests and wildlife, limited need for cash, barter trading between clans and households, productive soils and relatively cheap education. The main effect of living in a period of exile is the depletion of resources. However, some pre-exile challenges were around such as difficult access to healthcare, and limited freedom to travel outside clan territories and the absence of governmental support programs. The problem with external support programs for agricultural development is increasing; 5 to 10 years ago support from the NAADS, NUSAF 2 as well as community driven support was provided but currently programs are being shut down. Especially shutting down the restocking program for livestock disappointed the elders deeply. Finally, the issue of the loss of their traditional culture and authority of the elders has to be mentioned.

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Historic timeline of Koboko district

The historic timeline is based on the interviews carried out with community elders and verified with available literature of Leopold (2005), Bogner, et al, (2013), and Titeca (2009). Most of the indicated conflicts and changes accordingly are investigated and documented by those three authors. The timeline gives an overview of the conflict indicator with the related impact on the local situation and farmer households. Furthermore, an indication of date and location is included in the table.

Year Event Impact Region 1830- Arab slave & cattle traders invading from the Looting and burning of houses, enslave Northern 1850 north. Kakwa, Kuku and Madi people, region of Introduction of Islam West-Nile 1860- First European Ivory traders, missionaries and Killing elephants & rhino’s, enslave local Equatorial 1870 ‘explorers’ arrived people, looting, introduction of Christianity Sudan, Northern Uganda, Ituri, DRC 1877 Russo-German explorer Wilhelm Junker arrives in Lugbara land 1877- Lado Enclave established 1913 1914 Lado Enclave Divided Ethnic groups separated by borders West-Nile, Ituri, South- Sudan 1925 Inter-tribal movements Dangerous period to travel from clan to Lobule clan 1950 Religious conflicts Oppression of Muslims, forced Christianity Koboko District 1963 Independence of Uganda National 1964 Simba rebellion Influx of refugees from DRC in WN, still West-Nile living in district Koboko 1971- Idi Amin West-Nile was under privilege National 1979 1980- Exile of Kakwas; Fall of Idi Amin, rise of Obote Kakwa people forced to live in exile in Zaire 1990 2 and Sudan 1981- Ugandan Bush War (National resistance army 1986 vs Obote & Tito Okello) 1986 Rise of Museveni 1980- Ugandan National Rescue Front 1 (UNRF 1) Fighters recruited, many atrocities in West-Nile 1985 northern part of West-Nile National 1985- Return of Kakwa people to Koboko district, Conflict over land started, loss of trees and Koboko 1990 reclaiming land wildlife, gap in education of a generation 1995- West Nile Bank Front (WNBF) Yumbe, 1998 Koboko 1996 Ugandan National Rescue Front 2 (UNRF 2) Northern West-Nile 2002 Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) Looting of belongings Ludara Koboko 2013 M18 rebels attack Congolese Refugee influx in West-Nile Arua, Koboko 2015 First season drought (March – June) Crop damage, yield losses Koboko Table 1:Historic overview of conflicts that occurred in Koboko district

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Micro-level (Midia village) Community description

Midia village is situated in Kuluba sub-county in the upper north-western part of Koboko district. The village is part of the Salia Musala (meaning ‘three cooking stones’) – Nyoke parish which is known for its strategic position as a three-country border point between Uganda in the east, DRC in the south- west, and South-Sudan in the north. According the village chief the number of people living in the village is approximately 400 distributed over 147 households. The ethnicity of the villagers is predominantly Kakwa; however, three different clans share the region. One of the clans, the Nyoke, is Ugandan and has lived in the area for over a hundred years. They share their ancestral lands with Poduru and Parkele clans who originate from neighbouring DRC. When in the 1960s the Simba-war

Figure 7: Location of Midia village within Koboko district (Google, 2016) started, many Kakwa refugees from those clans fled to Midia village in Uganda. Since those days, most of the refugees have settled down and borrowed land from elders or locally named ‘Mzee’ (Kiswahili for a respected older person, father or grandfather). In the past no administrative units were there, Midia village was not a real village but more a collection of different homesteads. In those days, villagers were able to cross-border freely, nowadays the immigration service does not allow free crossing. Since 2006, the village has officially been recognised by the municipal department.

Trends, Seasonality and Shocks - past and current changes in Midia village

Trends and seasonality: Crop- and livestock production, natural resources and climate.

Before the 1930s, villagers cultivated local crops such as millet, sorghum, simsim (sesame), peas and cowpeas. People who had been staying in Kampala and returned back to the region introduced new crops like banana and pineapple, and cassava from the DRC. In those days, when population density was still low, there was no food shortage which was closely related to the availability of free and abundance of bush meat (wildlife). Barter trading was the system they used. Over the years, wildlife

31 numbers decreased until nothing was left to consume in the 1980s. Simultaneously, communities started to replace bush meat for livestock, and a shift towards trading for money gradually appeared. The increasing population growth resulted in the depletion of natural resources like forests and watersheds. In times of droughts, which is occurring more frequently, people tend to cultivate wetlands more intensively, and go cross-border to find fresh water sources during scarcity. In earlier years, the weather patterns were still predictable. In February, the first rainfall arrived which continued to fall until July; however, since the year 2000, the rains only tend to appear at the end of March for just a short duration. The village elders related the cause of this change to deforestation.

Figure 8: transect drawing of Midia village

Figure 8 is a result of a transact walk carried out with village representatives. The result is a cross- section of the community setting in terms of land use, soil-type, crops, cash-crops, trees, livestock, social and cultural important places and division of control by clan. The main areas of production are located around settlements close to homesteads. The wetlands are mainly used for horticulture and staple food production. Grazing areas and firewood collection is done on the North-side of the village (left side of map) the wetlands provide a possibility to grow crops during a dry spell. Most of agricultural land and resources are owned by the native clan the Nyoke, the Poduru and Parkele people are mainly involved in trading.

Shocks: conflict, colonisation, independence and health.

In the days before colonists controlled the region, different clans fought each other with bow and arrow. Due to colonial intervention, the fighting among clans stopped. In 1914, the demarcation of the current border situation was effected. Since then, a continuous movement of people between the three countries has occurred due to several heavy conflicts that appeared over the last 60 years. As

32 mentioned before, the Simba-war caused people to flee the DR-Congo in the 60s, the opposite happened in the 80s after Idi Amin fled to Libya. In the mid-nineties, the Midia villagers had to flee for Bamuze (leader WNBF) to neighbouring DRC, During the rebel raid many people died while crossing the border and they left their villages for plunder. Before Uganda became independent from the British, they did not have access to health facilities. During the last 30 years, access has become easier and within closer distance.

Cross-border trade and economic activities in and around Midia village.

Table 2 is developed with data collected during an economic mapping exercise carried out with local village representatives. The original map is difficult to read (see figure 9) from a picture and accordingly transformed in a table (see table 2, pg. 31). All commodities indicated in the table are informally traded by villagers from the region, or by petty traders coming from communities just cross border. Tobacco and fuel are re-exports to avoid high taxation by the Ugandan government. Most food is derived from Durba market in the DRC, and is sold in Koboko town, Midia village and South-Sudan.

Figure 9: Midia village socio-economic map

Figure 9 is showing the result of the socio-economic mapping exercise done with village representatives. The yellow arrows and text in the map indicates the imports from the DRC (right) and the red arrow (right) are the exports to the DRC. The yellow arrow at the top shows the exports in direction of South-Sudan, the yellow arrow at the top shows the imports via South-Sudan into the village. Most of the commodities are only on transit via the inform trade route (smuggle-route). Villagers benefit from the trade by being active traders themselves. For example, a kg of Oranges is bought for 2000 Ugandan shilling in the DRC and sold for 500 shilling more in South-Sudan.

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Table 2: Informal trade flows passing Midia village (Source: Village chief and representatives, Jean-guy, 2012

Commodity type Origin Destination Category Non-processed Cassava Midia, DRC Abachi, Sudan Food Beans Midia Abachi, Food Cabbage DRC South-Sudan Food Matooke DRC South-Sudan Food Banana Uganda South-Sudan Food Peas Uganda South-Sudan Food Groundnuts Midia South-Sudan Food Sweet-potatoes Uganda South-Sudan Food Tomato Uganda South-Sudan Food Livestock Midia, Uganda South-Sudan, DRC Food Fish Uganda, DRC Food Coffee DRC Uganda Food Sugar cane DRC Midia Food Oranges DRC, Midia Uganda, South-Sudan Food Yam DRC, Midia South-Sudan Food Avocados DRC, Midia Uganda Food Semi-processed Tobacco Midia village, DRC, S-S South-Sudan, Uganda Re-exports Manufactured goods Uganda DRC Industrial products Re-exports Fuel (petrol) Kenya, Sudan, DRC DRC, Uganda Re-exports Sugar South-Sudan, Uganda Uganda Re-exports Tobacco South-Sudan Uganda Re-exports/non food

Table 2 is the result of a socio-economic map villagers of Midia drew after conducting a transect walk. The table shows the type of commodities traded by the community, or passing via the village to markets outside the region. The origin of commodities is the DRC, Midia village, Uganda, South-Sudan and Kenya. Destinations are Sudan, South-Sudan (main market), DRC (main production), Uganda and Midia village. The category of commodities is non-processed foodstuff, semi-processed (value added), and re-exports of fuel, sugar and tobacco. The reason people are re-exporting commodities is to avoid paying taxes. Road taxes are included in the fuel prices; however, many people cannot pay the high fuel prices. A result fuel which is coming from Mombasa, Kenya is directly send to the DRC, avoiding Ugandan tax authorities, thereafter unloaded in DRC and transported back to Uganda in jerry cans with motorcycles. The same structure is used for domestic produced sugar, which is taxed when used in Uganda to stimulate exports. Ugandan traders are therefore exporting trucks of sugar in to the DRC and South-Sudan from where it is informally traded back into Uganda. This system of re-exports is broadly used by border communities to avoid paying high amounts of taxes.

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Household livelihood situation (micro level) Household composition and resource base

The results of the household livelihood situation are based on N=6 household interviewed in late November 2015 in Midia village. The average number of people per household is between 8 and 11. The head of the household has an average age of 37; their educational status is going up to primary level 6 so the respondents are low educated with large extended families. The languages spoken are predominantly Kakwa and Kiswahili. In Midia village none of respondents speak English. The average land size is 4.1 Ha, however some have less than 1 Ha and one had 13 Ha. There is limited use of irrigation meaning the majority of the respondents depend on rainfall. The number of owned livestock differs per household, 3 out of 6 have cattle and 5 out of 6 have goats and 4 out of 6 have chickens. Cattle is an important asset to sustain in periods of financial needs, furthermore cattle is used for dowries.

All of the respondents are engaged in subsistence agricultural practices. There is no use of draught animals for ploughing or tractors. All tillage is done by hand. In terms of using improved inputs only one uses chemical fertilizers and improved seeds for tobacco production provided by Alliance and British American Tobacco. The reason for not using improved inputs is a lack of financial capital. The farmers who use improved seeds experience higher yields; however, drought is a serious challenge in maintaining a good harvest. Especially the first growing season of 2015 was very dry and mainly beans withered.

Labour availability and activities

Farming activities are mainly done by household family members. If money is available casual labourers are hired, but not for all of the households. Most labourers hired are from the village and get payroll wages. Weeding and harrowing is done by women and digging is done mainly by men. On specific occasions that occur during a crop season, common effort is needed for weeding, at those moments men and women work together in croplands. Non-family is available in forms of a collaboration of women from the village, who are working on a rotational basis at farms in the community. Four out of six farmers indicated they have a particular association with groundnuts and maize. One of the farmers is bringing his produce to an association in town; however, none of them is part of or belongs to organisations, groups or committees. None of the respondents have household members who send remittances to the family in the village. A reason for this is the fact that family members stay within or close to the village where their own money is made.

Livelihood strategies.

Crop- and livestock production.

The main livelihood strategy of all interviewed households is the production of food and cash crops, and livestock breeding. The food crops produced to feed the household are cassava, groundnuts, maize and beans. Part of the produce is sold at local markets or cross border in DR-Congo and South Sudan. Cash crops grown are mainly tobacco but some of the food crops like groundnuts and banana are partly sold when cash is needed and therefore considered to be cash crops. Women sell cassava, matooke (Banana), beans and maize, men are mainly in charge of tobacco production, processing and sales. Some of the men sell groundnuts as well. As indicated in section livestock, the rearing of cattle, goats and chickens is of great importance for the household income and nutrition. Cattle and goats are reared and managed by men and chickens are kept by women. Livestock sales are mainly done by men at markets in the region.

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Shocks and changes

Many households have indicated to be facing major changes related to shocks that affected their livelihoods. A major issue is the change of seasons in terms of weather predictability and rainfall. Especially the first growing season from March until July is affected by climate change, according to the villagers. The dry season from December to March is increasing in length and the sun is intensifying compared to the past when cloudy days with rain were a normality. In addition, the second growing season from September until November is intensifying in terms of rainfall. Villagers are worried about losing the first growing season due to drought and the second season due to heavy rainfall. Households also have to face a decrease in land productivity and the availability of clean water sources which causes diseases like cholera and bilharzia. One farmer faced sudden death of his cattle due to diseases, and another lost crops due to heavy wind. Moreover, school fees are increasing which leads to keeping children from school.

The effect of those changes and shocks is significant. Per household the effect is different due to different coping mechanisms and some of the shocks occurred in a single family only. However, the changing weather and productivity of land is affecting all of the farmer households. One of the major effects is a reduced income since households have to face a reduction in yields leading to fewer surpluses meant for market purposes. Farmers also indicate an increase in stress, shortage of food supply in the lean season, and limiting seeds supply for the next planting season.

Livelihood outcomes

food self-sufficiency from own production (Midia)

First season harvest Second season harvest

Figure 10: Annual food self-sufficiency from own production in Midia village

The graph above is a visualisation of household food self-sufficiency met by own production over a year. In explanation, during a year two rainy seasons occur. The first lengthy rainy season is from March until July and the second short rainy season is from September until November. In between, there are two dry periods of which December until March is the most intense with very limited rainfall, the dry spell from July until August/September is short and less intense but relatively dry. The graph indicates in which period food from own produce is available. In February food stocks are running out and continue to be low until June. In June most farmers can harvest crops sown (traditionally, however shifting to April) in March.

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food self-sufficiency and seasonal rainfall (Midia)

Last Harvest This Harvest Rainfall

Figure 11: Annual food self-sufficiency and seasonal rainfall patterns in Midia village.

The graph shows the relation between food availability from own production with rainfall patterns during a year. Rainfall does not mean that household food security increases, sometimes even the opposite shows. Especially in March until June, the situation is challenging for most households to stay food secure. When food stocks run out different strategies are applied. Some families buy food from local markets with money they earn from livestock sales, others use savings derived from tobacco sales. Other households have indicated they exchange food commodities between other households or work in return for foods.

Even though the situation is challenging, some livelihood outcomes in the family are achieved such as: the purchase of goats, a small production increase (for one household), a small increase in cash savings and a more balanced diet. However, the answers were given in the context of the second season of 2015. Many farmers lost parts of their crops in the first season due to drought. Four out of six farmers have indicated that their livelihood situation is staying the same, the two other households have seen an improvement.

Household market orientation

Crops and livestock are sold at different market places in the village and region. The most important place is Keri, Dubai market in Midia, Draba (DRC) and Kaya. Some of the households prefer to sell at home since they have a better bargaining position. Cash crops like tobacco are sold at markets outside the village. Several households have indicated they experience changes regarding buyers and markets. The prices fluctuate more often and buyers push market prices down. They have little power to change their bargaining position. Most buyers have low fixed prices that hardly leaves room for negotiation. Some farmers took the initiative to form groups to create a stronger position. However, most households are in an urgent need for cash which pushes the family to sell for low farm gate prices. Furthermore, there is a strong demand for cassava roots and flour for the Sudanese and Congolese markets. According some respondents, this leads to shortage since a need for cash is urgent but sales prices for own food stocks are low and food crops to purchase are higher. Ultimately, cassava, their main nutritional source, is leaving the household and cash is used for other purposes. All interviewed farmers consider the current market situation to be negative for their livelihoods. Without getting good prices for their produce, development is hardly possible which leads to a risk of hunger.

External support and value addition.

None of the farmers received external support from the private or public sector to support the household and indicated the development to be negative. Some farmers would like to have financial support to buy inputs, and in agricultural extension to support livestock management and the introduction of technologies such as a tractor to open up fields. Of the six farmers only one indicated

37 he added value to produce. For example; women remove the seal from groundnuts, and maize is dried and comps are removed, both practices increase the value of the product. The other five farmers do not add value to produce due to a lack of knowledge, skills, network and external support. Moreover, none of the households have a granary to store their produce, most farmers store their produce in bags within the house on platforms. Unfortunately, stored produce is prone to be affected by rodents. The reason to store is to have access to own food stocks for a longer period of time, or to wait until market prices are increasing.

Figure 12: Homestead, Lobule Sub County, Koboko district

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5 Discussion of findings First of all, the research on ‘the impact of past and current changes in the socio-economic situation and cross-border trade dynamics on farmer households living in Koboko district’ had the purpose to collect information for Ecopolis Europa and the Lake Albert Foundation. The lack of knowledge and a literature gap about socio-economic change and cross-border dynamics needed to be filled in, so a field case study was carried out in the Koboko District that could give the researcher valuable information about the current changes, as well as about the past changes that occurred. Furthermore, the field study aimed to get a general understanding by investigating different levels of the district society, for which interviews were carried out at meso- and micro-level. The expectations of the research were primarily to become acquainted with doing research in a region that I personally did not know much about. Even though I prepared by reading literature and informative websites about the West-Nile region and the Koboko district while being in the Netherlands, getting an understanding and experience of daily life is completely different from being in the field. As a Dutch man, my perspective and reality are of a life and culture that in most aspects do not match the way in which West-Nilers are living. That made it very interesting to me as well as challenging, to develop a method to gain understanding of the region. Fortunately, the team (two Dutchmen and two Ugandans) which was formed in the first week of the case study period made it possible to actually carry out interviews.

At meso-level, district key informants provided a general understanding of the socio-economic challenges the Koboko inhabitants have to cope with. The major issues are mainly related to climate change, low agricultural production, environmental degradation, youth unemployment, drug/alcohol abuse, health risks and increasing food insecurity because of a ready market in a with civil war stricken South-Sudan. After that, the research-team investigated the situation at sub-county level by interviewing community development officers, focusing mainly on current challenges. The main findings of this research were that people have to deal with an extending hunger period in the first growing season, a low capital position of households, lack of non-farming income opportunities, limited informal cross-border trade opportunities for households living further away from the border, illiteracy, post-war challenges of the 80s exile period, and a high refugee influx putting pressure on resources and land. Simultaneously, several community elders and elder groups gave inside information about the district, community and personal history, and how that influenced their current daily lives. In addition, a livelihood study of farmer households was carried out with the research team in collaboration with participants of a Nuffic-financed Koboko refresher course on food security and cross-border development in the village of Midia in Kuluba sub-county. During the course, the research team presented the preliminary research findings to the participants in order to get feedback, additional information and explanations on result findings.

The sub-questions that needed to be answered are as follows:

1. What are the past and current changes in the socio-economic situation in Koboko district?

In this section an overview of the main results is given, linked to and discussed with the researchers’ observations and findings of literature which give a broader understanding of the past and current changes in the socio-economic situation. It is obvious that the district inhabitants encountered many changes in their socio-economic situation over the last 150 years, especially after the fall of the Idi Amin regime in 1979 brought a period of serious instability. However, at district meso-level several key persons indicated that especially climate change is currently a major challenge which directly influences the livelihoods of households nowadays. Extending periods of drought in the first growing season and intensification of rainfall in the second growing season are clear indicators that the climate is changing negatively and especially affecting agricultural production. The agricultural sector is under

39 pressure due to lack of land, low productivity, rapid population growth and relating intensive use of land. Agriculture in particular faces major challenges regarding land degradation caused by poor farming methods, deforestation, lack of extension services, failing governmental support systems (NAADS program) and low technology adoption rates. Additionally, the regional availability of food is threatened since a ready market for produce in South-Sudan is extracting nutritious crops from the district resulting in increasing food insecurity for many poor farmers. The large trade flows between Uganda and South-Sudan are not beneficial for local producers since they are poorly organised, they lack means of transport and do not have means to implement post-harvest management like the addition of value to produce. Another issue is the migration of youth from the rural to the urban regions in search of quick money, which creates a lack of productive labour in the rural households and directly lowers the production of crops. Youth in towns are low educated and mostly non-skilled which leaves them jobless and vulnerable to drug/alcohol abuse and diseases like HIV and hepatitis B.

At sub-county level the socio-economic challenges are overlapping with the results given by the district officials and supporting organisations. All indicated the effects of climate change on the rural population. Especially droughts and heavy rains increase the risk of crop failure lengthening the hunger period which causes malnourishment amongst young children. Furthermore, poor nourishment of children affects class attendance and performance. In addition, we saw a weakening of the capital position of farmer households due to increasing market prices, low farm output and lack of non- farming labour activities.

According the participants of the Koboko refresher course, all the previously mentioned issues led to an underdevelopment of a significant part of the Koboko people. The major causes of underdevelopment are very broad in nature. The issue of poverty is a major reason why those people are underdeveloped at different levels of their lives. Of course, the word ‘underdeveloped’ in itself raises many questions such as; why are the people of this region struggling to develop their livelihoods and failing to counteract against the issues of climate change, improving agricultural production and maintaining household food security. A major challenge is the fact that many people are not motivated to change their behaviour to flee from poverty. This demotivation is a consequence of a long history of war and insecurity which created a development gap in the region, having an impact on personal and communal life (Leopold, 2005, Titeca, 2009, Bogner, 2013). On the other hand, to say that people are underdeveloped may be not justified, compared to how the situation was in the 80s and 90s when the region faced serious instability due to several conflicts (Leopold, 2005). While investigating the findings of the field study, a clearer picture of the possible causes of past and current changes leading to underdevelopment presented itself. This is, in my opinion, mainly the result of research work done by Leopold (2005), Titeca (2009), Bogner and Neubert (2013). They have done several studies in the West-Nile region about the history (Leopold, 2005), changing cross-border trade dynamics (Titeca, 2009) and post-conflict processes (Bogner, 2013) in the northern part of the West-Nile region.

What we can conclude from the findings is the fact that there has been a lot of change over the years. Especially the period since 1979, after the fall of Idi Amin, the notorious president of the 70s, has changed the socio-economic situation dramatically (Leopold, 2005). The current situation is for a large part the effect of a long period of post-war challenges. Environmental degradation, due to a high population density, is strongly related to the influx of refugees from neighbouring countries. Many households of the Kakwa ethnic group have close links with relatives living cross-border in the DRC and South Sudan (Titeca, 2009). When the situation is unstable they take care of their families by sharing land. This is putting pressure on agricultural production since more often there is a shortage of available land. Small plots of land need to be cultivated more intensively and because of a lack of agricultural inputs and the necessary skills to maintain healthy soils, the land is getting exhausted.

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2. What are the past and current changes in Cross-border (Trade) dynamics in the border triangle of North-West Uganda, North-East DRC and Southern Equatorial Sudan?

As already described in the background of this report, the case study region has been strongly conflict- ridden during the last 30 years. From 1979 (Post Idi Amin) onward, Northern Uganda, including the West-Nile region and Koboko district, faced a period of serious instability. This instability was fuelled by several insurrections and civil wars in the triangle of Northern Uganda, North-eastern DRC, and Southern Sudan, directly resulting in strong refugee movements across the borders of the three nations (Titeca, 2009, Bogner, 2013). The nature of cross-border trade is marked by its ethnic interconnection as explained in chapter 1: background. The history of trade in the West-Nile goes back to pre-colonial times long before the imperialists arrived. Well-established trading patterns existed between northern Uganda and Khartoum in Sudan (Titeca, 2009). When in the late 19th century the colonial power came to rule, trade of the indigenous people became illegal (Titeca, 2009). This change is also described by the elders of Midia village who indicated they had experienced times when travelling to family members living cross-border was illegal and a strict border control was kept up.

In those days, the region was, and still is, physically marginalised due to its far distance from the capital cities (DRC and South-Sudan) closer to Uganda and it had a hostile relationship with the national government which created an indigenous way of development, namely cross-border trade (Leopold, 2005, Titeca, 2009). Cross-border trade has played an important role as a coping economy for local populations. Cross-border trade is largely informal in nature due to a high level of taxation and many state services that require bribes from traders at formal crossings (Titeca, 2009). All this results in the creation of a shadow economy, to avoid and escape state erosion and economic problems. Ever since pre-colonial times, informal trade has made more sense than formal trade channels because of the largely informal nature of cross border trade and because it can quickly adapt itself to external circumstances (Titeca, 2009). All in all, those circumstances resulted in a flourishing cross-border trade in the early 1980s. Due to the 1979 war refugees settled down in Ariwara and started doing business (Titeca, 2009, Leopold, 2005). Ugandans, Sudanese and Congolese came together to trade at this place, a triangular trade of coffee, gold, dollars, manufactured goods, foods etc. Nevertheless, the situation rapidly destabilised in the 90s, when the WNBF and UNRF 2 fought out a war with the national government that was backed by the SPLA, and a war between Uganda and the Sudanese government (Khartoum) (Bogner, 2013, Leopold, 2005, Titeca, 2009). The region was simply too dangerous to travel. In 1997, at the peak of the conflict, Koboko town was at the frontline of the war. Many people were abducted, raped or killed and the Maracha region (between Arua and Koboko) was bombed by airplanes of Khartoum-based Sudanese troops (Leopold, 2005). Nowadays or better said since the period of 2005 until 2013 it became much easier to go cross-border since the CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement) was established. According to Carrington (2013) trade has boomed after the peace agreement was signed, simultaneously the Lord Resistance Army (LRA) withdrew from Uganda and Southern Sudan which gave an extra boost to cross-border trade.

We can see from the case study that trade in Koboko differs from place to place. Communities living at a relative distance of the DRC as well South-Sudanese borders have more difficulties in getting access to informal markets. Especially trade in small quantities is hardly possible since farmers lack means of transport due to poverty. For those farmers, trade has changed much over the years, since in 2005 the market was opened up by the CPA, but the trade flows were mainly between major towns such as Juba and Kampala, and Yei and Koboko/Arua, excluding the hinterlands (Carrington, 2013). Within Koboko’s rural areas there is trade of livestock with South-Sudan but this trade is organised by larger traders from Sudan and not by local livestock breeders. The Sudanese traders organise the market and collect livestock at the villages in the Koboko district. Via these specific channels, livestock breeders have

41 access to trade, which is dominated by the more powerful Sudanese traders. Trading is much easier for communities living in close distance to the border with the DRC. There are several informal border crossings that connect trading posts on both sides of the border. During the research, we observed many foods entering the Koboko district that originated from the DRC. We discovered that small petty traders benefit from a year round vegetable and fruit production and low prices in the DRC. Moreover, we observed that mainly women are involved in the food trade and that men are more involved in livestock, tobacco and fuel trade.

Nevertheless, cross-border trade is very dynamic due to the continuing changing situation in specifically South-Sudan. When peace was established in 2005, the market opened up, jobs were available and commodities started to flow towards Yei and Juba (Carrington, 2013). It brought capital to Koboko town and seasonal labourers from the Koboko district started to send money to family members. Unfortunately, since 2013 a new ethnic conflict has ignited in Sudan which has slowed down the trade flows. Especially the road between Koboko and South Sudan is increasingly avoided and traffic shifted towards the Nimule border post between Gulu and Juba, which is relatively safer at the moment. The labourers coming from the West-Nile and the villages in the Koboko district are increasingly targeted by ethnic groups living in South-Sudan due to the involvement of the UPDF (Ugandan Peoples Defence Forces) in the conflict. Since December 2015, the conflict has spread southwards closer to the border of West-Nile, resulting in larger migration flows that are effectively hampering trade. The large traders have the means to shift business towards other border points, however, small scale farmers have no means to change location and are unable to sell produce cross- border. For some local farmers it is even hardly possible to sell produce in Koboko town because of the distance. On the other hand, the demand for food from South-Sudan has boosted the trade from Koboko town significantly. Even today, while the situation is becoming increasingly more violent, traders are there to buy all forms of agricultural produce from local farmers in Koboko. Many traders from the rural areas have felt a strong incentive to sell their most valuable crops at the market due to the souring prices created by a food shortage in South-Sudan. As mentioned before, the question remains if the local population can benefit from this in terms of maintaining their own household nutrition, which is reaching a critical point in the Koboko district.

Cross-border trade and especially informal (Magendo) trade can be seen as an important livelihood strategy (coping economy) for the rural households of Koboko, and to a larger extent in the West-Nile region (Titeca, 2009). The reason for that is the important aspect of flexibility and its capacity to adapt to sudden change in the socio-economic situation (Titeca, 2009). Formal trade however, is like a heavily loaded truck, not able to adapt quickly to a changing traffic situation; informal trade is more like a motorcycle which can adapt quickly to a changing situation due to its manoeuvrability. If we look at the situation over time, formal and mainly informal trade have been a backbone economic activity for many people to escape from a high level of poverty to a certain extent (Leopold, 2005, Titeca, 2009). Where informal trade thrives, people are more likely to live in poverty. At the level of Midia village, the cross-border aspect of the micro economy is very important. The continuous demand for food from South-Sudan (Juba), which is currently involved in a civil war, is engaging the villagers as merchants to trade vegetables and fruits bought from markets in the DRC at low prices via Uganda to South-Sudan. Next to that, fuel and tobacco are informally re-exported as well re-imported via the village strategic location at the borders.

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3. What are the changes that occurred in the livelihoods of farmer households in Koboko district?

The vulnerability context; shocks, trends and seasonality.

The livelihoods of the farmers living in Midia village have changed significantly over the past. Especially invading imperialists and colonists have changed the indigenous community and household setting. The Arab ivory and slave traders set the tone in the 19th century by killing wildlife and abducting and enslaving people from the region (Leopold, 2005). When the Belgians and British came, the traditional barter trade system between clans diminished and fights between the groups came to a stillstand due to colonial interference (Titeca, 2009). During the Simba wars in the early 60s Congolese Kakwa clans fled and settled in Midia village, most of them permanently. Over the course of history, the village communities have encountered and survived the violence which took place over the years. Some of them moved to the DRC to escape the persecution during the Obote 2 period (Bogner, 2013). Before the Idi Amin period the region was forested and wildlife was abundant. From 1980 until 2015, the village’s natural resources dwindled swiftly because of overpopulation and the period of the insurgence of the WNBF also had an impact on the community (Bogner, 2013).

Household assets and capitals

From the livelihood study undertaken in the village we can conclude that the current situation of farmers’ households is primarily subsistence-oriented in nature. The general household does not have the means to significantly increase development regarding agricultural production. My personal opinion, connected to the collected evidence is that the farmer families are living in a general state of poverty. Extension agencies do not support the farmers and there is a low use of inputs and technologies. The farmers are still using traditional farming practices to provide in their basic income and most farmers are not or poorly educated. The number of livestock, mainly cattle, is an indicator of the capital strength of the household; the more cattle a head of the household possesses, the stronger their financial situation is. Next to owning cattle, land size is an important indicator of the level of poverty farmers are living in. However, I personally feel that a proper training of skills is of more importance than the amount of land which a household possesses. There is evidence from another village (Kabure village in Lobule sub-county) in which some of the households are trained by the NGO ACAV in agro-skills, that their capital position has become stronger. Even while they possess only small plots (less than 1 Ha) they tend to have a more diverse farming system and apply basic skills to increase production.

Importance of informal cross-border trade for the community

As indicated in the result section, ICBT in food crops, fuel and tobacco is an important additional income provider for the community. A direct informal trade route crosses the countryside and connects the DRC to South-Sudan. When implementing a transect we encountered several people who are involved in trade. For food crops, women import fruits and vegetables from the DRC and export via Uganda to South-Sudan. However, it is difficult to see how this trade has changed over the years since there is little monitoring in these trade patterns at village level. It seems, which is also confirmed by literature (Titeca, 2009), trade has always been done by local communities between members of the same ethnic groups. The fact that the region borders the DRC and South-Sudan has not withheld people from trading, even when colonists drew borders dividing people’s ancestral lands between three nations, trade continued and had an important livelihood function.

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Reflection and remarks

The field study period in the Koboko district brought the research team a broad overview of the changes that occurred in the socio-economic situation, cross-border trade dynamics and livelihoods of farmers’ households in the region. A strength of the research is the manner in which data were collected from the level of institutions and support organisations narrowing down to village representatives and farmers’ households at micro level. By doing so, we were able to verify the results collected at meso-level at the level of the farmers themselves. The importance of change over the course of history is to identify certain events which had a strong impact on the level of development of the government, communities and individuals. Some of the current problems such as a general underdevelopment of a large group of people can be explained by deliberate marginalisation and stigmatisation of ethnic groups by the national government after the fall of Idi Amin. The period after Amin is marked by continuous insecurity starting with the exile period from 1979 to 1986 which left a generation illiterate and traumatized. The instability continued in the nineties when different conflicts occurred within the region, but also in neighbouring countries. It seems that a majority of the people never had the time to recover from those periods; even today there is no adequate support in post- war/conflict recovery. More in-depth studies are needed to point out the bottlenecks in development and counteract the current issues related to natural resources such as deforestation and wetland management. Furthermore, the fast population growth will reach a critical point when there will simply be no place to cultivate or a place to go. It is a myth to think that agriculture can keep on supporting the livelihoods of a large majority of the communities; the sector has become too vulnerable for that. Deliberate effort is needed in job creation by investing in agro-industrial projects that are supported by the private sector. Governmental support has shown serious limitations due to failing projects and high levels of corruption and mismanagement which mainly affected the vulnerable farmers. If the rate of unemployment and a lack of future perspective are not taken seriously, a conflict in terms of civil unrest will be unavoidable. The impact of a conflict will not only be felt by poor farmers, but also on the regional, national and even international levels of stability. Therefore, deliberate effort to ensure the development of a fair and competitive primary sector is the basis of a stable society that a large part of the population can benefit from. Further reading This chapter will give an overview of literature that was used after the field research had been completed and that has not been mentioned in the literature review. The reason for indicating the literature in this chapter is to show the reader the importance of understanding the context of given answers by key persons that were interviewed. Especially historical information was lacking context most of the time, due to my own limiting pre-knowledge about the subject. Therefore, the following literature is of great importance for this report;

1. Mark Leopold (2005); the book Inside West-Nile.

The book written by the Belgian anthropologist named Mark Leopold is about violence, history and representation on an African frontier, namely West-Nile region.

‘’West-Nile is best known as the home of Uganda’s notoriously violent dictator, Idi Amin. But the area’s association with violence goes back much further, through the colonial era, when the district was significantly under-developed comparison with most of Uganda, and to a pre-colonial past characterised by slave-raiding and ivory poaching.

The book examines the relationships between these pasts and the present, between violence, narrative and memory in the former West-Nile district. It draws on archival research and ethnographic fieldwork

44 in the district capital, Arua town, during the late 1990s, when a low-intensity conflict between the government and local rebels became embroiled in wars spilling over from nearby borders with Sudan and the DRC

The author adopts the unconventional approach of moving backwards from the present through successive layers of the past, developing an anthropological critique of the forms of historical representation and their relationship with the human realities of war and violence, in a border area which has long suffered the consequences of being portrayed as a ‘heart of darkness’.

The book contributes to current debates in political anthropology on issues such as border areas, the local state, and the nature of the ‘post-colonial’. It will be of interest to historians, political scientists, literary and cultural critics, and others working on questions of violence, narrative and memory.’’

Mark Leopold (2005)

2. Kristof Titeca (2009); Article about: the changing cross-border trade dynamics between north- western Uganda, north-eastern Congo and Southern-Sudan.

This article was crucial in understanding how the cross-border trade situation developed over the past 40 years in West-Nile and neighbouring countries. Furthermore, it gave important information about the trade relations between border towns and ethnic interconnectedness of involved actors, and how conflicts developed an embedded informal trade sector. Below is a short introduction copied from the article in order to give a review of the found literature;

“Fahey (2008: 357) compares the commodity chain of minerals and other natural resources with a river that is constantly changing: A river responds to natural obstructions by carving new channels and reacts to anthropogenic diversions by following new paths to new destinations. A river also has periods of low flows and periods of floods. A calm river can facilitate commerce and development but a raging river can be destructive and deadly. The same metaphor can be used to describe general regional patterns of cross-border trade, which change in reaction to outside incentives such as security (conflict and peace) or state policies (which have an effect on price). Similar to a river, it may find new paths to reach its destination, or may cease to go to a certain destination at all. This paper will describe the evolution of cross-border trade patterns between north-western Uganda, north-eastern Congo (DRC) and southern Sudan since the 1980s. More particularly, it pays attention to the trade between the north- eastern Congolese market of Ariwara, the north-western Ugandan town of Arua, and Yei/Juba in southern Sudan. There are dense contacts between these different areas, which constitute a de facto polity and economic zone. This polity and economic zone has, however, undergone profound changes since the 1980s, something that this paper aims to describe.’’

Kristof Titeca (2009)

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Figure 13: Homestead in Midia village.

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6 Conclusion The conclusion will give an overview of the impact of past and current changes in the socio-economic situation and cross-border (trade) dynamics on farmer households living in Koboko district in West- Nile region, Uganda, and thereby answer the research question:

- ‘’What is the impact of past and current changes in the socio-economic situation and cross- border (trade) dynamics on farmer households living in Koboko district, West-Nile region, Uganda?’’

The final conclusion which can be drawn from the research is that farmer household are dealing with the impacts of an exile period, conflicts, climate change, environmental degradation, lack of governmental support, marginalisation, diseases and migration, which are influencing the livelihoods of farmers.

Subsistence agricultural production

Currently, the agricultural sector is experiencing the impact of those changes. Since more than 80 percent of the inhabitants are engaged in agricultural practices, the impact of the negative change is significant and therefore increasingly more problematic. The conflicts in the mid-nineties in the West- Nile region, in neighbouring South-Sudan and the DRC generated a large migration of refugees entering the region of which a part settled there permanently. Apart from a strong population growth in the Koboko district, land as become scarce and plots have been overexploited up to the point that soils are degraded. Most farmers do not have the means and knowledge to improve production and are unable to cope with a changing climate. Practices such as tobacco cultivation have deforested large parts of the district causing soil erosion and strengthening the effects of climate change. Rural/urban migration led to a lack of human capital in the countryside, and youth are not willing to participate in agriculture. Governmental programs like the NAADS failed, due to corruption and inadequate project management, to support farmers in improving agricultural production. Shutting down the program has led to a lack of extension agents to support the use of new technologies and inputs. As a result, farmers are overusing pesticide and antibiotics, which renders a health risk to consumers of farm produce. A positive exception is the ACAV farmer training centre initiative in Jabbara, Koboko district, which trains and supports farmers in approachable bottom-up practices, compensating the absence of extension workers.

Malnourishment

Currently the number of malnourished children in the Koboko district is on the rise. The main reason for this is a food shortage in South-Sudan due to a civil war that started in 2013. The lack of food production is creating a huge demand which needs to be met. As a result, Ugandan and Sudanese traders are exporting large quantities of staple-crops from Uganda and West-Nile. The prices in Juba are high which makes sales of agricultural produce lucrative for small scale producers who are in dire need for cash income. Unfortunately, healthy foods are sold by poor farmers and replaced by low nutritious food, affecting mainly small children. Many parents are unaware of the importance of well- nourished children.

Dysfunctional parents and economic demotivation (an issue of attitude)

The 80s exile period of the Kakwa people have led to a generation that is uneducated and traumatised resulting in paternal dysfunction and economic demotivation. The repercussions on the West-Nilers after the fall of Idi Amin by the Obote 2 government had forced them to flee into the DRC and South- Sudan. In this period many children did not get a proper education, and families were mainly supported

47 by humanitarian aid programs. When in 1986 Yowery Museveni came to power, families started to return to their ancestral lands in the Koboko district to rebuild their livelihoods. Not long after settling down, civil unrest broke out and a long period of war and instability struck the 90s. As a result, a large majority of the Kakwa people never had time to recover and rebuild their livelihoods. Even today the development is hampered and lagging behind compared to those living in Southern Uganda. The level of dependency on external support is highest amongst youth, and they are demotivated by a lack of future perspectives. High rates of drug and alcohol abuse, lack of jobs and lack of future perspective is a serious problem nowadays.

Informal cross-border trade and Lack of market perspective

Long before colonists enslaved the native population of the West-Nile and forced them to abandon their cultural and social traditions, barter trade was a well-established livelihood supporter. The interference of powerful outsiders made the Kakwa lose their position as traders. When Uganda became independent in the 60s, local communities started to trade cross-border with their ethnic families, establishing a well-functioning informal trade system peaking in the early 80s, and between 2005 and 2011. Even today, communities living close to the borders benefit from cross-border trade between the DRC and South-Sudan. However, communities that live deeper in the district do not have access to those trade possibilities due to limited infrastructure, low financial capital to hire transport and the power of traders engaged in large formal trade flows. As a result, many subsistence farmers, who form a large majority of the rural population, are lacking market perspectives strengthened by illiteracy and lack of entrepreneurial knowledge. Adding value, proper storage and general post- harvest management of produce is lacking which is a limiting factor decreasing farmers’ market perspective.

Underdevelopment

A final conclusion that can be drawn is the evidence of a general underdevelopment of subsistence farmers and their families caused by the previously indicated challenges. Most challenges can be traced back to past events which in certain cases drastically or gradually changed the livelihoods of farmers. At village level, farmers are facing a difficult future because of the following factors: the continuation of global and local climate change, rapid population increase and relating pressure on land availability, loss of natural resources and biodiversity, increase of human borne diseases, risk of hunger and malnourishment, and regional land and ethnic conflicts. A positive regional potential for off-farm income generating activities, which is proven by this study, is the informal cross-border trade system which has shown its capacity to be flexible and resilient in times of need.

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7 Recommendations

This chapter will give recommendation for Ecopolis Europa and Lake Albert Foundation.

Recommendation 1: Conducting a social-political background study before course implementation or project formulation. Improves the quality and effectiveness of TMT’s (Tailor made training) and Refresher Courses.

The study contributed to a better understanding of the local situation related to the refresher course content about cross-border development and food-security. A pre-study, as carried out in the period before the Koboko-refresher was implemented, worked out to be an effective strategy to improve the quality of the course. Especially, for the Ecopolis Europa course facilitators, the study contributed to a better understanding of the past and current cross-border trade, socio-economic and livelihood situation of farmers. In a broader context, for the development world, a pre-study, as carried out in Koboko district, can help policy and project developers in being more effective in tackling problems deeply embedded in a certain ethnic group, clan or region. Therefore, a social-political background study would be highly recommended.

1. Social-political background study; specific for an ethnic group, clan, migrants and refugees or region. a. Participation of local-representatives; elder, community leaders, village chiefs, social- workers b. Taking into account different levels in society eg. Macro, meso and micro level analysis and cross-sectoral verification. 2. Tailor made programs and project formulation based on pre-study findings for specific cases; see point 1. a. Focus on the long term (time frame of one generation of farmers to start with)

Recommendation 2: Formation of a framework for ‘’cross-border regional development’’ via multi- stakeholder agricultural support systems.

Underdevelopment and the related sub-challenges currently present in the Koboko district is complex in nature. Not for nothing the distress of hampering development and socio-economic underdevelopment has been felt in the complete district. Therefore, deliberate effort is needed to reduce the impact of current challenges by rebuilding, supporting and improving farmer livelihoods which are (still) suffering from post-war challenges, climate change, environmental degradation, alcohol and drug abuse, market and trade exclusion etc.

Developing an independent (non-political) multi-stakeholder based agricultural support system initiated by LAF and facilitated by Ecopolis Europa in collaboration with Muni University Arua and Unilac Mahagi. Critical points are:

- Organising and implementing a ‘cross-border agro trade-conference’ in Koboko; addressing cross-border trade opportunities and constraints with the inclusion of the private, public and service sector originating from both sides of the border (Uganda, South-Sudan, DRC). Identify and include regional human potential in discussions and decision-making, include successful initiatives such as the ACAV farmer training institute. o Laying a foundation for a fair and competitive private agricultural sector connected to knowledge institutes. Increasing the opportunities for youth to find jobs.

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o Discuss possibilities for research focused internships that can be filled in by regional, national and international students.

Recommendation 3: Further research

The study gave a general understanding of the impact of past and current changes in the socio- economic situation and cross-border trade dynamics on the livelihood of famer households living in the Koboko district. In order to facilitate change more in-depth studies are necessary that will generate a deeper understanding of the complexity of farmer livelihoods in relation to cross-border trade and their historical background which can help to formulate the right strategies helping to escape underdevelopment. The following research topics are formulated based on the discussion and conclusion of this report:

1. In-depth research about the root causes of the currently increasing number of malnourished children in the Koboko district, taking into account the correlation between the South- Sudanese civil-war and food availability in the Northern districts of West-Nile region. 2. Continuation of study about the current formal trade patterns and the impact on the socio- economic situation of poor farmers and vulnerable youth groups. How to involve local producers in formal (cross-border) trade and reduce the impact of trade related disease transmission. 3. In-depth study about the psychological effects of the post-Idi Amin exile period and the 90s conflicts on vulnerable groups living in the Koboko district. Explore possibilities for deliberate post-war recovery with a focus on attitude and motivational change. 4. Exploring the opportunities for private business initiatives in post-harvest management and value creation that can boost job availability and agricultural production. 5. Research on the impact of wetland degradation and deforestation which can lead to Koboko specific measures leading to a better protection of soils, natural resources and farm productivity. Include possibilities for a program which supports farmers in climate resilience.

Figure 14: Team Ecopolis visiting Ndrele, during ‘pomme de terre’ Nuffic training, Mahagi territory, DRC (August, 2015)

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8 References

. Acemah, Harold E. (2013). The story of West Nile: From DRC to Uganda to the United States of Africa. [Web]. Daily monitor July 21, 2013. Available at: http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/The-story-of-West-Nile-- From-DRC-to-Uganda-to/-/689844/1921012/-/2bqd3s/-/index.html. [Accessed 17 July, 2015]. . AmanigaRuhanga, Ivan., Manyindo, Jacob. (2010). Uganda’s Environment and Natural Resources: Enhancing Parliament’s Oversight. Birkeland: Trykker. Pp.10. . Bogner, Artur, Neubert, Dieter, 2013. Negotiated Peace, Denied Justice? The Case of West Nile (Northern Uganda), in: Africa Spectrum, 48, 3, 55-84. [pdf] GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of African Affairs in co- operation with the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Uppsala and Hamburg University Press. [accessed 14 September, 2015] . CIA World factbook.com (2015). Uganda profile. [online] Available at: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the- world-factbook/geos/ug.html [Accessed 2 Feb. 2016] . Suich, H. (2003). DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets. Section Two 1 to 3. [pdf]. Available at: http://www.eldis.org/vfile/upload/1/document/0901/section2.pdf. [Accessed 11 Aug. 2015]. . IFAD. (2013). Country strategic opportunities programme, Republic of Uganda. 108th session. [pdf]. Rome. Available at: https://webapps.ifad.org/members/eb/108/docs/EB-2013-108-R-6.pdf. [Accessed 10 Aug. 2015]. . Carrington, Graham. (2009). Cross-border trade: fuelling conflict or building peace? An exploration of cross-border trade between Sudan and Uganda and the implications for peacebuilding. [pdf] Available at: www.c-r.org. Conciliation Resources in UK. [accessed 18 Feb. 2016] . Jean-Guy, K Afrika., Ajumbo, Gerald. (2012). OPEV Newsletter, Informal Cross Border Trade in Africa: Implications and Policy Recommendations. Volume 3. [pdf]. Available at: http://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Publications/Economic%20Brief%20- %20Informal%20Cross%20Border%20Trade%20in%20Africa%20Implications%20and%20Policy%20Recommendations% 20-%20Volume%203.pdf. [Accessed 25 July. 2015]. . Kaggwa, R, Hogan, R, and Hall, B. (2009). Enhancing Wetlands’ Contribution to Growth, Employment and Prosperity. UNDP/NEMA/UNEP Poverty Environment Initiative, Uganda. . Leopold, Mark. (2005). Inside West Nile, Pp 12. Oxford: James Currey, Santa Fe: Fountain publishers, Kampala: School of American research press. . Muhakanizi, Keith, 2014. Poverty Status Report 2014, Structural Change and Poverty Reduction in Uganda, [pdf]. Available at: http://www.finance.go.ug/index.php?option=com_docman&Itemid=7&task=doc_download&gid=423. [Accessed 19 June. 2016] . Nampindo S, Picton Phillipps G, Plumptre A, 2005. The impact of conflict in northern Uganda on the environment and natural resource management Pp. 51-69. Wildlife Conservation Society and USAID. . Nkendah, Robert. (2010). The Informal Cross-Border Trade of agricultural commodities between Cameroon and its CEMAC’s Neighbours. [pdf]. Available at: http://www.theigc.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/nkendah.pdf. [Accessed 25 July. 2015] . Titeca, Kristof. (2009). The Changing Cross-Border Trade Dynamics between north-western Uganda, north-eastern Congo and southern Sudan. Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2. [pdf]. Antwerp: Institute of Development Policy and Management, University of Antwerp. Available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/28477/1/WP63.2.pdf. [Accessed 17 Sep. 2015]. . Ugandan Bureau of Statistics. (2014) National population and housing census 2014, provisional results. Revised edition. [pdf]. Kampala: Uganda Bureau of Statistics. Available at: http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/NPHC/NPHC%202014%20PROVISIONAL%20RESULTS%20REPORT.pdf. [Accessed 27 Jan. 2016]. . World Resources Institute (WRI), (2009). Poverty Rate in Uganda: Percentage of Rural Subcounty Population Below the Poverty Line, 2005. [web-page]. Washington. Available at: http://www.wri.org/resources/maps/poverty-rate-uganda- percentage-rural-subcounty-population-below-poverty-line-2005.

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Appendices Appendix 1: Interview results of all key persons. Meso-level (local governmental officials)

The interviews carried out at institutional level were meant to get a general overview and understanding of the Koboko district. The interviews were carried out mainly in Koboko town which is the place where the local government, NGO’s and other institutions are situated. An important aspect of the interviews is to get information about the current issues in the district as well as to acquire legal ground to do field studies in the region.

Richard Deo, Districts Community Development Officer, 17-09-2015

Community development is a cross-cutting theme at all levels of the district. In every sub-county a community officer is assigned to represent the municipal council in order to address all issues. The public programs are running via the CDOs. To get a broader picture of the developments and issues at local level interviewing CDOs is an important step.

Food-security

According the district’s CDO, Koboko never had a real food problem in the past; however, the prices are fluctuating more nowadays resulting in food-security issues at household level. Besides price fluctuation, most of the people have becomelazy; they simply do not want to work at their productive age. Laziness is a major problem amongst youth. Laziness and price fluctuation are resulting in food-insecurity. Furthermore, the implementation of national programs such as the NAADS failed to support farmers in the region. The reason is the wide spread corruption within the program next to the fact the implementation of the extension programs was insufficient. The farmers got used to free support and were not able to sustain themselves which resulted in food insecurity.

Community concerns

The CDO argues that people do not take healthy food seriously, even though campaigns to promote better nutrition to improve health conditions were implemented. Moreover, the district’s farmers do not have granaries to store their harvested crops, next to the fact that too many mouths need to be fed. Those issues have led to a threat for local food security. The situation seems to get worse due to an underdeveloped attitude of children. There is a possibility to prosper in this poor district he argues, however, the attitude of children and youth is wrong. One of the main reasons is the current educational system which is theoretical, the system dates from colonial times, and is therefore not effective. There is a need for practical skill development, but the system is lacking. The attitude is wrong; people are not willing to work. There is a strong linkage with substance abuse and gambling, something that occurs more often nowadays. There is a need for deliberate effort to change the youths’ attitude from short term focus towards thinking and acting towards future. There are ready markets for produce in Sudan; however, youths are not skilled to farm. Besides that, the farmers who produce sell their quality goods needed for household needs for cash at the market. Furthermore, educated people are leaving the area and migrate to large cities and abroad.

The CDO believes there are opportunities for farmers to earn more income, but there is a need for an entrepreneurial spirit to take risks. There is a ready market for agricultural produce in Ituri DR Congo and South Sudan. People can export to those markets via relative and tribal connections. Unfortunately, the large trade flows are not beneficial for the local farmer families in Koboko. He thinks the traditional way of farming is limiting the production; there is limited use of mechanisation. Therefore, the government needs to identify larger farmers (>50 Ha) to develop the primary sector.

He also states there is a gap in the ministry related with counter acting towards alcoholism. Access to spirits is simply too easy and cheap, the government has no control over the distribution and usage. The situation is the same with drug abuse like Qat and opium and the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (HIV, Hep B-C). To breach the gap an in-depth research on the impact of attitude on socio-economic issues and change is needed. Currently, the national/local government is biased on health, education and production, but not on the root of the problem of ‘attitude’.

Districts Production Officer (DPO), 17-09-2015

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Crop Ha (Hectares) T (Metric Tons) Average yield per Ha

Sorghum 1747 1298 0,74 Rice 385 863 2,24 Sweet-potatoes 1244 10193 8,19 Cassava 6930 10789 1,56 Millet 254 118 0,46 Maize 3341 5925 1,77 Beans 1635 1289 0,79 Field peas 14 5 0,36 Cow peas 57 21 0,37 Pigeon peas 34 4 0,12 Ground nuts 1795 1110 0,62 Banana 963 1530 1,59 Simsim 733 305 0,42 Total production 19132 33450 Total land coverage Koboko district Ha 82080

Total area used for crop production 23%

The table above shows the total number of Ha per crop variety and the total yields in metric tons. The total area coverage in Koboko district is 82080 Ha from which 19132 Ha (23 percent) is cultivated with the crops mentioned in the table. Furthermore, the table shows the total yields (33450 T) of each crop in metric tons (x1000). The other 77 percent of the area is covered with pastures, waterbodies and rivers, wetlands, forests, buildings, roads, fruit trees, and cash-crops like tobacco and ginger.

The average production growth is in general around 3 percent per year which is significant, however not improving food security. The reason for that is the need for cash instead of feeding the household. Farmers tend to sell crops for cash income rather than securing household nutrition. The result is an increase and worsening of farmers with health issues related to HIV and Hepatitis B.

Climate change and resilience

Climate change is a serious challenge for all farmers in the district; they heavily rely on seasonal rains. Due to change in weather patterns the rains are unpredictable. A deliberate effort is needed to mitigate the effect of climate change. The productions officer thinks it is necessary to set up a network to inform farmers about weather forecast via extension workers. Those extension workers have to create awareness of preparing their land on time according to weather predictions. They will also have to give advice about how to facilitate maturing plants and about planting trees. Most trees are harvested for the purpose of tobacco production. He thinks there is a need for agroforestry projects with a focus on avocado, mango, eucalyptus, teak, pine and crevalia trees. Especially in and around the wetlands to restore their ecological function. Due to years of wetland exploitation for the purpose of tobacco production the situation is getting out of control. For that reason, tobacco farming is discouraged by the department. Tobacco has a destructive impact on the environment and is therefore a reason to make it illegal. The cash crop has to be replaced with food crops, or new types of cash crops such as ginger. The company behind the famous drink Stoney is willing to buy the main ingredient ginger from small scale producers. To make a fist against the tobacco industries they put effort to work together with communities by providing alternatives and create awareness about the labour intensity of the crop. For a very long time tobacco production has been the main cash crop of the West-Nile, the British colonists introduced the crop for exports to Europe.

The major challenge for the district government is to overcome a lack of extension workers. Currently, there is not a single active extension worker. There is a need to recruit new workers who are experts on livestock breeding and crop production. The districts council is responsible for recruiting. The lack of extension agents, the excessive tobacco production, low technological adoption rates and lack of access and use of mechanisation, climate change, health issues and investment capital are reasons production is under pressure. The effects are mainly the depletion of soils (major issue resulting in low production and losing precious top soil). Soil macro and micro nutrients are going down resulting in vulnerability of crop for pest and diseases. Increased periods of drought make crops less resistant to droughts. The best solution would be the use of

53 organic fertilizers; however, those are too expensive for subsistence farmers. Another, relatively new but destructive invasive species of weed in the region is currently out competing grass. The weed is called ‘congress weed’ (Patenium hesteriaforus). A single plant produces millions of seeds and pollutes the soils with new weeds. The flowers are attractive and therefore not recognized as a threat for mainly pastures, and have a large impact on livestock farmers and mainly on the land used for grazing.

Keni Santus, Districts Health Officer, 17-09-2015

Health situation

Currently, 30 percent of the Koboko population has been infected by Hepatitis B. According the CDO this is the second most common disease in Uganda. Furthermore, 60 percent of the population is struck by Malaria every year. The main diseases in the district are Hep B, HIV, Tuberculosis and diabetes type 2. Children are nowadays vaccinated against Hepatitis B. The situation is worsening since marginalised people do not have the financial means to pay vaccines and medicine. Besides that, there is a lack of health consultants. Currently, 4.9 percent of the population is HIV infected, they health department did specific tests in the district. The reasons for an increase in HIV infected people are mainly socio-economic in nature. The main cause is lack of education about prevention and awareness, loss of traditional culture and influx of new cultures, poor empowerment of females and the location of the towns where many traders bring disease with them.

Malnutrition and health

Recently, the district has been facing an increase of malnourishment amongst children after 15 years of relative stability. Currently, 8.7 percent is suffering from mild form of malnourishment and 5 percent from severe malnourishment. One of the causes is climate change and soil degradation. It creates a lack of food in the households due to drought and a lack of land preparation. Furthermore, poor selection, preparation and feeding habits and mal absorption are probably causing the increase in malnutrition. Especially children are lacking access to nutrient rich food as result of low crop production. There is enough food the DHO argues, however, the food is brought to markets outside the region, and people feed on the leftovers after selling nutritious produce. They replace protein and vitamin rich food for carbs (carbohydrate rich foods) which is limiting child growth. For example, carrots and pumpkins are full of vitamin A, however those crops are sold at the market next to the fact many people are not aware of healthy food. In the past, families used mainly beans, sesame and groundnuts, nowadays those crops are sold for rice which is a cheap but low nutritional staple crop. In addition, the traditional food culture is under pressure due to foreign influences like frying food, which degrades the quality the DHO says. People went away from fats and replaced them with oils. The people who are healthy are migrating to Sudan in search of jobs. The situation concerning malnutrition is not fully understood by the people, they are threatening the effects of it. Therefore, community and education involvement is needed.

According to the DHO more research is needed. He thinks a survey has to be carried out to find out the cause of malnutrition. Important aspects of the research are to address income and educational level and to execute a soil fertility research. He thinks there is also a need to find a relation between tobacco production and malnutrition.

District Commercial Officer, 30-09-2015

Cross-border trade and Markets

Most of the inhabitants are engaged in subsistence farming, a small percentage is engaged in progressive farming. Currently there is not an established market where traders can buy large quantities of goods (mainly food crops). Traders are stocking goods around Koboko town, when they have collected sufficient goods they leave for Sudan where the markets are. Because of the civil war Sudan is not producing enough food resulting in food supply and production from Northern Uganda.

The markets in Koboko are not well organised and are primarily subsistence of nature. There is not an export of large quantities. There are three traditional border markets and an industrial park at Oraba border town in Kuluba sub-county. Busyan is an international market where traders purchase goods for the Sudanese market. Currently, the ministry is waiting for funds to structure and organise the local market. South-Sudan has been instable for over 20 years. After relative peace the situation destabilised in 2006 and the country was open for business. In the following period business and trade were good until the situation escalated again. Nowadays there is almost no business due to a decreasing demand from South- Sudan. In the case of potatoes, the demand remained high until recently, however, the market has collapsed. The DCO believes the influx of foreign AID money destabilised the market. Also the food AID has lowered the demand from Uganda next to the fact that there is a focus on security and infrastructural development. He named the development a competition

54 between farmers and NGOs which has to a certain extent a positive influence resulting in the introduction of new crop verities to improve production. Still there is a need for deliberate effort to improve production levels and an increase in commercial farming, improve storage, and collaborating farmers to strengthen their position to negotiate with prices and issues.

Cross-border situation

The exported products to Sudan are: cassava, beans, maize and rice. Fruits are for markets in Kampala. There is a juice factory in Yumbe to add value to local harvested fruits. The main imported crops are rice, which is imported from food AID meant for South-Sudan. Rice from Uganda is again returning to Sudan. The ready markets are drawing away good quality crops from the region, even though there is a good harvest, families are left hungry since money is spent differently. In case of the labour market the situation is diminishing, Sudan provided many jobs but since the civil war started, labourers from Uganda were pushed out and even persecuted. In the days the labour market was still providing many jobs the people in Koboko benefitted in terms of gaining profits in Koboko, money acquired across the border was invested in the town. Unfortunately, the food security situation did not improve. Next to formal trade, Koboko has a blossoming informal trade (Illegal trade). The main informal trade commodities are: fuel, tobacco, motor cycles, sugar (from Kenyan origin), rice and cooking oil. All the bodabodas are fuelled with illegal imported petrol to avoid taxes.

Future development

If Koboko wants to develop the value chain has to be completed and commercial farming needs to be encouraged. People need to shift from mainly subsistence farming towards more commercialised practices. Since weather patterns are changing and as a result the first growing season is under threat, farmers need to be encouraged to plant cover crops like banana and coffee. The DCO thinks this will help to lower evaporation rates during a dry spell. Actually, he supports agro forestry to restore the seasons. Nowadays, the Apa river is much lower than in the 90s. In those days it was very hard to pass the river during the rainy season. There is also a need to reduce the production of charcoal for industries to run machines. If this is not reduced all the trees will be gone sooner or later. A final remark from the officer is to get an actual picture of what the situation of farmers really is like in order to be able to counteract the problems.

Meso-level (Supporting organisations)

Bongo, ACAV (Italian NGO, department in Koboko), 15-09-2015

ACAV is an NGO that came to Koboko in the first place to improve sanitary conditions, however after a period of time the management board realised that there is a need for agricultural extension and support for their target group. They came to the conclusion that small holder farms have to encounter several problems related to crop and livestock production as well the incapability to add value to their produce. Furthermore, there are problems related to the cultivation of cassava which are facing diseases, therefore ACAV developed in collaboration with ABI zone, an agricultural research centre located in Arua, to create new drought and disease resistant varieties. ACAV started a promotion farm in Jabarra, Lobule sub-county, funded by ACAV and Koboko municipality. The project is, according to ACAV, very effective so they implemented two demo farms in Congo, terretoire de Aru, and South Sudan, Yei. The first step of the program is to create farmers’ groups of selected farmers who are willing to give land to implement field trials with new varieties. due to illiteracy farmers are guided in the process of monitoring and growing. One of the strategies is a farmer to farmer approach where farmers share knowledge about new practices. Important aspects of the program are to promote planting fruit trees with environmental friendly characteristics such as Mango’s to improve household income, pineapple and orange production to establish the fruit sector.

Crops Fruits Cassava Pineapple Groundnuts Oranges Maize Mangos (local varieties) Beans Grafted mangos (cross breed of local mangos) Sorghum Sesame Sweet potatoes Table 3: production focus of Jabarra demo farm

In the past the government provided agricultural extension via the NAADS program, which was popular, but was shut down due to being too bureaucratic, failing procurement processes were financial means stayed at technocrat level. Besides that, the NAADS was thinking for the farmers due to their top down approach. A lack of ownership and the fact farmers were not

55 able to think for themselves made the project doomed to fail. Shutting down the NAADS program left a vacuum in the provision of extension workers, farmers are in need for technical assistance of agronomists. ACAV sees the need for an extension worker training centre where practical knowledge and experience is obtained.

The main problems with farming are the low adoption levels of technology, which results in limited production for market purposes. Farmers are mainly producing for subsistence. Even the use of animals for farming is not adopted; this is a result of culture. Due to land fragmentation the need for land consolidation, it is a huge challenge for the region which lowers effective production. Therefore, ACAV promotes cooperative farming to increase production levels. Changing a farmer’s attitude is the main intervention they apply; they encourage farmers to stay healthy via life skills training, next to enterprise and business training. At farm level they promote diversification of crops, enterprises and livestock to spread risks. The farmers are trained and monitored by extension workers originated from the same region to avoid cultural boundaries. The farmer to farmer approach stimulates adoption by new farmers since they want to see the results first before embracing new practices.

Gender inclusion and dependency

Communities are very sensitive for inclusion which make that group formation is based on gender composition. Every parish has different groups. Women are more active in farming and men are more responsive to marketing and tend to follow the money. For that case ACAV integrate husband and wife in a program. Next that that, some of the farmers have an attitude or mentality to stay dependent on external help, especially young people are more likely to depend on external support. The reason is their background as a refugee. During war many refugees stayed in this region, but they found it difficult to return to their origin. Therefore, ACAV focus is on changing attitude of farmers with a refugee background which results in more independent behaviour. They discovered that adoption is higher amongst woman and youth.

Cross-border influences

Bongo explains that food security in Koboko district is influenced by food insecurity in the DR Congo and South Sudan. Farmers tend to sell their good crops on the market to end up crossing border, the rest is consumed but lack nutritional value for their children, besides being focussed on the cultivation of cash crops resulting malnutrition, which is a deficiency of production. The problem is, according Bongo, the gap in knowledge. Cross-border dynamics bring in risks for crops and livestock in terms of transportation. Health has no boundaries he argues, Uganda has slightly better health services which attracts farmer from DR Congo and South Sudan. Due to travel time, farmers from across border regions have less time to spend on farm management resulting in lower production. Success is guaranteed only if peace will prevail, knowledge shared, applications been done, value addition and market linkages.

Districts Farmers Association (DFA), One Stop Centre, 15-09-2015.

The DFA is an organisation that supports two categories of farmers: progressive farmers and peasant or subsistence farmers. Progressive farmers are farmers who entered commercial farming leaving behind subsistence and peasant (subsistence) farmers produce for household consumption and for sales. During the time that the NAADS was still active in the region, the DFA formed a type of collaboration with the NAADS, and targeted the same group of farmers. Since last year the collaboration is over. The DFA is active since 2006 and is supporting the production of the following crops; rice, maize, cassava, pineapples, groundnuts, sesame, beans and green grape (Charoke). Next to that, they have experimental project related to aquaculture, apiculture (beekeeping) and poultry. Unfortunately, the region faces some serious challenges related to changing weather patterns (heavy rains and extending periods of relative droughts) resulting in crop planning becoming more difficult and lower the production levels. The poor farming systems are deforesting the region and wetlands are drying out due to intensive cultivation and encroaching in the valleys. Moreover, the region is prone to the negative effects of increasing land fragmentation. Furthermore, there are only a few farmers that are producing for commercial purposes, most are in subsistence. The reason is a lack of extension programs, poor adoption of technologies and practices, lack of ownership, and poor market linkages. low technological adoption.

According the DFA farmers tend to relax after learning new methods that are proved to be effective, even though the projects are written and designed together with farmers. They call it a bottom up approach. The problem with adoption lies in the fact the attitude is not supportive. The DFA tried to implement a project that introduces the use of ox ploughing. However, the project was not a success due to several reasons. Firstly, ploughing with an ox is culturally difficult in the region. Farmers are simply not used to animals that do work for them. The relation between humans and animals is difficult to change or

56 teach. Next to that, a large bull is needed which makes training more challenging. There are even cases of communities that consumed the trained bull. Secondly, the terrain in Koboko district is less suitable for ox ploughing than for example regions close to river plains. The idea for ox ploughing comes from Moyo district (West-Nile) close to the White-Nile river were people are used to plough with animals. The difference lies in the fact the terrain is more flat, wet and the soil is easier to handle. In Koboko the terrain is congested and rocky and therefore easier to till by hand than by plough. Next to that, spare parts needed to maintain equipment are hardly available. Moreover, the lifespan of projects is limited next to poor project design and a lack of donor funding makes technological adoption infeasible.

A majority of youth is currently living in towns which has left woman and elderly for production. It creates problems in terms of limited labour capacity in the rural areas. The youth is going to cities to earn quick money which is easier available in urban areas. Agriculture is a long term process and labour intensive, besides the fact liquidities are hardly not available in the remote villages. The government has no support for youth living in the rural, so they search for quick markets found mainly in towns. The educational system is also non supportive, youth is trained to work in an office. Existing agricultural knowledge that is given is to theoretical and not implementable in practice, resulting in a competence gap. Furthermore, parents want to have their children involved in non-agro business.

Currently, the district has a lack of processing plants for produce; the DFA has the only one to process rice in the region. They simply lack facilities to expand the number of plants in the region. The farmers in the region are depending on local markets but are facing challenges with branding, packaging, labelling and quality, which make them unable to exports to other markets abroad. The situation for farmers is worsening due to health issues. According the DFA, 70 percent of the farmers are affected by silent sicknesses such as HIV, Hepatitis B and Malaria. The DFA tries to address cross-cutting issues during the given courses. Important aspect is to include woman in leadership by using the 50/50 approach without fear to use their voice. The lack of extension services leads to dangerous developments in terms of overuse of pesticides and veterinary drugs, the DFA called it ‘wild grow’. The food is sold at markets and the pesticides and veterinary drugs are exposed to consumers, which is possible since the government does not implement and control food safety/hygiene standards for domestic use.

Captain Ariwako, Operation Wealth Creation (OWC), part of the NAADS program, 17-09-2015

Operation Wealth Creation is designed to unite development and to work together with the NAADS program. Since the beginning of 2015 the army is in control of input control, farmer monitoring and community service. The function is actually to be the executive body of the NAADS program. They have to make sure the received inputs end up with the farmers. Under the NAADS the executive body failed to deliver the service.

Meso- and micro level (Sub-county community development officers and Elders)

The description of the regional history and current situation is based on information of elders and village chiefs from Chakulia and Lima village. The name of the Chakulia elder is Lomo Mohammed (65), the elder from Lima is Yasiki a poru (85, a landlord in possession of 10 Ha of land where he grows groundnuts, maize, millet and cassava.

The sub-county of Ludara lies in the north-east corner of Koboko district bordering South-Sudan and is divided between nine parishes and 103 villages. In total 31,819 (Eyoga, 2014) people are living in this sub-county from which a large majority is making a living with subsistence farming. The main crops that are grown are maize, millet, sorghum, beans, cassava, groundnuts and as cash crop Tobacco. In terms of livestock farmers rear mainly cattle, goats, sheep, pigs and chicken.

Land conflict and internal displacement

In 2010, several farmers from Chakullia village were forced by the national government to abandon their ancestral land around Mount Kei Forest Reserve which left them, as the elders named it, internal displaced. The reason the government forced them to leave the area is the fact Mount-Kei is a forest reserve with several species of wildlife. Even though the land is inherited from their grandfathers the farmers are unable to prove the land is theirs and to ask for a reasonable compensation for losing fertile crop and grazing land.

Recently, the farmers are facing unpredictable precipitation due to, according the elders, climate change and deforestation. In the first season of 2015 (March-June) the yields of beans was very limited due to low germination of planted bean seeds which directly relates to drought. Furthermore, other crops as maize, groundnuts and cassava are suffering from the drought too which started to appear from 2000 onwards. Around 40 years ago the elders did not encounter severe problems with climatic changes and the relating unpredictable rains. In ‘’those days’’ farmers grew plenty of crops with good yields to provide their family needs. Although, the government of that time took land from them, the land was not as fertile as the land they took in 2010.

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Natural resources

Ludara sub-county is from the seven counties Koboko has the most forested area of the district. At the eastern border lies Mount-Kei white rhino sanctuary which is a forest reserve jointly protected by the UWA and NFA. The White Rhinoceros is already extinct for about 40 years due to excessive poaching (Rookmaaker, et al) furthermore; the reserve had a population of elephants, buffalo, Hippopotamus, leopard and Hyenas till the late 1970s. According the Elders, the forest is still inhabited by antelopes and monkeys. As a result, the Ugandan government decided to take measures to protect the forest from agricultural encroachment and seasonal hunting. The civil war in South-Sudan, the movement of refugees and traders between Uganda and South-Sudan made worse the situation. Simon Nampindo et al. from USAID and Wildlife Conservation Society (2005) writes in a report on ‘’the impact of conflict in northern Uganda on the environment and natural resource management’’ the evidence of human activities at several locations around Mount Kei. These include hunting, settlement, grazing, cultivation and forest product harvesting. To relate these issues to the internal displacement of the elders it is obvious the UWV and NFA took hard measures to ensure the forest reserve became protected from the local people who used the area for their own livelihoods in terms of crop production.

Nowadays, the elders are telling stories about increasing problems with wetlands and swampy areas. In the dry season those areas are crucial as sources of water for livestock and to grow horticultural crops. However, due to an increased number of people who cultivate the wetlands all year round, and including droughts, the wetlands are drying up.

Community development officer (CDO) V. Eyoga, 08-10-15, Ludara sub-county

The interviews carried out with the sub-county CDO’s had as purpose to get an understanding of the socio-economic situation and cross-border dynamics at local level. Moreover, interviewing and contacting a local official is crucial to be able to operate in the region. The interview is designed in a way to give answers on questions related to agricultural production, gender roles, household food security, seasonality, marketing, expenditure, financial assets and coping strategies.

In Ludara sub-county the main produced crops are cassava and tobacco, as well ground-nuts, beans, rice and maize. For household food-security and cash income those crops are of utmost importance. The division of roles within crop production and marketing is as follows; Men are in charge of tobacco growing, livestock rearing, trade and cash expenditure, women are in charge of the production and processing of ground-nuts, household nutrition and food-security. The importance of each crop for the group that it produces differs between genders. For men growing tobacco is their main focus since it generates significant cash revenues. The cash is mainly used to pay school fees, healthcare, consumer goods and food (mainly to survive the hunger period). Livestock rearing has an important function for the livelihood of the family. The main purpose of owning heads of cattle is to pay dowries and for savings. In times of shortage selling a head of cattle can be seen as an important livelihood strategy to pay certain duties. However, the CDO argues that men who sold their harvest (tobacco) and received large amount of cash tend to spend it on luxury, alcohol, drugs and for gambling. As a result, the family is unable to pay their duties which push women to sell parts of the harvest needed for their own home consumption. The lack of food that occurs leads to an additional purchase of rice or cassava with lower nutritional value. The CDO encountered several cases of malnutrition amongst children in the sub-county and he relates that to imprudent financial management done by men.

The proportion of output marketed is around 60 percent of the harvest and is mainly carried out by women. The reason for selling parts of their food stocks is the need for cash that can be saved at a village saving group. Every year the saved money will be disbursed so it can be used to invest in for example the new growing season. A side effect of saving some cash in the village saving group is the fact the current household food-security is under more pressure since there is less cash to meet the present need for food. Especially, in the so called ‘hunger period’ the demand for food is high but the stocks are running out or are depleted. In this specific period, from March to May, the households have to subsist from one meal a day for more than 2 months. Furthermore, the prices for staple foods are peaking since the demand is high but the supply is low since the planting season started recently. Normally, the seasonal price fluctuations are relatively easy to predict due to the relation with quiet predictable growing seasons (rain patterns). Because of seasonal changes, which are related to climate changes and deforestation (Chakulia Elders) the rains that were once predictable, are now delaying or even disappearing. A direct result of the changing rain patterns is the lengthening of the hunger period and resulting child malnutrition which was particularly the case for the first season of 2015 (March to June). The prediction for the first growing season of 2016 is far from positive in terms of available food stocks and cash which is a direct result of crop failures of the year before and together with the delayed distribution of seeds by OWC destined for the second season of 2015 (August-November).

According the CDO the average household is depending for about 70 percent on subsistence crops for own consumption; the rest is purchased at local markets. The importance of cash income for a household during a year is in times of religious

58 holidays. For Muslims it is the period before Idi when the Ramadan is ending. For Christians the weeks before Christmas is demanding most of the cash available. During those periods the sales of especially livestock and tobaccos goes up. The period of time school fees has to be paid is according the CDO not in line with the harvesting seasons, and therefore a lack of cash can occur. In those cases, the head of the family will sell cattle to get access to money. As already mentioned previously, rearing cattle serves as a financial saving system which can help most families to overcome a period of scarcity and lack of cash. Due to a lack of, and access to financial services, which is a result of mismanagement and corruption, farmers tend to invest their money in livestock. Since women are having no control over the income of cattle and goats, village saving groups are for them a way to put aside a small amount of cash for later, less favourable periods. The earning opportunities in the region are limited, besides agriculture, farmers are not able to be involved in other businesses. a reason for that is the distance they have to travel to the nearest town. Low capital to investment leads to a lack of value addition and post-harvest management of the crops they produce.

Dranya sub-county is located in the south-western corner of the district bordering the DR Congo and Maracha/Terego district, West-Nile. The county has 15 thousand inhabitants living in 41 villages. The main economic activity is small-scale agriculture and informal commodity trade. The approximate altitude is around 1200m ASL.

Community Development Officer (CDO) Atiku Samuel Nixon, 16-10-15, Dranya sub-county.

The interviews carried out with the sub-county CDO’s had as purpose to get an understanding of the socio-economic situation and cross-border dynamics at local level. Moreover, interviewing and contacting a local official is crucial to be able to operate in the region. The interview is designed in a way to give answers on questions related to agricultural production, gender roles, household food security, seasonality, marketing, expenditure, financial assets and coping strategies.

In Dranya sub-county the most important produced food crops are cassava, maize, beans, groundnut, sorghum, sweet potatoes, rice, cabbage, tomatoes and onions. The cash crops are tobacco and coffee (Robusta). Cash crop production, next to cassava, maize, beans, groundnut and livestock, are mainly controlled by men. The production of food crops like sorghum, sweet potatoes, rice, cabbage, tomatoes and onions are ‘controlled’ by woman. However, the cash income is still under supervision of the man, but in terms of land preparation, sowing, weeding and harvesting, the women are in control. The percentage of marketed output is in general 60 percent, for output controlled by men this is 60 percent, for output controlled by women this is 50 percent. The reason women are selling less of their produce on the market is because of their ‘role’ and ‘responsibility’ to secure household nutrition and food stocks. The reason women are selling parts of their produce is the fact they have to pay the costs for healthcare and education. For men the income derived from cash crops and livestock is used to pay for school fees, health care and leisure. Since, expenditure for leisure activities withdraws a significant amount of the household’s cash stocks, women are forced to sell the best quality food crops on the market which results in the consumption of ‘left overs’. The CDO claims this behaviour leads to an increase in malnourished children in the sub-county.

Women Empowerment

In recent years, access and control over rearing livestock and cash crop production are slowly shifting towards women as a result of NGO programmes with a focus on empowerment and inclusion of woman. A positive effect is that women are less dependent on men within a community or clan than it was in ‘those days’. However, Atiku has observed some negative side effects caused by NGO’s who implemented projects with a strong focus on woman empowerment. One of his arguments is the fact that men are traditionally in charge, and responsible for their families, they have the feeling of pride which is nowadays weakening due to shifting roles between male and female due to foreign ‘western’ influences. The problem with women empowerment as it is implemented in Dranya sub-county is the focus on education, marketing, post-harvest management for women only. As a result, young men and teenage boys are not able to develop at the same speed as women and girls do and are prone to substance abuse and ‘laziness’. Furthermore, he sees an increase in household conflicts between men and women over access and control which more often ends up in ‘separation’ (divorce) which is negatively impacting the capability for households’ to produce enough food.

Climate change, seasonal fluctuation and hunger period

The price cycles of crops are relatively correlated says the CDO, in normal years the prices of rice are high in March, April and May and low in November and December. In the first season after the drought of December-March the demand for most crops including rice is high and the availability low. In the second season from November-December the crop is just harvested so the prices drop significantly. Due to change in weather predictability which occurred more frequently in the last years a correlation between price and crop cycles is under pressure. Normally the people living in the rural areas of Dranya are for about 30 percent depending on food purchase on the market versus 90 to 100 percent in the urban areas such as Koboko

59 town. According Atiku, the people, mainly small scale farmers, are traditionally less vulnerable for seasonality and price fluctuation due to their self-sufficiency. Urban dwellers therefore are depending on the actual market prices within the town which make them vulnerable for periods of high prices and scarcity.

The first growing season of 2015 was different than before says Atiku. The reason is the unpredictability of the rains. The first serious precipitation came in August, at the start of the second growing season, which normally falls in March or April. The gap of about 4 to 5 months without serious rains made farmers lose their crops such as tobacco and beans. More drought resistant crops such as cassava are more likely to survive a period of unpredictable rainfall. However, the lack of cash income, normally derived from tobacco sales pushes farmers to sell parts of their stock of food crops and livestock. Especially, the weeks before important religious events and national holidays (Christmas, Eid al-Adha, independence day) the need for cash is high, next to that the payment of school fees (January, April, August) which is costly for the generally large rural households. Access to appropriate financial service institutions to save cash is limited. For most farmer families in Dranya the only financial service is a governmental supported program called ‘saving and credit scheme’ and a ‘village saving group’, which is mainly participated by women. The credit scheme is a system where farmers can get an annual loan of 5 million Ugandan shillings to invest in the new growing season and for post-harvest purposes. In the end of the year the ‘credit’ has to be paid back. The problem that occurred with the credit system is the fact farmers have to be pay back more than the actual loan which made it expensive even though the farmers had a proper start-up capital for the new season. As a result, their profits after the harvest are limited and therefore the interest of the target group went down.

Every first season of the year, from April to June, subsistence farmer families in Dranya sub-county have to withstand a ‘hunger period’ of about three months. The length of the period depends on the success of the previous growing season, and the rains of the current one. Between both growing periods a ‘natural’ or normal dry spell of about 3 to 4 months occurs every year from December until March. Normally the first heavy rainfall appears in March or April, which is at the same time the kick-off period of the new planting season. Farmers start to prepare the land by ‘digging’ when the first rains arrived. Normally this period is seen as a period of scarcity due to increasing market prices for food crops and the depletion of their stocks. Next to that, people suffer more from diseases and health shocks. Due to the rainfall mosquitos start to reproduce, and the related diseases such as malaria start to spread amongst the region. In combination with increased household food insecurity people are more vulnerable for diseases. However, in the first season of 2015, as mentioned before, the climate was unusually dry and unpredictable. The climatic problem of 2015 will have probably a large impact on the duration and extend of the households ‘hunger period’ of 2016 as result of failing crops and food-stocks that are running out earlier than ‘normal’. Before the year 2015 the length of the ‘hunger period’ was, according Atiku, decreasing due to food security campaigns (woman empowerment and market inclusion) and governmental support via the NAADS. The NAADS program worked according Atiku, however, since the beginning of 2015 the NAADS program was shut down due to corruption and taken over by a military controlled program called ‘Operation Wealth Creation’ (OWC) which has not (yet) proven to be effective in supporting farmers.

Side-activities and Youth

Next to agricultural production and sales of produce, not many other income-earning opportunities are there. The non-farm activities are limited due to many reasons like distance to town, access to additional markets and remittances from family members working somewhere else. Dranya sub-county is directly bordering DR Congo and therefore giving opportunities in forms of informal trade in commodities like fuel for example. Furthermore, some of the youth who are working in DR Congo and South-Sudan are sending remittances to their families. Unfortunately, the civil war in South-Sudan limited business growth for Ugandan traders and seasonal labourers. It is simply too dangerous for Ugandans to travel. Atiku worried about the lack of opportunities for youth within his sub-county. He sees an increasing abuse of alcohol and drugs amongst mainly boys. He is afraid that the new generation of men will cause many social problems. He is pledging for the inclusion of young men and boys in the empowerment programs to bring the development of both men and women in balance. Next to that, he thinks it is important to guide youth in the process of becoming an adult. The reason is the period of ‘exile’ in the 80s that had an impact on their parents. Most of them did not had any education which made the older generation ‘incapable to advice’ and ‘guide’ their youth towards a better future. Atiku is optimistic about the future of youth, he says they are capable to bring change and have the energy and strength to do so.

Community Elders of Dranya sub-county (past and current changes)

The description of the regional history and current situation is based on information of elders and village chiefs from Danya and Amadungia village. The name of the Danya elder is Adumi Ely (68), the elders from Amadungia village is Toburu Amule

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(50) and Asiki Gala (76). The interview is carried out at the 15th of October 2015 together with a research team member/interpreter named Lamerega Rashid and a Dranya sub-county local counsellor assistant.

Land fertility, rainfall and natural resources

Nowadays, the soil fertility is under pressure caused by overpopulation they said. The land is cultivated over and over again with the same crops without using crop rotation and soil protection measures. Furthermore, the production of tobacco has a negative impact on the soils and wetlands. The tobacco plants are demanding much nutrients, water and timber. The soil is not giving the yields they had in the past, the time before the exile period (80s). Adumi Ely said he experienced a changing fertility of the soil from the 60s onwards. However, the real challenges occurred after ‘they’ all came back from South-Sudan and DR Congo. Adumi also explains the problem with land fragmentation and the reduction in plot size within the village and his family. In the past he owned 12 acres of land to produce for his household, nowadays he possesses around 4 acres since he gave it to his children. The reason is that there is not enough land for the communities to grow so he helped his children in order to produce enough. The result of a lack of land availability in the village is directly affecting the villagers and makes them vulnerable for shocks such as drought and heavy weather incidents. Another, relatively new development is the changing climate and the relating unpredictability of the rains. Together with deforestation and intensive use of the wetlands, which is a result of overpopulation, crop land dries out and crops wither. Especially, the first season of 2015 is worsening the situation for the village. They hardly received any significant rain in the ‘normally’ rainy season from April until July. In the past, before 10 or more years before, the droughts were not there as it is nowadays. In the past the rain came almost every season around the same period. Furthermore, the forest provides the communities in different forest products including wildlife. The last lion he saw was in the 50s and 60s, but antelopes were present in recent history. He linked the extinction of wildlife to the fact of overpopulation and deforestation. Nowadays, there are only small populations of small antelopes in forest reserves far away from their homes. Next to that, the rivers in the region were much larger in the past, and provided a steady, year round supply of water. Nowadays, the people are depending on boreholes and protected springs, but these waterbodies are drying out quickly. The fact water bodies and forest are disappearing due to several reasons mentioned above, makes it harder for people to overcome a lengthening and worsening of the hungry period. In future the hungry period will force people to seek for external AID according the elders of Danya and Amadungia village.

Crops, livestock and external support

In those days, when the elders were in their productive age, the main cultivated crops where sorghum, millet, cow-peas and beans. Chemicals used to improve crop cultivation were not applied, next to the fact there were actually no crop diseases and soil fertility issues. Trees were growing plentiful and gave shade to the crops and livestock. The elders think there is a link between tree cover and rainfall, they argue that reducing the number of trees and forest in the region has a direct consequence on rainfall patterns and water availability. The availability of grasslands for grazing their cattle was in those days good, for that reason they only had cattle. Since land availability became scarcer the villagers started to introduce goats, chicken and sheep. Currently, the elders experience an increase in crop and livestock diseases which were not present in the past. Especially, bird flu, foot and mouth disease for livestock and cassava mosaic, maize ‘worms’ and spraying beans is nowadays a challenge. The reason for those diseases is according the elders a result of overpopulation, sun heat and land shortage. In terms of external support, the elders did not receive much from agricultural extension programs. The NAADS and OWC distributed seeds, but it was not beneficial for them nowadays due to the changing climate. In the past the seed distribution was more beneficial. The NAADS provided livestock to their communities as part of a restocking program, unfortunately most of the animals died.

Health, youth and education

According the elders, malaria was the only disease in those days that struck them and their families hard. When a person had symptoms like fever, traditional curing was applied. Adumi believed that ‘god’ decides who got cured or not. Nowadays, the elders all agreed that there is an increase in different diseases. Most common are hepatitis, HIV, measles, typhoid, cancer and malaria. The elders from Amadungia village are telling the reason of cancer is the change in how they prepare food. After the exile period (1984), the people in their communities started to use cooking oil and consuming manufactured food stuff brought in by traders. A positive development is, though expensive, the access to clinics and hospitals. In the past access was difficult due to travel distance.

In those days, the youth came for advice to their fathers; they had respect for the older generation and were engaged in agriculture. No nonsense, natural fashion and late marriage were typical for youth in past days. There was still respect for old rituals and traditions, most married couples had 2 to 4 children only. The father was the one in charge of arranging the

61 marriage of their children. Dowries were paid from large herds of cattle. In the last 20 years the situation for youth and their behaviour significantly changed. Youth are not productive in terms of labour; especially young men are using drugs and alcohol, and are engaged in gambling, stealing and fighting. The dress code has changed which is in conflict with their traditionally norms and values. The youngsters are not respecting the knowledge and wisdom of their parents and grandparents. They are unproductive, they don’t want to ‘dig’ or attend school. According the elders, the cause of the social problems is the lack of jobs and overpopulation, there is simply not enough room and perspective for the youth.

In the past, when the elders were young men, attending school was not an easy job. In the total district only 3 primary schools were there, there was even a school to train teachers. The quality of education, and the size of the classes were fine, moreover the school fees were relatively low, though difficult to get money to pay. The value of education was higher than it is nowadays. Nowadays, the elders are worried about the educational system. They all agree on the fact that the quality of education has decreased the school fees have increased and classes are too large. Even though the school fees went up, it is not a guarantee there is progress in their children’s’ development. The elders called it counting the number of years, not the progress of child development. The problem is that the classrooms are filled with children, sometimes over 120 children per room.

Markets, price fluctuation and expenditure in the past, trading of livestock and crops was there, but limited. From the 1930s people started to trade in the region. Nowadays, they do sell crops on the local market. They sell also livestock for cash income to pay school fees. In these days the fluctuation of prices is stronger due to droughts. These fluctuations are different throughout the seasons. When production and related yields are high, the market price drops. For traders it is beneficial, they can buy large quantities for a low price, however for farmers it is frustrating since they need to sell it directly at the market due to the absence or poor storage facilities. They simple cannot postpone the sales of their produce till better times when demand is rising and supply is low. Cross-border trade between the towns of Ariwara and Durba (DR Congo) is normal nowadays. The Congolese bring groundnuts and matooke to the Koboko market passing via Dranya. Furthermore, there is informal trade of fuel and tobacco from DR Congo to Koboko and South-Sudan. From Uganda to DR Congo mainly cassava and goats are traded. There are also Congolese traders’ active in buying commodities from the Koboko market. In the past, those trade flows were less developed, the elders of Dranya were considered Congolese in those days. Some have still family living in the DR Congo.

Conflict, migration and remittances in those days there were periods of conflict in the region. They still remember the times of conflicts between neighbouring clans. In 1964 the Simba War in Congo started and forced many people, including the elders, to move to town. When the war ended they moved back to the village. After Idi Amin was defeated, the elders had to move in 1979 to the DR Congo and South-Sudan and returned in 1986 back to Uganda. In 1996 and 1997, during the West Nile Bank Front clash they had to move to town or to the DR Congo. Some stayed and never returned. The last conflict, which resulted in Congolese refugees entering Koboko district, was in 2013 caused by the m18 rebels. Most of the refugees were relocated to camps in the district. Currently, the elders experience peace in their villages, they can even move during night. The youth, mainly young men, are the ones who migrate to other places in DR Congo and South-Sudan in search for Jobs in sugar-cane and coffee plantations; some others are in search for land in DR Congo. The youth who work and live abroad send remittance back home to support their families. In the case of Adumi he sees a positive attitude towards financial supporting their families, the other elders think only a few of them send or bring money back in the community.

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Appendix 2: Full description of community and household research. Micro level: community description of Midia village.

Midia village is situated in Kuluba sub-county in the upper north-western part of Koboko district. The village is part of Saliam Salah parish which is known for its strategic position as a three-country border point between Uganda in the east, DRC in the South-West, and South-Sudan in the North. The number of people living in the village is approximately 400 divided between 147 households. The ethnicity of the villagers is predominantly Kakwa; however three different clans share the region. One of the clans, the Nyoke, is Ugandan and has lived in the area for over a hundred years. They share their ancestral lands with Poduru and Parkele clans who originate from neighbouring DR-Congo. When in the 1960s the Simba-war started many Kakwa refugees from those clans fled to Midia village in Uganda. Since those days, most of the refugees settled down and borrowed land from elders (Mzee). In the past no administrative units where there, Midia village was not a real village but more a collection of different homesteads. In those days’ villagers were able to cross-border freely, nowadays the immigration service doesn’t allow free crossing. Since 2006, the village became officially recognised by the municipal department.

Trends, Seasonality and Shocks - past and current changes in Midia village

Trends and seasonality: Crop- and livestock production, natural resources and climate.

Before 1930s, villagers cultivated local crops such as: millet, sorghum, simsim (sesame), peas and cowpeas. People who had stayed in Kampala and returned back to the region introduce new crops like banana and pineapple, and from the DR-Congo cassava. In those days, when population density was still low, no food shortage was there which was closely related to the availability of free and abundance of bush meat (wildlife). Barter trading was the system they used. Over the years’ wildlife numbers decreased until nothing was left to consume in 1980s. simultaneously, communities started to replace bush meat for livestock, and a shift towards trading for money gradually appeared. The increasing population growth resulted in the depletion of natural resources like forests and watersheds. In times of droughts, which is occurring more frequently, people tend to cultivate wetlands more intensively, and go cross-border to find fresh water sources during scarcity. In earlier years, the weather patterns where still predictable. In February the first rainfall was there and continued to fall until July, however since the year 2000, the rains tend to appear in the end of march with a short duration. The village elders related the cause of the change to deforestation.

Shocks: conflict, colonisation, independence and health.

In those days, before colonisers controlled the region, different clans fought each other with bow and arrow, nowadays the fighting between clans stopped due to colonial intervention. In 1914, the demarcation of the current border situation was made. Since then, a continuous movement of people between the three countries occurred due to several heavy conflicts that appear over the last 60 years. As mentioned before, the Simba-war led people flee the DR-Congo in the 60s, the opposite happened in the 80s after Idi Amin fled to Libya. In the mid-nineties, the Midia villagers had to flee for Bameze (who is that)? To the DR-Congo, during the rebel raid many died while crossing the border and left the village for plunder. Before Uganda became independent from the British access to health facilities was not there, in the last 30 years’ access became easier and within closer distance.

Transect walk

A transect walk is a method to get a quick understanding of how a village is situated within a certain environment. Important aspects of the transect are observation, questioning, drawing and noting down the various characteristics of the village and the allocation of resources, cropland, infrastructure, waterbodies and settlements. The results of the transect walk done with the research team and two village representatives on the 17th of December 2015 is presented below. The drawing of a village cross-section is based on information gathered during the walk (See figure... below).

Micro-level: Livelihood analysis of farmer households.

Demographics and profile of households in Midia village, Kuluba sub county.

Household composition

The household composition of the respondents is as follows. From the six respondents in Midia village four are male, and two are female, and all six are head of the household with an average age of 37 years. From the six respondents four had primary education until primary level 6; two did not had any education. The total number of people living on the compound (household) ranges between the 8 and 11 with an average of 9.7 members from which 5 out of 6 HH has adults available for

63 labour (age 15+). All respondents have more than three children living at the compound with an average of 4 per HH. Within every household a least one member attended primary school within a range from one to five members, and three out of six HH had members who attended secondary school. In terms of vocational training only one responding HH had two members who had finished a training. None of the interviewed HH attended university.

Graph 1: Number of languages spoken by head of household.

language spoken by respondents

6

3

2

1 0

ENGLISH KAKWA LUGBARA KISWAHILI A R A B I C

Figure 15: No. of languages spoken by respondents

The graph above shows the number of languages spoken by the respondents. All speak Kakwa, their native language, and three Kiswahili, the second official language in Uganda. Next to that, two out of six speak Arabic (ki-Nubi); an Arabic related language introduced 150 years ago by traders from the North. One respondent speaks Lugbara, the most common language spoken in West-Nile region. None speaks English.

Household resource base

Land

All of the respondents are cultivating land for household purposes. The average size of land in Midia village is 4.1 Ha. However, some have only 0.2-1 Ha and one household has 13 Ha. Inheriting is the most common way the respondents acquired the land. The location of the land is in or around the village and is some cases directly at the compound. Four out of six are depending on rainfall for crop production, two respondents indicated they use a form of irrigation next to rainfall dependency. The main land use practice is crop farming; however, some have land for grazing further away from the homestead. Accordingly, the soil-type is mainly of a loamy or sandy loam structure and relatively fertile. Land which is momentarily not cultivated is used in other seasons and/or purposes such as grazing.

Livestock

This section gives an overview of type and numbers of livestock per HH. In general, all interviewed households possess a number of livestock. The main types are cattle, goats and chicken. The indicators used in the semi-structured interview are including sheep, pigs and dairy cows, however those are not owned by HH and therefore not included in the analysis.

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Livestock per HH (Midia) 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 Land size in Ha 1 6 13 4 0,2 0,6 Cattle 2 8 0 10 0 0 Goats 2 6 0 6 2 2 Chicken 8 15 6 15 0 0

Land size in Ha Cattle Goats Chicken

Figure 16: No and type of livestock owned per households

The graph above shows the number of cattle, goats and chicken owned per HH including quantity hectares of land. Three out of six are having heads of cattle which are used as capital investment and dowries. Cattle and goats are owned and managed by men, and chicken managed by women. Respondent 1, 2 and 4 are in terms of livestock most diverse, whereas 5 and 6 are least. Respondent 3 has largest amount of land without owning cattle and goats.

Fruit trees

type and number of fruit-trees owned per household (Midia) 150

100

50

0 HH1 HH2 HH3 HH4 HH5 HH6

Mango (local) Oranges Avocado Passion fruit Jackfruit Guava Banana (Sweet) Banana (Matooke) Lemon Coffee Others

Figure 17: type and no. of fruit-trees owned per household

Equipment and assets use for farming

Most farmers have a certain number of equipment used for agricultural purposes. The most common tool is the hoes, panga, sickles, axes and harrows (see graph… below). None of the respondents make use of ploughs, ridger, seeder, wheelbarrow or tractor (see graph… below). The reason is mainly the access to new technologies which is limited. Furthermore, the usage of draught animals is not adopted since animals aren’t trained for the work. Traditionally all work related to agriculture is done by hand. Tillage is done by hand with the use of a hoes. Other technologies such as the usage of inputs are partly adopted. 3 out of 6 farmers indicated they use improved seeds in order to get higher yields, especially in case of tobacco production. However, none of the appliers of improved seeds use chemical fertilizers and pesticides. From the six farmers only one makes use of chemical fertilizers. Reasons for the limited use of inputs are simply, there is not enough financial capital to invest in the new season. In some cases, farmers buy improved seeds when the previous season brought enough revenues. Farmers experience benefits from improved seeds in terms of increasing yields, however drought is a serious and increasing challenge

65 to produce enough for market sales. The first season of 2015 could be seen as a failure in terms of produce especially the loss of beans is a problem next to a limited production of tobacco due to drought and unpredictable rainfall.

Farm equipment & assets (Midia) 6 5 4 3 2 1 0

1 2 3 4 5 6

Figure 18: Farm equipment and assets owned per household

The graph above show the farm equipment and assets owned and used for on farm purposes. The X-axes indicates the type of equipment and asset used or owned by the household. The Y-axes indicates the number of tools etc. per household. The colour indicates the respondent with a total of six interviewed households. what can be concluded from the graph is the fact all households are not making use of ploughs, cart, harrows, ridger, seeder, wheelbarrow and/or tractor. The system as such is limited by the use of mainly hoes, sickles and axes including two households making use of harrows.

Equipment and assets for household purposes.

Household equipment & assets (Midia) 10

5

0 1 2 3 4 5 6

Household numberassets of

Hand mill (Maize, Millit etc) Radio Bicycle House (fired bricks) House (Sun-dried bricks) house (mud and poles) house (Iron sheet roof) kitchen Granary Drying racks

Figure 19: Household equipment & assets owned per household

The graph above indicates the type and number of equipment owned and used by the household. The X-axes indicates the respondent including their assets. How higher the bar is, the more divers the household is. Household number four is the only one in possession of a hand mill to process raw produce into flower. None of the respondents has indicated they have or make use of a granary to store, and own a bicycle.

Labour availability and activities

Farming activities are mainly done by household family members. If money is available casual labourers are hired, however not for all of the households. Most labourers hired are from the village and get payroll wages. Weeding and harrowing is done by woman and digging by men mainly. In certain occasions that occur during a crop season common effort is needed for weeding, at those moments man and woman work together in croplands. Non-family is available in forms of a collaboration

66 of woman from the village, which are working in a rotational basis at farms in the community. Four out of six farmers indicated they have a particular association with groundnuts and maize. One of the farmers is bringing his produce to an association in town; however, none of them is part or belong to organisations, groups or committees. None of the respondents have household members who send remittances to the family in the village. A reason is the fact family members stay within or close to the village where own money is made.

Livelihood strategies.

Crop- and livestock production.

The main livelihood strategy of all interviewed households is the production of food and cash crops, and livestock breeding. The food crops produced to feed the household is cassava, groundnuts, maize and beans. Parts of the produce are sold at local markets or cross border in DR-Congo and South Sudan. Cash crops grown are mainly tobacco, however some of the food crops like groundnuts and banana are partly sold when cash is needed and therefore considered as cash crops. Women are selling cassava, matooke (Banana), beans and maize, man are mainly in charge of tobacco production, processing and sales. Some of the men are as well selling groundnuts. As indicated in section livestock, cattle, goats and chicken rearing is of great importance for household income and nutrition. Cattle and goats are reared and managed by man, and chicken are kept by woman. Livestock sales are mainly done by men at markets in the region.

Crop Production (Midia)

6 6 6 6 respondent

HH HH 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

CROP TYPE

Figure 20: type of crops produced

The graph above shows the food and cash crops produced by each individual household. All respondents indicated that cassava, maize, beans and groundnuts are for them the most important food crops and sources of income. Next to that, tobacco is a valuable cash generating crop for three households. The cash derived from tobacco sales is used to pay household necessities such as school fees, medication, for leisure and small consumer goods.

Shocks and changes

Many households have indicated facing major changes related to shocks that effected their livelihoods. A major issue is the changing seasons in terms of weather predictability and rainfall. Especially, the first growing season from March until July is effected by, according the villagers, by climate change. The dry season from December to March is increasing in length and more frequently the sun is intense compared with the past when cloudy days with rain were a normality. In addition, the second growing season from September until November is intensifying in terms of rainfall. Villagers are worried about losing the first growing season due to drought and the second season due to heavy precipitation. Next to that, household have to face a decrease is land productivity and the availability of clean water sources causing diseases like cholera and bilharzia. One farmer faced sudden death of cattle due to diseases, and another lost crops due to heavy wind. Moreover, school fees are increasing which leads to keep children from school.

The effect of those changes and shocks is significant. Per household the effect is different due to different coping mechanisms next to the fact some of the shocks occurred in a single family only. However, the changing weather and productivity of land is affecting all of the farmer households. the major effects are a reduced income since households have to face a reduction

67 in yields leading to less surplus meant for market purposes. Farmers also indicating an increase in stress, shortage in food supply in the lean season, and limiting seeds supply for the next planting season.

Livelihood outcomes

food self-sufficiency from own production (Midia) 6 4 2 0

First season harvest Second season harvest

The graph above is a visualisation of household food self-sufficiency met by own production over a year. To explain, during a year two rainy seasons occur. The first lengthy raining season is from March until July and the second short raining season is from September until November. In between are two dry periods from which December until March is most intense with very limited rainfall, the dry spell from July until August/September is short and less intense, however relatively dry. In the graph is indicated in which period food from own produce is available. In February food stocks are running out and continue to be low until June. In June most farmers can harvest crops sown (traditionally, however shifting to April) in March.

food self-sufficiency and seasonal rainfall (Midia) 6 4 2 0 -2

Last Harvest This Harvest Rainfall

The graph shows the relation between food availability from own production with rainfall patterns during a year. Rainfall does not mean household food security increases, even the opposite appears. Especially, in March until June the situation is challenging for most households to stay food secure. When food stocks run out different strategies are applied. Some families buy food from local markets with money they earn from livestock sales, others use savings derived from tobacco sales. Other households have indicated they exchange food commodities between other households or work in return for foods.

Even though the situation is challenging, some livelihood outcomes in the family are achieved such as: purchase of goats, little production increase (for one household), little increase cash savings, a balanced diet. However, the answers where given in the context of the second season of 2015. Many farmers lost parts of their crops in the first season due to drought. Four out of six farmers have indicated their livelihood situation is staying the same, the two other household have seen an improvement.

Household market orientation

Crops and livestock are sold different market places in the village and region. Most important place is Keri, Dubai market in Midia, Draba (DRC) and Kaya. Some of the households prefer to sell at home since they have a better bargaining position. Cash crops like tobacco are sold at markets outside the village. Several households have indicated they experience changes regarding buyers and markets. The prices are fluctuating more often and buyers push market prices down. They have little power to change their bargaining position. Most buyers have low fixed prices where negotiation is hardly possible. Some farmers took the initiative to form groups to have a stronger position. However, most households are in urgent need for cash which push the family to sell for low prices. Furthermore, there is a strong demand for cassava roots and flower for the Sudanese and Congolese markets. According some respondents, it leads to famine since a need for cash is urgent, however

68 sales prices for own food stocks are low and food crops to purchase are higher. Ultimately, cassava, their main nutritional source, is leaving the household and cash is used for other purposes. All interviewed farmers find the current market situation negative for their livelihoods. Without good getting good prices for their produce development is hardly possible which leads to a risk of famine.

External support and value addition.

None of the farmers received external support from private or public sector to support the household and indicated the development negative. Some farmers would have support in financial means to buy inputs, and in agricultural extension to support livestock management and introduction of technologies such as a tractor to open up fields. From the six farmers only one indicated he added value to produce. For example; woman remove the seal from groundnuts, and maize is dried and comps removed, both practices increase the value of the product. The other five farmers do not add value to produce due to a lack of knowledge, skills, network and external support. Moreover, none of the households have a granary to store, however most farmers do store their produce in bags within the house on platforms. Unfortunately, stored produce is prone to be effected by rodents. The reason to store is to have access to own food stocks for a longer period of time, or to wait market prices are increasing.

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Appendix 3: Flowchart of research methodology

Macro-level Desk study

Case study

Fieldwork  District Meso-level institutional level officials  Support org.  NGO’s.

Fieldwork  Village Elders Meso/micro-level Community level  Sub-county CDO’s

Field-work  Village chief Micro-level Household level  Farmer households

1. Analysis  Course Verification participants 2. Conclusions

Recommendations

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Appendix 4: Subjects explored and methods applied at macro-, meso-, and micro-level.

Level Issue Methodology applied Macro National Gaining general understanding and Literature analysis and review of basic knowledge of the external secondary sources. PESTEC analysis environment of Koboko district.

Understanding the current regional Semi-structured interviews with Key developments in historic and (inter) informant (Local government, NGO, national perspective private sector. Meso District/regional Gaining in-depth knowledge of Literature analysis and review of district-level service provision, secondary sources. specific socio-economic and cross- Interviewing of key persons active at border issues, local structures and district level governmental strategies, stakeholder identification.

Understanding perception of culture, Semi-structured interviews with Key attitudes, meanings, norms and informant (Local government, NGO, values. private sector. Micro Community History of activities and problems Semi-structured interviewing using a topic list, group discussion with elders and village representatives, Time line

Community assessment related to Interviewing sub-county community seasonality, shock, trends, and socio- development officers in 5 counties. economic situation and challenges

Assessment of community Transect walks, participatory physical/natural assets, local mapping (Social, resources, resources production, local economy, trade)

Understanding cross-border Participatory mapping and influences and dynamics at village discussions, informal question and level, investigate trade flows and answer with community informants. informal cross-border trading

Understanding perception of culture, attitudes, meanings, norms and values. Micro Household Household livelihood analysis of Case studies – semi structured (farmer) families living in Koboko interviews. district. understanding the impact of past and current changes on the livelihoods of subsistence farmer families

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Appendix 5: Example questionnaires used for semi-structured interviewing

Semi-Structured Interview using a Checklist (Farmer Household Research)

Sub-county ______

Name of village ______

Household identification______Name of interviewee______

Date ______

Interviewer______

Household classification (to be completed by interviewer after interview). Circle relevant classification.

Socio-economic status : less poor – middle poor – poor – very poor

HH type : MHH – FHH – other______

Livelihood outlook : improving – stable – declining

1. Household Composition

Q. Who lives in this compound? Head of household: Man/woman______

Age______

Education______

Marital status HHH: ______

No. of wives in same compound ______living elsewhere ______

Men aged 15 – 59 Men 60 + Women aged 15 – 59 Women 60 + Male youth 15-35 (of whom orphans Female youth 15-35 Children under 15 years

Total number living in compound

Total adults available for work on the farm (aged 15 +)

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Educational level of HH members:

Primary Secondary University

Other skills:

Vocational training

Languages spoken:

2. Household Resource Base

Q. What resources do you use for farming?

What area do you farm? ______Land size (Ha, Ac)______

Rainfed?______Irrigated?______

Soil-type?______Land use?______

How did you acquire this land?

Do you have any other land, which you do not cultivate? Why?

Livestock Number Livestock Number Cattle Pigs Dairy cows Chicken Goats Ducks Sheep Rabbits other Other birds

Trees Number Others Mango(Natural) Banana Mango(improved) Banana (Matooke) Orange Lemon Avocado Passion Fruit Jackfruit Guava

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Q. What equipment/assets do you own for use on the farm? For use in the home?

Equipment – farm Number Number Equipment/assets – household

Hoes Hand mill (maize, Millit etc.) Sickles Radio Axes Bicycle Plough House made from fired bricks Hand-Plough Cart House made from sun-dried bricks Harrows House made from mud and poles Ridger House with iron sheet roof Seeder Kitchen Wheelbarrow Granary Tractor Drying racks

Do you use any purchased inputs: improved seed?______fertilizer?______chemicals?______

If so, how do you acquire them?

What experience do you have with these improved inputs?

Do you use credit?

Q. How do you prepare the land?

By hand, draught animals (own/share/hire/borrow), or tractor (hire/borrow/own)

Have you ever used draught animals/tractors?

Q. Who works on the farm?

Do they perform all activities or are activities divided among them? Explain.

Do they have any association with particular crops or livestock?

Do you use any non-family labour?

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Q. Do any household members belong to organizations or groups? Do any belong to committees?

Q. Does the household receive any remittances from members of the family (or others) living elsewhere?

3. Livelihood Strategies

Q. What crops did you grow last year? How did you use them?

List main crops on rain fed land:

List irrigated crops:

Which were the most important food crops? Rank in order of importance:

Which were the most important cash crops? Rank in order of importance:

Which crops were sold by men and which were sold by women?

Q. Did you sell any livestock or livestock products last year?

Rank in order of importance:

Which were sold by men and which were sold by women?

Q. Did any household members work outside the family farm in the last year?

What did they do?

Where did they work?

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For how long did they work?

Did they contribute any of their earnings to the household income?

Q. Rank livelihood sources in order of importance for the household:

4. Shocks and Changes

Q. Has the household faced any major changes over recent years?

Q. What effects have these changes had on household livelihood?

5. Livelihood Outcomes

Q. Food self-sufficiency from own production: last harvest: from month ______to month______this harvest: from month______to month______

Q. How does the household cope when food stocks run out?

Q. What other livelihood outcomes does the family achieve (e.g. children attending school, improvements in household nutrition and health)?

Q. Do you think the situation of your family is improving, staying the same,

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5. Household market orientation

Q. Where do you sell your crops/livestock (Market, on farm)?

Q. What changes did you experience regarding buyers and market (Different buyers, local, regional, international)?

Q. Do you find the changes positive or negative? Why?

6. External support for household

Q. Do you receive external support for your household (Public sector, private sector)?

Q. What changes did you experiences in support for your household (Focus of support, method)?

Q. Dou you find these changes positive or negative?

Q. What way of external support would you prefer and find you more valuable?

7. Additional value creation (Livelihood strategy)

Q. Do you create additional value to the product you sell?

Q. (When created added value) How do you create additional value (Who is involved and, what product)?

Q. (When not created added value) Why do you not create additional value (Knowledge, skills, network, support)?

Q. Do you store your products (stocks, before selling)?

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Appendix 6: semi-structured interview sub-county development officers Semi-Structured Interview using a Checklist (Sub-County CDO)

Sub-county ______

Number of Villages ______Nr of Inhabitants______

Name of interviewee______

Date ______

Interviewer______

Community development officer Which groups produce which crops?

How important is each crop to the livelihoods of the groups that produce it?

Is the revenue from a given crop used for a particular purpose – e.g. if it is controlled by women is it particularly important to child health or nutrition?

What proportion of output is marketed?

How do prices for different crops vary through the year?

How predictable is seasonal price fluctuation?

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Are the price cycles of all crops correlated?

What proportion of household food needs is met by own consumption and what portion is purchased?

At what time of year is cash income most important (e.g. school fees might be collected one or more times during the year)? Does this coincide with the time at which cash is most available?

Do people have access to appropriate financial service institutions to enable them to save for the future? Does access to these vary by social group?

Is there a hungry period? How long and intense is the ‘hungry period’?

What effect do the ‘hungry period’ and other seasonal natural events (e.g. the advent of the rainy season) have on human health and the ability to labour?

Has the length of the ‘hungry period’ been increasing or decreasing?

How do income-earning opportunities vary throughout the year? Are they agricultural or non-farm?

How does remittance income vary throughout the year (e.g. falling off at times when it is most needed because of food price rises)?

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Appendix 7: List of interviewed Key persons. List 1: District level key informants (District officials, supporting organisations)

Name interviewee Function Date of interview 1. Richard Districts Community Development Officer (DCDO) 17-09-2015 2. Abiyo Districts Production Officer (DPO) 17-09-2015 3. Keni Santus Districts Health Officer (DHO) 17-09-2015 4. Baia Ratib Ismael Districts Commercial Officer (DCO) 30-09-2015 5. Gift One Stop Center, districts farmer association (DFA) 15-09-2015 6. Bongo Associazione Centro Aiuti Volontari (ACAV) 15-09-2015 7. Ct. Ariwako National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS) 17-09-2015 8. Kennedy Cefford 23-09-2015 9. Gilbert Okuonzi Koboko Technical Institute (KIT) 16-09-2015 Table 4: List of interviewees at Meso-level.

List 2: Sub-county level key informants (Elders)

Name interviewee Function Sub-county Date of interview 1. Dumba Akuleu Elder in Midia village Kuluba 6-10-2015 2. Lomo Mohammed Elder in Chakulia village Ludara 8-10-2015 3. Adumi Ely Elder in Dranya village Dranya 15-10-2015 4. Toburu Amule Elders in Dranya village Dranya 15-10-2015 5. Asiki Gala 6. Agele Elder in Mindrabe village Midia 16-10-2015 7. Anum Iosa, Kassim Elders in Meniko village Lobule 20-10-15 Alumba, Aika - Mohammed 8. Ayili Aganasi, Agele Elders in Dasa, Maraboe village Lobule 20-10-15 Nelson Table 5: List of interviewed village elders in Koboko district

List 3: Sub-county level key informants (community development officers)

Name interviewee Function Sub-county Date of interview 1. Vuzeru Zumurati Sub-county CDO Kuluba 6-10-2015 2. Vincent Eyoga Sub-county CDO Ludara 8-10-2015 3. Atiku Samuel Nixon Sub-county CDO Dranya 16-10-2015 4. Nelson Enzama Sub-county CDO Lobule 16-10-2015 Table 6: List of interviewed sub-county community development officers.

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Appendix 8: Livelihood data entry sheet Midia and Kabure village.

Variable/household nr. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Household classification socio-economic status Middle poorMiddle poorLess poor Poor Mddle poor middle poorMiddle poorMiddle poorMiddle poormiddle poor HH type MHH MHH MHH FHH MHH FHH MHH MHH FHH MHH MHH Livelihood outlook ImprovingDeclining ImporvingDeclining Declining ImprovingImprovingImprovingImprovingImproving 1. Household composition 1.1.1 Head of houshold Male Male Male Female Male Female Male Male Female Male Male 1.1.2 Age 28 48 38 30 29 50 37,2 38 45 29 35 52 39,8 1.1.3 Education P3 0 P2 P6 P2 0 P5 0 S6 P P7 1.1.4 No. Of wives compound 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 2 1.1.5 No. Of wives elswere 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 3 0 0 1.1.6 Men aged 15-59 2 2 1 0 1 1 2 1 1 1 5 1.1.7 Woman aged 15-59 2 3 2 2 0 1 2 1 1 1 5 1.1.8 Male youth 15-35 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 5 1.1.9 Female youth 15-35 2 2 1 0 0 0 3 1 1 0 4 Children under 15 3 4 4 6 5 3 4 5 4 7 5 1.2.0 Men 60+ 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.2.1 Woman 60+ 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1.2.2 Orphans 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1.2.3 Total living in compound 11 11 9 8 8 11 9,7 8 9 8 9 15 9,8 1.2.4 Total adults for labour 15+ 0 3 2 2 5 4 3 4 5 2 4 Edu level of HH members 1.2.5 Primary 3 1 3 5 1 1 14 3 4 8 6 14 35 1.2.6 secondary 1 1 0 1 0 0 3 1 0 1 0 1 3 1.2.7 University 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.2.8 Vocational training 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 2 0 2 0 3 7 Languages spoken English 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 3 Kakwa 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 1 5 Lugbara 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kiswahili 0 1 0 0 1 1 3 0 1 1 1 1 4 Arabic 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0

2. Household resource base Land size in Ha 1 6 13 4 0,2 0,6 4,1 2.42 0,1 0,8 1,2 1,2 0,83 Rainfed/irrigated/both 1 1 1 3 1 3 3 1 1 1 1 soil type loam loam loam fertile sandy loamsandy loam loam loam 0 loam loam Livestock Cattle 2 8 0 10 0 0 4 2 20 1 0 Goats 2 6 0 6 2 2 15 1 5 3 20 Chicken 8 15 6 15 0 0 4 5 2 4 20 Sheep 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 2 10 Pigs 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dairy cows 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Trees Mango (local) 0 3 9 4 1 5 4 1 0 2 6 Mango (Improved) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 6 Oranges 0 35 70 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Avocado 0 0 8 4 0 2 0 1 4 2 4 Passion fruit 1 0 0 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 Jackfruit 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 4 0 3 Guava 0 4 1 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 Banana (Sweet) 0 3 1 6 20 1 0 2 2 0 8 Banana (Matooke) 0 1 25 7 20 3 0 4 0 0 1 Lemon 0 4 3 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 Papaya 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 5 Coffee 0 0 100 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Others 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 No. Equipment/assets farm Hoes 5 4 2 2 2 2 5 2 5 4 3 Sickles 1 2 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 2 Axes 1 2 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 3 Plough 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hand-plough 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cart 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Harrows 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 Ridger 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Seeder 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Wheelbarrow 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 Tractor 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

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No. Equipment/assets household Hand mill (Maize, Millit etc) 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 Radio 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 2 Bicycle 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 3 House (fired bricks) 2 1 1 1 1 0 3 0 1 0 2 House (Sun-dried bricks) 3 0 3 3 4 3 0 4 3 4 4 house (mud and poles) 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 house (Iron sheet roof) 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 kitchen 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 Granary 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Drying racks 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 2 Inputs Improved seeds No yes yes yes no no no no yes no no chemical fertilizers No no no no yes no no no yes yes yes Chemicals? no no no no no no no no yes yes yes use of credit? no no no no no no no yes yes yes yes Land preparation By hand 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 By draught animal 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 by Tractor 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Crops Cassava 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 1 5 Maize 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 1 0 1 1 1 4 Sorghum 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sweet potatoes 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Millit 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Rice 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Beans 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 1 5 Ground-nuts 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 1 1 0 1 1 4 Simsim 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Cow-peas 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pigeon-peas 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Field-peas 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Banana(Matooke) 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pumpkin 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tomatoes 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 Cabbage 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 Others (Greens?) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 3 4 Cash Crops Tobacco 0 1 0 1 1 0 3 1 0 0 1 0 2

Appendix 9: Topic list community elders Semi-Structured Interview using a topic-list (Community Elders)

Sub-county ______

Name of village ______

Village identification______Name of interviewee______

Date ______

Interviewer______

Current Past (Indicate Year) Land fertility

Rainfall

Crops

Current Past (Indicate Year) External support

Health

Youth

Market Price fluc.

Expenses

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Current Past (Indicate Year) Diseases

Govrn support

Migration

Natural resources

Population

85

Current Past (Indicate Year) Education

Conflict

Remittances

Property

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Appendix 10: Research proposal

Thesis Research Proposal

‘’The Impact of Past and Current Changes in the Socio- Economic situation and Cross-Border (Trade) Dynamics on Farmer Households’’

Koboko District, West-Nile Region Uganda, and Territoire de Aru, Eastern Ituri, DRC.

Milos van Leest BSc Regional Development and Innovation Wageningen 2015

Commissioner; Ir. H. Fleer Ecopolis Europe Multi-instrument development initiative Eastern-Ituri, DRC Wageningen 2015

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Introduction This research proposal is written on behalf of a fourth year student Regional Development and Innovation of Van Hall Larenstein University of Applied Sciences. The research is commissioned by Ecopolis Europa and Lake Albert Foundation(LAF) and scheduled to take place from August-December 2015. The outline of the research proposal is as follows. The reason for the research is explained in the section of Background information and includes the research problem, research objective and research question which gives the focus. The literature review is providing more information about the subject that is going to be researched. The methodology section describes how the research is going to be undertaken and the method of analyzing the collected data. Finally, the proposal ends with a section about the planning and budget for the research period. Background Ecopolis and Lake Albert Foundation are part of a Dutch based development initiative in the district of eastern Ituri in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and West-Nile region in Uganda. The aim of the development initiative is to curb the on-going decline of the regional economy by making use of multi-instrument investments in agricultural development. The initiative focuses on investment of the private agro sector, structural international educational and academic collaboration and exchange in reconstruction and regional development, land tenure registration and management support, investment climate development and effective mechanisms for management of regional cross-border collaboration and trade. Connected to the development initiative a fortnight during tailored made training about cross-border dynamics and food-security funded by the Nuffic program will take place starting in the last week of November. The training will take place at the Youth and Woman Community Development Organisation(YWCDO) based in Gbulagbulanga village in Koboko district. In preparation for the course, Ecopolis and Lake Albert Foundation are implementing pre-study activities that will help the course facilitators to get a better understanding of the regional developments. In order to guide the interests of Ecopolis Europe and LAF three objectives are established. The first objective of this study is to have collected resources and data to develop a digital ‘’data bank’’ that will function as an information and knowledge base. Ecopolis Europe and LAF are currently realizing the need for effective knowledge documentation and sharing. Therefore, they are effectively establishing collaboration between trans-border knowledge institutes such as Muni State University (Arua, Uganda), Unilac (Mahagi, DRC) and local partners (YWCDO) The second objective is to study the regional cross-border dynamics and food-security of the West-Nile region with a special focus on the Koboko District and bordering Ituri counties. This study will be important to streamline the YWCDO refresher course and the data base establishment. Lastly, the research methodology developed for the cross-border dynamics and food-security study will be documented in order it can be used as a ‘guidance’ for future grass-root and base-line studies in both regions (Eastern Ituri, DRC and West-Nile, Uganda). Regional context West-Nile is the upper north-western region of Uganda. The region stretched from the northern shores of Lake albert till the South-Sudanese border. It lies between the White Nile river and the Eastern Ituri border of the DRC and is geographically more related to north-eastern DRC than Northern Uganda. West-Nile was originally part of the ‘’Lado Enclave’’, and named after the town Lado, a river port in South-Sudan. In 1910 the region came under control of the Anglo-Egyptians after the Anglo-German treaty of 1890 which outcome divided the region and border as it is nowadays. In 1915 the new boundaries of the Ugandan protectorate were officially recognized by the two colonial powers of the

88 region, Belgium and Britain. For the Britain’s the inclusion of West-Nile within their protectorate meant they regain control of the Nile river from its source in Uganda up to Cairo, Egypt. The history of West-Nile can be seen as dynamic and violent. In the book named ‘’Inside West-Nile’’ by Mark Leopold (2005), is written that the region is seen from outsiders as a violent and dangerous place or better said; Marginalized and brutal (Leopold Mark, 2005). As a result, the colonial army recruited many soldiers from the region for the King’s African Rifles. Probably the most famous person originating from West-Nile was general and former president Idi Amin which served for many years in the colonial army (The King’s African Rifles). Due to the understanding of West-Nile as a marginalized and Brutal place policies and actions didn’t worked out in favor of the region. Even not mentioned the influence of the Ituri and Sudanese conflicts that had a significant influence on the regional development even today. Due to its location, between the two countries, the local socio-economic situation of West- Nilers(People living in West-Nile region) was and is always influenced by the cross-border dynamics. Map 1: West-Nile region with districts and overall location within Uganda and continental Africa

Source: http://galleryhip.com/west-region.html Problem definition Ecopolis and Lake Albert foundation are lacking knowledge about the impact of past and current changes in socio-economic situation and cross-border(Trade) dynamics of West-Nile region in Uganda and Eastern-Ituri in DRC on the livelihood situation of households living in the border county of Koboko. Moreover, they want to know how to continue executing in-depth research after understanding the wider socio-economic context of both regions and their interlinkage. Research objective The research aims to describe the past and current changes in the socio-economic situation and regional cross-border(Trade) dynamics of West-Nile(UG) and Eastern Ituri(DRC) district on the livelihood

89 situation of households living in the border county of Koboko. Furthermore, the obtained outcomes will be integrated within a ‘’Framework for Cross-border regional development’’ which gives an overview of the past/current and common regional potentials and problems that will function as research agenda. Concrete recommendations will provide further direction for in-depth study possibilities for Ecopolis, Lake Albert Foundation and Muni State University. Main research question What is the impact of past and current changes in the socio-economic situation and regional cross- border(Trade) dynamics of West-Nile region, Uganda and Eastern Ituri region, DRC on the livelihood situation of farmer households living in the border county of Koboko? Sub-research questions The sub-research questions are divided between three different topics that will give an answer on the main research question. According to the concepts used in the main question a division is made between the different topics. Every topic has its own set of research questions. 4. What is the impact of past and current changes in the Socio-economic situation (Macro and Meso level) a. What are the social, political and economic structures and processes of West-Nile and Eastern Ituri district? b. What are the key economic drivers of West-Nile and Eastern-Ituri districts? c. What are the key regional characteristics of West-Nile and Eastern-Ituri district relating to Agricultural production, natural resources, infrastructure, migration and social security? 5. What are the past and current changes in Cross-border(Trade) dynamics? a. What are the key characteristics of cross-border(Trade) dynamics in West-Nile and Eastern-Ituri? b. What are the past and current cross-border(Trade) dynamics between Eastern Ituri(DRC) and West-Nile district and vice versa? c. What are the current potentials and problems in Cross-border(trade) dynamics in West- Nile and Eastern-Ituri ditrict? 6. What are the changes in Livelihoods of farmer households that occurred in Koboko district? (Vulnerability context: Seasonality/shocks/Trends and livelihood assets) a. What is the current livelihood situation of West-Nile and Eastern-Ituri inhabitants? b. What are the past and current regional vulnerabilities relating to seasonality, trends, and shocks and how is the impact on the livelihood of farmer households living in Koboko district? 7. What are the differences in socio-economic and livelihood situation between West-Nile district and Eastern-Ituri, and do they have an effect on each other?

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Literature review and conceptual framework Socio-economic situations After years of civil wars in Uganda the country, under the rule of President Museveni, became more stable and less poor. In 1992 the poverty rate of the Ugandan people was countrywide around 56% of the population. During the years that followed poverty was reduced to 24.5 per cent of the population in 2009(IFAD, report on Enabling poor rural people to overcome poverty in Uganda, 2013). The report argues that the percentage went down significantly, however due to population increase over the last 20 years the absolute number of people living in poverty has increased. Especially, in the rural areas where 84 per cent of Ugandans live, around 27 per cent still live below the national rural poverty line. Roughly speaking about 8 million people. According the IFAD the most vulnerable are living in remote regions in the north- and eastern parts of the country where access to transport, infrastructure and market linkages are weak or even not existing. In those areas 40 up to 60 per cent of the population is consistently living in poverty. The reason for that is the violent history of West-Nile region and Acholi- land in central north. only for a decade both regions are having peace since the Lord Resistance Army of Joseph Kony left the area after years of fighting and human right violations. in case of West-Nile the region faced several out brakes of rebel fights within the region after Idi Amin was removed from power. Furthermore, the conflicts in DRC (Ituri conflict) and South-Sudan have resulted in a disruption of the entire regional development which is not limited by the national boundaries. According the IFAD the majority of the poor rural people live in fragile dry and sub-humid regions where the variability of rainfall and soil fertility make farming a daily challenge. Most households fall short in providing minimum household needs. As a result, their household is prone to food insecurity. The problem is strengthened by the fact of climate change and resulting extreme climate events and unpredicted rain-fall. The impact of increased droughts, floods and variable precipitation cycles is significant and threatens water, natural resources, agricultural production and rural livelihoods. In the case of health and social issues the county is facing some real challenges. The current population is around 36 million and is growing with an annual rate of 3.4 per cent. The county had reduced HIV/AIDS significantly since the 1990s. however, the rates of infected begun rising again in the recent years. According, the IFAD it caused death amongst large numbers of young adults and made 1.2 million children orphan. Especially for woman the lack of health care and social services is a disadvantage since they work for longer hours than men. Furthermore, woman are facing a double burden of ensuring household food security and the care of the sick, the elderly and orphaned children. The united nations development programme’s human development index ranked Uganda 161st out of 187 countries in the Low Human Development category. Cross-border trade and dynamics Cross-border trade can be divided in three types; Category A: Informal(Unregistered). Category B: Formal (Registered, fully evading regulation and duties) and Category C: Formal (Registered, partially evading regulations and duties Defining ICBT ICBT has not a clear universal definition since it can occur in different forms (Nkendah, 2010) for example; unrecorded trade, illegal trade, unofficial trade, undergrounded trade, part of parallel market activity, the activities of black market, trade subject of over-and under-invoicing, smuggling or hoarding. To be short, ICBT can be best characterized by its non-inclusion in the national account of a country or region in terms of its domestic and International trade (Aryeetey, 2009) and includes the previous mentioned dimensions. In the Africa Economic Brief (Jean-Guy, et al,2012) it refers to trade in processed or non-processed merchandise which may be legal imports of exports on one side of the border and illicit on the other side. Important to know is the coexistence of ICBT(unrecorded) together

91 with FCBT (recorded). This is a result of the significant socio-economic importance of ICBT’s in especially sub-Saharan Africa.

Cross-border informal traders Several baseline surveys done in Sub-Saharan Africa indicate a majority of woman participating in cross-border trade. According the UNDFW fact sheet for woman 60 percent of the informal traders in central Africa are female. Traders are engaging in ICBT as a source of income and economic activity. A majority of the traders did not had education and raise capital from own resources or through loans from friends or relatives. Most traders are not bankable or have assets banks will accept as collateral. On the other hand, traders can be formally registered firms avoiding border post formalities, regulations and taxes. The following table shows the types of traders which are derived in three categories (Jean- Guy, et al,2012).

Sustainable Livelihood Framework The description of the socio-economic situation and cross-border trade and dynamics in West-Nile is national and regional level. It is not well known what the impact is on the households in Kokoko district. To get an understanding of what is happening at household level the research will make use of the livelihood framework. According the framework, a livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets and activities needed for a means of living - and is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from shocks and stresses, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets and provide sustainable opportunities for the next generation. The sustainable livelihoods approach considers vulnerabilities as the main factor that shapes how people make their living. The level of vulnerability of an individual or community is determined by how weak or strong their livelihoods are, what occupational activities they are engaged in, the range of assets they have access to for pursuing their livelihood strategies and the strength and support of the social networks and institutions that they are part of or which have influence over them.

Source: DFID More information can be found in the DFID Sustainable Livelihood Framework. Methodology The research will make use of two research strategies: A desk study and a field study. During the desk study secondary literature study about socio-economic, cross-border trade and dynamics as well on livelihoods of households will be carried out. The focus of the desk study will be at national and regional level of Uganda and Democratic republic of Congo and then narrowed down to West-Nile(UG) and

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Eastern-Ituri(DRC). The study will focus mainly on macro and meso level which includes the current political, economic, social, technological, environmental and cultural environment. The meso- level includes the study of the regional situation relating to local governance, ethnicity, tribes and the general socio-economic situation of both districts. Furthermore, the meso- level will be analysed to give insight understanding of the cross-border(trade) dynamics. The field study will focus on collecting quantitative data from the field. The focus will lie on interviewing key informants in the region of West-Nile and more in-depth in Koboko county which is closely situated to the DRC and South-Sudan border. The topics that are covered are at meso and micro level which inhales the collection of socio-economic, cross-border trade and household information. Furthermore, a historic analysis will be carried out by interviewing several resource persons from the region and the data in form of a story will be translated in a timeline. When sufficient data is collected preliminary data analysis will be carried out before the end of November. The results of the general regional study will be presented at the Koboko training at YWCDO about Cross-border dynamics and Food-security. Subsequently, a farmer household case study will be carried out to verify the results of the desk study in the field and can provide specific insights in the changes in livelihood situation which can give an answer on the question about the impact of past and current changes on farmer households

 Desk study  Secondary literature review, developing literature data-base related to West-Nile and Eastern Ituri. Macro, meso and micro analysis based on available literature. o PESTEC analytical tool for macro study. o UN handbook of social indicators  Field study  Interviewing key persons, Case study, Time-line & Historic analysis, verification of desk study results in field. Data collection: Key person interview To get a general understanding of the current cross-border and socio-economic situation of Koboko District several key persons will be interviewed. Together with the Koboko team an identification of key persons will be made. The selection procedure is based on the position of the persons within the district. The first group to be interviewed is at institutional level. This inhales the officials of different departments of the local government (Agricultural, commercial, community, education, health). Furthermore, different NGO’s and extension services will interviewed. Tools used to collect data from key persons are a semi-structured interview including a topic list. The questions and topics are based on certain socio-economic and livelihood topics. To get in contact with local authorities and private organisations an interpreter/resource person from the Youth and Woman Community Development Organisation will be hired. Data Collection: Sub-County Community Development Officers and Community Elders interviews In line with the creation of a general understanding all sub-county CDO’s will be interviewed. According, the Higher Local Government Statistical Abstract of Koboko district (2009) the district is divided in 7 sub-counties, all with a separate sub-county office including CDO. They are the implementing body for the districts town council. Interviewing the sub-county CDO’s of all the sub- Counties has the purpose to understand the districts dynamics and challenges as well to investigate a suitable place for the in-depth case study within a community living at the Congolese and/or Sudanese border. The way to interview community Elders is via a topic list with certain indicators derived from the DFID Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF). For the research outcome the community and regional history is of importance to understand the current situation of the communities and how it developed over time. Some possible limitations are the fact that it can be difficult to interview female community leaders due to cultural and/or religious differences as well the representatives at institutional level are mainly male. To limited the gender bias a strategy of including woman will be developed when

93 the first part of the research is carried out. The number of Village Elders that will be interviewed is two individuals or groups per sub-county since the budget and expected time are limited. Data Collection: Community case study To verify the collected data from the macro and meso level a community visit of 2 weeks will be carried out. the purpose is to get an understanding of the daily lives of farmer households by analysing their livelihood situation and strategies as well the impact of cross-border dynamics on their daily lives while living/be there within a clan or multiple clans. The target area is preferably a sub-county bordering DRC or/and South-Sudan within 1km of range of the border. According the interest of Ecopolis Europa and Lake Albert Foundation it should be close to the border. The other area should be in Congo(Ituri) to verify the cross-border dynamics and livelihood strategies relating to past and current changes.The community to visit needs to be representing the average farmer household within for example Koboko district with focus on Dranya, Midia or Kuluba sub-county. Sample size:  8 farmer households: male and female has to be interviewed including farm analysis. 2 households a day is 4 days in total. Depends on community size I think.  2 youth group interviews: 1 male and 1 female group. 1 day in total. Maybe reduced to 1 day- part (YWCDO female attendee for youth discussion in case of gender issue)  Elders interviewing: focus on females, 1 day-part  Transect walk, exploring community, random talking with entrepreneurs and key persons. 1-2 days  Attending field work or at least observing, making pictures for photo database (If community agrees) Strategy and tools  The strategy for investigating the communities is as follows: important is to interview all members of a household. The head of the household (Man/Woman) as well the youth. Preferably there has to be a gender balance among the interviewees.  To get an understanding of resource allocation/distribution and village set-up a transect walk and maps will be made together with villagers.  To get an understanding of the household livelihood strategies an interview will be carried out by making use of a topic list according the Sustainable Livelihood Framework of DFID .  Together with villagers (Still to be defined) the trade flows as well impact on household income/assets will be analysed.  Storytelling to get understanding of culture and history. Via time-lines etc. and gathering of elders (Male/Female)  Farming system analysis via observation and attending field work and farmer household visits. Data Processing: The research is a qualitative research were via macro, meso and micro analysis of the external and internal environment of households the impact of changes will be described as well the impact of cross-border dynamics. The expectation will be that the influence of changes will be perceived differently between males and females, between male and female youth, between income, different age and household size. The tool used for analysing the households is the Sustainable Livelihood Framework. The external environment will be analysed with a PESTEC tool(Political, Economic, Social, Technological, Environmental and Cultural aspects).

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Planning

Thesis Planning for the impact of Cross-border Dynamics on Farmer Households living in Koboko district, Uganda Activity Place Start End week 1 week 2 week 3 week 4 week 5 week 6 week 7 week 8 week 9 week 10 week 11 week 12 week 13 week 14 week 15 week 16 week 17 week 18 week 19 week 20 17-23 aug 24-30 aug 31-6 sep 7-13 sep 14-20 sep 21-27 sep 28-4 okt 5-11 okt 12-18 okt 19-25 okt 26-1 nov 2-8 nov 9-15 nov 16-22 nov 23-29 nov 30-6 dec 7-13 dec 14-20 dec 23-27 dec ?????? Phase I: Exploration 1.1 Workshops/conference Arua, Uni 21-aug 24-aug - Team formation - Reseach strategy develop. 1.2 Orientation/formiliarize 1.3 Field trip Mahagi(DRC) - Interviewing key persons - Area observation 1.4 Field trip Goma(DRC) -TMT Business & trade 1.5 Analysing collected information 1.6 Discussion with research team Phase II: Data collection (Macro & Meso level) Koboko cnt. 7-sep 17-nov Desk study/data base development Muni Uni. develop research method/scope area Koboko cnt. 10-sep 10-sep Field data collection Institutional level Koboko 22-sep 2-okt Field data collection sub-county level Koboko sub-county 5-okt 23-okt Phase II dat analysis Koboko/Arua 26-okt 30-okt Phase V: Case study (Micro level) Koboko 26-okt 20-nov Develop Questionnaire Farmer Household 28-okt Based on SLF and Phase II outcome Choose target area and community 28-okt 30-okt Border community (DRC&UG) test methodology (interviewing com.) 29-okt Drania & koluba county 9-nov 20-nov Daily analysis of field outcome Koboko 9-nov 22-nov Phase III: Data analysis Koboko 23-nov 10-dec interview analysis 18-nov 22-nov Report writing 18-nov 29-nov Koboko training TMT 23-nov 5-dec comparing TMT outcome vs Field research 30-nov 10-dec Preparing consult 30-nov 3-dec Phase IV: Presenting results Koboko (TMT) 3-dec Phase VI: Data analysis/Report writing UG/NL 18-dec 1-feb comparing and combining desk and field data

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References:

 Suich, H. (2003). DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets. Section Two 1 to 3. [pdf]. Available at: http://www.eldis.org/vfile/upload/1/document/0901/section2.pdf. [Accessed 11 Aug. 2015].  IFAD. (2013). Country strategic opportunities programme, Republic of Uganda. 108th session. [pdf]. Rome. Available at: https://webapps.ifad.org/members/eb/108/docs/EB-2013-108-R-6.pdf. [Accessed 10 Aug. 2015].  Jean-Guy, K Afrika., Ajumbo, Gerald. (2012). OPEV Newsletter, Informal Cross Border Trade in Africa: Implications and Policy Recommendations. Volume 3. [pdf]. Available at: http://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Publications/Economic%20Brief%20- %20Informal%20Cross%20Border%20Trade%20in%20Africa%20Implications%20and%20Polic y%20Recommendations%20-%20Volume%203.pdf. [Accessed 25 July. 2015].  Leopold, Mark. (2005). Inside West Nile, Pp 12. Oxford: James Currey, Santa Fe: Fountain publishers, Kampala: School of American research press.  Nkendah, Robert. (2010). The Informal Cross-Border Trade of agricultural commodities between Cameroon and its CEMAC’s Neighbours. [pdf]. Available at: http://www.theigc.org/wp- content/uploads/2014/08/nkendah.pdf. [Accessed 25 July. 2015]  Titeca, Kristof. (2009). The Changing Cross-Border Trade Dynamics between north-western Uganda, north-eastern Congo and southern Sudan. Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2. [pdf]. Antwerp: Institute of Development Policy and Management, University of Antwerp. Available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/28477/1/WP63.2.pdf. [Accessed 17 Sep. 2015].  Ugandan Bureau of Statistics. (2014) National population and housing census 2014, provisional results. Revised edition. [pdf]. Kampala: Uganda Bureau of Statistics. Available at: http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/NPHC/NPHC%202014%20PROVISIONAL%20R ESULTS%20REPORT.pdf. [Accessed 27 Jan. 2016].  Bogner, Artur, Neubert, Dieter, 2013. Negotiated Peace, Denied Justice? The Case of West Nile (Northern Uganda), in: Africa Spectrum, 48, 3, 55-84. [pdf] GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of African Affairs in co-operation with the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Uppsala and Hamburg University Press. [accessed 14 September, 2015]  Acemah, Harold E. 2013. The story of West Nile: From DRC to Uganda to the United States of Africa. [Web]. Daily monitor July 21, 2013. Available at: http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/The-story-of-West-Nile--From-DRC-to- Uganda-to/-/689844/1921012/-/2bqd3s/-/index.html. [Accessed 17 July, 2015]. Annex: Indicators for research Sustainable livelihood framework The sustainable livelihood framework will be used as a tool to measure the regional trends, seasonality and shocks. The framework has clear indicators that will be used as guidelines for secondary data collection as well to develop a topic list that can be used to interview key persons in the region. Vulnerability context (Question related to this topic will be included in the interview topic list) - Seasonality - Trends - Shocks Livelihood Assets (Topic list questions based on dimension from the listed capitals) - Physical Capital - Natural Capital - Social Capital

- Financial Capital - Human Capital United Nations Handbook of social indicator Socio-economic indicators

 Population  Economy  Education  Governance & Institutional capacity  Infrastructure  Environment  Health

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