The Implications of Incorporating the Eighth Amendment Prohibition on Excessive Bail
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United States V. Salerno: the Bail Reform Act Is Here to Stay
DePaul Law Review Volume 38 Issue 1 Fall 1988 Article 7 United States v. Salerno: The Bail Reform Act Is Here to Stay Heidi Joy Herman Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review Recommended Citation Heidi J. Herman, United States v. Salerno: The Bail Reform Act Is Here to Stay, 38 DePaul L. Rev. 165 (1988) Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review/vol38/iss1/7 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Law at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in DePaul Law Review by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNITED STATES v. SALERNO: THE BAIL REFORM ACT IS HERE TO STAY INTRODUCTION The passage of the 1984 Bail Reform Act (the "Act")' fundamentally changed the function of bail in the United States criminal law system2 by allowing persons accused of criminal offenses to be held without bail if they are found to present a danger to the community.3 Previously, an accused was denied bail only when a fair adjudication could not be otherwise ensured.4 The Act represented a change in society's attitude towards the concept of bail. An increase in the incidence of crime by persons released on bail pending trial generated fear among the population and this fear served as the impetus for this Act.' The concept of "preventive detention, ' 6 as pretrial incarceration is known, is a controversial issue in the United States courts.7 The Act has repeatedly been challenged as unconstitutional under both the excessive bail clause of the eighth amendment8 and the due process clause of the fifth amendment. -
Restoring the Confrontation Clause to the Sixth Amendment Randolph N
digitalcommons.nyls.edu Faculty Scholarship Articles & Chapters 1988 Restoring the Confrontation Clause to the Sixth Amendment Randolph N. Jonakait New York Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/fac_articles_chapters Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Criminal Law Commons Recommended Citation UCLA Law Review, Vol. 35, Issue 4 (April 1988), pp. 557-622 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles & Chapters by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@NYLS. ARTICLES RESTORING THE CONFRONTATION CLAUSE TO THE SIXTH AMENDMENT Randolph N. Jonakait* INTRODUCTION The relationship between the sixth amendment's con- frontation clause' and out-of-court statements by absent de- clarants is a difficult one.2 Before 1980, the Supreme Court * Professor of Law and Associate Dean, New York Law School. A.B., Princeton University, 1967;J.D., University of Chicago Law School, 1970; LL.M., New York University Law School, 1971. The author wishes to thank his colleague Professor Donald Hazen Zeigler for his helpful comments. 1. The sixth amendment states: In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the wit- nesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining wit- nesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defense. -
The Right to Counsel in Collateral, Post-Conviction Proceedings, 58 Md
Maryland Law Review Volume 58 | Issue 4 Article 4 The Right to Counsel in Collateral, Post- Conviction Proceedings Daniel Givelber Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Daniel Givelber, The Right to Counsel in Collateral, Post-Conviction Proceedings, 58 Md. L. Rev. 1393 (1999) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol58/iss4/4 This Conference is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RIGHT TO COUNSEL IN COLLATERAL, POST- CONVICTION PROCEEDINGS DANIEL GIVELBER* I. INTRODUCTION Hornbook constitutional law tells us that the state has no obliga- tion to provide counsel to a defendant beyond his first appeal as of right.1 The Supreme Court has rejected arguments that either the Due Process Clause or the Equal Protection Clause require that the right to counsel apply to collateral, post-conviction proceedings.2 The Court also has rejected the argument that the Eighth Amendment re- quires that the right to an attorney attach to post-conviction proceed- ings specifically in capital cases.' Without resolving the issue, the Court has acknowledged the possibility that there may be a limited right to counsel if a particular constitutional claim can be raised only in post-conviction proceedings.4 Despite their apparently definitive quality, none of the three cases addressing these issues involved a de- fendant who actually had gone through a post-conviction collateral proceeding unrepresented.5 * Interim Dean and Professor of Law, Northeastern University School of Law. -
Disentangling the Sixth Amendment
ARTICLES * DISENTANGLING THE SIXTH AMENDMENT Sanjay Chhablani** TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION.............................................................................488 I. THE PATH TRAVELLED: A HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE COURT’S SIXTH AMENDMENT JURISPRUDENCE......................492 II. AT A CROSSROADS: THE RECENT DISENTANGLEMENT OF THE SIXTH AMENDMENT .......................................................505 A. The “All Criminal Prosecutions” Predicate....................505 B. Right of Confrontation ...................................................512 III. THE ROAD AHEAD: ENTANGLEMENTS YET TO BE UNDONE.................................................................................516 A. The “All Criminal Prosecutions” Predicate....................516 B. The Right to Compulsory Process ..................................523 C. The Right to a Public Trial .............................................528 D. The Right to a Speedy Trial............................................533 E. The Right to Confrontation............................................538 F. The Right to Assistance of Counsel ................................541 CONCLUSION.................................................................................548 APPENDIX A: FEDERAL CRIMES AT THE TIME THE SIXTH AMENDMENT WAS RATIFIED...................................................549 * © 2008 Sanjay Chhablani. All rights reserved. ** Assistant Professor, Syracuse University College of Law. I owe a debt of gratitude to Akhil Amar, David Driesen, Keith Bybee, and Gregory -
A Federal Criminal Case Timeline
A Federal Criminal Case Timeline The following timeline is a very broad overview of the progress of a federal felony case. Many variables can change the speed or course of the case, including settlement negotiations and changes in law. This timeline, however, will hold true in the majority of federal felony cases in the Eastern District of Virginia. Initial appearance: Felony defendants are usually brought to federal court in the custody of federal agents. Usually, the charges against the defendant are in a criminal complaint. The criminal complaint is accompanied by an affidavit that summarizes the evidence against the defendant. At the defendant's first appearance, a defendant appears before a federal magistrate judge. This magistrate judge will preside over the first two or three appearances, but the case will ultimately be referred to a federal district court judge (more on district judges below). The prosecutor appearing for the government is called an "Assistant United States Attorney," or "AUSA." There are no District Attorney's or "DAs" in federal court. The public defender is often called the Assistant Federal Public Defender, or an "AFPD." When a defendant first appears before a magistrate judge, he or she is informed of certain constitutional rights, such as the right to remain silent. The defendant is then asked if her or she can afford counsel. If a defendant cannot afford to hire counsel, he or she is instructed to fill out a financial affidavit. This affidavit is then submitted to the magistrate judge, and, if the defendant qualifies, a public defender or CJA panel counsel is appointed. -
The Economics of Bail and Pretrial Detention
ECONOMIC ANALYSIS | DECEMBER 2018 The Economics of Bail and Pretrial Detention Patrick Liu, Ryan Nunn, and Jay Shambaugh i The Hamilton Project • Brookings ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We thank Lauren Bauer, Jennifer Doleac, Alex Tabarrok, Emily Weisburst, and Crystal Yang for insightful feedback, as well as Yared Lingo, Jimmy O’Donnell, and Areeb Siddiqui for excellent research assistance. MISSION STATEMENT The Hamilton Project seeks to advance America’s promise of opportunity, prosperity, and growth. The Project’s economic strategy reflects a judgment that long-term prosperity is best achieved by fostering economic growth and broad participation in that growth, by enhancing individual economic security, and by embracing a role for effective government in making needed public investments. We believe that today’s increasingly competitive global economy requires public policy ideas commensurate with the challenges of the 21st century. Our strategy calls for combining increased public investments in key growth-enhancing areas, a secure social safety net, and fiscal discipline. In that framework, the Project puts forward innovative proposals from leading economic thinkers — based on credible evidence and experience, not ideology or doctrine — to introduce new and effective policy options into the national debate. The Project is named after Alexander Hamilton, the nation’s first treasury secretary, who laid the foundation for the modern American economy. Consistent with the guiding principles of the Project, Hamilton stood for sound fiscal policy, believed -
Privatizing Probation and Parole
Privatizing Probation and Parole by Morgan O. Reynolds NCPA Policy Report No. 233 June 2000 ISBN #1-56808-089-1 web site: www.ncpa.org/studies/s233/s233.html National Center for Policy Analysis 12655 N. Central Expwy., Suite 720 Dallas, Texas 75243 (972) 386-6272 Executive Summary One out of fifty adults free on the streets today is a convicted criminal released on probation or parole. That’s 4.1 million people “under government supervision,” and a majority are convicted felons. Some 50,000 government bureaucrats supervise these probationers and parolees. The probation and parole systems have many problems, especially the fact that many of those released commit loathsome crimes. ● Criminals under government supervision commit 15 murders a day. ● Nearly four out of 10 people arrested for a felony crime are already out on probation, parole or pretrial release from a prior conviction or arrest. ● One in 10 probationers and parolees “abscond.” This year state and federal prisons will release 600,000 convicts, 38 percent more than in 1990, because of the enormous increase in the prison population over the last decade. Most are released on parole or other supervision because they have not served their full sentence. The probation and parole systems could be made more effective and efficient by enlisting the private sector. Those released on probation (nonincarceration) or released early from prison could be required to post a financial bond guaranteeing behavior in accord with terms of the release. If individual accountability is the answer to crime, then it must include the most powerful kind of accountability: financial responsibility. -
Revocation of Probation and Supervised Release | October 2004
OFFICE OF DEFENDER SERVICES TRAINING BRANCH Administrative Office of the United States Courts One Columbus Circle, NE, Suite G-430 Washington, DC 20544 (800) 788-9908 www.fd.org REVOCATION OF PROBATION AND SUPERVISED RELEASE Frances H. Pratt* October 2004 INTRODUCTION This outline addresses revocation of probation and supervised release. Revocation of probation and revocation of supervised release are, in many ways, treated identically. See, e.g.,Fed.R. Crim. P. 32.1 (entitled “Revocationor Modification of Probation or Supervised Release”); U.S.S.G. Ch. 7, Pt. B (entitled “Probation and Supervised Release Violations”); id. intro. comment. (“Because these policy statements focus on the violation of the court-ordered supervision, this chapter, to the extent permitted by law, treats violations of the conditions of probation and supervised release as functionally equivalent.”). However, the statutory provisions concerning sentencing for each differ in some significant ways. Consequently, this outline is organized as follows: Part I addresses the issues common to both revocationof probation and revocation of supervised release. Part II focuses on those issues peculiar to probation revocation, and Part III onthose issues peculiar to supervised release revocation. (For another take on many of the same issues, see U.S. Sentencing Commission, Office of General Counsel, Probation and Supervised Release Violations (February2002),available at http://www.ussc.gov/training/educat.htm; for an article written for probation officers, see David N. Adair, Jr., Revocation Sentences: A Practical Guide, Fed. Probation, Dec. 2000, at 67.) * Ms. Pratt was a staff attorney with the Defender Services Division Training Branch from July 1995 to March2002. -
Sixth Amendment and the Right to Counsel
THE SIXTH AMENDMENT AND THE RIGHT TO COUNSEL RHEA KEMBLE BRECHERt The sixth amendment is vitally important and necessary, but I be- lieve that it contains a limited privilege. Attempts to extend the sixth amendment from beyond this limited sphere have generated difficulties and controversies. The sixth amendment reads: In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.1 The first phrase, "[i]n all criminal prosecutions," indicates that sixth amendment rights commence only at the initiation of an adversary pro- ceeding, be it by indictment, arraignment, or criminal complaint. They are not implicated in the investigatory or the grand jury phase.' The sixth amendment guarantees that the defendant will have someone with her who understands the procedural rules, the rules of evidence, and who can give her other professional assistance. No language in the sixth amendment refers to the defendant's right to counsel of choice. Some courts of appeal, however, have found some kind of qualified right, or limited right, to counsel of choice.' The t Executive Assistant United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. This Article is adapted from a presentation given at the Symposium on Right to Counsel, March 1, 1988. -
Pretrial Detention and Bail Megan Stevenson* and Sandra G
Pretrial Detention and Bail Megan Stevenson* and Sandra G. Mayson† Our current pretrial system imposes high costs on both the people who are detained pretrial and the taxpayers who foot the bill. These costs have prompted a surge of bail reform around the country. Reformers seek to reduce pretrial detention rates, as well as racial and socioeconomic disparities in the pretrial system, while simultaneously improving appearance rates and reducing pretrial crime. The current state of pretrial practice suggests that there is ample room for improvement. Bail hearings are often cursory, taking little time to evaluate a defendant’s risks, needs, or ability to pay. Money-bail practices lead to high rates of detention even among misdemeanor defendants and those who pose no serious risk of crime or flight. Infrequent evaluation means that the judges and magistrates who set bail have little information about how their bail-setting practices affect detention, appearance, and crime rates. Practical and low-cost interventions, such as court reminder systems, are underutilized. To promote lasting reform, this chapter identifies pretrial strategies that are both within the state’s authority and supported by empirical research. These interventions should be designed with input from stakeholders, and carefully evaluated to ensure that the desired improvements are achieved. INTRODUCTION The scope of pretrial detention in the United States is vast. Pretrial detainees account for two-thirds of jail inmates and 95% of the growth in the jail population over the last 20 years.1 There are 11 million jail admissions annually; on any given day, local jails house almost half a million people who are awaiting trial.2 The U.S. -
Probation in the United States
robation Part I P Editor’s note: This is the first part of a two part article. Part two of this article will appear in the Perspectives Summer 1998 issue. robation is the most common form of criminal sentencing in the United States. It is commonly defined as: A court-ordered disposition alternative through which an adjudicated offender is placed under the control, supervi- in sionP and care of a probation staff member in lieu of imprisonment, so long as the probationer meets certain standards of contact (American Correctional Association 1995). The Bureau of Justice Statistics reports that just over 3 million adults were under state or federal probation at year-end 1995, and that probationers make up 58 percent of all adults under correctional supervision (BJS 1996). In fact, the number of persons on probation is so large that the U.S. Department of Justice estimates that, on any one day, nearly 2 percent of all U.S. adult citizens are under probation supervision. And the the population continues to rise—increasing 4 percent in 1994, and almost 300 per- cent over the past ten years (BJS 1996). Despite its wide usage, probation is often the subject of intense criticism. It suffers from a “soft on crime” image, and as a result, maintains little public support. Probation is often depicted as permissive, uncaring about crime victims, and blindly advocating a rehabilitative ideal while ignoring the reality of violent, predatory criminals. Their poor (and some believe, misunderstood) public image leaves them unable to compete effectively for scarce public funds. Nationally, community corrections re- United ceives less than 10 percent of state and local government expenditures for corrections, even though they supervise two out of three correctional clients (Petersilia 1995b). -
Studying the Exclusionary Rule in Search and Seizure Dallin H
If you have issues viewing or accessing this file contact us at NCJRS.gov. Reprinted for private circulation from THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LAW REVIEW Vol. 37, No.4, Summer 1970 Copyright 1970 by the University of Chicago l'RINTED IN U .soA. Studying the Exclusionary Rule in Search and Seizure Dallin H. OakS;- The exclusionary rule makes evidence inadmissible in court if law enforcement officers obtained it by means forbidden by the Constitu tion, by statute or by court rules. The United States Supreme Court currently enforces an exclusionary rule in state and federal criminal, proceedings as to four major types of violations: searches and seizures that violate the fourth amendment, confessions obtained in violation of the fifth and' sixth amendments, identification testimony obtained in violation of these amendments, and evidence obtained by methods so shocking that its use would violate the due process clause.1 The ex clusionary rule is the Supreme Court's sole technique for enforcing t Professor of Law, The University of Chicago; Executive Director-Designate, The American Bar Foundation. This study was financed by a three-month grant from the National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice of the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration of the United States Department of Justice. The fact that the National Institute fur nished financial support to this study does not necessarily indicate the concurrence of the Institute in the statements or conclusions in this article_ Many individuals assisted the author in this study. Colleagues Hans Zeisel and Franklin Zimring gave valuable guidance on analysis, methodology and presentation. Colleagues Walter J.