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From urban political economy to cultural political economy: rethinking culture and economy in and beyond the urban Ramon Ribera-Fumaz Prog Hum Geogr 2009 33: 447 originally published online 24 February 2009 DOI: 10.1177/0309132508096352

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Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at St Petersburg State University on December 28, 2013 Progress in Human Geography 33(4) (2009) pp. 447–465

From urban political economy to cultural political economy: rethinking culture and economy in and beyond the urban

Ramon Ribera-Fumaz*

Estudis d’Economia i Empresa, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Av. Tibidabo, 39–43, 08035 Barcelona, Spain

Abstract: Discussions about the culture-economy articulation have occurred largely within the conﬁ nes of economic geography. In addition, much attention has been diverted into caricaturized discussions over the demise of political economy or the invalidity of culturalist arguments. Moving the argument from inquiry on the ‘nature’ of the economy itself to the transformation of the role of culture and economy in understanding the production of urban form from perspectives based in urban political economy (UPE), this paper focuses on how the challenges posed by the cultural turn have enabled urban political economy to participate constructively in interdisciplinary efforts to reorient political economy in the direction of a critical cultural political economy.

Key words: cultural political economy, culture and economy, economic geography, urban geography, urban political economy.

I Introduction the culture-economy articulation. First, the One of the most vivid outcomes of the post- discussion has been characterized by crude modern/cultural turns1 in Anglo-American2 caricatures of culturalists as die-hard abso- human geography has been the long-running lute relativists, and of political economists as debate over the role of political economy in irreducible base-superstructure materialists. the discipline (Amin and Thrift, 2000; 2005; Second, the discussion has been limited in 2007a; Goodwin, 2004; Smith, 2005; Harvey, much of the literature to the confines of 2006; Jones, 2008). This debate has been economic geography, despite its inherently clearly refl ected in the long-running discus- ‘more than economic’ subject matter.4 sion over the articulation between culture and In this context, there is an increasing num- economy. The discussion that has emerged ber of interventions, incorporating new and from within a new fi eld of ‘cultural economy’3 interesting questions, theories and methods has been characterized by a twofold barrier from the cultural turn, that attempt to fi nd to progress regarding our understanding of an appropriate balance between positions

*Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at St Petersburg State University on December 28, 2013 448 Progress in Human Geography 33(4) concerning the relations of culture and econ- against the cultural turn, has started critically omy that go beyond the divide between and constructively to rethink the culture- culturalists and political economists (compare economy articulation. By drawing on UPE, Gregson et al., 2001, with Castree, 2004, and I will illustrate the transformation of political Barnes, 2005). Yet, from a political economy economy in the last decade. perspective, there are still concerns that the Decisively, this review aims not only to cultural turn has accompanied an abandonment recover culture for political economy (ie, the of old but perhaps still relevant questions, such importance of paradigm shifts and new cul- as inequality, uneven development, and the tural constructions in the material transfor- normative character of political economy mation of urban form and urban politics), but analysis (Martin and Sunley, 2001; Hudson, also to refl ect critically on the categories of 2006; Jones, 2008). political economy deployed. Going one step Rather than write another intervention further, therefore, I will argue that these efforts advocating the superiority of either cultural- occur at the same time, and can be connected ism or political economy, or looking for a to, others’ attempts made outside geography third way, the aim of this paper is to contribute to move from political economy to cultural pol- to recovering ‘a sense of political economy itical economy (CPE). Thus, this intervention through post-disciplinary expeditions to aims not only to contribute to the mapping capture “new intellectual currents,” whilst of new urban political economies, their pro- emphasizing some “fundamental continuities gress and agendas, but to elaborate their within the make up of contemporary cap- implications for political economy in human italism”’ (Jones, 2008: 378, following Martin geography. and Sunley, 2001, and Goodwin, 2004) so as In section II, I will outline the main charac- to enhance understanding of the articulation teristics of UPE before the early 1990s. Section between culture and economy in particular. III presents the main factors that have allowed To accomplish this I will, fi rst, reframe the some political economists to introduce culture starting point of the discussion from the in- into political economy in a more constructive quiry on the ‘nature’ of the economy itself to manner. Section IV then argues that, by look- the transformation of the role of culture and ing holistically at a series of individual works economy in understanding the production of developed within UPE but which are not the urban form from an urban political econ- necessarily interrelated, we can observe the omy (UPE) perspective. If political economy rise of a different approach to political econ- utterly dominated one fi eld in the 1970s and omy that not only brings culture to the centre 1980s, this was the study of urban restruc- of the analysis, but also takes seriously the turing – which was, allegedly, prone to econo- challenges posed by the cultural turn. In micism for this very reason. However, the section V, I will suggest that these works cultural turn has not signifi ed an entrench- in UPE can fruitfully be read in conjunction ment of positions, but as recent interventions with other literatures from outside human in this journal have already amply demon- geography in order to build a cultural political strated, developments – at least within urban economy (CPE) that reconciles concerns geography – can chart a route for tackling for the immaterial and the material without more sophisticated and balanced approaches reproducing the often dogmatic postures to to the articulation of culture and economy for which radical postmodernism and orthodox human geography more generally (see Lees, political economy too often resort. Finally, 2002; Latham and McCormack, 2004). In in section VI, I provide some reflections this sense, I will argue that there exists a small on the possible contribution to be made by but growing body of work in UPE which, CPE for urban and, more generally, human rather than representing a reactionary defense geography.

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II New urban politics, a political emphasis in local politics on promoting eco- economy of the city nomic growth. As supply-side economic Before the 1960s, urban studies were mostly policies were more widely adopted at the end influenced by the work of the Chicago of the 1980s, what came to be known as the School of Urban Ecology, which developed new urban politics (NUP) was increasingly during the interwar period. Its approach was identified with the promotion and, indeed, strongly based on the urban morphology of in many cases, the celebration of ‘entrepre- Chicago and other American cities but its neurialism’. Critically, the integration of this influence quickly expanded across national policy shift into urban scholarship was due and disciplinary borders, having a critical to the impact of David Harvey (1989a: 8; see infl uence in the development of urban stu- also Leitner, 1990), who defined entrepre- dies in both sides of the Atlantic (cf. Claval, neurialism as ‘a public-private partnership 1998, with Savage et al., 2003). In the 1960s, focusing on investment and economic devel- when urban geography became consolid- opment with the speculative construction of ated, the subdiscipline was in the vanguard place rather than amelioration of conditions of the quantitative revolution. Nonetheless within a particular territory as its immediate this revolution did not substantially change (though by no means exclusive) political and the principles set by the Chicago School but economic goal’. reorientated them from a descriptive- to a Henceforth NUP and entrepreneurialism scientifi c-analytical methodology, and on this were treated as interchangeable equivalents basis to predict and solve city problems (for a to refer to the politics of place promotion, com- review, see Zukin, 1980; Savage et al., 2003). petitive marketing, fl agship events, downtown However, events such as the uprisings of development and a host of other projects to the ‘ghettoized’ Afro-American population attract investment and promote economic in the USA and the taking of the streets by growth (Hall and Hubbard, 1998; Jonas and Parisian students in May 1968 signalled the Wilson, 1999a).5 Compared with earlier ap- arrival of new urban problems. The postwar proaches in urban studies, this reorientation Golden Years could not eradicate ‘urban’ had three interesting features. First, there problems – rather, they created them. Poverty, was something ‘new’ in the real world: a shift deprivation and inequality became visible in urban policies. Second, this was refl ected with the 1960s uprisings (Zukin, 1980). In this in ‘the widespread acceptance that urban frame, the 1970s saw the gradual emergence politics can no longer be analyzed in isolation of political economy as the dominant ap- from the larger political and economic forces proach in urban studies. The consolidation of that shape the development, restructuring, UPE also was determined not least by the and redevelopment of urban spaces and great impact of David Harvey’s (1973) Social places’ (Jonas and Wilson, 1999b: 11). Third, justice and the city and Manuel Castells’ The this prompted serious efforts critically to urban question (fi rst its French version of 1972 refl ect on the analytical categories that had and then translated into English in 1977). In been used in previous work on the urban addition, policy transformations began from and in political economy (eg, Harvey, 1973; different positions and evolved at different Castells, 1977). speeds on each side of the Atlantic. The work Moreover, although UPE is no longer as undertaken in Europe differed markedly from dominant in contemporary urban studies that in North America. While European rad- as it was in the 1980s (Table 1), the study of ical geographers applied new approaches to entrepreneurialism has continued to domin- understand the inability and fall of Keynesian ate geographical analysis of urban politics modes in managing the crisis, North Americans in the 1990s and beyond.6 Yet, this has also focused on understanding the increasing meant that the study of ‘entrepreneurialism’

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has thereby come to represent the epitome of the reductionism of urban processes to economic materialism (cf. Barnes, 2003; 2005; McNeill, 2003). On this basis, although UPE – 1960s 1920 – Period had, to be sure, largely avoided cultural concerns in the 1980s, many political economists in urban studies have since become far more aware of culture than was characteristic of their economic geography counterparts during the 1990s. Urban Geography Discipline Rise of UPE – 1970s Consolidation of Moment III Inserting culture in urban political economy The cultural and postmodern turns in human geography have had an important general impact on the culturalist shift in UPE. Here I want to focus on three changes in particular the same time Europe Europe → USA Postmodern turn – 1990s Europe and USA at Europe → USA USA → Europe Urban Studies as Geographical expansion that have influenced this reorientation in urban studies. First, there is the appearance of the (postmodern) Los Angeles School, whose cultural turn in the study of the urban was mirrored by an urban turn in cultural geography (cf. Dear, 2003, with Barnes, approaches Economy Analysis Urban Ecology 2003). Second, as culture has become a more Postmodern Urban Political Spatial and Regional Chicago School of Dominant approach explicit part of economic urban strategies (eg, European Capitals of Cultures; the Guggenheim effect,7 etc), urban political economists also started to think seriously about the role of culture and discourses in the production of urban strategies. Third, new studies in political economy more generally during the 1980s and early 1990s anything goes playfulness, (discursive) deconstruction quantitative methods Relativism No explicit methodology: Dialectics Qualitative and Positivism Quantitative methods Positivism Qualitative methods Main philosophical approach provided new tools to incorporate culture into analysis (see subsection 3 below). All these processes have made political economy more permeable to culture in the fi eld of urban studies than in its economic counterpart. production, consumption and distribution development structural analyses environment 1 From Chicago to Los Angeles Cultures of Uneven Locational and The urban ‘The urban question’ For many, the crisis of Keynesian political economy marked not only the end of the postwar politico-economic order but also the end of the modernist experience in all its facets: aesthetical, cultural, social and scientifi c. Though the challenges to modernism c formalization c came from very different and complex routes, they can be linked under the terms of cultural cultural ‘otherness’ and social justice of urban patterns taxonomic analysis of the urban form Analysis of ‘urban’ and Capitalist contradictions Scientifi Descriptive and Outcome Table 1 A short genealogy of urban studies and political economy and postmodern turn, as contesting the

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at St Petersburg State University on December 28, 2013 Ramon Ribera-Fumaz: From urban political economy to cultural political economy 451 established understandings of the world since a different urban form from the modernist the enlightenment. Postmodernity claimed city. If modernism has been symbolized by the death of modernity and its cultural forms, nineteenth-century Paris and early twentieth- its political economy, and its rationalities. As century Chicago, the postmodern city is Jencks (1992: 11) concludes, ‘postmodernism seen from two very particular places, Los means the end of a single world view and, by Angeles and Las Vegas, and through the extension, “a war on totality,” a resistance to particular view of the ‘Los Angeles School’ single explanations, a respect for difference (see Scott and Soja, 1996; Curry and Kenney, and a celebration of the regional, local and 1999; Dear, 2002; 2003). What Los Angeles particular’. From a postmodern perspective, represents: then, it follows that UPE – a top-down, universalistic, single view of the world – cannot Like all cities, is unique, but in one way it may explain the local and the particular. Hence, as typify the world city of the future: there are Dear (2000) suggests: only minorities. No single ethnic group, nor way of life, nor industrial sector dominates the scene. Pluralism has gone further here than in [a]nalogously, in postmodern cities, the logics any other city in the world and for this reason of previous urbanisms have evaporated; absent it may well characterise the global megalopolis a single new imperative, multiple forms of of the future. (Jencks, 1993: 7; quoted in Dear, irrationality clamor to ﬁ ll the vacuum. 2003: 499) The localization (sometimes literally the con- cretization) of these multiple effects is creating Thus, no wonder that the markedly urban the emerging time-space fabric of what may be character of postmodernism with the con- called a postmodern society. (Dear, 2000: ix) solidation of new cultural geography has In a nutshell, postmodernism both represents had a huge impact in urban geography as and ‘represents’ the end of an actually existing well as in challenging UPE’s economistic cultural political-economic form – the mod- understanding of the urban. ernist city – and of the modernist ways of understanding it. This shift in understanding 2 The culturalization of entrepreneurialism the world had three major impacts. First, As cities, and ways of understanding them, it challenged the well-established modern changed, urban politics have been changing assumption that culture is subjugated by, or too. Entrepreneurial strategies have evolved epiphenomenal to, the economic – an assump- from ‘crude’ supply-side policies aimed at the tion shared by political economists and pos- speculative construction of place (see sec- itivists alike. Second, bringing culture to the tion I) towards a more sophisticated Schum- city prompted a new culturally influenced peterian understanding: ‘the creation of urban geography, thus, breaking the rural opportunities for surplus profit through character of Sauerian cultural geography “new combinations” or innovation’ (Jessop, (Barnes, 2003). Third, in addition to this 1998: 79). Strategies must enhance innov- reinstatement of culture, the postmodern ation and be innovative themselves. Cruci- society was seen as essentially urban, that ally, innovation depends on dynamic urban is, located in the city (Dear, 2000). In other cultural fabrics. words, rather than studying urban social Projects like Bilbao’s Guggenheim Museum change from above – in line with the modernist are bringing culture to the heart of urban eco- privileging of (global and national) space nomic strategies. This also involves a more over place, it recommended exploring social holistic vision between culture and economy change from below – thereby emphasizing (Landry, 2000; Chatterton, 2000). This new that place dominates over space (see Agnew, vision understands cultural factors as the key 2005). This new urban society allegedly has to the wealth of cities, both economically and

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at St Petersburg State University on December 28, 2013 452 Progress in Human Geography 33(4) socially. The city is economically and socially turn has challenged the materialist-economic inclusive in two ways. First, joining explicitly views of UPE and its dominance within urban economic and social goals: studies, by radically changing subjects of inquiry, and opening up new ways of analysing the increasing importance of creativity, innov- and presenting new counterstrategies to ation, and knowledge to the economy opens mainstream political strategies (Leyshon and up the social space where more eccentric, alternative, or bohemian types of people can Lee, 2003). be integrated into core economic and social Essentially, the cultural turn has brought institutions. Capitalism, or more accurately about three main shifts. First, urban economic new forms of capitalist enterprise (ie, the research has shifted away from the question R&D lab and the startup company), are in of uneven development, which was central effect extending their reach in ways that integrate formerly marginalized individuals to UPE, and towards analysing the role of and social groups into the value creation culture in production distribution and con- process. (Florida, 2002: 57) sumption processes and the fi rm (Gottdiener, 1997; Gregson et al., 2001; Zukin, 2003). Sec- In this context, culture is understood both as ond, the cultural turn, coupled with a ‘spatial the industries that produce the immaterial turn’ in social sciences, has led to a vast lit- and as the representations and symbols that erature with contributions to urban debates produce the environment where creativity opening a multiplicity of new directions and can grow (Zukin, 1995; O’Connor, 1998; approaches: from studies in gender to ethnic Scott, 2001). Thus, it is not only important to networks, postcolonialism, sexual identities, develop the increasingly important cultural performance, everyday life, virtual spaces content industries but also to develop the (D. Mitchell, 2000: 73; see also Low, 1999; particular cultural environments where the K. Mitchell, 1999; Bridge and Watson, 2002; creative classes can be developed (ie, mu- Eade and Mele, 2002). Third, the interest seums, galleries). Second, this new approach in culture has opened a Pandora’s’ box con- invokes entrepreneurialism in two senses. cerning the conceptualization of the culture- On the one hand, bringing culture to the city economy relationship, in particular around includes entrepreneurialism as speculative which variable is driving the other, in a broader construction of place in the sense that it at- manner than in economic geography (Shields, tempts to promote and attract fl ows of mob- 1999; Vaiou, 1999). ile international capital and tourism through These changes have affected UPE, at fi rst branding and the building of an attractive city provoking defensive strategies (eg, Harvey, to investment and visitors. On the other hand, 1989b; Berman, 1989) but, ultimately, forcing it includes Schumpeterian entrepreneurial- these approaches to take account of the ism with the search of producing innovative role of culture in political economy. Overall, spaces to keep innovative-creative industries the complexity and variety of approaches in town (eg, Bianchini, 1993). to the economy-culture articulation make it diffi cult to classify all the possible approaches 3 Understanding entrepreneurialism in the 1990s to the relation between culture and economy, The primary impact of the LA School, and of although several attempts have been made the new cultural geography, has made urban (eg, Crang, 1997; Le Galès, 1999; K. Mitchell, studies aware of the alleged ‘postmodern’ 1999; Gregson et al., 2001; Simonsen, 2001; conditions of contemporary cities.8 New Lees, 2002). However, I do not intend to add trends in urban strategies have also prior- or repeat the exercise of mapping positions. itized culture in strategies for economic re- On the contrary, in the next section, I will structuring in many western cities (and, focus on how the cultural turn has construct- indeed, elsewhere too). In sum, the cultural ively affected UPE.

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IV From urban to pretheoretical question of for what and for whom culture cultural political economy works – a question that was at the core of While the discussions over how to conceptu- Don Mitchell’s provocative essay which ap- alize culture and economy are still lively and peared in the same year of publication as inconclusive, I would like to draw attention to Zukin’s book (1995). Mitchell’s core aim is to emerging but interesting work relevant to the challenge the existence of culture as a thing, concerns of this paper and which takes the city to stress the importance of asking which as a departure point. This attempts to sweep ideas of culture are mobilized and for what away some of the prejudices of both cultur- purpose. Although Don Mitchell’s work has alist and political economy positions but is had only limited impact in geography as a still at what one might, following Althusser, whole (see Castree, 2004), it has been infl u- call a pretheoretical stage. Such work can ential in the subfield of urban geography be situated on the terrain of cultural political (Lake, 2003). economy. Although these efforts are still loc- Alongside these developments within ated in different ontological traditions, they UPE there has been the recovery of the work all converge around a cultural perspective on of some urban political economists, who where the city that also takes material-economic marginalized by the orthodoxies of the 1970s. matters seriously and/or a political economy Three authors in urban studies – Benjamin, that recognizes the limits of purely material- Debord and Lefebvre – were reinterpreted istic accounts of urban processes. Before tak- and recovered by cultural geographers. ing a closer look at these works, I will explain Now, while access to their work in English the frame in which they appear. through new editions or translations has con- tributed to this revival, their impact is mainly 1 Breaking taboos in urban political economy related to the primary place they gave to Paradoxically, while some urban political cultural processes in understanding urban economists across 1980s positioned them- processes compared to their neglect in the selves to defend urban studies against the 1970s and 1980s. Several issues are worth infl uence of postmodernity (Harvey, 1989b; highlighting from this complex, dense, and Berman, 1989), they obliged UPE to face the often contradictory, oeuvre. neglected issue of culture and come up with First, the revival of Lefebvre may well an alternative account. In this logic in the rest, as McCann (1999: 168) notes, on his mid-1990s, Sharon Zukin’s The culture of cities ‘ability to link representation and imagin- became a landmark work in attempting to ation with the physical spaces of cities and disclose the cultural side to political econ- to emphasize the dialectical relationship be- omy.9 Acknowledging the impact of the tween identity and urban spaces’. In Lefebvre’s postmodern turn in settling the importance work, both the material and the immaterial, and multisemiotic place of cultures in under- structures and agencies got mixed up in the standing the urban, Zukin also rehabilitated analysis of its triadic production of urban the material basis of culture and Lefebvre’s space (Soja, 1989; Merrifi eld, 2002a). In this analysis of the material and immaterial pro- sense, Lefebvre has inspired several political duction of space (1995: 289–94). Thus Zukin economists to incorporate a more nuanced understood culture as part of the economic vision of space into their analyses (eg, Soja, base. In her studies of New York, she looked 1989; Swyngedouw, 1997; Merrifi eld, 2002b; at the role of the symbolic economy (which Brenner, 2004; Wilson, 2004b). Second, merges both representational and material Benjamin’s work has been infl uential in raising cultural production) in producing the city concerns over the importance of every-day space. Central to her concerns was the life for analysing the city and in adopting a

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at St Petersburg State University on December 28, 2013 454 Progress in Human Geography 33(4) differentiated, bottom-up perspective in opp- the urban political economic restructuring of osition to universalistic positions (Merrifi eld, the last decades. Broadly, they can be inserted 2002a). In addition, as Savage (2000) notes, into four main lines of research (Table 2). although it would be wrong to consider him First, a primary focus of analysis has been as its main catalyst, Benjamin’s views on the the changed urban morphology brought to the city as a text are indirectly refl ected in the in- city by political economic restructuring. In this creasing importance of discourse analysis. sense, Zukin’s (1995) book is a culmination of Third, Debord’s contemporary relevance her earlier work on the changing landscape has been reaffi rmed in two key respects: (a) of US cities brought by the new artistic classes by the increasing importance of spectacles (1988) and the ‘disneyifi cation’ of urban land- as mainstream urban strategy and the com- scape (1991). From a historical geography modifi cation of the urban (eg, Gotham, 2002; perspective, Don Mitchell has moved from the see below); and (b) by the revival of the situ- role of labour and the erasing of its contribu- ationist movement, as counterstrategies to tion in the production of Californian landscape these processes (Jappe, 1999; Swyngedouw, at the turn of the twentieth century to the 2002). current period (1996a; 1998; 2003b). Closely related to this topic, Mitchell has also investi- 2 A pretheoretical cultural political economy gated the production of public space, the ex- for the urban clusionary practices attached to it, and the In sum, Zukin provided the fi rst serious at- role of law and rights in these processes which, tempt to join cultural and political economy he argues, defi nes the ‘post-justice’ city (1996b; approaches, Mitchell offered a workable 1997; 2001; 2003a). frame for inserting culture into political A second strand of research has focused economy, and the recovery of the oeuvre on the increasing role of the ‘symbolic’ and of the enfants terribles of UPE presented a the leisure industry in postmodern economic way to introduce political economy into cul- and political urban strategies (Zukin, 1995; turalist takes. In this context, several empir- Hannigan, 1998; Gotham, 2002), and on ical analyses of urban growth strategies contrasting the cultural attitudes of ‘new in the USA have looked critically at how economy’ growth coalitions (Nevárez, 2002; the city is co-constituted by material and 2003). Departing from an American trad- semiotic practices. Although these works ition of urban geography, two further strands are produced by scholars located in different have focused on the discursive formation theoretical currents and coming from differ- of regeneration and economic strategies in ent substantive research interests, all share North American cities. Thus, third, some re- a preoccupation with the relations between search gravitates around the mobilization of space, culture and political economy within cultural discourses in entrepreneurial strategies

Table 2 From urban to cultural political economy The CPE of… Topics Urban morphology of restructuring The cultural-material production of urban space New and symbolic economies ‘Symbolic economy’, philanthropy and the leisure industry in the postmodern economic and political urban strategies Entrepreneurialism and ethnicity Mobilization of cultural discourses in entrepreneurial strategies of urban restructuring and the construction of race and ethnic difference in growth coalitions The construction of interurban Material-discursive formation of interurban competition competition

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at St Petersburg State University on December 28, 2013 Ramon Ribera-Fumaz: From urban political economy to cultural political economy 455 of urban restructuring and the construction continuities between previous and contem- of race and ethnic difference in growth coal- porary urban processes, they have taken itions – and, in particular, with the depictions the cultural turn seriously. These takes on of blacks (McCann, 1999; Wilson, 2001; the cultural turn have been instrumental in 2004b; 2005), Hispanos (Wilson et al., 2003; reflecting on the analytical categories that Wilson, 2004a), and Chinese (K. Mitchell, had been used in previous work on urban 1997a; 1997b). Fourth, there has been an in- and in political economy. They elaborate creasing interest in the discursive formation a critique of the categories of political of interurban competition both at the local economy – returning to the roots of radical level (McCann, 2002; Wilson and Wouters, political economy. Thus CPE is clearly at- 2003; Wilson and Mueller, 2004) and at the tempting to find a synergy between the national/global scale (Leitner and Sheppard, economic and cultural spheres rather than 1998; 1999; McCann, 2004a; 2004b). attempting one-sidedly to incorporate cul- These scholars in US urban geography have ture into political economy or vice versa. been attempting to combine UPE with the cultural turn without reifying the economic 1 Rethinking culture and economy, a critical take as solely cultural, or reducing the cultural to The contemporary political economists, who the economic base. Perhaps it can be argued may be located within CPE (see Table 3), that their research is more cultural in focus are inﬂ uenced not only by ‘classical’ political rather than inspired by political economy economy but also by postmodern thinkers (with the exception of McCann, 2002; 2003) (Figure 1). They thereby draw inspiration and more centred in agency than structure. from ontological and epistemological per- Concern with these processes in urban pol- spectives other than radical postmodernism itical economy is still limited and emerging and orthodox political economy. They reject and they may not become very popular. both the universalistic/positivistic stand of Nevertheless, I will argue not only that they the latter and the radical relativism of the represent a serious attempt to reinsert cul- former. They accept both that reality exists ture in political economy far beyond repre- but our knowledge is situated; and they senting a linguistic turn (see Lees, 2002) but regard social processes as co-constituted by that they may also be located as pretheor- material and semiotic practices. Thus, the etical cultural political economy. key issue of CPE is coherently to insert the critique of the cultural turn into political V The cultural political economy economy in order to return to the origins of beyond the city critical political economy: the critique of the There have been many political economists bourgeoisie categories of political economy who have taken a serious look at culture (eg, (as, for example, in Marx, 1973; 1976; see Harvey, 1989a; Lefebvre, 1991; Adorno, 2001) also Neocleous, 2004). In short, from the cul- and cultural theorists who have taken a serious tural turn, CPE incorporates the necessity to look at the political economy (eg, Williams, bring back to political economy topics such as 1997; Benjamin, 1999; Eagleton, 2000). One discourse and identity formation, which are might well ask, then, what is new this time typically neglected by political economy.10 to support my claim that contemporary pol- However, unlike ‘culturalist’ approaches, CPE itical economists interested in culture are does not reduce everything to discourse; nor not just lone voices but belong to a broader, does it understand culture as a superorganic interdisciplinary movement towards cultural force (cf. D. Mitchell, 1995). Rather it sees political economy? There are at least two ex- both the cultural and the economic, and planations. First, departing from urban pol- immaterial and material processes as co- itical economy, and acknowledging essential constitutive of social relations. As indicated

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at St Petersburg State University on December 28, 2013 456 Progress in Human Geography 33(4) uences analysis, postcolonialism embeddedness, actor-network theory, new political economy of scale Discourse Analysis Lefebvre theory Discourse Analysis, Poulantzas, Strategic Relational Approach (SRA) Analysis, Critical Realism Cultural and economic sociology Cultural and economic sociology Main inﬂ Political economy, urban sociology, Debord Relational economic geography, semiotic Global value chains, networks and Marx, Regulation Theory, Gramsci, Critical NUP, SRA (McCann), discourse analysis, Gramsci, Foucault, regulation theory Gramsci, Marx, Wallerstein, regulation Coe and Hess (2007); Hess and Yeung (2006) Jessop and Oosterlynck (2008); Fairclough (2000) Wilson and Wouters (2003); Wilson et al . (2003) Holman (2004) Hudson (2005b); Lee (2006) Marx, political economy Indicative authors Coe et al. (2008); Gotham (2002; 2005) Jessop (2004a; 2004b; 2005); Jessop (2000; 2002; 2007) Marx, Regulation Theory, Gramsci, Critical McCann (2004a; 2004b); Sum (2004; 2008) Overbeek (2003); Networks entrepreneurial strategies of the Knowledge Base Economy (KBE) and discourses of KBE rescaling growth in USA orders Circuits of value Global Production Interurban networksSymbolic urban economyLeisure and urban strategies Zukin (1995) Hannigan (1998) Leitner and Sheppard (1998; 1999)City spectacles and NUP, network theory, discourse analysis Economic imaginaries English regionalismDiscourses of urban Jones and MacLeod (2004) Regulation Theory, SRA, Critical Discourse Economies Spaces Spaces Competition Symbolic New Economic New State Spaces New state forms and its New Regional Interurban New Global Spaces Integral world economic Economies of Governance New Table 3 Themes in cultural political economy ThemesNew Spaces Subthemes Focus

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in Figure 1, this emerging approach moves away from representational or materialist methodologies to develop a new account of the dialectical articulation of both the material and the semiotic as co-constitutive moments of economic practices. In other words, they share the agenda that Jessop and Sum (2001) claim to be the backbone of cultural political economy: A critical, self-refl exive approach to the defi n- ition and methods of political economy and to the inevitable contextuality and historicity of its claims to knowledge. It rejects any universalistic, positivistic account of reality, theory Critical Realism Classical Political Economy, Marxism, NUP, discourse analysis, Lefebvre, SRA NUP, discourse analysis, Lefebvre Gramsci, Marx, Wallerstein, Regulation denies the subject-object duality, allows for the co-constitutions of subjects and objects and eschews reductionist approaches to the discipline. However, in taking the ‘cultural turn,’ political economy should continue to emphasize the materiality of social relations and the constraints involved in processes that also operate ‘behind the backs’ of the relevant agents. It can thereby escape the sociological imperialism of pure social constructionism and the voluntarist vacuity of certain lines of discourse analysis, which seem to imply that one can will anything into existence in and through an appropriately articulated dis- Wilson et al ., 2003) Overbeek (2000; 2004) course. ‘Cultural political economy’ should Gibson-Graham (1996; 2003) Marxism, Feminism, Foucault McCann (1999) Wilson (2001; 2001b; 2004b, 2005); K. Mitchell (1997a; 1997b)Sayer (2000; 2005) NUP, discourse analysis, cultural geography Sum (2000)Marchand (2004)Gibson-Graham et al . (2000; 2001) Marxism, Feminism, Foucault van der Pijl (1998); Gramsci, Foucault, Regulation Theory Feminism, Postmodernity, Foucault recognize the emergent extra-discursive features of social relations and their impact on capacities for action and transformation. (Jessop and Sum, 2001: 94) As a nascent ‘postdiscipline’, CPE is still a wide open field, making it difficult to set defi nitive borders in what is and what is not CPE. Indeed, there are many possible ways to arrive at a CPE approach. I consider that Hispanic ghettos depictions capitalism identity formation Area and the construction of Americanism of Class Depiction of Black and Transnational Chinese The Asian Crisis and The American Free Trade Spatial constitution CPE is not limited to introducing culture into the study of economic and political processes (or what Sayer, 2001, defi nes as CPE). Rather, I understand CPE (or pretheoretical CPE) to be the result of moving from a one- sided emphasis on either the cultural consti- Entrepreneurialism and Identity tution of political economy, or on the political Ethnicity and Moral Economy Values and ethics of Capitalist Crisis economy of culture, towards a critical cultural political economy of social processes. This means that culture cannot be reduced to the economic and vice versa. Social processes are co-constituted by cultural, political and and Identity

Restructuring economic processes.

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Cultural Turn Political Economy

Classical Political Economy Postmodern thought

Basis Marxism

Pluralistic view of the world Universalistic view of the world No universal knowledge Universal knowledge possible

Ontology Knowledge is situated

Reality exists only in the eyes of the beholder (subjective constructivism) Reality is materially produced Inevitable contextuality and historicity of knowledge Epistemology World co-constituted by material and semiotic processes

Modern rationality Positivism Relativism and anti-materialism categories and methods of of cultural turn orthodox political economy

Critique of… Universalism

No explicit methodology: Critical Realism anything goes playfulness, Dialectics (discursive) deconstruction Quantitative analysis

Articulation Dialectics

Main methodology Semiotic Analysis

Analysis of ‘otherness’ and Contradictory character of politics of difference capitalist social relations: Cultural Construction of Crisis tendencies of Capitalism Identity Material production of uneven Discursive formation of … development How social processes and subjects are materially and immaterially co-constituted within capitalist social Main Research Questions relations

Cultural Political Economy Figure 1 Comparing CPE with the cultural turn and political economy Source: own elaboration.

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2 Mapping cultural political economy political economy. Along these lines, there Incorporating these recent developments in are the works grouped within ‘new spaces of urban geography, three main areas of interest governance’, which all share the introduction have been central to the development of CPE of cultural methodologies (eg, deconstruc- (Table 3): new spaces of governance, new tion, discourse analysis) into more ‘orthodox’ economies, and restructuring and identity. political economy research questions (ie, un- First, under new spaces of governance, I group even development). Analogously, the restruc- those lines of research that are interested in turing and identity bloc comprises approaches the continual reshaping and production of that rethink issues largely neglected by pol- new hegemonic orders and new regulatory itical economy (eg, agency, otherness, nor- spaces. They do not limit themselves to a mativity). On the other hand, there are those ‘classical’ political economy of such questions who, accepting the necessity to think about but go one step further by introducing new the research questions brought by the cultural concerns (eg, whose identities are reﬂ ected turn and ignored by political economy, reject in new regions; the semiotic construction of the answer given from the former perspective. state forms). Second, within the new econ- For instance, it is here that we ﬁ nd work on omies category, I refer to the works of re- new economies, which acknowledges the searchers interested in the shifting meaning hybridity and plurality of economic processes of what counts as economy (eg, economic and which do not reduce the economy to cul- imaginaries) and in the context of the in- ture. In the same way, the theme of cultural- creasing dominance of new economy and material production of space, reunites work KBE narratives. While these approaches that rematerializes urban cultural geography. usually give a lot of weight to the discursive formation of economic and political stra- VI Conclusions tegies, their analysis is certainly not limited In sum, the developments presented in this to these matters. It also looks at the relations paper do not offer a final solution to the of these with material processes without articulation of economy and culture, nor do reducing the economic to the cultural or the they present political economy as a superior cultural economic (cf. Sayer, 2001; see also framework for understanding those pro- Gregson et al., 2001). Third, the label of re- cesses. Rather, the focus of the paper has structuring identity combines analyses that been on tackling culture and economy from focus on the production of identities and a different angle. Moving the context of the values. In this regard, these works are cen- discussion from the ‘nature’ of the economy tred on the immaterial side of capitalism. itself to how the articulation of economy and Nonetheless, as opposed to radical post- culture have been explored by urban political modern positions, they do not neglect material economists, I have tried to engage with processes, but analyse them as constituted some emerging work that, rather than taking for, through, with and in material realities. simplistic perceptions of both perspectives, In sum, the classification presented in engages critically and directly with them in Table 3 captures four parallel lines of efforts order to move forward to a constructive and in transforming political economy through ap- more nuanced vision of the urban. In short, propriating insights made by both the cultural throughout this discussion, I have tried to and the postmodern turn. In particular, there present the case for moving from urban pol- are two different ways to arrive at CPE. On itical economy (as we know it) to the cultural the one hand, there are those who have incor- political economy of the city, an approach that porated the challenges and critiques that the attempts to take seriously the importance postmodern and the cultural turns posed to of cultural processes, as the postmodern

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at St Petersburg State University on December 28, 2013 460 Progress in Human Geography 33(4) turn has provocatively highlighted, but that extension North American) obsession. Space here understands them to be closely linked to precludes an investigation into why this might be so. material political economy processes. 3. Although cultural economy has been traditionally equated with the study of cultural industries, in- I am aware that CPE is not the only way creasingly the term has a much broader meaning. For to rematerialize culture in human geography instance, Amin and Thrift (2004: xviii) defi ne cultural (see Barnes, 2005). However, I would like to economy as the postdiscipline ‘concerned with the argue that the story of the shift from ortho- processes of social and cultural relations that go to dox urban political economy to a dialectical make up what we conventionally term the economic’ (see also Lash and Urry, 1994; Gregson et al., 2001; rather than one-sided concern with culture Scott, 2001; du Gay and Pryke, 2002; Gibson and holds some lessons that may be applied to Kong, 2005; Amin and Thrift, 2007b). the ongoing debates in economic, and more 4. Though the debate has been set within economic broadly human, geography. Human geo- geography, as Castree (2004) points out, looking at graphers might follow the lead of urban the recent handbooks in economic geography and reviewing the professional journals, the debate has geographers (Latham and McCormack, 2004) had very limited success in prompting changes in the and look outside the discipline. In this case, structure and agenda within economic geography. the transformation of political economy that A reason for this has been the rediscovery of geo- has occurred through the adoption of a new graphy by economists. A more ready acceptance of view on culture refl ects a search beyond the the transhistorical character of both market relations and homo economicus within this ‘economics turn’ in borders of established approaches and dis- economic geography tends towards an unquestioned ciplinary fi elds to develop a trans-, or even, acceptance of the separation of ‘the economic’ from postdisciplinary perspective. Furthermore, ‘the cultural’. recent UPE and CPE show how to enrich 5. However, the entrepreneurial turn has been studied both urban geography and political economy from different perspectives, apart from UPE. From neoclassical approaches, see Peterson (1981); Porter traditions by selectively incorporating fruit- (1995). For a less economic deterministic point of ful ideas from apparently antagonist onto- view, see Mollenkopf (1983). For a review, see Leitner logical positions. (1990). 6. Although UPE was dominated by entrepreneur- Acknowledgements ialism, it was not limited to it. In particular in the 1990s, I am very thankful to Bob Jessop, Noel UPE connected entrepreneurial with other urban and supralocal processes (gentrifi cation, public space, Castree, Greig Charnock, Roger Lee and workfare state, etc) and developed more generally the anonymous referees for constructive and to what is now termed neoliberal urbanism (Brenner very helpful comments on earlier drafts. Of and Theodore, 2002; Catterall, 2005; O’Neill and course, I am solely responsible for any errors Argent, 2005; Wilson, 2005; Leitner et al., 2007). or mistakes in this paper. 7. By ‘Guggenheim effect’ I refer to the spread of spectacular museums and cultural centres designed by famous architects as a means of boosting local Notes economies (eg, The Lowry in Salford, Urbis in 1. The ‘cultural’ turn in the social sciences of the Manchester, Baltic Centre in Gateshead), and often 1980s/1990s was based on the widespread denun- legitimized by the ‘success’ of Bilbao. Although the ciation of the economism of political economy. use of this kind of strategy existed long before the This turn is not equivalent to the emergence of opening of Ghery’s building in 1997, its impact on ‘postmodernism’ which signalled a deeper break with Bilbao’s image and the fl ow of tourists visiting the modernism. Nonetheless, the latter deeply informed landmark was claimed by the local and regional the former, and culturalism and anti-economism are at authorities and media as a palpable example of how the basis of the postmodern turn. Thus, although not cultural landmarks can change the fortunes of decadent reducible one to another, both have had an intertwined cities (for a discussion on the actual effects, see Gómez, impact on political economy approaches. 1998; Plaza, 1999; Gómez and González, 2001). 2. This paper is limited to discussions within Anglo- 8. In contrast to other geographical subdisciplines, phone scholarship. Hudson (2005a) – in my view neither postmodernism nor political economy have rightly – points out that the culture-economy won hegemony in urban geography. There is no better articulation has been a northern European (and by example of that than the alleged Los Angeles school.

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