Are-Evaluation of Chantal Mouffe's Radical Democratic Approach
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Balkanologie, Vol. 15 N° 2 | 2020 the Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’S “One of Five Million” Pr
Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires Vol. 15 n° 2 | 2020 Pour une approche socio-historique de l'action collective dans les Balkans The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests Le rôle et le positionnement de la Gauche dans le mouvement « Un sur cinq millions » en Serbie Jelena Pešić and Jelisaveta Petrović Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/2576 DOI: 10.4000/balkanologie.2576 ISSN: 1965-0582 Publisher Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk) Electronic reference Jelena Pešić and Jelisaveta Petrović, “The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests ”, Balkanologie [Online], Vol. 15 n° 2 | 2020, Online since 01 December 2020, connection on 22 April 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/2576 ; DOI: https:// doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.2576 This text was automatically generated on 22 April 2021. © Tous droits réservés The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Pr... 1 The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests Le rôle et le positionnement de la Gauche dans le mouvement « Un sur cinq millions » en Serbie Jelena Pešić and Jelisaveta Petrović 1 The Great Recession (2008) provoked a series of demonstrations around the globe. In many countries of the European Union (EU), protests initiated by the Institutional Left and various autonomous actors manifested as a synergy of anti-austerity and pro- democracy demands. A significant change in the political and economic landscape, especially in those countries heavily affected by the financial crisis, opened a window of opportunity for greater public receptiveness to critiques of neoliberal capitalism. -
Enacting Democracy: Deliberation, Agonism, and the Empty Place of Political Action
Enacting democracy: Deliberation, agonism, and the empty place of political action Erin Pineda1 Department of Political Science, Yale University [email protected] Abstract Despite the celebrated place of political action – and in particular, the kinds of contentious collective action characterized by protest – in the history of modern democracy, it is notably absent in recent deliberative and agonist theorizing. In the midst of a debate centered on the dynamics of conflict, consensus, disagreement, diversity, and popular sovereignty in a democracy, a curiously empty place has opened up between the two sides: while the political action of social movements and collectivities operates as an important referent for both deliberative democrats and their agonist critics, both have tended to stop short of theorizing the ways social movements act to provoke, promote, and protest particular forms and modes of our shared public and democratic life. This paper argues that contentious, collective political action, though involving both deliberative and agonistic elements, is not well-captured by either theory. A better understanding of the dynamics of political action -- both descriptively and normatively -- is crucial to any understanding of the kinds of social and democratic changes valued by both deliberative democrats and agonists. Introduction In some ways, the most potent image of the history of democracy is that of the people, filling the streets or the public square, engaged in the contentious, collective act of protest. From a bloody, revolutionary baptism at the Bastille to more recent events – revolutionary, reformist, or somewhere in between – in Tahrir Square, Gezi Park, and dozens of “Occupy” sites across the U.S., the particular forms of political action undertaken by citizens in assembly, organized dissent, and collective demonstration have proven a vital part not only of foundings (and re-foundings), but have served as incomparable mechanisms for the maintenance, reform, revitalization, disruption and transformation of political practices and institutions. -
Habermas: Testing the Political Estelle Ferrarese
Habermas: Testing the Political Estelle Ferrarese To cite this version: Estelle Ferrarese. Habermas: Testing the Political. Thesis Eleven, SAGE Publications, 2015. halshs- 01251486 HAL Id: halshs-01251486 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01251486 Submitted on 16 Jan 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Page Proof Instructions and Queries Journal Title: THE Article Number: 602176 No. Query Please confirm that all author information, including names, affiliations, sequence, and contact details, is correct. Please review the entire document for typographical errors, mathematical errors, and any other necessary corrections; check headings, tables, and figures. Please ensure that you have obtained and enclosed all necessary permissions for the reproduction of artistic works, (e.g. illustrations, photographs, charts, maps, other visual material, etc.) not owned by yourself. Please refer to your publishing agreement for further information. Please note that this proof represents your final opportunity to review your article prior -
DEMOPOLIS Democracy Before Liberalism in Theory and Practice
Trim: 228mm 152mm Top: 11.774mm Gutter: 18.98mm × CUUK3282-FM CUUK3282/Ober ISBN: 978 1 316 51036 0 April 18, 2017 12:53 DEMOPOLIS Democracy before Liberalism in Theory and Practice JOSIAH OBER Stanford University, California v Trim: 228mm 152mm Top: 11.774mm Gutter: 18.98mm × CUUK3282-FM CUUK3282/Ober ISBN: 978 1 316 51036 0 April 18, 2017 12:53 Contents List of Figures page xi List of Tables xii Preface: Democracy before Liberalism xiii Acknowledgments xvii Note on the Text xix 1 Basic Democracy 1 1.1 Political Theory 1 1.2 Why before Liberalism? 5 1.3 Normative Theory, Positive Theory, History 11 1.4 Sketch of the Argument 14 2 The Meaning of Democracy in Classical Athens 18 2.1 Athenian Political History 19 2.2 Original Greek Defnition 22 2.3 Mature Greek Defnition 29 3 Founding Demopolis 34 3.1 Founders and the Ends of the State 36 3.2 Authority and Citizenship 44 3.3 Participation 48 3.4 Legislation 50 3.5 Entrenchment 52 3.6 Exit, Entrance, Assent 54 3.7 Naming the Regime 57 4 Legitimacy and Civic Education 59 4.1 Material Goods and Democratic Goods 60 4.2 Limited-Access States 63 4.3 Hobbes’s Challenge 64 4.4 Civic Education 71 ix Trim: 228mm 152mm Top: 11.774mm Gutter: 18.98mm × CUUK3282-FM CUUK3282/Ober ISBN: 978 1 316 51036 0 April 18, 2017 12:53 x Contents 5 Human Capacities and Civic Participation 77 5.1 Sociability 79 5.2 Rationality 83 5.3 Communication 87 5.4 Exercise of Capacities as a Democratic Good 88 5.5 Free Exercise and Participatory Citizenship 93 5.6 From Capacities to Security and Prosperity 98 6 Civic Dignity -
A Focus on Chantal Mouffe's “Agonistic Democracy”
Educational Studies in Japan: International Yearbook No. 13, March, 2019. pp. 111-121 Rethinking of the Signifi cance of Passions in Political Education: A Focus on Chantal Mouff e’s “Agonistic Democracy” Sho Yamanaka* This paper discusses the significance of passions in political education through the consideration of Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic democracy. Mouffe points out the role of the passions that facilitate organizing political identities, and presents the risks of eliminating passions. The liberal interpretation of de- mocracy intends to eliminate passions that prevent people achieving a rational consensus. On the other hand, the emphasis on rationality makes it easy for right-wing populism to mobilize people’s passions. In other words, the elimina- tion of passions creates a situation in which dialogue with other political iden- tities is diffi cult: this is the contradiction of the liberal interpretation of democ- racy. To avoid this, Mouff e suggests channels that express collective passions as democratic designs to disarm antagonistic passions. Mouffe’s democratic theory indicates the risk of a too optimistic understanding of the passions in political education which takes deliberative approaches. Also, this result sug- gests the necessity of reconsidering the position of passions in the political ed- ucation. From the perspective of Mouff e’s agonistic democracy, the role of po- litical education should be regarded as not elimination of passions but sublimation of antagonistic passions. To achieve this sublimation, we should fa- cilitate participation in democratic practices. However, sublimation of antago- nistic passions through democratic institutions is not always successful. If an- tagonistic passions are expressed in destructive forms, what should we do? This paper touches only briefl y on this point. -
Democratic Theory
Democratic Theory Government 6645 (Spring 2016) Professor Jason Frank Cornell University White Hall 307 W 4:30-6:30 [email protected] White Hall 114 Office Hours: W 1:30-3:30 Course description Democracy, once commonly derided as the worst of all regimes, is now just as often proclaimed the universal source of modern political legitimacy. There is little agreement, however, over what democracy means or how it is best embodied in state institutions and law. This seminar will attempt to bring these disagreements into conceptual focus by introducing students to select debates in contemporary democratic theory over the meaning of democracy and the normative scope and limitations of contemporary democratic practice. Beginning with the early modern history of popular sovereignty and ending with contemporary debates over democracy and neoliberalism, we will explore (but not limit ourselves to) the following questions: How do democratic theorists and democratic actors negotiate the paradoxes of collective self-rule? Is democratic theory an empirical or normative inquiry, or does it destabilize this very opposition? Who is the agent of democratic politics? How should we understand the interaction between formal democratic institutions and political culture? What is the relationship between liberalism and democracy? Do rights (as protections of individual liberty not subject to revision by majority rule) suspend democracy or establish its necessary preconditions? Is democracy premised on a unitary political identity and, if so, how does it accommodate or recognize difference? Is democracy best understood as a form of government or a practice of resistance to domination? What do we expect from democratic theory and how should we understand the relationship between democratic theory and democratic practice? Course Requirements This is a political theory graduate seminar. -
The Great Regression’
Table of Contents 1. Title page 2. Copyright page 3. Contributors 4. Preface 1. Notes 5. 1: Democracy fatigue 1. Leaders and followers 2. The message from above 3. Vox populi 4. Where is Europe headed? 5. Notes 6. 2: Symptoms in search of an object and a name 1. Notes 7. 3: Progressive and regressive politics in late neoliberalism 1. Neoliberal globalization as the challenge 2. Progressive movements against neoliberal globalization 3. Regressive movements? 4. On movements and counter-movements: some conclusions 5. Notes 8. 4: Progressive neoliberalism versus reactionary populism: a Hobson's choice 9. 5: From the paradox of liberation to the demise of liberal elites 1. Paradoxes of liberation 2. The Janus face of a secular culture and a religious state 3. The big bang of Israeli politics 4. A tragic end 5. The task of the left 6. Notes 10. 6: Majoritarian futures 1. The end of…? 2. Normative threats 3. The migrants’ revolution 4. The populist turn 5. Notes 11. 7: Europe as refuge 12. 8: Overcoming the fear of freedom 1. The neoliberal attack 2. The moral effects of structural transformation 3. The narrative failure of neoliberalism 4. How consent for migration disintegrated 5. The narrative struggle ahead 6. Notes 13. 9: Politics in the age of resentment: the dark legacy of the Enlightenment 1. Notes 14. 10: The courage to be audacious 1. Let's talk about class 2. Cultural alienation 3. Restoring momentum to the European Union 4. A clear view of reality 5. Dilemmas that will remain 6. Notes 15. -
Laclau and Mouffe's Radical Democracy in School
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by PhilPapers ETHICS AND EDUCATION, 2017 https://doi.org/10.1080/17449642.2017.1356680 Education and articulation: Laclau and Mouffe’s radical democracy in school Itay Snir The Open University of Israel and Minerva Humanities Center, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper outlines a theory of radical democratic education Democratic education; by addressing a key concept in Laclau and Mouffe’s Hegemony articulation; intellectuals; and Socialist Strategy: articulation. Through their concept of Ernesto Laclau; Chantal articulation, Laclau and Mouffe attempt to liberate Gramsci’s Mouffe theory of hegemony from Marxist economism, and adapt it to a political sphere inhabited by a plurality of struggles and agents none of which is predominant. However, while for Gramsci the political process of hegemony formation has an explicit educational dimension, Laclau and Mouffe ignore this dimension altogether. My discussion starts with elaborating the concept of articulation and analysing it in terms of three dimensions: performance, connection and transformation. I then address the role of education in Gramsci’s politics, in which the figure of the intellectual is central, and argue that radical democratic education requires renouncing that figure. In the final section, I offer a theory of such education, in which both teacher and students articulate their political differences and identities. Introduction Democratic education, like democracy in general, seems to have fallen into a deep crisis in both theory and practice. The foundation upon which classical democracy is presumed to rest is torn by tensions between the principles of equality and individual rights, between the nation-state and indigenous and migrant cultures, between identities and differences. -
The Agony of the Democratic Paradox
The Agony of the Democratic Paradox Andrew Schaap (Political Science, Melbourne) [email protected] Paper prepared for ‘Social and Political Agon’ workshop European University Institute in Florence 24-25 November 2006 Against Jürgen Habermas, Chantal Mouffe insists that there is no necessary conceptual relation between democracy and human rights but only a contingent historical relation. Moreover, these principles are fundamentally irreconcilable: while democracy presupposes an historical act of exclusion in the political constitution of a demos, human rights presupposes a universally inclusive moral community. Yet, Mouffe argues, the accommodation of these conflicting legitimating principles within a liberal-democratic regime is productive. Although irreconcilable, their paradoxical articulation keeps the limits that enable democratic deliberation and decision-making in view for being political and, therefore, contestable. Radical democracy, she argues, is premised on the recognition and affirmation of this ‘democratic paradox’. In this paper I want to examine whether a commitment to radical democracy requires that we affirm Mouffe’s account of the democratic paradox. Might one be a radical democrat and yet understand human rights and popular sovereignty to be co-original as Habermas does? Specifically, I want to consider what is at stake politically in conceptualising the relation between these two legitimating principles of modern regimes. I will suggest that what is at stake is the representation of political claims. To understand human rights and democracy as ‘co-original’ in the way that Habermas proposes is to peremptorily exclude radical political speech and action that would fundamentally contest the terms of political association. For it diminishes the representational space in which a claim could be articulated 1 that would contest the particular determination of the “we” that authorises that order in the first place. -
DEMOCRATIC POLITICS and AGONISTIC PLURALISM Chantal Mouffe
SEMINARIO INTERDISCIPLINAR O( S) SENTIDO (S) DA (S) CULTURA (S) COORDINADO POR RAMÓN MAIZ DEMOCRATIC POLITICS AND AGONISTIC PLURALISM Chantal Mouffe Venres, 18 de decembro de 2009 17:00 horas Consello da Cultura Galega 1 Chantal Mouffe Politóloga formada en Louvain, París e Essex, Chantal Mouffe (Bélxica, 1943) é Profesora de Teoría Política na Universidade de Westminster, Londres. Nos últimos anos, impartiu aulas en diferentes universidades de Europa, Norte América e Sul América e realizou estancias de investigación en Harvard, Cornell, Universidade de California, Instituto de Estudos Avanzados de Princeton e Centro Nacional de Investigación Científica de París. Entre 1989 e 1995, foi Directora de Programa no Colexio Internacional de Filosofía de París. Chantal Mouffe é unha das pensadoras máis influíntes no eido da filosofía política actual. Compiladora de obras como Gramsci and Marxist Theory , Dimensions of Radical Democracy , Deconstruction and Pragmatism , ou The Challenge of Carl Schmitt ; é tamén coautora (con Ernesto Laclau) de Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (1985). Asemade, ten publicadas The Return of the Political (1993), The Democratic Paradox (2000) ou On the Political (2005), ademais de numerosos artigos sobre pensamento político (Carl Scmitt) e teoría política (Paixóns e política). Na actualidade, Mouffe está a elaborar unha aproximación non racionalista á teoría política, fundamentada na súa formulación do concepto de ‘democracia agónica’, e participa en diferentes proxectos de -
Download POLITICAL ECONOMY SYLLABUS 2021.Pdf
POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ITS FUTURE SPRING 2021 SOCIETIES OF THE WORLD – 31 LAW - 2390 KENNEDY SCHOOL - DEV 233 MONDAYS 9:30-11:30 AM Dani Rodrik Roberto Mangabeira Unger HKS Rubenstein 334 HLS Areeda 226 [email protected] [email protected] Faculty Assistant: Jessica De Simone Faculty Assistant: Brenda Bee [email protected] [email protected] 617-495-1415 617-496-1764 Teaching Fellow: Rohan Sandhu [email protected] The world’s economic and political order reels under mounting challenges: the global financial crisis, the austerity debacle, a slowdown in economic growth and productivity, the aggravation of inequality and the inadequacy of conventional responses to it, the discrediting of the Washington Consensus, the globalization backlash, the re-emergence of nationalist politics in Europe and the United States, and a contest over the meaning, value, and requirements of democracy. We examine connections among these phenomena and explore alternative ways of thinking about contemporary market economies and their reconstruction. We organize the course around four related themes: the worldwide financial and economic crisis of the recent past and its management; the effort to promote socially inclusive economic growth in richer as well as in poorer countries; the nature, fate, and dissemination of the new knowledge-intensive style of production; and the past, present, and future of globalization. Students should have some previous acquaintance with economics, but no advanced economic training is required. The course is open to undergraduate and graduate students outside as well as within economics. Readings will be drawn from the classic and contemporary literatures of economics, political science, philosophy, and social theory. -
Chantal Mouffe's Agonistic Project: Passions and Participation Matthew
Chantal Mouffe’s Agonistic Project: Passions and Participation Matthew Jones: [email protected] This is an Author’s Accepted Manuscript of an article published in Parallax April 9th 2014, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13534645.2014.896546 Full Citation: M Jones, “Chantal Mouffe’s Agonistic Project: Passions and Participation,” Parallax 20, no. 2 (2014), 14-30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13534645.2014.896546 Note: if you do not have access to Parallax and wish to view this article, contact me via email and I will forward to you a link allowing full access. It is Chantal Mouffe’s contention that the central weakness of consensus-driven forms of liberalism, such as John Rawls’ political liberalism and Jürgen Habermas’ deliberative democracy, is that they refuse to acknowledge conflict and pluralism, especially at the level of the ontological. Their defence for doing so is that conflict and pluralism are the result of attempts to incorporate unreasonable and irrational claims into the public political sphere. In this context, unreasonable and irrational claims are those that cannot be translated into universalizable terms. However, for Mouffe, it is this intentional exclusionary act itself that is detrimental to a well-functioning democratic polity. It is only through the inclusion of a diverse body of subject positions that a democratic polity can be said to be truly representative of the polity, and therefore constitute a functioning and inclusive democracy. This paper will examine Mouffe’s account of agonistic pluralism. In doing so, it will demonstrate that instead of being a source of instability within the democratic discourse and therefore relegated into the private non-political sphere, passions and values that are constitutive of these subject positions ought to be incorporated into the public political sphere.