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The Perak Development Experience: the Way Forward
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences December 2013, Vol. 3, No. 12 ISSN: 2222-6990 The Perak Development Experience: The Way Forward Azham Md. Ali Department of Accounting and Finance, Faculty of Management and Economics Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris DOI: 10.6007/IJARBSS/v3-i12/437 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/IJARBSS/v3-i12/437 Speech for the Menteri Besar of Perak the Right Honourable Dato’ Seri DiRaja Dr Zambry bin Abd Kadir to be delivered on the occasion of Pangkor International Development Dialogue (PIDD) 2012 I9-21 November 2012 at Impiana Hotel, Ipoh Perak Darul Ridzuan Brothers and Sisters, Allow me to briefly mention to you some of the more important stuff that we have implemented in the last couple of years before we move on to others areas including the one on “The Way Forward” which I think that you are most interested to hear about. Under the so called Perak Amanjaya Development Plan, some of the things that we have tried to do are the same things that I believe many others here are concerned about: first, balanced development and economic distribution between the urban and rural areas by focusing on developing small towns; second, poverty eradication regardless of race or religion so that no one remains on the fringes of society or is left behind economically; and, third, youth empowerment. Under the first one, the state identifies viable small- and medium-size companies which can operate from small towns. These companies are to be working closely with the state government to boost the economy of the respective areas. -
Countries at the Crossroads 2012: Malaysia
COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS Countries at the Crossroads 2012: Malaysia Introduction Malaysia has over 28 million people, of whom approximately 63 percent are ethnic Malay, 25 percent Chinese, 7 percent Indian, and 4 percent Ibans and Kadazan-Dusun.1 Much of this diversity was created through the British formation of an extractive colonial economy, with the “indigenous” Malay community ordered into small holdings and rice cultivation, while the “non-Malays” were recruited from China and India into tin mining and plantation agriculture. Further, in preparing the territory for independence in 1957, the British fashioned a polity that was formally democratic, but would soon be encrusted by authoritarian controls. Throughout the 1960s, greater urbanization brought many Malays to the cities, where they encountered the comparative prosperity of the non-Malays. They perceived the multiethnic coalition that ruled the country, anchored by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), but including the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), as doing little to enhance their living standards. At the same time, many non-Malays grew alienated by the discrimination they faced in accessing public sector resources. Thus, as voters in both communities swung to opposition parties in an election held in May 1969, the UMNO-led coalition, known as the Alliance, was gravely weakened. Shortly afterward, Malays and Chinese clashed in the capital, Kuala Lumpur, sparking ethnic rioting known as the May 13th incident. Two years of emergency rule followed during which parliament was closed. As the price for reopening parliament in 1971, UMNO imposed new curbs on civil liberties, thereby banning any questioning of the Malay “special rights” that are enshrined in constitution’s Article 153. -
1 Chapter 1 Introduction As a Chinese Buddhist in Malaysia, I Have Been
Chapter 1 Introduction As a Chinese Buddhist in Malaysia, I have been unconsciously entangled in a historical process of the making of modern Buddhism. There was a Chinese temple beside my house in Penang, Malaysia. The main deity was likely a deified imperial court officer, though no historical record documented his origin. A mosque serenely resided along the main street approximately 50 meters from my house. At the end of the street was a Hindu temple decorated with colorful statues. Less than five minutes’ walk from my house was a Buddhist association in a two-storey terrace. During my childhood, the Chinese temple was a playground. My friends and I respected the deities worshipped there but sometimes innocently stole sweets and fruits donated by worshippers as offerings. Each year, three major religious events were organized by the temple committee: the end of the first lunar month marked the spring celebration of a deity in the temple; the seventh lunar month was the Hungry Ghost Festival; and the eighth month honored, She Fu Da Ren, the temple deity’s birthday. The temple was busy throughout the year. Neighbors gathered there to chat about national politics and local gossip. The traditional Chinese temple was thus deeply rooted in the community. In terms of religious intimacy with different nearby temples, the Chinese temple ranked first, followed by the Hindu temple and finally, the mosque, which had a psychological distant demarcated by racial boundaries. I accompanied my mother several times to the Hindu temple. Once, I asked her why she prayed to a Hindu deity. -
DAP's Covenant with Middle Malaysia 2010
DAP’s covenant with Middle Malaysia 2010 When I first took over as DAP Secretary-General in 2004, my colleagues and I were determined to lead a party that aspires not to be in perennial opposition but to be in government. A political party that has no aspirations for political power to implement programs beneficial to the people has no right to exist. When DAP first put forth this vision in 2005 on being a full partner in power within 10 years, few shared our hopes. But we had pinned our hopes on ordinary Malaysians yearning for change. DAP had persevered since 1966 due to our faith in Malaysians whether Muslims or non-Muslims wanting a fair deal, live in peace and harmony, prosper together and their children to grow up in a better world than they lived in. DAP leaders had labored through those painful years of legal prosecution and political persecution bound by our ideals in a Malaysian nation for all and our faith in the people. Many felt our struggle futile because they lost faith in the people sharing these ideals and wanting a better Malaysia. But the real and tough leaders and members in the DAP never lost hope. The political tsunami that was the 2008 general elections changed everything. No one expected change to happen so fast. The people have put their faith in us and we must repay their trust in us. Inexperienced though we were, we learned how to govern and we believe that Pakatan Rakyat has governed better in these two years than BN has in the last 20 years. -
K a N D U N G a N
K A N D U N G A N JAWAPAN-JAWAPAN LISAN BAGI PERTANYAAN-PERTANYAAN (Halaman 1) RANG UNDANG-UNDANG DIBAWA KE DALAM MESYUARAT (Halaman 14) USUL Y.A.B. PERDANA MENTERI DI BAWAH PERATURAN MESYUARAT 27(3): – Draf Bagi Perintah Perlembagaan Persekutuan (Persempadanan Bahagian-Bahagian Pilihan Raya) (Negeri-negeri Tanah Melayu) 2003 & Draf Bagi Perintah Perlembagaan Persekutuan (Persempadanan Bahagian-Bahagian Pilihan Raya) (Negeri Sabah) 2003 (Halaman 14) USUL: Waktu Mesyuarat dan Urusan Dibebaskan Daripada Peraturan Mesyuarat (Halaman 61) Diterbitkan Oleh: CAWANGAN DOKUMENTASI PARLIMEN MALAYSIA 2003 DR.8.4.2003 i AHLI-AHLI DEWAN RAKYAT Yang Amat Berbahagia Tuan Yang di-Pertua, Tun Dato Seri Dr. Mohamed Zahir bin Haji Ismail, S.S.M., P.M.N., S.S.D.K., S.P.M.K., D.S.D.K., J.M.N. Yang Amat Berhormat Perdana Menteri dan Menteri Kewangan, Dato Seri Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad, D.K.(Brunei), D.K.(Perlis), D.K.(Johor), D.U.K., S.S.D.K., S.S.A.P., S.P.M.S., S.P.M.J., D.P. (Sarawak), D.U.P.N., S.P.N.S., S.P.D.K., S.P.C.M., S.S.M.T., D.U.M.N., P.I.S. (Kubang Pasu) “ Timbalan Perdana Menteri dan Menteri Dalam Negeri, Dato’ Seri Abdullah bin Haji Ahmad Badawi, D.G.P.N., D.S.S.A., D.M.P.N., D.J.N., K.M.N., A.M.N., S.P.M.S. (Kepala Batas) Yang Berhormat Menteri Pengangkutan, Dato’ Seri Dr. Ling Liong Sik, S.P.M.P., D.G.S.M., D.P.M.P., D.P.M.S. -
Discontinue Beng Hock Inquest 555 Penang to Mark the Young Aide’S Sudden Death
For Justice, Freedom & Solidarity PP3739/12/2010(025927) ISSN 0127 - 5127 RM4.00 2010:Vol.30No.8 Aliran Monthly : Vol.30(8) Page 1 COVER STORY Remembering Beng Hock in Penang If the present government does not want to change the system, then the rakyat can change the Government in the next GE by S H Tan crowd of about 400 paign drove all the way up from Lee Lan said that Beng Hock was people packed the forum KL for this event. only a witness to an alleged cor- AAA hall in the Han Chiang ruption case involving slightly College in Lim Lean Emotional appeal over RM2,000 but he paid the price Teng Road, Penang on a lazy Sun- for it with his life. She lamented day afternoon. It was a very en- Lee Lan conveyed her apologies that support for Beng Hock and couraging support from for not being able to be present in his family is slowly waning and Penangites for the “Malaysians for person because of some urgent fewer and fewer people are at- Beng Hock” campaign. business at home. However a vid- tending the inquest. It is begin- eotaped recording of her speech ning to be a lonely fight for justice The panel for the afternoon com- in Mandarin was played. She for Teoh Beng Hock. The authori- prised Beng Hock’s sister Teoh made an emotional and passion- ties appear to be (deliberately?) Lee Lan, Aliran president P ate appeal for justice for her delaying and prolonging the case Ramakrishnan, Lim Lian Geok brother. -
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) Is Committed to Defending and Campaigning for Human Rights in Malaysia and Other Parts of the World
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) is committed to defending and campaigning for human rights in Malaysia and other parts of the world. The organisation began in 1989 as a campaign body for the abolition of the Internal Security Act (ISA) in the aftermath of the infamous Operasi Lalang when 106 Malaysians were detained without trial. Since then, it has evolved into the leading human rights organisation in Malaysia, committed to protecting, preserving and promoting human rights. Produced by: Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) Suara Inisiatif Sdn Bhd (562530-P) Office Address: 433A, Jalan 5/46, Malaysia: Gasing Indah, 46000 Petaling Jaya, Human Rights Selangor, Malaysia. Report 2014 Tel: +603 - 7784 3525 Fax: +603 - 7784 3526 OVERVIEW Email: [email protected] www.suaram.net Photo credit: Victor Chin, Rakan Mantin. MALAYSIA: HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT OVERVIEW 2014 1 Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) CONTENTS Introduction 2 Detention Without Trial 4 Police Abuses of Power 6 Freedom of Expression and Information 10 Freedom of Assembly 14 Freedom of Association 16 Freedom of Religion 18 Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Migrant Workers 23 Death Penalty 27 Free and Fair Elections 27 Corruption and Accountability 30 Law and the Judiciary 32 Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) 36 MALAYSIA: HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT OVERVIEW 2014 2 Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) INTRODUCTION In 2014, the human rights record under the Najib Razak administration has hit a new low. When he first came to power in 2009, Najib Razak introduced several reforms in an attempt to win back votes after the fiasco for the ruling coalition in the 2008 general election. This attempt at reform has been reversed after yet another debacle for BN in the 2013 general election, epitomized by the about-turn decision on the promise to repeal the Sedition Act, with the Prime Minister seemingly bowing down to demands of extremist groups for his own political survival and bent on teaching dissenting voters a lesson. -
The Short Films of Desmond Bing-Yen Ti
Intersections: Queer Sinophonicities in (South) East Asia: The Short Films of Desmond Bing-Yen Ti Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific Issue 38, August 2015 Queer Sinophonicities in (South) East Asia: The Short Films of Desmond Bing-Yen Ti John Wei Introduction 1. Bing-Yen Ti, also known by the name Desmond, is an emerging filmmaker from Malaysia who has studied film production and directed short films in his home country and China. To date almost half of his repertoire focuses on young same-sex attracted individuals and these filmic offerings have been distributed through YouTube and local Chinese (queer) social media. While mainly set in Malaysia, his films have been welcomed by Chinese audiences, to an extent that exceeded Ti's own anticipation. His short film debut Tongchuang Yimeng/Exchange 2012, for example, achieved over one million views combined on several major Chinese video-sharing websites and generated many more comments from these viewers than from their Malaysian counterparts on YouTube.[1] 2. In this paper I investigate and explore transnational intersections of queer screen cultures between Malaysia and China through a case study of Ti's film production, online distribution, and reception. My analysis begins with a critique of 'queer Sinophonicities' as a promising and problematic methodology. Further to a brief introduction to historical Malaysian cinemas, I then situate and scrutinise Ti's films in the context of (queer) Sinophone Malaysia and explore how to make sense of nationhood and Sinophonicities through queer filmmaking. In the following sections I critically discuss Ti's engagement with online (queer) social media and video-sharing services through the lens of Sinophonic conjunctions and disjunctions and include a textual analysis of Ti's Exchange 2012 to further explore queer Malaysian Sinophonicities. -
Najib Razak - Malaysia's Flip-Flopping PM Malaysiakini.Com January 31, 2013 by Political Studies for Change
Najib Razak - Malaysia's flip-flopping PM MalaysiaKini.com January 31, 2013 By Political Studies for Change COMMENT No other prime minister of Malaysia has shown such consistency in back- pedalling on policies, as Najib Abdul Razak has done. What does the future hold for Malaysia under such an indecisive leader? 1. Lynas Background: Lynas is to process rare earths concentrate imported from its mine in Mount Weld in Western Australia, at its Advanced Materials Plant in Malaysia. It will not only produce rare earths for export but also (generate) a huge amount of waste, including more than a million cubic metres of low-level radioactive material. Before Backtrack: Although experts have proof, including declarations by international bodies, that the residue is safe, there are people who are still apprehensive about it. So we have decided that the residue will be moved to another place," Najib told reporters during a visit to Kelantan. International Trade and Industry Minister Mustapa Mohamed said the Australian company had now submitted a letter of undertaking to send its rare earth processing residue abroad if it cannot find a suitable waste disposal site in Malaysia. Backtrack: No residues from the Lynas Advanced Materials Plant will be exported from Malaysia, said the factory's managing director Mashal Ahmad. 2. Mas-Airasia share swap Background: Fernandes and his Tune Air Sdn Bhd partner Kamarudin Meranun are expected to swap a portion of their AirAsia shares for 20 percent of Khazanah's stake in MAS. The share swap was to allow Fernandes to step in and pilot the ailing MAS airline back to profitability. -
For Review Purposes Only
ONLY PURPOSES REVIEW FOR Understanding the Dewan Rakyat Copyright © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung & Insight News Sdn Bhd. 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission from the Publisher except in case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. Earlier versions of MP Watch: Eye on Parliament reports have appeared in The Nut Graph website exclusively. Images contained in this volume are courtesy and property of The Nut Graph, the interviewees and/or other sources respectively. Permission to reproduce the aforementioned and previously published material is gratefully ONLY acknowledged. FIRST EDITION: March 2011 Published by B-2-19, Merchant Square, Jalan Tropicana Selatan 1, PJU 3, 47410 Petaling Jaya, Selangor Darul Ehsan, Malaysia E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.zipublications.com.my ISBN 978-967-5266-18-8 Layout & cover design by creativetrees.blogspot.com /REVIEW [email protected] Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Understanding the Dewan Rakyat / The Nut Graph FOR ISBN 978-967-5266-18-8 1. Malaysia – Politics and government. I. Title. 344.07409595 Printed in Malaysia by Vinlin Press Sdn. Bhd. No. 2, Jalan Meranti Permai 1, Meranti Permai Industrial Park, Batu 15, Jalan Puchong, 47100 Puchong, Selangor, Malaysia Contents West Malaysia Constituencies Map 10 East Malaysia Constituencies Map 12 Foreword 14 Introduction 16 ONLY Part I Knowing Malaysia’s Parliamentary Democracy 20 System of governance and the role of Parliament 21 Malaysia’s electoral system 24 The work of an MP 30 Funding our MPs 38 The speaker: Functions and powers 42 PURPOSES Part II Knowing Malaysia’s MPs 54 MP Watch: who replied, who didn’t, and why 55 MPs and the ISA 63 MPs and the Islamic state issue 68 MPs and freedom of information 72 MPsREVIEW and separation of powers 77 The challenges of being an MP 81 MPs and lawmaking 88 FORStr engthening parliamentary democracy 93 Part III 222 MP Profiles 100 Perlis P. -
Central Executive Committee Resolutions
Central Executive Committee Resolutions The Ipoh Resolutions: MUAFAKAT TRANSFORMASI MALAYSIA PREAMBLE i) That the nation is waiting for a profound change is beyond doubt and that it is now a fact that the government-of-the-day is incapable of changing the intolerably arbitrary, self- serving, unjust, cruel and corrupt system of governance; ii) That the world does not stand still to wait for Malaysia, and we risk watching Asia changing and its economy growing not as an active participant but as bystander if we do not catch up fast; iii) That to save Malaysian governance from further deterioration, the economy from further plunder, and the people from further injustices is a shared imperative; iv) That the Democratic Action Party (DAP) therefore, in partnership with other Pakatan Rakyat parties and in cooperation with civil society, is determined to transform Malaysia through a new muafakat (consensus) • by reversing distortions and corruptions of the Constitution, the rule of law and the system of governance, • by restoring mutual respect amongst Malaysia’s multiethnic, multicultural and multi- religious peoples, • by renewing trust in public institutions and in the security services, • by rejuvenating the economy, • by conserving the environment, • by revamping the education system, and • by re-establishing hope in our future as a nation; v) The DAP National Delegates gathered here in Ipoh, Perak, on 17 th January 2010, at the turn of the decade and at a time of a sustained national crisis to chart a new future for Malaysia which departs from the expiring status quo , and thus hereby resolves to: PRINCIPLES 1. -
Cij Foe Web 160211.Pdf
Creative Commons license Attribution-Non-commercial 3.0 Writer: Ding Jo-Ann Editor: Sonia Randhawa Published by the Centre for Independent Journalism Contents Foreword 1 Overview 5 Government & political interference 9 Printing Presses & Publications Act 1984 Media control and ownership Increased internet monitoring Freedom of assembly ISA, Sedition Act & other repressive laws Pakatan Rakyat & Freedom of expression Civil society efforts 35 Themes & Trends 41 Police reports Race, religion & royalty Media ethics Looking ahead 49 Appendix: Timeline 2010 51 Foreword Foreword rime minister Najib razak said on 13 Jan 2011 that unfettered access to “negative influence” online could decimate Asian Pvalues and heritage. The prime minister called for greater regulation of the internet saying, “Indecency and anarchy can seep into any environment that is not anchored on any cultural roots and our values.” Najib’s remarks are not surprising. Despite earlier declarations that the media would “responsibly report what they see”, whether or not it is helpful to the government, Najib’s administration’s actions in 2010 clearly show that rhetoric aside, government control of freedom of expression is here to stay. Najib’s deputy Muhyiddin Yasin, when opening an international media forum, captures this doublespeak, “While it is in our best interest to further liberalise the media to increase our global awareness, we must not forget that freedom of the press is not a blank cheque to do whatever we want.” Both leaders seem to suggest that access to information and freedom of expression are “dangerous” if left unchecked. I would respectfully disagree. It is not freedom of information or expression that is dangerous.