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Grey Collar Journalism: the Social Relations of News Production Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production Martin Hirst i Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production This is a thesis submitted to Charles Sturt University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in February, 2002. Martin Hirst, MA (Interdisciplinary Studies), University of NSW, BA (Communication), University of Technology, Sydney. ii Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production Table of Contents Contents i Acknowledgments ii Abstract iii Preface v Chapter 1 Why I Write: The Journalist as modern ‘Intellectual’ 1 Chapter 2 Raymond Williams - On Culture and Economy 42 Chapter 3 Hard Yakka: Towards a labour theory of journalism 67 Chapter 4 The emotional ties that bind: 118 Grey Collar Journalists and the Nation-State Chapter 5 Class and the politics of journalism 175 Chapter 6 Where were you on November 11? 219 Generational change in the media ranks Chapter 7 Profitability and Public Interest: 261 Can we revive the Fourth Estate? Chapter 8 Killing me softly with his words: Doing violence to the truth 295 Chapter 9 Grey collar intellectuals: Thinking writers, or cogs in a machine? 333 References 345 i Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production Acknowledgments Grey Collar Journalism: A strange and terrible saga This work would not have been possible without the support and love of my family. Thankyou: Tiffany, Alan, Robyn, Russell, Carolyn & Geoff. After seven years of on-again, off-again, stop-start work, I made the decision to finish my PhD halfway through 2001 so that I could return to teaching and research. The thesis was finished amidst the chaos of painting, decorating and packing - the prelude to a big move, from the Blue Mountains to Brisbane and a new job at the University of Queensland. In a short space of time I endured three of the most stressful things you can do to yourself - relocate, start a new career and finish a thesis. But I’ve made it, with encouragement from my supervisor, Dr Len Palmer. This work would not have been possible without the support and assistance of several colleagues: Lani Guerke, Neville Petersen, Roger Patching, Maria Angel, Antonio Castillo and Michael DeWall (aka Ed Hunt). They have each played a role in keeping me focused and inspired. Robyn Thomas helped enormously with the tabulation of data from my trip to the Constitutional Convention in 1998, and her assistance in transcription typing was paid for by a UWS Seed Grant. I’d like to mention Hunter S. Thompson; he inspires me as a journalist and is perhaps the flawed example and a perfect grey collar journalist. Gonzo Rules! Also Orwell - the man, and Orwell - my four-legged friend. ii Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production Abstract Grey Collar Journalism The social relations of news production On any meaningful notion of 'class' as a concept related to the social relations deriving from the system of production in a Capitalist society like ours, journalists are not 'middle class’…they are not particularly well paid, their union and their industrial actions are, for all intents and purposes, the same as any other group of unionists. Keith Windschuttle 1998, p.351 The purpose of my Doctoral thesis - Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production - is to analyse the role of journalists as public intellectuals (Louw 2001) and to do so from an understanding of newswork as a labour process. Along the way I have developed a critical appraisal of various theoretical approaches to the study of journalism. Broadly speaking this thesis is in the discipline of the sociology of journalism, but it is without question a cross- disciplinary thesis and necessarily so. In the first three chapters I develop and explain what I mean by Grey Collar Journalism and the ‘journalist-as-intellectual’. This section of the thesis articulates what I call the ‘labour theory of journalism’ to further explain the ambivalent nature (Hallin 1994; Franklin 1997)) of modern journalism. I argue here that this ambivalence in modern journalism is reflected in the contradictory relationship between grey collar newsworkers and the Nation-State. This is expressed through what I have called the ‘emotional dialectic’ of newswork and the ‘dialectic of the front-page’. It is this labour theory of journalism that brings forth the concept of the grey collar journalists, which I define as a cohort of newsworkers who occupy a contradictory class location - broadly speaking the ‘new middle class’ to which iii Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production the category of ‘newsworker’ belongs (Callinicos 1989b). Grey collar journalists are also public intellectuals in the Gramscian sense of being the producers and circulators of various ideas in civil society - snippets of ideology and social science- in the service of either of the major contending classes: Labour and Capital. The labour theory of journalism is then employed in a study of Australian political journalism to identify the social forces that create the conditions in which grey collar journalists operate. These are defined and analysed as the economic, class, cultural, political, historical and social relations of production that underpin the contradictory and ambivalent “emotional attitudes” (Orwell 1988, p.9) of newsworkers. In the next few chapters, Australian examples are illustrated in order to critically examine the highly politicised and culturally-mystified relationship between journalism as a set of social practices and the important centres of power in a monopoly capitalist society - in principal the ruling class and the state apparatus. This development of the grey collar thesis grounds a class-based critique of the liberal-democratic theory of the media as ‘Fourth Estate’. In particular, I critically discuss changes to the MEAA Code of Ethics that were accepted in 1998, after lengthy debate in the union’s ranks and in the media. The final chapters of the thesis test the explanatory power of the grey collar thesis against recent attempts to theorise journalism from a cultural studies perspective and the so-called ‘media wars’ debates of the late 1990s. In particular I challenge John Hartley’s assertion that we are now in the age of postmodern journalism. iv Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production Preface Changing journalism in a changing world Unlike a cake of soap or a bar of chocolate, a motor-car or a radiator, all coming off the production line 99.9 per cent identical, the daily newspaper changes from edition to edition and even more drastically from day to day. (Rivett, 1965, p.23) We could add to Rivett’s accurate, but seemingly unremarkable1 observation: newspapers change even more from decade to decade. It’s fair to say that newspapers have changed more in the last ten years than they did in the 65 years from 1901 to 1965. Apart from advances in printing technology and colour photography, the newspaper business was fairly stable for the first half of the 20th Century. Now mergers, closures, lay-offs and new marketing strategies are rapidly altering the media landscape. The technology of broadcasting has advanced at a similar pace and changes in the electronic media are also quicker today than in the 1960s. In particular, converging and interactive technologies have revolutionised patterns of both media production and media consumption. The computer-driven globalization of information is having profound effects on what we fondly called the News Business. Anyone with a PC can launch an unedited piece of gossip that may seep into the bloodstream of news. (Schorr, 1999) 1 The ‘thesis’ of this thesis is that in fact news production is remarkably similar to the production lines Rivett is describing in this passage. See Chapter 3: Hard Yakka. v Grey Collar Journalism: The social relations of news production Changing journalism Essentially, this thesis answers the question: Can changes in what I call here the emotional attitudes of journalists and the dialectic of the front-page - that is the ideological content of news - be measured and plotted against changes in how the news commodity is produced? Put simply, I believe the answer lies in an understanding of the relations of production - the ways in which the work of journalists is organised, structured and controlled in the newsroom. The changes that have been wrought on the media business; declining circulations, competition from pay TV and the Internet creating a situation of uncertain profitability, greater numbers of women in the newsroom and more powerful computing technologies have had a significant impact on newsworkers. This thesis examines how the style of journalism has changed, as a result of the shifting relations of production in the news business. Journalists as Intellectuals To what social class do newsworkers belong? The hegemonic ideology of ‘professionalism’ in the media’s ranks would suggest that they are part of the ‘middle class’, perhaps some well-paid hacks are close to being members of the ‘elite’. The grey collar thesis is that the majority of journalists are workers, but the dual nature of the news ‘product’ allocates them to contradictory class locations with resulting ambivalence in their consciousness. There is in fact an emotional dialectic at play that drags newsworkers in the direction of one or the other of the major social classes. They vacillate and sometimes change sides, but they also reflect and expose, to the careful reader, listener or viewer, the unsolvable contradictions within the system as a whole; whether economic, legal, social, cultural or political. Antonio Gramsci clearly identifies journalists as intellectuals and the media as “organisations of intellectual dissemination” (Gramsci 1992b, p.208).
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