Journal of Archaeology Copyright 2015 ISBN 1524-4776

SPANISH-LUCAYAN INTERACTION: CONTINUITY OF NATIVE ECONOMIES IN EARLY HISTORIC TIMES

Joost Morsink Luiperbeekstraat 3 6343 PT Klimmen The Netherlands [email protected]

The native population living in the Bahamian archipelago is generally thought to have disappeared by A.D. 1513. However, more recent radiocarbon dates from several different archaeological sites indicate that native peoples lived in the region long after this date. This article summarizes the available data, arguing that native populations continued to exploit certain economic resources, especially focusing on salt, fish and cotton. The absence of Spanish settlements in the Bahama archipelago is a result of natural and social boundaries, preventing the colonists from staying for longer periods of time in the and establishing villages. It is argued that Spanish-Lucayan interactions continued long after A.D. 1513 and were based upon the exchange of products between the Lucayans and the new colonists.

La población nativa del archipiélago de las Bahamas generalmente está pensado haber desaparecido por 1513. Sin embargo, unas recientes edades radiológicas de varios contextos arqueológicos evidencian que las poblaciones nativas vivían en la región mucho después de esta fecha. Este artículo resume los datos disponibles para proponer que las poblaciones nativas siguieran aprovechando ciertos recursos económicos, especialmente enfocándose en sal, pescado y algodón. La ausencia de asentamientos españoles en las islas Bahamas resulta de fronteras naturales y sociales que impidieran estancias largas de los colonos y la posibilidad de establecer pueblos. Interacciones entre los españoles y Lucayanos siguieron mucho después de 1513 y se basaban en el intercambio de productos entre las islas Lucayas y .

Les Lucayans, population indigène vivant dans l'archipel des Bahamas, sont supposés avoir disparu en 1513 après J.C. Cependant, les dates les plus récentes de radiocarbone obtenues d’après différents sites archéologiques indiquent que les peuples indigènes ont vécu longtemps dans la région après cette date. Cet article résume les données disponibles et soutient la thèse que les populations indigènes ont continué à exploiter certaines ressources économiques; spécifiquement: le sel, le poisson et le coton. Les frontières naturelles et sociales dans l'archipel des Bahamas empêchaient les colons Espagnoles de rester pendant de longues périodes et d’établir des villages dans les îles. Dans cet article, il est soutenu que les interactions entre les Espagnoles et Lucayans ont continué longtemps après 1513 après J.C., basées sur l'échange de produits entre les Lucayans et les nouveaux colons."

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Introduction statistics in early colonial times from In 1513, Juan Ponce de Leon Hispaniola. Cook and Borah (1971) traveled from Puerto Rico north to find new calculated a population increase in riches along the south coast of . Hispaniola between A.D. 1510 and 1520. Along his journey, he visited many islands With the introduction of new diseases from in the Bahama archipelago, including the Europe and considering the way the Spanish Caicos Islands, Rum , San Salvador, Cat treated the natives, high mortality rates are , , and . One expected for this time period. An increase in observation made by Juan Ponce de Leon, population must be explained by external namely that he only saw one old man in the input of people. Cook and Borah (1971) entire Bahamian archipelago, has been used suggest that the import of slaves from frequently as evidence for the extinction of adjacent regions, mainly the Lucayans from the Lucayans, the indigenous people who the Bahama archipelago, was the cause of inhabited the islands in the Bahamian this increase. archipelago at the time of European contact Besides the spatial proximity to (Sauer 1966). Juan Ponce de Leon’s Hispaniola, another factor played a role in comment is consistent with other the depopulation. Lucayans were found to ethnohistoric sources [(Anghiera 1970; Las be excellent divers, probably because of Casas 1951), but see Gnivecki (1995) for a their experience in diving. On the list of later accounts of Europeans and north coast of Venezuela, pearl diving was a Lucayans in the Bahama archipelago], lucrative business and Las Casas mentioned suggesting that people indeed vanished from that Lucayans were sold for 25 to 40 times these islands in the decades after initial as much as ‘regular’ prices for slaves to be contact. worked in this industry (Las Casas 1951 in Slave raiding expeditions are Keegan 1992). High prices for Lucayan partially at fault for the rapid depopulation slaves must have attracted slave raiders to of the Bahamian archipelago. On the Bahamian archipelago and contributed to Hispaniola, initial economic efforts were the rapid decline of the native population on focused on agriculture and cattle husbandry the islands. (i.e. Crumley 1994; Deagan 1996), requiring Following these sources, the a significant input of labor. As Europeans Bahamian islands were empty when Juan granted themselves access to land on Ponce de Leon sailed for Florida. As Carl Hispaniola, economic production was halted Sauer (1966:160) noted: “The Lucayan by a lack of labor rather than land. Labor Islands were the first part of the shortages on Hispaniola increased the to become wholly depopulated, for which colonists’ interest in regions such as the the date 1513 seems acceptable. The Lucayan islands. Peter Martyr reported that ‘discovery’ of Florida by Ponce de Leon in as many as 40,000 Lucayan people were 1513 was, in fact, an extension of slave captured and brought to Hispaniola; a hunting beyond the “empty islands.” number likely reflecting a working Besides the removal for slavery, it is very population, excluding elderly and children likely that the European diseases that (Anghiera 1970; Cook and Borah 1971). affected populations elsewhere in the region The import of Lucayans into also decimated local Lucayan population. Hispaniola is also supported by population Sauer’s observation is, therefore, often taken

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink for granted by archaeologists. According to obtained from charcoal, the other two dates accepted knowledge, the year A.D. 1513 are from bone samples and all are calibrated marks the end of Lucayan people and at 2σ using CALIB 4.3 (Reimer, et al. 2009; culture in the Bahamian archipelago. Stuiver and Reimer 1993). The consistency After 1513 of three dates in reference to other dates Recent radiocarbon dates from Lucayan found at the site confirm that continuous sites, however, suggest a different picture, habitation occurred at the site from yielding 16th and even 17th century dates at approximately the beginning of the 14th the two sigma range (Table 1). One date century until the end of the 16th and maybe reported by Morsink (2012:231, Table 7.1) even the beginning of the 17th century. In and two dates reported by O’Day (2002:4, reference to ‘chronometric hygiene’ and the Table 1) for MC-6, a site located on Middle use of radiocarbon dates to interpret Caicos, provide a basis for the argument that habitation histories (see Fitzpatrick 2006), people inhabited the Turks & Caicos after the large (and growing) number of late A.D. 1513. These three dates (cal AD 1473- calibrated dates from other Lucayan 1636, cal A.D. 1430-1530/1560-1630 and settlements provide a good indication that cal A.D. 1460-1660) extend beyond the local populations existed after A.D. 1513. A.D. 1513 mark. The first two dates are

Table 1. List with radiocarbon dates from Lucayan sites that postdate 1513. First five dates are retrieved from duhos and the sixth date is from a paddle. Other dates were retrieved from excavated materials.

Site Reference Radiocarbon date Cartwright Duho Cave, Ostapkowicz et al. 2012 cal. AD 1430-1491 and 1602-1610 Mortimer’s, Long Island Cat Island (San Salvador) Ostapkowicz et al. 2012 cal. AD 1435-1515 and 1600-1618 Cat Island (San Salvador) Ostapkowicz et al. 2012 cal. AD 1454-1529 and 1544-1634 Spring Point Cave, Ostapkowicz et al. 2012 cal. AD 1437-1516 and 1598-1618 Caicos Islands (?) Ostapkowicz et al. 2012 cal. AD 1440-1522 and 1578-1581 and 1591-1620 Cave, Mores Island, Ostapkowicz et al. 2012 cal. AD 1436-1511 and 1601-1616 Abacos Palmetto Grove, Berman and Gnivecki cal. A.D. 1430-1654 San Salvador 1995:429 (cal. A.D. 1483 intercept) North Storr's Lake, Delvaux 2009 in Berman cal. A.D. 1400-1515 AND San Salvador 2011: table 7.4, 124-125 cal. A.D. 1585-1625 (cal. A.D. 1435 intercept) North Storr's Lake, Delvaux 2009 in Berman cal. A.D. 1430-1670 San Salvador 2011: table 7.4, 124-125 (cal. A.D. 1515,1585, 1625 intercept) Pigeon Creek, Berman & Hutchinson cal. A.D. 1435-1635 San Salvador 2000: Table 3, 422 (cal. A.D. 1480 intercept) Gibbs Cay, Grand Turk Sinelli 2010:161 cal. A.D. 1490-1680 (1620 intercept) MC-6, Middle Caicos O’Day 2002: Table 1, 4 cal. 1430-1530 and 1560-1630 MC-6, Middle Caicos O’Day 2002: Table 1, 4 cal. A.D. 1460-1660 MC-6, Middle Caicos Morsink 2012: Table 7.1, 231 cal. AD 1473-1636

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Native populations in the Bahamian this study, Lucayan-Spanish interaction may archipelago are identified primarily by the have lasted as long as a century. I suggest presence of Palmetto Ware (also known as that not all Lucayan islands were raided nor Palmettan Ostionoid pottery) in depopulated, butt a significant working force archaeological sites. This pottery is remained, at least the Turks & Caicos characterized by a red color, shell temper, Islands. Prolonged contact between Spanish and poor structural integrity (Hoffman 1967, and Lucayan groups, as evidenced by the 1970; Granberry and Winter 1995; see late radiocarbon dates, were intentional and Gerace and Winter, this volume). Although conscious. I propose here that certain imported wares, such as Meillacan communities prevailed in these islands after Ostionoid and Chican Ostionoid from A.D. 1513, resulting from a formal Hispaniola are also present at MC-6 in relationship between local communities and deposits yielding these early colonial (post- the Spanish. How this formal relation was European contact) dates (Keegan 2007; created and maintained will be explored Morsink 2012; Sullivan 1981), the here. abundance of Palmetto Ware (more than Prolonged Lucayan-Spanish 30,000 sherds (Sullivan 1981)) at the site interaction was driven by some (or several) argues for a strong presence of local groups incentive(s); otherwise the Lucayans would at this village. MC-6 was inhabited year- have been enslaved. Based on the Spanish round by people that were physically interests in the Americas, this incentive must connected to the Caicos islands, despite have had an economic basis and likely strong exchange relations with Hispaniola. focused on the exploitation of local Furthermore, the presence of Spanish resources and the exchange and artifacts at several sites in the archipelago transportation of these materials to Europe. (Gnivecki 1995, 2013; Keegan 1992) The new colonists were either reluctant or including the Long Bay site on San Salvador incapable of exploiting these resources (Hoffman 1987) and MC-6 on Middle themselves and left local populations on the Caicos (Morsink 2012; Sullivan 1981) and islands intact to ensure production. Through the recovery of Old World rats (Rattus exchange, a formal relationship was created rattus) from MC-32 (Keegan 2007:168) and maintained as long as the exchange confirm that Lucayan settlements were continued. The colonist relied on the present after Europeans arrived in the Lucayan production of resources, whereas region. The presence of these European the Lucayans relied on the exchange of artifacts and ecofacts must have been Spanish goods that were in demand. deposited after A.D. 1492 at the earliest, but In addition, the prolonged interaction later interactions and exchanges are more between Lucayans and colonists after A.D. likely. All archaeological evidence suggests 1513 also suggests that the transition to a that archaeologists in the region need to European economy took longer than conceive of a longer presence of native previously believed (cf. Gnivecki 1995; groups in the Lucayan islands (cf. Gnivecki Gnivecki 2012). Especially in the early 1995, 2013; Sinelli 2010). years after A.D. 1492, exchanges between As the historical record indicates, the the Lucayans and Spanish must have Spanish were active in the Bahama involved products that were in demand for a archipelago for several decades after A.D. local non-European, rather than a European 1492 (Gnivecki 1995), and, as I propose in market (cf. Deagan 1996). The products that

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Lucayans exchanged with the colonists must of a ball court, but soon realized the two have been for a large part similar to the alignments were not parallel to each other. products they exchanged with people on After further analysis, he found that these Hispaniola before the Europeans arrived. alignments pointed to the rising and setting Early colonial economic production locations of important stars and practices and exchanges were based on constellations on the horizon, including previously known social structures; Sirius, Orion, and the sun. People at MC-6 structures that were in place before the used these alignments to observe the Spanish arrived in the region (cf. Keegan movements of these celestial bodies. The 2004). These earlier interactions, economic special stone structures and high density of practices, and exchanges provide a new artifacts strongly suggest that MC-6 was an avenue to explore late precolonial important regional settlement. interactions and practices before the Sullivan (1981) related MC-6’s European colonists arrived in the region. importance to its proximity to Armstrong Pond. Armstrong Pond is 1.6 km long and MC-6 and Armstrong Pond located 600 m northeast of MC-6. A road MC-6 is an archaeological site made of two stone lines connected MC-6 to located on the southern coast of Middle this pond, strengthening this hypothesis. Caicos, Turks & Caicos Islands (Figure 1). Armstrong Pond’s water is salty and during This site provides a possible explanation for the hot and dry months of late spring and why and how native groups in these islands summer, evaporation is so high that salt were interacting with the Spanish and how crystals are formed and salt can be collected. these formal relationships were created and The physical connection between the pond maintained. The site was first recognized in and the site by a road underlines how the early 20th century by Theodoor de Booy important the pond was for MC-6. (1912; 1913), but archaeological research Salt is an important economic began in earnest in the 1970s by Sullivan resource in the precolonial and colonial (1981) who found it during a regional Caribbean (Morsink 2012). People need a survey focused on settlement patterns. daily intake of salt to survive, especially in Because of the high density of artifacts and the hot and humid . Further, salt extraordinary layout of the site, Sullivan provides one of the few ways to preserve (1981) invested a significant amount of foods in the Caribbean. In contrast to the attention to it. He surveyed most of the high demand, supply is limited. Conditions surface, produced a detailed map of all necessary for excessive evaporation of water structural features using a transit, and to produce salinity levels high enough for excavated small test units. the formation of salt crystals are relatively The most significant find was related rare and natural production of salt occurs to the site’s spatial layout (Figure 2), which only in a few places. Especially locations contained features that had not been inland, such as central Hispaniola, are encountered elsewhere in the Caribbean removed from salty sea water and often lack region. First, two midden areas are arranged local resources of salt. These locations must in an oval shape around a flat central plaza. have accessed salt through exchange with On top of these middens, conical stone other people. structures were built into the midden Sullivan (1981) perceives the dietary deposits. Further, multiple stone alignments need for salt to be an important factor why were placed in the middle of the plaza. salt was exploited at MC-6. Keegan (2007), Sullivan (1981) first interpreted these as part however, argues that the preservative

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink qualities of salt are more important. People argument. These dates from secure Lucayan living at MC-6 also had direct access to the contexts overlap with the early European Caicos Bank and a steady supply of protein period of occupation and suggest that from marine resources. Data from the north European colonists and inhabitants of MC-6 coast of Haiti shows that local fishes on the interacted, possibly as long as a century. north coast of Hispaniola decreased in size Economic production at MC-6, therefore, due to overfishing in the last centuries might have been focused on a European before contact (Keegan 2007). With the market. The case-study of MC-6 can be used paucity of other large terrestrial fauna for to understand why and how local native proteins on Hispaniola, a steady supply of groups remained in the Bahamian fish was necessary to maintain large archipelago long after the Spanish secured a populations on the island. Keegan (2007) strong presence in the Caribbean region. argues that the combined export of salt and fish as salted fish to these inland locations Salt, Fish, and Cotton on Hispaniola elevated MC-6’s status in Besides salt, people of MC-6 also regional exchange networks. exploited fish and likely cotton (Keegan Keegan (2007) assumed that 2007; Morsink 2012). In colonial times, salt Armstrong Pond was producing salt when production was a major economic endeavor people inhabited MC-6, just as it does today, in the Turks & Caicos Islands, the Bahama but these salt ponds are dynamic Islands, and elsewhere in the circum- environments and can change rapidly. Caribbean region (Andrews and Mock 2002; Current conditions cannot be taken for Carlson, et al. 2009; Dever 2007; Kepecs granted. Recent investigations determined 2004; Kurlansky 2003; McKillop 1995; the availability of salt when people were McKillop 2002; Mitchell 2009; Morsink living at MC-6 (Morsink 2012). Cores and 2012; Sealey 2006). Fishing is still a radiocarbon dates from the salt pond were significant part of local economies, compared with the site’s occupation history. especially on the large fertile banks that are This research indicated that a significant plentiful in the region. Finally, the change in environment of Armstrong Pond Bahamian archipelago became known for its took place and salt was not always available. Sea Island cotton, a high quality cotton Around A.D. 1300, the pond became product that was renowned for its color, disconnected from a direct influx of water softness and strength (Cotton Counts 2012; from the Caicos Bank to the south. Mitchell 2009; Torres and Carlson 2011; Previously, the constant influx of water Yafa 2005). The combination of salt, fish prohibited salt production, but a barrier and cotton is, therefore, not necessarily between the pond and the sea allowed rates restricted to MC-6 alone and other of evaporation to exceed influx, increasing settlements in the Bahamian archipelago salinity levels to the point where salt crystals might have been involved in similar form. This natural change in the economies. environment of the pond coincides with the Salt was collected at Armstrong earliest habitation at MC-6, suggesting that Pond during times of the year that salt was people only settled the site after salt became available, namely late spring and summer. available (Morsink 2012). This data shows Sullivan (1981) collected the salt where the that salt played an essential role in the crystals formed along the western shore of decision to settle MC-6. Armstrong Pond. He suggested that small V- Three radiocarbon dates, mentioned and C-shaped stone alignments on the edge previously, are of particular interest for the of the pond were used to collect brine, a

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink thick solution of salt. At these locations, the to the soils, most likely to increase soil salt could drain and dry further. Recent fertility and water retention (Morsink 2012). observations on the Yucatan coast in Mexico These red soils are found in small pockets in also indicate that brine can also be collected the environment and are locally known as from the center of salt ponds because the high quality soils for gardens (Sealey 2006; crystals settle on the shallow bottom of the Shattuck 1905). The movement of these ponds (personal observation). Here, the soils into this area supports the interpretation brine was collected in larger heaps on the of a garden. That feral cotton still grows at shore where it was left to dry. Both practices exactly this part of the site seems hardly to are possible ways to exploit the salt from be a coincidence. Armstrong Pond. On a final note, it must be Fish was exploited on the Caicos emphasized that these economic endeavors Bank. This large and shallow marine bank of could only be successful if people possessed almost 3,000 km2 is full of marine resources. a strong corpus of indigenous knowledge Fish and conch were a significant part of the concerning how to exploit these resources. Caribbean diet, especially for protein The extraction of salt is very time sensitive requirements (Keegan 1992b, 1997, 2007). and labor intensive. Also, certain stone As animal protein from land animals is structures at the edge of Armstrong Pond almost negligible in the Bahamian suggest that people were managing the archipelago, marine resources were vital. influx of rain water that would decrease The faunal material from different field salinity levels (Morsink 2012). The success projects at MC-6 yielded a vast array of of fishing is tightly woven with knowledge marine species (Table 2), but Albula vulpes, how certain species behave, when they or bonefish, is especially apparent in the aggregate and which techniques are best for archaeological record based on MNI and capturing them. For example, bonefish NISP (Keegan 2007; Morsink 2012). The aggregate in large schools in spring faunal remains also showed a very (IIWINC 2013) and, with the use of fishing distinctive pattern, as cranial elements of nets, are relatively easy to capture during fish were more abundant than post-cranial these months. The exploitation of cotton elements (Keegan 2007). A possible involves knowledge of its growth explanation is that this pattern is a product requirements and maturation periods. Long- of the export of salted fish, where fish were term experience in the exploitation of all decapitated locally before they were salted. three resources, salt, fish, and cotton, The cranial elements were left at MC-6, increased its potential revenue and local while the remaining part of the fish was knowledge becomes an important asset in transported elsewhere (Keegan 2007; these economies. Morsink 2012). Cotton would have grown in fields or Spanish Interest in Salt, Fish, and Cotton gardens surrounding the site (Keegan 2007; Although Columbus’ first contact Morsink 2012). Feral cotton still grows at with native populations in the Americas was the site on the edge of the salina, in a in the Bahamian archipelago, this region is location that Keegan (2007) argues to be the largely neglected during initial colonization garden area of MC-6. Excavations from this efforts in the Caribbean. Besides the area did not yield any evidence of habitation aforementioned slave raiding (Craton 1986; or midden deposits (Keegan 2007) and soil Sauer 1966), the region was actually samples from this part of the site indicated perceived ‘useless’ (Anghiera 1970). The that people introduced nutrient-rich red soils islands’ infertile soils and relative dry

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink made agriculture difficult and other words, the use and value of salt was unprofitable and the Spanish did not long established in Europe long before the establish any permanent residence in the Spanish arrived in the Caribbean islands. islands during the initial stages of The colonists’ interest in salt is also colonization. documented in the Caribbean region and In reference to the exchange of historical evidence is available from Puerto materials from these islands, the Spanish Rico. These documents also show that was would only be interested in these three part of the native Antillean economy before economic products (salt, fish and cotton), if the Spanish arrived in the region. In these products also had value in Europe for southeastern Puerto Rico, the local chief two reasons. First, the Spanish economy was Agüeybaná traded over 80,000 kg of salt based on extraction of highly valued over a 5 year period between 1516 and products that were transported back and 1520. Other caciques from southern Puerto integrated into the European market. Rico traded vast amounts of salt as well, Second, the value of products is interlinked particularly from the area known as with its known purposes and uses (i.e. Munn ‘Salinas’ (Tanodi 2009). Furthermore, 1986). This means that products were administrative documents mention that considered to be of value by the colonist, if Agüeybaná personally owned the salt and they were familiar with these products and the salt works (Tanodi 2009). Second, the knew their function. It is, therefore, vast amount of salt that was traded must reasonable to accept that the colonists have been a surplus beyond local needs. It is exploited and exchanged resources with unlikely that the Spanish were capable of known uses, rather than focus on new and establishing such a large economic endeavor unfamiliar products which had no known with limited knowledge of the local function. If salt, fish and cotton were also environment and geography so soon after known products to the colonists and used in initial contact without indigenous help and Europe, then exchange with the Lucayans is know-how. The production of almost 16,000 more likely. kg of salt per year must have been based on Salt, as a raw product, was years of experience before the Spanish considered a valuable by the Europeans. The arrived in the region. human dietary need for salt was a problem Fish, the second economic resource, in large parts of Europe that lacked good was a common source of protein in Europe. local sources and very few people had Especially in coastal regions, fisheries were access to cheap and/or high quality salt common and fishing was a vast economic (Kurlansky 2003). Further, salt was a major endeavor. Practices of salting fish and other economic product on the European market sources of proteins were also long for many millennia before 1492. established. Salted fish and meats, such as Archaeological evidence shows that people hams from Italy, , and , mined salt as early as the Bronze Age in salted herring from the North Sea, or salted Hallstat (Hall means salt in Celtic) and other cod caught and processed by the Basques of locations in Austria and Germany (Grabner, northern (Kurlansky 2003), are only a et al. 2007; Kurlansky 2003). Roman few examples. The use of salt as a soldiers were paid in salt, which is also the preservative for otherwise perishable items origin of the word salary (Kurlansky 2003). was not new to the Europeans. The colonists Kurlansky (2003) also suggests that the brought salted goods, including fish and Romans specifically targeted regions for meats, brined olives and other resources on conquest that had access to salt resources. In their long-distance voyages to the Americas

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink to ensure food supplies during their weeks extraction economy in the Americas. But on the ocean. European colonies were not established in The incorporation of salted fish did the Turks & Caicos Islands until relatively not require a complete change in cuisine for late, namely after 1670s by Bermudians and the Europeans, facilitating the incorporation by Loyalists in the 1780s (Kozy 1983). of resources from into their When colonists finally established diet. Salted fish also became a common permanent settlements on these islands, their slave food and today it is highly desired by economy focused on the extraction of salt many Afro-Caribbean inhabitants and cotton. An explanation for this pattern is (Kurlansky 1997). Both the colonizers and that for Spanish colonists that settled the native population were familiar with Hispaniola, it was more profitable to trade salted fish and its value as a reliable source these products with the Lucayans that kept of protein. A continuation of production and exploiting these resources on the islands, exchange of this product is, therefore, instead of establishing colonies in the expected. Bahamian archipelago and producing and Cotton, the third product, caught the extracting these resources themselves. immediate attention of Europeans visiting There are good reasons why the the Bahamian islands. Columbus, during his Spanish never established local settlements. first voyage, noted that cotton was a major For example, Sinelli (2010) points out that industry in the Lucayan islands. He was the Spanish ships were incapable of intrigued by the quality and quantity of navigating the shallow waters and dangerous cotton grown here and reports gifts of 25 reefs located near the islands of the Bahama lbs. of raw cotton balls in the Bahamas and archipelago. The banks and reefs were production capacities of 184,000 kg per field obvious threats to the large ships. Columbus on Hispaniola (Dunn and Kelley 1989:71, mentions in his diary that these waters were 89). The attention he pays to cotton unsafe and difficult to navigate (Dunn and throughout his diary suggests that this item Kelley 1989). The reefs and shallow water was of considerable value (Berman 2011a). restricted the Spanish from exploring and Indeed, cotton was a major product on the exploiting these waters and, for example, European market in the fifteenth and one of Ponce de Leon’s ships wrecked in the sixteenth centuries. For example, fiber, Bahamas in 1513 (Craton 1986:44). The including cotton from Turkey, accounted for problematic navigation would have also 60-70 percent of the total value of products restricted communication between different imported to Genoa, one of the major trade Spanish settlements on different islands ports at that time (Mazzaoui 1981:47). within the region, posing another difficulty Hence, salt, salted fish, and cotton were all after islands had been settled. The lack of resources that were known to and were in fertile soils and low precipitation made demand by the Europeans. agriculture, and therefore sustainable European settlements, difficult. These The Continuation of a Native Economy natural elements might have kept the Why, then, did the colonists not have Spanish from settling permanently on these a more sustained and visible archaeological islands. presence on islands in the Bahamian In respect to navigation, the native archipelago? The products, salt, salted fish, canoes, on the other hand, were specifically and cotton, were obviously valued by the developed for this environment. People in Europeans. Cotton, salt, and salted fish fit canoes could navigate these waters without right into the widespread European serious problems. Further, canoes can make

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink landfall almost anywhere. In the case of relation to these other fishes suggests that MC-6, bordering the Caicos Bank on the fishing practices were intensified during this south side of Middle Caicos, canoes had a high season. Finally, today, cotton is planted definite advantage over Spanish vessels. In before the wet season starts in May. Cotton fact, the Caicos Bank acted a natural defense seeds need moisture to germinate, but after mechanism that protected MC-6 from large germination actually need very little water to Spanish vessels. grow. This means that gardens and fields There are several more factors that were prepared, soils tilled and seeds planted were problematic for the Spanish. These in the last months of the dry season. Harvest factors could have been perceived to be of takes place between the end of August and such gravity, that colonization efforts were October (Cotton Counts 2012) (Figure 4). abandoned. First, the seasonality of salt, The local economic practices have, fish, and cotton formed a restriction as therefore, a very specific seasonality people would be disconnected from (Morsink 2012). Hispaniola for a large part of year. Second, Exchange of salt, fish and cotton the Spanish lack of knowledge of local took place in the off-season, between resources and how to exploit these resources October and February. It is reasonable to posed another problem. These factors acted assume that people focused on the as strong limitations to the Spanish, but in a exploitation of salt and did not participate in social rather than a natural sense. I will long-distance exchange voyages during the explain here how these limitations formed a times that salt was available at the edges of social barrier for the Spanish, which in Armstrong Pond. The same holds true for effect allowed native groups to persist in the the times that cotton production required Bahamian archipelago. labor. As the production of salt, fish and The exploitation of salt, fish, and cotton require labor between February and cotton is seasonal. The high season for the September, long-distance voyages were production of salt is a four-week period in postponed during these periods if possible. July and August, but salt can also be The period when long-distance voyages took collected for a few weeks before the rains place coincided with the time of the year start in May (Morsink 2012; Sullivan 1981). when hurricanes were not expected, In the Yucatan, salt is also harvested during October/November to January/February. the rainy season between May and July. The time that economic practices demanded During the weeks before the rains, a salt less labor at MC-6 was also the perfect time crystalizes and deposits at the bottom of the to plan long-distance oversea trips when ponds. This crust of salt on the bottom does calmer weather patterns prevailed and not disappear during the rainy season and storms posed little threat. extraction continues in these months Spanish people interested in the (personal observation, 2012). The colonizing the Bahamian archipelago in abundance of bonefish, the most commonly order to exploit these resources, had to caught fish at MC-6, is also seasonal. conform to these specific seasonalities and Although bonefish are available year-round, were physically bounded by remaining in they are more abundant and in larger groups the islands during these labor intensive on the flats during March, April and May. In months. However, the seasonality of the the summer months, bonefish occupy the European economy had a complete different flats only in the morning, but seek deeper focus. This economy centered on the and cooler waters during the day (IIWINC extraction of resources in the Americas and 2013). The abundance of bonefish in their transport back to Europe. Hurricanes

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink and tropical storms had to be avoided at all social boundary for the Spanish to settle the costs during these long crossings. The safest Turks & Caicos Islands. period to travel for the Europeans was in the The second point has to do with the months before June and after October importance of local knowledge. Although (Figure 5). This is important in relation to the exploitation of salt, produced through the economic practices at MC-6. During the natural evaporation, might have been times that one can sail back and forth relatively easy at certain places, many between Europe and the Americas, locations are at least partially managed to economic practices involved in the ensure production. In locations where salt exploitation of salt, fish and cotton at MC-6 did naturally produce, management of the demanded a significant investment of labor. salt pond might have significantly increased The off-season at MC-6 did not coincide production. In both cases, experience and with the preferred time for trans-Atlantic knowledge of the production process voyages. increased revenues. But local knowledge The presence of Spanish vessels in was not limited to salt production. The the Bahamian archipelago is also not capture and harvesting of bonefish is a expected during the hurricane season. The specialized activity and it is expected that Turks & Caicos Islands have very few deep people with experience were far better and protected harbors, which posed another fishermen than new colonists who were serious threat to these vessels when unfamiliar with these new fishes and their hurricanes would hit these islands (Figure behavior. Finally, cotton production depends 3). Between the end of June and September, on local knowledge as well, including these islands were likely avoided. This techniques to increase soil fertility, time of meant that local salt could not be exploited, planting and harvesting, and the practices unless people were willing to physically and involved in the manufacture of cotton socially distance themselves from other products. Colonists were unfamiliar with at colonies. least some of these procedures, creating As a result, economic exploitation of another social and technological limitation resources at MC-6 would require colonists that inhibited them from engaging in these to permanently settle MC-6 (or other economies. The fact that most early locations with similar access to salt, fish and colonists initiated economies that were cotton) and become partially alienated from familiar to them, including the raising of Hispaniola and Europe. In order to exploit pigs, chicken and other live-stock that were local resources, Europeans were bound to not native to the islands, underlines this the island for a large part of the year. The point that new colonists shied away from lack of protected harbors forced the Spanish adapting local economic practices (i.e. to move ships from the region during Crumley 1994; Deagan 1996; Deagan 2004). hurricane season, leaving colonists that I propose that some Lucayan villages, such remained in the islands without the as MC-6, were left alone during slave- possibility to travel. This might not have raiding parties and treated differently. In been a situation in which new colonists were fact, groups of Lucayans might have been willing to live, as they preferred the security instrumental in the raiding of slaves in the of contact with other colonies. The islands, by way of canoes, as Spanish incompatibility of seasonal labor vessels were unsuited for large scale raiding requirements and the risk of losing a ship expeditions in these shallow waters (Sinelli during a hurricane both functioned as a 2010). The slave-raiding expeditions would have a positive effect on MC-6 as well, by

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink capturing local enemies in the region and production. Because social relations selling them to the Spanish the competition between Lucayans and Spaniards were could be eliminated. In this way, the slave essential to continue a healthy economic trade reflected the African slave trade, relation, products had to be exchanged where powerful local groups traded other between the two groups at relative equal native peoples with the colonists. value. If these products were not exchanged The archaeological record in the at approximately equal value, one group Bahama archipelago suggests that would discontinue exchange. Cooperation significant differences existed between and mutual understanding was vital for the people and settlements and Lucayan people continuation of this exchange. In other cannot be perceived in one way. Settlements words, the relationship between Lucayans range from small to relatively large and and Spanish were relatively positive as long from seasonal or short-term camps to as the interaction continued. permanent habitation sites (Berman 2011, On Hispaniola, however, European 2013; Berman and Gnivecki 1995; Keegan colonists settled relatively soon after 1985, 1992a, b, 1997, 2007; Keegan and Columbus’ first voyage to the Americas. Maclachlan 1989; Sinelli 2010; Sullivan Columbus’ second voyage in 1493 already 1981; Vernon 2007). Also, differences in included 17 ships and approximately 1500 artifact assemblages, including imported colonists that intended to stay on Hispaniola pottery from Hispaniola and high status (Sauer 1966). The economy of these true Spanish artifacts, indicate differential access colonists relied mostly on imported goods, to material wealth (Berman 2000; Berman such as cattle and . Strong social 2011; Berman 2012; Berman and Gnivecki relations with the local population were 1991; Hoffman 1987; Keegan 1992; Keegan unnecessary to maintain cattle and 1997; Keegan 2007; Morsink 2012; Sullivan sugarcane production. Earlier peaceful 1981). It is, therefore, possible that relations are mentioned in the chronicles and important local centers, including but not the Spanish and natives exchanged products limited to MC-6, made a profit, real and/or and interacted amicably. These relations in the form of protection from being quickly changed (Wilson 1990). One of the enslaved, from selling captives to the reasons why these relations changed quickly Spanish and simultaneously reduced the is the lack of an incentive to exchange competition for the economic production of locally, creating a tense social arena where salt, fish, and cotton elsewhere in the native populations and Spaniards opposed region. each other. The exchange pattern described Spanish-Lucayan Interaction above provides an explanation why Spanish- On a final note, the Spanish-Lucayan Lucayan interactions maintained positive, interaction was of a different sort than the whereas native-colonist relations on interactions between native groups and Hispaniola deteriorated soon after 1492. Spaniards on Hispaniola. In both locations, Colonists were interested in the resources social relations between natives and the produced by inhabitants of MC-6, but did Spanish were created through the exchanges not participate in the production of these that took place between them. Differences in resources. This combination, the economic exchange patterns would also create interest without the incentive to produce different social relations and interactions. In these products, required strong reciprocal the Caicos Islands, the Spanish were relations and enabled some native groups in dependent upon the local population for the Bahamian archipelago to maintain

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Spanish-Lucayan Interactions Morsink friendly relations with the Europeans. This exchange patterns and social relations scenario also explains how certain groups of evolved in the early years after Spanish Lucayan people occupied the islands for a colonization of the Antilles. As these longer period of time than what we Spanish-Lucayan interactions were based on previously expected. Antagonistic feelings former economic, social and political between natives and colonists were structures present in the region before the suppressed to ensure production and arrival of the colonists, this research also exchange and friendly relations were emphasizes the role of salt, fish, and cotton maintained, allowing people to remain on in precolonial economies. The continued their lands. exchange of products from MC-6 to Spaniards on Hispaniola followed routes Conclusion that were established before 1492. Keegan The common assumption that no (2007) and Morsink (2012) argue that MC-6 Lucayan populations lived in the Bahama was directly linked into a social network of archipelago after 1513 must be dismissed, as exchange with chiefdoms on Hispaniola. the historic record and recently secured Producing local materials and exchanging radiocarbon dates suggest the presence of a them with people on Hispaniola was already local population in the archipelago after this institutionalized long before the Spanish particular date. This article argues that the arrived in the region. People at MC-6 did presence of local groups and the evidence of not have to change their strategies or exchange can be explained by a continuation implement a new exchange network, but of precolonial economic practices, involving were only changing exchange partners. It the exploitation of salt, fish, and cotton. was, therefore, relatively easy to adapt to Archaeological evidence from MC-6, this new situation. a large settlement on Middle Caicos, This also shows that studies about indicates that these three products were the this early colonial time period can provide main economic focus of this particular site. valuable data on precolonial social However, the environmental conditions structures. Rather than understanding the throughout the islands favor the production colonization as a strong and hard break with of all three items, and other sites might have the previous period, an emphasis on engaged in similar economies elsewhere in continuation allows archaeologists to project the region. social structures from this early colonial Salt, fish, and cotton were known to, valued period back in time. In this case, and needed by the European colonists, but archaeological and historical documents environmental and social limitations kept both informed how salt, salted fish, and them from exploiting these resources cotton were a vital element in precolonial themselves in the Lucayan region. Instead, communities in the Bahamian archipelago. local groups remained in the islands, Studying this vital time period, the first continued their economy and exchanged decades after the Europeans arrive in the with these new colonists. The archaeology region, from historical and archaeological of MC-6 provides an excellent example how data will provide important perspectives that Spanish-Lucayan interaction might have will increase our understanding of functioned. This article introduces new precolonial and colonial social structures. evidence and explores the way these

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Acknowledgements. I thank Bill Keegan and Mary-Jane Berman for their remarks on previous versions of this manuscript. I thank Katrien Janin for her help with the French abstract. All errors are my own. ______

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