ANTON DE KOM UNIVERSITEIT VAN SURINAME Institute for Graduate Studies & Research
ACTIVE CITIZENS FOR DEMOCRACY IN SURINAME
Paper submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Research Methods
Rayah Bhattacharji September, 2013 CONTENTS
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ABSTRACT
INTRODUCTION ...... 1
CHAPTER 1: THEORETICAL REVIEW ...... 5 1.1 Notions of citizenship...... 5 1.2 Citizenship & democracy ...... 8 1.3 Citizenship and volunteerism in crisis? ...... 9 1.4 Characteristics of active citizens ...... 10 1.5 Transfer of active citizenship ...... 12
CHAPTER 2: ACTIVE CITIZENS IN SURINAME ...... 15
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ...... 19
CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ...... 23 4.1 Formative experiences...... 23 4.2 Values, attitude, knowledge and skills ...... 31 4.3 Citizenship acts and strategies...... 35 4.4 Enabling factors and challenges ...... 38 4.5 Role of politics and government ...... 41 4.6 Views on citizenship and the ‘citizenship crisis’ ...... 43 4.7 Geographical differences...... 45
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 47 Recommendations ...... 49
REFERENCES
ANNEX 1: TOPIC GUIDE AND INTERVIEWERS INSTRUCTIONS ANNEX 2: CODE LIST PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My application essay for the Masters course in Research Methods centered on the role of curiosity in everyday life, schooling, work and particularly in social research. I wrote: “In our endeavor to create a more democratic and fair society, it is of great importance to first understand in-depth how groups in our society think and behave. Curiosity and fascination with human behavior and with the drivers of cultural and social change are at the basis of the pursuit of this understanding through research.” It is therefore no small coincidence that the subject of my final paper is ‘active citizens and democracy in Suriname’. I have still only partly satisfied my curiosity on this subject, and hope to have many more opportunities to go more in depth in the future. My deepest gratitude goes to the special people in my personal life, who forgave my absence and absentmindedness, took care of me, and kept believing in me in times when I stopped believing in myself. Completing this course was a team effort, for which I thank my fellow students. We kept each other motivated and we supported each other through each challenge we faced. Thanks go out to all research participants for their willingness to participate in the study, as well as their permission to use the interview data for more than their original intended use. I also thank my primary employer Projekta for its permission and support using its study data and subject for this paper, as well as granting me flexible working hours so that I could attend classes and do field work, and allowing me and my fellow students the use of the office meeting room for many a weekend and late night study session. Thanks also to colleagues Rachel Groenefelt and Charissa Berrenstein for their support in data collection, transcription and analysis for the preliminary study for this paper. Final thanks go to my supervisor Jack Menke and reviewer Jaïr Schalkwijk for their swift, critical and constructive feedback.
As a conclusion to this preface and a kick-off to the subject matter at hand, a fitting quote by anthropologist Margaret Mead (1901 - 1978):
Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world; indeed, it is the only thing that ever has.
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ABSTRACT
Citizens and civil society organizations fulfill myriad functions in democracy, through the exercise of citizenship: altruistic and socially engaged behavior. Definitions of citizenship range from traditional western notions referring to membership status of a nation-state to notions referring to socially and ecologically holistic vision and action. Previous studies show a low level of active citizenship in Suriname, which is a concern for democracy and the participation of civil society. This cross-sectional qualitative study, based on a purposive and snowball sample, describes and explains values, knowledge, attitudes and skills of active citizens, focusing on how these were developed, and their enabling factors and challenges. Results show that the first seeds of active citizenship are often planted in childhood, with parents as central role models. Most active citizens start at an individual level, slowly grow to a grassroots / community level, and in some cases a professional organization (NGO) level. Core values and attitudes are perseverance and respect, standing up against injustice. Skills and knowledge that participants deem important are continuous fieldwork, investing in relationships, and asking for help. Major support systems for citizenship development are the training and counseling activities of intermediate civil society organizations. Some major obstacles were the patronage and clientelism system, misunderstanding and distrust by communities and individuals, and shortcomings in government policy design, implementation and monitoring. The study recommends a multi-faceted approach to turn back the tide on the ‘citizenship crisis’, which calls for much more than the often-touted plea “just put it in the school curriculum”.
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INTRODUCTION
‘Democracy’ is a concept with a great theoretical diversity; there is no standard definition, applicable for all social sciences or for all countries. Some writers make a distinction between ‘minimalist’ and ‘maximalist’ definitions (Baviskar & Malone, 2004). Minimalist definitions focus on procedures such as fair elections, respect for human rights, and universal suffrage. In contrast, maximalist definitions include outputs of these processes, such as equality and social services. An example of a minimalist and maximalist definition is given in Menke (2003). He refers to political democracy as the political rivalry between people and political parties to gain positions of power within the state apparatus, via regular, free, and fair elections. In contrast, social democracy (a maximalist concept) focuses on moral aspects, and on issues such as social justice, human rights, social and economic equality and the environment. In this article, I refer to social democracy when using the word democracy.
Although the state (government, parliament, and judiciary) has an important role to play in democratic culture, it is mostly those outside the state (called ‘citizens’ in this study) who are the ‘guardians’ of democracy. As derived from the definitions above, a true democratic culture is a culture of (among others) respect for human rights and diversity, meaningful participation by individuals and groups in decisions that affect their lives, and of placing the well-being of the community and the environment next to or above one’s own interests. This is especially relevant in Surinamese society, which is characterized by a strongly centralized government as well as geographic, ethnic, economic, social and gender diversity and inequality. Unfortunately, as is indicated in the theoretical review, the current public culture1 in Suriname (and in many parts of the Caribbean) is characterized by a lack of altruistic behavior and apathy towards participation in decision-making processes. In informal and formal discussions with various intermediate non-government organizations, faith-based organizations, and community organizations, this pattern also emerges: a lack of volunteers in social organizations, a lack of donations by citizens to social work, a lack of community support and input for internal and external development initiatives, et cetera.
1 Public culture is defined as the normative context within which public life takes place. This context includes the ideals, beliefs, values, symbols, stories, and public rituals that bind people together and direct them in common action. This common action emanates from public culture, is a reflection of that culture’s ideals, and reinforces its normative boundaries. Source: website of the Institute for Advanced Studies in Culture, University of Virginia http://iasc- culture.org/publications_surveys.php. Accessed August 28, 2013
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In order to optimally realize the earlier described vision of a truly democratic culture, citizens would need to possess specific (‘civic’) values, attitude, knowledge and skills. The way that they develop these and use them to fulfill their role is not just dependent on personality factors, but also on environmental factors (social, cultural, political and other factors).
A concept that refers to the membership, identity and agency of citizens is ‘citizenship’. There is no one accepted definition of this concept. Many studies on the concept of citizenship are based on experiences and ideas in North American and European nation- states. In this view, ‘citizenship’ is a political status, and the experience of citizenship is primarily geared towards a smooth interaction between citizens and the state though existing participation mechanisms, within strict borders and limits. Only those who fit in the state structure and borders, have the right to have and to claim citizenship rights. The interests of groups such as women, youth, ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples were often excluded from theories on citizenship and on the relationship between citizens and the state. In recent years more and more critical and indigenous scholars and thinkers have added on to traditional citizenship theory, developing models and philosophies such as activist citizenship, and global or planetary (‘Gaian’) citizenship. These and other notions of citizenship are described in the chapter ‘Theoretical Review’.
With this study, I hope to gain insight in the applicability of these models and approaches in Suriname. This study also contributes to the existing body of knowledge on democracy, citizenship and participation in Suriname, building on the results of previous studies and reflections. This is not only relevant on an individual and a group level, but is also relevant for a better understanding of civil society in Suriname.
Civil society is also a concept which has multifarious definitions. Most of them are formulated to state what civil society is not, i.e. not the State and not the private sector. A detailed definition is given by the World Bank: “the term civil society refers to the wide array of non-governmental and not-for-profit organizations that have a presence in public life, expressing the interests and values of their members or others, based on ethical, cultural, political, scientific, religious or philanthropic considerations. Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) therefore refer to a wide of array of organizations: community groups, non-
Page | 2 governmental organizations (NGO’s), labor unions, indigenous groups, charitable organizations, faith-based organizations, professional associations, and foundations”2.
In a broad sense of the word, civil society is regarded as ‘everything that is non-state, non- commercial and non-family, and is established around common interests or values’ (Projekta, 2008: 4). A common characteristic is voluntary action by citizens working together in an organized manner (Projekta, 2008). The existence of active citizens and a culture of active citizenship are therefore crucial to the existence of civil society in general.
With the results of this study, civil society organizations can develop policy and projects to encourage active citizenship. This will contribute in turn to a stronger civil society, to counterbalance the dimensions of the State and the Economy. Government could also gain more insight in the barriers to citizens’ experience of and participation in policy making, although this is not a main point of the study.
The overall research objective of the study is to gain insight in the meaning and practice of altruistic and socially engaged behavior by individuals and groups involved in non- governmental social and development work and (non-party-)political participation.
In order to achieve the research objective, the following questions and/or issues are examined in this study: - What values, attitudes, knowledge and skills do altruistic citizens in Suriname possess? - How do they express and apply these values, attitudes, knowledge and skills? - What enabling factors contributed to the development and expression of these values, attitudes, knowledge and skills? - What challenges do they face to the expression of these values, attitudes, knowledge and skills? - What recommendations can be made to promote active citizenship in Suriname?
2 Source: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/CSO/0,,contentMDK:20101499~menuPK:244752~pagePK:2205 03~piPK:220476~theSitePK:228717,00.html. Accessed: June 06, 2013
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The relevance of the study lies in the concern of Surinamese civil society organizations for the future of civil society in Suriname, but also in a general concern about the type of society we could become.
This study is an expansion of a study done for Stichting Projekta, a non-governmental organization active in the field of governance, participation and gender equality, for the 5th annual Democracy Month in November 2012. The original study was not published academically, although a summary of results was given in the State of our Democracy Newsletter (Projekta, 2012) and a short video report was created (Projekta, 2012). The original study had a more limited theoretical framework. This study expands on the theoretical framework, and seeks to provide a more in-depth analysis of the data.
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CHAPTER 1: THEORETICAL REVIEW
In this chapter, I discuss various notions of citizenship, ranging from the traditional ‘membership’ approaches to the current expanded notions. Next, the link between citizenship and democracy is described, as well as some increasing concerns about a possible crisis in citizenship and voluntary action in the world. I then move on to a review of various characteristics often attributed to active citizens and the modes for transfer and development of active citizenship. These sections form the key framework for data analysis.
1.1 Notions of citizenship
For years, the concepts of citizenship, nationalism, democracy and the sovereign, territorial nation-state were inextricably linked. Citizenship was tied to the rights and duties of members of a nation-state. This nation-state was also considered the source for citizens’ common identity and nationalism.
In the last two decades, this notion of common and national identity has been increasingly criticized. The meaning and the application of citizenship around the world have been challenged by various factors: grassroots movements for popular empowerment, increasing transnational economic exchange and communication, and high levels of migration, cultural and social interactions (Leydet, 2011). Many of these factors or phenomena can be clustered under the heading of globalization: a set of processes for social change, including deterritorialization, extension and intensification of human activities and relations, and a growing awareness of living in a single global space (Monnier, 2010). In this study, I examine how these factors contributed to participants’ civic action, focusing on the rise of grassroots movements.
Worldwide, grassroots movements for popular empowerment arose in response to growing awareness that citizenship as a political membership has never been a neutral or all-inclusive condition; its privileges have not always applied to all persons equally (Belton & Morales, 2008). The nation-states capacity to deal with economic, social and environmental problems was also called into question (Leydet, 2011).
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At the same time, international organizations and international agreements have increasingly been the grantees of rights and privileges, even if states’ national legislation does not provide for these rights and privileges. These international networks often consist of governments and voluntary associations coalescing around a common ideology or conception of the good (Leydet, 2011). An example of contestation of the meaning of citizenship from within and from without the state is the rise of transnational indigenous peoples movements in the 1980’s and 1990’s, described by authors such as Belton & Morales (2008). This process has been studied extensively in Latin America. Yashar (2004) describes an ‘arc’ in citizenship regimes in Latin America, moving from corporatist citizenship regimes towards neoliberal ones. Corporatist citizenship regimes were based on (among others) the formal establishment of civil and social rights. Illustrative are land reform programs that provided land titles and material resources for the peasantry. Intermediation with the state was tightly structured, and based on class (e.g. formal unions, peasant associations). Social policies extended social rights through the provision of health care, education, subsidies, and the like. Because Latin American states had such an uneven capacity and could often not penetrate and control the wide expanse of national territory, this had unintended consequences and thus provided conditions for indigenous movements to rise up. Indigenous peoples enjoyed the basic rights granted to them (albeit unevenly), but were often out of the reach of state control, and could thus maintain their local decision making structures. This strengthened their community autonomy and collective identity.
However, economic constraints and pressure from economic elites soon eroded the corporatist regimes in favor of neoliberal citizenship regimes. The class-based model of interaction was replaced with more individual forms of state-society relations. Indigenous autonomy was further challenged by cutbacks in social programs, liberalization of land markets, and increased natural resource exploitation in the Amazon. As a consequence, indigenous movements were further spurred on to advocate for community rights, using the organizational capacity provided by extensive national and international networks, churches, NGO’s, and others. In some countries, such as in Bolivia, political association space also enabled indigenous movements to gain political power.
As described above, concepts of citizenship and citizenship movements have slowly been expanding from the grassroots to the national and then to the international level, where
Page | 6 boundaries between nation-states and membership of nation-states have become increasingly irrelevant. This study will examine if that process has occurred in Suriname, and if there is a difference in the development and experience of citizenship between urban and rural-interior areas.
For Carolan (2006), the notion of citizenship has expanded to such an extent, that we can now speak of ‘planetary citizens’ or ‘Gaian citizens’, those who are socially pluralistic and ecologically holistic in vision and action. A central concept in the rethinking of ideas of citizenship is dharma. The anthropologist Gary Snyder (1995, in Carolan, 2006) coined the term ‘dharma citizenship’. Originating in the Sanskrit, dharma is a manifold term implying law or living in accordance with principles of justice. This concept therefore has a strong emphasis on rights.
Andrzejewski (1998:7) even defines global citizenship as ‘knowledge and skills for social and environmental justice’. Within this concept of citizenship, citizens understand their responsibilities to others, to society and to the environment, and understand ethical behavior in personal, professional and public life.
A final notion of citizenship to be described here, is that of Universal Citizenship, ‘a model of universe-referent citizenship that places the universe, and all living and non-living life forces, as the primary value, source of existence and destiny for human existence’ (Arabena, 2006: 42). This indigenous citizenship model combines a threefold indigenous epistemology (mind, body and spirit), the five ontological spheres of the universe (land, water, air, life and mind), and four wisdoms (wisdom of indigenous people, women, science, and classical traditions). Within this model, the universal citizen is to have a capacity for nurturing, to be intrinsic to (and not dominant over) universal processes, to bring spirituality to the fore, to understand the fourfold wisdoms, and increase unity of physical systems of the earth. Although this model is less of a practically applicable model, and is meant more as an exploration of the ‘development of alternative understandings of all peoples social realities’ (Arabena 2006: 36), certain elements may be recognized in the participants experiences of citizenship.
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1.2 Citizenship & democracy
The expanding notion of citizenship is also linked to an expanding notion of democracy. As stated in the introduction, democracy is more than political democracy based on (among others) free and secret national elections; it also means that people can fully exercise their civil and political rights, that they can participate in matters that affect their lives, that government(s) is/are accountable and transparent, and that there is an equal distribution of power. In practice, the distance to this ideal is determined by the degree of political participation, the public awareness of policy formulation processes and of the impact of policies, the strength of the (party-political) opposition, the nature of community organizations, and the distribution of power in a country.
Democracy does not work if there are no active and engaged citizens at the basis of society. Citizenship implies that people act together to address issues of common interest, in order to maintain a democratic culture and to improve society. Truly democratic citizenship is therefore more than just voting for representatives.
Kueck (in Mehra, Singh & Kueck, 2003) links democracy, freedom and growth to processes of development and of supporting people to become self-confident and self-reliant as well as to strengthen their dignity and make them active in the service of their own interests and of the interests of their fellow citizens. Participation and self-help through voluntarism are considered two key elements for democracy.
Citizens act as the guardians of democracy, because they report abuses and hold policy makers accountable. They can do this individually or communally, through civil society organizations, advocacy groups, and other types of social organizations. Forbrig (2002) suggests five ways in which civil society can contribute to strengthening democracy: control of state power, interest mediation, social integration, political socialization, and service provision.
In discussing the role of individual citizens, Isin (2009) distinguishes ‘active’ citizenship from ‘activist’ citizenship. Active citizens are considered subjects, filling of the ‘container’ of the state. Active citizens commit routinized and institutionalized social actions, such as
Page | 8 voting and taxpaying. By contract, activist citizens commit acts of citizenship. For Isin, acts make a difference; they break routines, understandings and practices. “We can define acts of citizenship as those acts that transform forms (orientations, strategies, technologies) and modes (citizens, strangers, outsiders, aliens) of being political by bringing into being new actors as activist citizens (that is, claimants of rights) through creating or transforming sites and stretching scales.” In this study, particular emphasis is placed on acts of citizenship, although the term ‘active citizens’ is used to denote active and activist citizens.
1.3 Citizenship and volunteerism in crisis?
As stated in the introduction and as will be illustrated in the following chapter, Suriname is experiencing a deficit of altruistic and activist citizens. Various authors describe this same phenomenon in other countries, and have analyzed possible causes.
Goldfarb (1991, in London, s.d.) describes an increasing cynicism, as a result of increasing individualism. Kelman (1992, in London, s.d., s.p.) cites an overly competitive and adversarial institutional model as a factor. He cites a ‘political system [that] is designed to foster self-interest rather than cooperation’.
When describing this phenomenon in India, Samuel (in Mehra, Singh & Kueck, 2003: 71) points to the so-called ‘institutionalization of social action’. Social action signifies ‘a spectrum of voluntary action initiatives that seek to address social, political, economic, ecological and ethical issues in society’ (ibid.). He mentions major sociological shifts that propelled the institutionalization of social action, such as an accelerated urbanization process, the erosion of social spaces necessary to create enabling conditions for larger movement, and the explosion of individualistic careerism among the middle class. New institutional formations rose to occupy the spaces for social action that were previously occupied by individuals and small discussion groups. Samuel (ibid.: 72) explains this phenomenon by stating that ‘when there are relatively fewer people who are committed to a cause, institutional formations give more sense of continuity, efficiency and political security.’ He also describes the prevalence of highly individualistic leadership in many of these institutional formations, a phenomenon which possibly occurs in Surinamese civil society organizations as well. The next phase in the development of these
Page | 9 formations came as these institutions became successful in negotiating the macro-political arena and were increasingly funded by donor agencies.
Samuel (in Mehra, Singh & Kueck, 2003) also analyzes ideological shifts in the meaning of voluntarism and social action, and distinguishes four phases. The first starts out with voluntarism and social action based on ideological issues and searches for alternatives, then moving to a phase with a focus on concrete social issues and a sectoral approach, in which dealing with symptoms becomes more important than analyzing the cause. In this phase, experts and professionals are preferred over the ideological type. In the following phase, the focus shifts from broad issues to concrete geography (urban versus rural, micro versus macro level), and in the final phase attention is given to ‘how’ to achieve social action through operationally effective and efficient social action organizations.
The growing institutionalization of voluntary work in the form of NGO’s, as well as the increase in financial flows to these organizations, also raised some serious questions about the legitimacy of these organizations, their accountability to citizens they claim to work on behalf of, and their true measure of independence of local and donor government(s). Some organizations rely heavily on government funding, often through (inter)national NGO’s, or provide services to government, often working almost like consultancy firms (Paffenholz & Spurk 2006). In a sense, social action has been increasingly commoditized.
In this study, participants’ views on the ‘citizenship crisis’ and the institutionalization of social action, are described and analyzed.
1.4 Characteristics of active citizens
Citizenship is often associated with specific values, attitudes, knowledge and skills (Carolan 2006, Andrzejewski & Alessio 1998, Howe & Marshall 1999, Geissel 2008, Schulz et.al. 2008, and others). In this study, I describe these in a number of active citizens in Suriname. Definitions and descriptions below are compiled from the sources above.
Values are an indication of how people think things should be, or how people should behave. They indicate the worth or importance we attach to certain qualities, such as honesty. Values
Page | 10 that are often associated with citizenship are caring about others (especially those who are less fortunate), respect for others, respect for human rights, tolerance, belief in change (efficacy), belief in justice and seeing problems as challenges and not as a threat. The planetary concept of citizenship often seems at odds with Western notions of individualism (Capra, in Carolan 2006). Capra sees the solution in re-imagining ones role as a citizen, by understanding oneself as part of a network, locally and globally. Important here is an appreciation for the personal responsibility of being somebody and being somewhere.
An attitude shows how people express their beliefs and values through words and behavior. It is a fixed pattern of dealing with people and situations, based on the assumptions that people have. The words that people use to express their views are an expression of underlying values. In this study, there are some dimensions of ‘civic attitude’ that can be explored3. The first is the ‘political dimension’, for which research participants’ views on the role of government and of citizens in a democratic society, their views on the rights and duties of citizens, and their degree of confidence in government institutions, social organizations, and the media, as well as their views on the relationship between citizens and government are examined. The ‘community’ dimension contains research participants’ experiences with defending common interests, their views and experiences with social work / community work, their experiences with and attitudes on participating in community and national dialogue processes, and their views on social equality (concern for others who have less). The final dimension is the ‘individual’ dimension, where the extent and manner in which citizens are informed about political and social developments, their experiences with discussions about politics (at home, among friends, at school, at work, etc.), their views on the possibility for change (efficacy), and how participatory the person behaves at home, can all be subject of study.
Various skills are considered typical of active citizens, such as the ability to search for knowledge / information about political and social developments (reading, comprehension, etc.), the ability to make rational analyses and judgments based on this knowledge/information, and the ability to work in a structured and methodical manner. Other basic skills are those needed to organize / lobby (letter writing, public speaking, activity-
3 This is my own classification, based on literature study of documents mentioned on the previous page.
Page | 11 planning, working in teams). On a more emotional level, important skills are the ability to handle conflicts (in families, neighborhoods, etc.), the ability to bring diverse people together for a common purpose and a common interest, to set clear and realistic goals and requirements, to find creative solutions to problems, or to empathize with the situation of others and to assess their needs without being judgmental.
Civic knowledge refers to knowledge on civic and democratic principles and institutions (Toney-Purta et.al., in Schulz, 2008). Howe & Marshall (1999) emphasize the role of knowledge and knowledge creation in empowerment. People who are well-informed are less likely to depend on the opinions of others. In the Caribbean context, Howe & Marshall (ibid.) emphasize the importance of knowing about the colonial past and the struggle for self- realization by Caribbean peoples. They further cite Engle and Ochoa (1998), who list specific type of knowledge important to active citizenship. Some types of knowledge relevant in the context of this paper are: - Knowledge of the existence and workings of social institutions, such as family, religious institutions, legal systems, and government; - Knowledge of cultural differences in society and the world; - Knowledge history and the struggles of civilizations; - Knowledge of the major problems that confront society. In many cases, knowledge and skills operate in tandem. For example, knowing how an institution works is closely linked to the skill to access information from that institution.
1.5 Transfer of active citizenship
Active citizenship is imparted by upbringing, education, exposure to politics, public life and everyday experiences.
In the socialization at home (upbringing), there are some factors that may contribute to ‘raising’ of active citizens (Nieves, 2011, Schulz et.al, 2008): - If parents or guardians talk to their children about what is right and what is wrong in society, and discuss current political and social developments; - If parents / guardians themselves often follow the news (radio / TV), especially together with their children;
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- If parents or guardians also ask children their opinion; - If parents / guardians themselves volunteer, are politically active, or otherwise socially active, and especially if they bring their children along with them to activities; - If parents / guardians communicate openly and honestly with children; - If parents / guardians treat children with respect.
Within education, citizenship is transmitted in different ways, not just by special subjects such as social studies or government studies. Each teacher would encourage citizenship by engaging students in discussions about social problems, teaching students to think independently and express social criticism responsibly, encouraging students to actively participate in improving communities, recognizing students as capable citizens, developing a democratic / participatory classroom, and viewing knowledge as tentative, biased, and incomplete (Engle & Ochoa, in Grelle & Metzger 1996 & 2004). This study examines the extent to which participants had teachers with these qualities and, if so, how they experienced this, and what lessons they carried with them. Other studies (among others Claes, 2011) also found that a higher level of education is often associated with increased citizenship activity.
Transfer of citizenship values, attitudes and skills in public life can occur through participation in church activities, neighborhood organizations, youth organizations, sports clubs, social organizations, etc. An important aspect of this participation is the specific function of an individual within the organization (as a 'listener' or active). Other ways that public life can impart citizenship ‘lessons’ is through the presence of role models who act as mentors, and participation in hearings and other forms of policy dialogue.
The data analysis will show whether the participants had these (or other) experiences that could potentially have played a role in the development of their citizenship. How people perceive and process all these forms of 'political socialization' depends on their attitude and their personality (motivation, interest, etc.). International studies (Claes, 2011) show that gender also plays a role: during childhood, men and women have just as much interest in "politics", but at a certain age women’s interest stagnates, while that of men continues to rise. However, the difference in political knowledge between men and women remains small.
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The exercise of active citizenship is not an individual process, but is pre-eminently done together with others. The values, attitudes, knowledge and skills of other people surrounding the active citizen, also determine how citizenship is experienced. Culture and social and political structures and systems form the frameworks within which citizens express themselves. This study therefore also examines the external challenges and enabling factors that active citizens experience in exercising their citizenship.
Systems such as colonialism, patriarchy, racism, nepotism, clientelism and capitalism determine the distribution of power and the inequalities in ‘starting position’ that individuals and groups face when claiming their citizenship rights (Howe & Marshal 1999, de Munter & Salman 2009, Belton & Morales 2007).
To conclude this chapter, I include an illustration of the most important research concepts and how these concepts relate to each other. This illustration was developed during and after data analysis, when some of these concepts (such as ‘catalyst events’) were distinguished. This structure is therefore also used to present the research findings in Chapter 3.
Figure 1.1 Structure of key concepts and research results (schematic overview)
Challenges C i t i z e
Catalyst events R n o s
l h
Acts & Strategies e t n i i
n p o s e
f
Skills & Knowledge n e
p m o c o p t n i l o Public Life Attitude o e i l i t n i r e c s e v s
p e
&
Values & x d
“ e g
c p i o i e t h i v v z i s School e t e n r a n n e s m z m i r h t i e o i p c n F
t c r i
Home s i s Enabling Factors ”
Geography
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CHAPTER 2: ACTIVE CITIZENS IN SURINAME
Suriname has always known people who stood up against injustice and the status quo: from indigenous peoples who fought tooth and nail against colonial rule, to rebellious (ex-)slaves (such as Boston Band), to the indentured laborers who rose up against the cruel plantation owner James Mavor in Mariënburg, to Louis Doedel (often called the ‘father of Surinamese unions’). However, up until a certain period, many actions were often the actions of individuals, and not of organizations. Taking part in social and public life as part of civil society (i.e. organized citizenry) was long a ‘privilege’ of the elites, before and after emancipation. Slaves and indentured laborers had very little ‘social space’ (Schalkwijk in Menke 2004). Religion- related organizations were some of the first civil society organizations. At the beginning of the 21st century, many civil society organizations were primarily social-economic, such as funeral and savings funds, cooperatives, trade unions and professional associations (Schalkwijk 1986). As time passed, these organizations became more and more differentiated, ranging from social service organizations, to educational and cultural organizations, sports organizations and religious organizations. Starting around 1900, there was an increase in the number of organizations being established annually, from 9 per year between 1900 and 1945 to 48 per year between 1963 and 1984 (Schalkwijk 1986). According to Martin (2001), the growth of civil society in Suriname was stunted several times in the eighties and early nineties, due to the arrest and murder of sixteen civil society leaders in 1982, and due to various economic developments. Martin contended that an economic slump in the early nineties forced many people to take on two or more jobs to make ends meet, leaving little time for volunteer activities. He also refers to brain drain among especially young people and professionals as having a negative impact on civil society organizations membership.
Despite these obstacles, more and more civil society organizations were founded. There are little data on the number of civil society organizations in the last twenty years, as the legal registration commonly used for civil society organizations (‘Stichtingen’ and ‘Verenigingen’) were increasingly used by foreign nationals (often in order to purchase or obtain land), government agencies, consultancy firms, and commercial businesses, and not just by citizens groups. More than 23.000 ‘Stichtingen’ and ‘Verenigingen’ are legally registered, as of
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August 20134. Other attempts by government and civil society organizations to do an NGO or civil society registration have unfortunately not been very successful.
The growth in the number of ‘Stichtingen’ and ‘Verenigingen’ was in part possibly due to the willingness of foreign donors to channel funding through non-government channels (Projekta 2008). It was in the late 70’s and the mid-80’s that NGO’s in Suriname first came to be financed externally, many by “donor NGO’s” in the Netherlands, through the ‘Medefinancieringsprogramma’ (Pardi, 1993). External financing only increased in the 1990’s. A 2008 study by Projekta showed that the majority of organizations founded since 1990 also reacted to the overall decline in the socio-economic situation in Suriname, focusing on aspects of poverty alleviation, as well as access to services such as education and health.
Although a body of work exists on NGO’s in Suriname, there haven’t been many (published) studies on citizens’ participation in social life. Kruijer (in Schalkwijk, 1986: 130) claimed that in Suriname the participation level in civil society organizations ‘was not really high’.
Martin (2001: 174) echoed this sentiment, stating that civic participation “has traditionally been low because of the long history of dependence on the Netherlands, and partly because of economic and political factors. On the economic side, citizen involvement is more difficult for persons with lower incomes due to the costs of membership in certain organizations and the costs of transportation necessary to participate in certain activities. In tight economic times, volunteer work becomes more difficult. On the political side, some citizens have the impression that there is nothing they can do to change government and therefore, participation is useless. Though many citizens have strong opinions, few are active in seeking change. Many may belong to groups, but few actually participate actively.”
One recent study that did include aspects of citizenship is the AmericasBarometer: a multi- country, regularly conducted survey of democratic values and behaviors in the Americas, an initiative of the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) of Vanderbilt University5.
4 This information was provided by the Stichtingenregister of the Kamer van Koophandel en Fabrieken. (Telephone interview, August 13, 2013). 5 For more information, see: www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/history/php
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Suriname participated for the first time in 2010 and again in 2012, with a 2012 sample size of 1,492 individuals from all districts.
In this survey, community participation was measured by examining the frequency of attendance of meetings of religious organizations, parents’ associations, and community improvement committees or associations (Menke et.al. 2013). The answers to these questions were combined in a scale from 0 - 100, with 100 meaning very frequent participation in all types of organizations. The average score for Suriname was 18.0, lower than in most other countries in the Americas, as indicated in Figure 2.1 below.
Figure 2.1: Scores for Community Participation in Latin America and the Caribbean
The LAPOP study also showed that women participate more in community groups than men, but that the same percentage as men have a leadership role in the organization. Another notable trend is that higher educated respondents seem to participate slightly more in community groups than persons with a lower educational background. Of the respondents
Page | 17 that participated in community organizations, 12.9% said that they had a leadership role within the organization. This percentage is higher than in other countries in the Americas. The report gives no explanation for this regional difference, but does ascertain that higher wealth and higher education more often correspond with leadership roles.
The survey also looked at participation in political protests, citing previous LAPOP findings that “individuals who protest are generally more interested in politics and likely to engage in community-level activities, seemingly supplementing traditional forms of participation with protest” (Moseley, 2010 in Menke et.al., 2013). In recent years, Suriname experienced few political protests; it was thus no surprise that only 3.8% of respondents had participated in a demonstration or protest march in the last 12 months.
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CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY
In this chapter, I describe the nature of the study, the definition of the population, the sampling process, the methods and instruments used, as well as the process of data reduction and analysis.
The study is explorative and descriptive, using a qualitative strategy and a cross-sectional design, using data from 15 semi-structured interviews that were taken at a single point in time (November 2012), using a multi-stage (purposive and snowball) sample of active citizens.
Because of the nature of the study, there can be no statistical generalization of the findings, thus the prevalence of findings from the sample cannot be held to be equally true of the population from which the sample is drawn. Representational generalization is possible, but not absolute; it is not implausible that the phenomena found in the sample would not be found in the population, or that additional phenomena could be found in the population which are not present in the study sample. Although sampling, data collection and analysis methods aimed at descriptive or data saturation (more on that later in this chapter), one can never be fully sure that full saturation has been achieved.
The choice for qualitative research is a conscious decision, based on various philosophical assumptions and positions. The first is the ontological assumption that the study participants themselves are the only ones who can create and define their (subjective) ‘reality’ of being an active citizen. This assumption is closely related to an interpretivist epistemological position, with emphasis on understanding human behavior and ‘the subjective meanings of social action’ (Bryman, 2008: 16). This position led me to choose a flexible research design, using a method which allows me to continually adapt to new topics arising in the field.
The methods used are literature study and re-analysis of transcripts of fifteen face-to-face semi-structured qualitative interviews (taken with the use of a topic guide) that were part of a Projekta study on active citizens. I conducted five of these interviews myself, while the others were conducted by junior colleagues and field workers. The topic guide is included in Annex 1.
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Some topics of discussion are: - Childhood role models - ‘Social work’ and related activities by parents, siblings, and others - Motives for starting social work - Skills and knowledge - Obstacles and challenges - Relationship with government - Reflection The research population is ‘active citizens living in Suriname’, i.e. those citizens who are relatively well-known at community, regional or national level for their commitment to serving the interests of marginalized persons or groups or to human (and animal) rights and the environment in general. This choice reflects the broader notions of citizenship, in which citizens are not only responsible for each other and for the state, but also for other life forms and the wellbeing of the planet. As stated in the introduction, citizens are those outside the state and the (party-)political arena. Civil servants who do altruistic work as part of government mandate (as opposed to civil society) are therefore excluded from the study. Political party workers often do altruistic work as a part of political party propaganda, and are therefore also excluded. Not all civil servants and political party members are automatically excluded. Civil servants and political party members doing altruistic work which is not related to their government job or party work are included in the population. The unit of observation and analysis is the individual citizen, although in many cases the work of the individual participants can hardly be separated from the work of the organization they are a part of.
Because there is no sampling frame of this population, a first purposive sample was drawn using my own knowledge of the civil society sector in Suriname. I then expanded the sample using a snowball method, by asking some of these individuals as well as directors and field workers of various NGO’s that I work with to provide names of other potential participants. Although there are no clear-cut criteria for potential participants to be considered ‘active’ or well-known, participants’ fit was assessed by looking at (among others) their role in organizations, the amount of time spent doing voluntary work, their visibility in traditional press and social media, their reputation (as assessed by their peers), and the scope and impact of their work.
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A conscious effort was made to have the sample include participants from various districts, various types and sizes of organizations, and various types of voluntary work, as well as participants working individually (not as part of an organization). Although efforts were made to have the sample as inclusive as possible, the sample cannot be considered fully inclusive (symbolically representative) of the full diversity of all groups in the population.
The purposive and snowball sampling process resulted in an initial list of 40 organizations and individuals, of which 20 later turned out to be not part of the population as defined earlier, either because they were not as active as outsiders had deemed them to be, because they were civil servants working in their official capacity, or because most of their activities were undertaken as part of political party propaganda.
The final sample size of 15 participants is a result of two main factors. On the one hand, some potential participants were not available during the data collection period. This access failure was due to either illness, travel abroad or travel to the interior. On the other hand, a certain descriptive saturation in the data is noted: no new themes or concepts emerged after a certain number of interviews. I speak explicitly of descriptive saturation (also called data saturation), as opposed to theoretical saturation. Theoretical saturation is a term coined by Glaser and Strauss explicitly for use in classical grounded theory research. In this view, saturation indicates theoretical (conceptual) stability, i.e. that a theory has been created that can cope with changing situations, and where the core category accounts for as much variation in data as possible (Baker & Edwards, s.d.; Breckenridge & Jones, 2009). As my study follows a template analysis approach, I am more concerned with descriptive or data saturation, which occurs ‘when information occurs so repeatedly that the researcher can anticipate it and whereby the collection of more data appears to have no additional interpretative worth” (Sandelowski in Onwuegbuzie 2009; Saumure & Given in Onwuegbuzie 2009).
The final sample consisted of 10 women and 5 men, ranging in age from mid-forties to mid- sixties. Efforts to identify younger participants - either from my own network or those of colleagues and participants - were not successful. Most participants were founders or leaders of civil society organizations, which may account for the lack of younger participants.
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Three participants are from and work with indigenous and maroon communities in the interior, four in rural areas (a.o. Wanica, Nickerie), and the other eight are from and work mainly in Paramaribo (the capital city).
The data collection process itself went smoothly. Other than the few cases of access failure mentioned above, there was little or no hesitation by participants to permit interviewers to interview them. All interviews were recorded using either a digital voice recorder or the ‘Voice Notes’ function of Blackberry telephones, and transcribed into Word files. All participants were asked permission for the use of their transcripts for this paper; permission was granted. Some participants granted permission on condition of anonymity. Therefore, no names are used in this paper, and specific details which could be used to identify participants are adjusted.
Data were further processed using Atlas.ti 5.5 and manual coding. An initial list of (primarily descriptive) codes was developed, using a template approach, with the theoretical review and topic guide as starting points. For each code, descriptive criteria were developed, to aid in the data reduction process. Codes were also added during the coding process itself. A list of codes is included in Annex 2. After the initial data reduction, I moved on to a phase of pattern coding (where appropriate), defined by Miles and Huberman (1994: 69) as ‘grouping summaries of data segments into a smaller number of sets, themes or constructs’. For example, after initially sorting text into the code ‘value’, I extracted key words reflecting ‘values’ into a separate list. It then became apparent that there were two broad categories of values, values referring to the individual and his/her personality, and values referring to the social, organizational, national, or political context. The pattern codes were then used to structure the presentation of research findings.
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CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
This chapter gives an overview of the research results. The structure of the research results (and key research concepts) was illustrated earlier in Figure 1.1. In the first section,I describe formative experiences in participants’ childhood, youth and young adult life which they felt had contributed in some way to the development of their citizenship values, attitude, knowledge and skills. The next section (deals with the acts and strategies of citizenship that the participants undertake, as well as the values, attitudes, knowledge and skills that they deem important to the expression of these acts. The third section discusses enabling factors to citizenship acts, as well as challenges that the participants encounter. The fourth section discusses participants’ views on the role of politics and government, and the fifth section discusses citizenship notions and participants’ experiences and views with the ‘citizenship crisis’. The final section provides a short illustration of the differences between participants from and working in urban and rural- interior areas.
4.1 Formative experiences
4.1.1 Citizenship transfer and development at home For many participants, childhood was the period when they first saw or experienced citizenship acts. This occurred the most in the home, with parents or other family members. Core values were instilled in them by their parents, older siblings, or other relatives.
Most participants came from two-parent families. As described by participants, there was a significant difference in the roles of mothers and fathers. Mothers made the most impression by displaying qualities and behavior such as friendliness, helpfulness, working hard, providing food to others in need, putting the needs of others first, and helping people with their problems. These qualities had less to do with public acts of citizenship, but more with general values. Although not mentioned in the theoretical framework, all participants mentioned this as an important factor in their development.
“My biggest motivator was actually my dad. They don’t like me saying that it was my father, but she [my mother] was really a quiet woman. We were always active: we helped our dad, and he motivated
Page | 23 us to go to school and to learn a trade. My mother usually helped the neighbors, she could help; you could come and get food. She liked to give and give and didn’t worry. And I now see that I have the same thing.” Female youth worker
A few mothers were not only housewives, but were also part of women’s groups or did social work in the church or in their husbands’ organizations. Besides being an example and role model, they actively engaged children in their activities. This was done in various ways, such as taking them to meetings and activities of social associations or having them participate in clubs such as the Scouts, dance and music groups, or crafts clubs. The lessons learned from these mothers were slightly different than the lessons learned from those mothers that stayed at home, as shown in the following quote.
“My mother was very social. She went to schools and collected items. She fundraised, and often took me along. So I learnt what it was, social work.” Chairman of a neighborhood organization
"I know that my mom was an active and industrious woman, even up to now. She was also in groups. I remember, in [the village] you had a club where women could enroll to learn modern things. And she took us with her. She said: I learned this and this from a foundation, and it's really good if you join such things, because you can learn a lot. " Chairwoman of a village organization
In that sense, the mode of transfer of citizenship skills from this group of socially active mothers was closer to the experience that most participants had with their fathers. Qualities most associated with their fathers were authority and respect from the community, strictness, discipline and self-confidence. Many fathers were leaders of neighborhood organizations or village councils. They often involved their children actively in their work, taking them to public activities and meetings, and teaching them important skills, such as note taking, handling money, or marketing.
In general, both parents were known for their hard work, social engagement, and problem solving ability. A lesson they also imparted on their children was the importance of education, and ‘always doing your best’.
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Besides parents, grandparents also played a role in the transfer of citizenship. This was especially the case for participants from the interior and from rural areas. This may have to do with a more tightly-knit social and family structure in smaller communities and tribal communities in particular. Grandparents were most mentioned for the respect they commanded in the community, as well as their eloquence and helpfulness.
"My grandfather was chief of the village. That man would wake up in the morning, (...) he made his rounds through the village: goes to greet all the old people first, ask how they slept, and then we had the flag parade or morning prayers. And he stood there and after our morning prayer, he made sure: the children are at school, he goes back home. Only then will he have breakfast, and only then to his farmland. And at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the old men come to him to talk about matters of the village. When the man then went to church on Sunday morning, he had always 5 minutes after the pastor’s sermon, where he spoke to his people. So he really did that, and you had respect for that man, in awe of that man. When the chief had spoken at a meeting, that was that. Those were the good things I held on to. " Maroon Peoples advocate
Other family members were seldom mentioned, except for a few cases where participants described the influence their brothers had had on their lives. In these cases, the brothers were also active in social organizations or in doing volunteer work (such as helping the neighbors fill in government forms and write letters). They also taught specific skills to their younger siblings, usually involving some form of studying.
Most participants remembered this as an exciting and dynamic period in their lives. Many expressed feelings of awe at being able to take part in the ‘big kids’ clubs or in ‘grown-up activities’. For some girls and young women, it was a chance to learn and experience things that not all women were accustomed to doing, such as playing draughts or attending political party meetings.
The theoretical review mentions other modes of transfer at home, such as discussions with children on social and political issues, asking children’s opinions, and communicating openly and with respect. In reality, participants’ experiences on the level of interaction and discussion in the home during their childhood varied. Most participants had seldom heard the
Page | 25 family speak about politics or social issues at home, except for households with politically active family members. Even then, children were often not allowed to take part in discussions. Even though they were not allowed to speak, they would sometimes listen to the conversations.
The final mode of transfer at home mentioned in the theoretical review, was watching the news and listening to the radio. This did seem to be the case for some participants. In these households the radio was often on (and especially tuned to the news).
In short, most of the factors mentioned in the theoretical review regarding socialization at home, also occurred in the study participants’ childhoods. The strongest defining factor seems to be the social engagement of parents.
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4.1.2 Citizenship development & transfer in school Although theories suggest that education plays a key role in transfer of citizenship - either through special subjects or teaching methods - this seems to be less the case in Suriname.
Less than a handful of participants mention that they had a teacher or teachers with a certain exemplary attitude that they try to emulate. Some examples mentioned were teachers who were sincere, who had perseverance, were dedicated, taught with passion, or who interacted fairly with all students.
“And the teachers, they compelled respect, they were my example. I wanted to be like them when I grew up. Just the way they talked, behaved, taught classes, compelled respect.” Community worker
Although positive qualities, none of these deal specifically with civic participation or citizenship development.
One participant remembers vividly hearing about Nelson Mandela during History class, and how Mandela’s story fascinated him, and continues to fascinate him to this day. Besides the curriculum itself, the larger school context played a role for some. A male participant mentions school, and especially recess, as a place where he first experienced bullying and injustice or unfairness. He would defend the weaker students and get into fights with the bullies. This same participant later became a student leader and mobilized students to protest against poor social and economic conditions.
For a female participant from the interior, the school context had an even deeper impact. Because there were so few teachers in the village, children from higher grades would help teach children from the first and second grades. She was one of those chosen to teach. She felt that this experience molded her leadership qualities, as well as pressuring her to excel in her studies.
Claes (2011) and others found that in many countries, a higher level of education is often associated with increased citizenship activity. The LAPOP study found the same result for Suriname. Although this study is not numerical in nature, it is noteworthy that eleven of the fifteen participants had had some college or university education, of which at least four had
Page | 27 also studied abroad. The participants with no higher education did have a middle school degree. This focus on studies and school was the same for participants from urban areas, rural areas, and the interior. Participants from rural and interior areas faced an extra challenge, as they had to move to Paramaribo to continue their studies after primary school level.
4.1.3 Transfer and development of citizenship in public life For the participants whose first contact with citizenship values came at an early age from parents or the school, this was often concurrent with citizenship contact in public life. They would participate in social organizations together with parents or siblings.
For others, the contact came at a slightly later age, and solely from public life. Some participants were members of the boy scouts, the church choir, or other small recreational or cultural organizations that their parents and siblings were not a part of. In most cases, participants ‘eyes were opened’ when they came into contact with strong role models from theater, unions or politics. In some cases, this happened when studying in Europe in the sixties and seventies, but in most cases this was in Suriname. This contact often encouraged participants to join political parties or unions.
"I came into contact with many union leaders, and female union leaders like Mrs. […]. I really thought: those women ... they're on stage like that, with hundreds of people around them and those women stood there and held a speech and moved everyone and said things that hit home... I was blown away by those women. I thought: I would also like to be a woman like that, to interpret the interests of people in such a good way. And back then it was only about people, so it was really pure, from their hearts. " Womens rights advocate
In other cases, strong role models came from local NGO’s working in rural areas and the interior. Sometimes these first experiences or role models were closer to home. One participant told the story of meeting her husband, and only after marriage realizing how dedicated he was to a certain cause, and what his level of involvement was. She then started to help him with the cause, and she soon became the founder and public leader of an organization. Another participant first learnt of the work of social organizations when taking her children to various classes, sports and recreation activities.
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4.1.4 Catalysts for citizenship development Besides having been exposed to altruistic citizenship practices from an early age, some participants had events or experiences that served a catalytic function, i.e. it spurred them to take significant steps. In some cases, these events or experiences were intensely personal (depression, a religious revelation), as illustrated in the following quote.
“When my little sister was three, they said that she would die of her handicap, but she lived until she was 25. But those were 25 tough years for my parents and me. And that made me smarter and more independent quickly, and I could see processes in society, and see what I didn’t want for me.” Community worker
In other cases the catalyst was social (an injustice done to them or someone close to them), as shown in this quote:
“We saw when the big companies from Asia came and just violated our rights. Creeks were closed off, agriculture plots were bulldozered away. And then we said: hey, they can’t do that!” Maroon rights advocate
In a majority of cases, especially for participants from rural areas and the interior, the catalysts were regional or national-scale events such as the civil war (and the subsequent influx of refugees in Paramaribo) or mass layoffs by farms or plantations in rural districts.
“My village and my house were ransacked. My parents’ house was burned down. We lost everything. And that’s when the political thing started. Being active. I didn’t know anything about organizing, but I thought: I have to do something.” Indigenous rights advocate
These were defining moments for the participants: events that happened to them, and made them rethink life. Important fact is that it was always an event that they had experienced themselves or felt the impact themselves, not just heard about on the radio or seen on TV or in the newspaper.
An interesting trend is that women often started their activities at a later age, when they were between relationships or after relationships ended, or when their children had already grown
Page | 29 older. Many of these women shared a view that - in retrospect - they wished that they had started earlier, so that they would have achieved more by now.
The significant steps that participants took after a catalyst event were often not large in scope, but were significant in the meaning they had for the participants. Examples of some first steps that participants took were starting after-school youth counseling in the street they lived in, taking in a stray animal, or acting in a theater play. The next section describes the acts, behaviors and strategies used by the study participants.
The results regarding transfer and development of citizenship are summarized in Figure 4.1.
Figure 4.1 Summary of findings on citizenship transfer and development
Modes of More by seeing & doing transfer
Less by listening & tallking
Mothers: general values, reflective of Gender reproductive gender roles & ‘femininity HOME roles (most mentioned) Fathers: specific citizenship qualities reflective of productive & community gender roles and ‘masculinity’
Interior/rural areas: greater role for Family extended family, esp. grandparents systems Urban areas: little or no role for extended family
First contact mostly with parents PUBLIC LIFE Otherwise: unions, politics, NGO’s, theater (strong role models)
Personal
Types Social injustice
Regional / national events CATALYST EVENTS Urban areas: mostly personal or social injustice Geography
Rural/interior areas: mostly social injustice or regional/national events
Mostly: general positive qualities of teachers (no specific citizenship actions)
SCHOOL Little or no transfer through curriculum (least mentioned) or school activities
Education level may play a role (most participants have tertiary education)
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4.2 Values, attitude, knowledge and skills
In the execution of participants’ acts of citizenship, a greater variation in values could be discerned in practice than mentioned in theories in Chapter 1. These can be divided into two general categories: individual or personality-related values on the one hand, and social, political, national or organizational values on the other hand.
The individual value mentioned the most is perseverance. Others are sincerity/honesty, modesty, self-confidence, always doing your best, reflexivity, responsibility, willingness to defend what belongs to you, self-knowledge, and inquisitiveness.
“I think that I have a certain drive in me, and I can’t just sit back and watch what happens. I always come up with an own initiative, because if I see something, I don’t want to just keep talking about a problem, I want to see how we can solve it.” Maroon rights advocate
In the second category, participants mentioned values such as trustworthiness, sharing knowledge, respect, empathy, generosity, doing no harm, not being afraid to ask for help, helping others, being self-sufficient, and putting the needs of others first. Besides these values that deal more with social interactions, other more ‘macro-level’ or ‘long-term’ values were mentioned, such as being aware that Suriname belongs to us all, awareness that working together makes one stronger than working alone (closely linked to belief in the key role of civil society), believing that change is possible, sustainability (leaving a legacy for following generations), and giving back to your country and to the earth. These last two values are a reflection of Carolan’s and Andrzejewski’s planetary, Gaian, and global citizenship: where citizens bring together the social and the environmental. These values were most expressed by participants from the interior and participants from environmental organizations.
“The idea of taking and never giving back to your country, that’s a wrong attitude. We take everything and don’t give back. There should be a balance. We have to take care of our environment, give it time to recover. I think that by doing what I do, I can make Surinamers more aware and contribute to Suriname’s development. Environmental organization leader
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A general concept mentioned by Carolan is ‘dharma’ or justice. This can be linked to the values of standing up against injustice and inequality. This was also relevant for participants from the interior, as evidenced from the quote below, but also for other participants, who make a stand for child and youth rights, animal rights, and rights of people with special needs.
"If you look at the way the country is now, I get the feeling that people are going to be left behind, that there are people who will hang on the fringes of society. People who can’t keep up in any area. I'd feel really bad if I didn’t at least try to help minimize that. That's actually my larger vision behind it. I'd feel really bad if I had done nothing. Now at least I can say: I did something. Even if they dump me as chairman. I want my children to say: “Oh yes, he tried." Neighborhood committee chairman
Linked to these values, various attitudes can be discerned. The three dimensions described in the theoretical review (political, community, and individual) cannot be described in isolation in this section, as many elements are also included in values, acts, behavior and strategies. Where appropriate, I will indicate which dimension has bearing on the attitude under discussion.
In the individual and community dimension, participants express a seemingly endless dose of optimism and a belief in change, with the realization that change comes slowly.
"Then you feel that: hey, I’m doing my part. And that small bit that I do, will (...) contribute to a greater whole." Community worker
Other attitudes that contributed to participants’ success were: keeping up continuous fieldwork, investing in relationships and collaboration, daring, treating the target group respectfully, and asking for help and advice where necessary. Being respectful was a key element, and held various meanings for various participants. For some ‘respect’ had to do with manners and etiquette in social interactions: speaking politely and kindly, apologizing after making a mistake, and following the rules set by elders.
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For others, respect had a deeper meaning:
‘Respect means that you don’t want to think and do things for people. The moment that you do that, that means that you think that they are a zero, and that you are the only one who knows the answer, a know-it-all.” Women’s rights advocate
Participants were also not afraid of sometimes not being well-liked by everyone, as long as they stuck to their principles.
“Some people think I’m a little solitary, bothersome, some say: what a troublesome woman. But, I have nothing to lose, and I say what I have to say, and it doesn’t matter who you are. Not to hurt you, but I never say anything just because.” Youth worker
"And then one time they told me: ma'am, we do not like you because you air out our dirty laundry. Because I stood up for the junior high schools. I stood up if something happened, if fraud was committed." Youth worker
Even so, many participants still felt that being open to criticism and self-reflection are also important attitudes to have. When asked to reflect on their work, participants shared that - in retrospect - they had had moments where they should have been better (i.e. more tactful) communicators, and should have made more time for dialoguing and networking with partners.
Besides values and attitudes, the study looked at what skills and knowledge participants feel they possess and are important to their work, and how they gained them. Because skills and knowledge are so closely linked, they are discussed together. Besides formal schooling, almost all participants had extensive training in various aspects of working in organizations and working with their target groups and on special issues. Many of these training courses were given by service clubs, intermediate NGO’s and institutes such as Junior Chamber International, Projekta, ProPlan, and the Institute for Development Planning and Management. A handful of individuals were trained by political parties and trade unions. Some of the most mentioned knowledge and skills that they possess and deem important have
Page | 33 to do with managing organizations: knowing how organizations can be formed, analyzing situations, negotiating with (potential) donors or sponsors, activity planning, communication, taking notes, writing reports, financial reporting, drafting projects, making rules, doing research, and evaluating. Other knowledge and skills have to do with working with specific target groups or on specific issues, and include dialogue, participatory planning, reaching consensus, social coaching, explaining difficult concepts in simple words, mobilizing people and material, and knowing what the broader context of poverty and inequality is. Of this group of skills, the skill most mentioned is being able to network with other individuals, organizations, government, and the international community.
Most participants also state that informal (and sometimes formal) networks are one of their most important sources of knowledge. Networking enables them to get information faster, to learn from each other, to distribute information to others, and to discover which strategies have worked (or have failed) in other communities and in other countries. The key role of international networks in knowledge provision is a reflection of the processes of globalization described in Chapter 1. Besides networking, other common knowledge sources are newspapers, TV and radio news, facebook, and various websites. Participants from the interior especially mention oral traditions as an important source of information. According to most participants, many skills are often best learned on-the-job and in the field, not through books, internet or training courses.
“Just the fact that you go into the community, you learn the skills to communicate with people. And you get those skills on the job, because if somebody cusses you up, than you know you did something wrong and that you have to fix it next time. Women’s rights advocate
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4.3 Citizenship acts and strategies
As defined in the theoretical review, acts of citizenship are “those acts that transform forms (orientations, strategies, technologies) and modes (citizens, strangers, outsiders, aliens) of being political by bringing into being new actors as activist citizens (that is, claimants of rights) through creating or transforming sites and stretching scales” (Isin, 2009). This section describes the various acts, behaviors and strategies employed by study participants.
A remarkable portion of participants had their first start in sports, recreational, and cultural organizations (music, dance and theater). Others were members of the Boy Scouts, service clubs, or political parties. Most started small grassroots (volunteer) organizations, some of which grew to become professional intermediate NGO’s. Not all participants remained dedicated to one single cause their entire lives. In regard to the choice of issue the participants adhere to, three groups can be discerned. The first group consists of people who knew from a young age what they wanted to do and continued to do so. The second group (the largest) consists of people who were ‘searching’ for some time, before finally settling on one issue. The final (smallest) group consists of those who take up a totally different issue every few years.
Citizenship acts as described by participants, fall into the maximalist definition of democracy. Their citizenship acts, behavior and strategies can be clustered into two main categories: service delivery and poverty alleviation on the one hand, and awareness, lobby, and advocacy on the other hand. The first category contains items such as training and counseling, construction of facilities, after-school programs, music and cultural activities, or provision of basic necessities to ‘poor’ communities. Direct service delivery often focuses on key aspects of social life and welfare where the government does not perform its tasks optimally, according to participants.
The second category, on the other hand, goes a step further. Individuals acting in this category work with an emphasis on rights. Acts are often of a different nature than for service delivery and poverty alleviation. Although basic public awareness activities are done, there are also specific acts such as drafting petitions and mobilizing signatures, visiting a public official’s office and refusing to leave until a specific goal is reached, or organizing meetings
Page | 35 with local communities to involve them in decision making and policy implementation. This can be linked to the notion of planetary or Gaia Citizenship.
“So I sat there for hours. The security [guard] wanted to take me away, so I said ‘just try and take me away, I’ll go right to the press’. And then they were quiet. Animal rights advocate
All participants described a strong sense of self-efficacy: their acts had made a difference. They had managed to get basic needs like land, housing, food, water, and electricity to communities in need. They contributed to a cleaner environment and had saved the lives of many animals. They strengthened individuals, organizations, and communities and made them more self-reliant. Their methods are used by other individuals and organizations. Participants have been able to get important issues on the public agenda, help formulate or change government policy, and change laws.
The citizenship values, attitudes, knowledge, skills, acts and strategies of study participants are summarized in the following illustration.
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Figure 4.2 Summary of research findings on values, attitude, skills, knowledge, acts, and strategies
Individual/personality: perseverance Categories
Social / organization / national / political: respect, justice Values Values dealing with sustainability & giving back to earth mostly mentioned in Geography interior / rural areas In urban areas: these values only mentioned by environment advocates
Individual: optimism, high efficacy, being respectful, self-reflection Attitude Community: fieldwork, investing in relationships, no fear of being disliked
Working in organizations
Categories Working with target groups / issues
Networking Skills & knowledge All areas: mostly on the job & through networks Learning
Rural/interior areas: also through oral traditions
Same issue from a young age
Issue Searching for a while before ‘settling down’
Acts, Behavior & A different issue Strategies every few years (“still searching”) Interior & urban environmental / animal Geography rights organizations: more focus on & strategies awareness, lobby & advocacy
Rural areas: more focus on service delivery and poverty alleviation
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4.4 Enabling factors and challenges
The most important support system for active citizens is formed by civil society organizations. Training and counseling by NGO’s enabled and enables them to develop specific skills and knowledge sets, such as project writing and management, dealing with the press, or organizing communities. This support often encouraged them to start organizations of their own, or at least to take leadership roles in existing organizations.
An important role is given to national and international networks. On the international stage, United Nations and Inter-American agencies and institutes have been valuable partners in sharing knowledge, but also in providing overarching legal and/or policy frameworks on issues such as women’s and children’s rights, the rights of indigenous peoples and the environment. Participants have used these frameworks to move policy change forward. These processes are a clear reflection of the expansion of citizenship and citizenship movements to the international level, as described in Chapter 1.
Other participants mention a secondary support system of close family and friends. These are the ‘sounding boards’ that provide feedback on ideas and strategies. Parents, spouses and children have supported them by providing finances and transportation, giving advice (especially in cases where parents were/are active citizens themselves), designing logos, and writing and reading project proposals.
“My family contributed to the success I have now. Without them, it would have been much more difficult. If I write something then I ask them to read it for me, and they do.” Community worker
Even government support is an enabling factor, although this will be discussed in section 4.5.
The work of the active citizens did not always run smoothly. They were confronted with various obstacles and challenges. These challenges can be clustered into the following categories: finances, management, culture, social problems, government and politics. The challenges of government and politics were mentioned the most, and will be discussed in Section 4.5.
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Surprisingly, lack of finances was not mentioned by all participants as a challenge. Of course, all mentioned how much easier their life and their work would be with a steady supply of finances, but most say that they have found ways of dealing with the limited finances. The issue of finance plays a larger role when describing the management challenges. Participants sometimes feel that - out of necessity - the focus of their work tends towards seeking finances and reporting to donors, instead of on strategies and implementation. This is a consequence of the process of the institutionalization of voluntary work, as described in Chapter 1. In these types of institutionalized voluntary organizations, besides the risk of shifting focus, finding qualified and motivated personnel is also a challenge. Participants echoed the sentiments of Goldfarb and Kelman (in London, s.d.) on the increasing individualism, cynicism, and focus on self-interest. Qualified personnel are scarce to begin with, and when finding personnel, they often exhibit a lack of idealism and demand high (starting) salaries, even before proving themselves.
Cultural challenges were mentioned the most in rural districts, and often had to do with the roles of women and men. One (female) participant had experienced that Hindostani men were less willing to accept advice and help from a woman, especially a Hindostani woman. In another rural district, a (male) participant described how difficult it was for women to participate in the activities of the neighborhood committee:
“Not all women, but some of them say: I’m not supposed to be sitting here and attending meetings until 11 o’clock at night, because I’m a woman. And many women have jobs and family responsibilities as well. I did my best to include more women in the top, because there are more women in the organization. But you see it yourself…” Community worker
This is in contrast to the results of the LAPOP study (see Chapter 2), which states that women participate more than men. Further examination of the LAPOP data, however, does show a higher level of participation by women in urban areas than in rural areas. This could have affected the average (national) score.
Another participant from the same rural district lamented cultural traditions that tend towards gerontocracy: the domination of society by elder people in positions of authority. Young people are not encouraged to participate on equal footing with adults, and are expected to be
Page | 39 obedient. In rural districts and in the interior, simple language barriers posed a problem for some individuals and organizations.
Other cultural challenges have to do with perceived traits of Surinamese society in general and the perceived role of civil society. One participant states “we are too quiet, we don’t stand up for ourselves”. Another participant sees a cause for this in the fact that “we are not really aware of who we are, what belongs to us, and what our rights are”. These perceived traits will be further discussed in section 4.6. Regarding the perceived role of civil society, many participants have had to hear repeated speeches and sermons from others about how little power civil society has to substantially change anything. Citizens, government and private companies often do not understand the role of civil society and either have unreal expectations (that civil society should solve every one’s problem), or would rather not prefer to have a civil society organization call them to account on the work they do.
“We’re kept out of everything now, on purpose. We don’t know where they [the company] stand at the moment. They [the company] are not transparent, but when we say something it’s going to cause them to come in the media again. And they haven’t done anything to improve their way of working.” Environment & animal rights advocate
Organizations that work in service delivery also experience challenges arising from social problems. The lack of adequate and available housing is often such a pressing issue in many communities that it leads to a host of other problems, such as crime, incest, having to take multiple jobs to save for housing, and lack of proper sanitary facilities. Organizations can deal with these ‘symptoms’, but few organizations have the capacity and the means to tackle the cause, i.e. the housing problem. Other participants mention the many enticements for young people as a challenge: drugs, bad friends, or the lure of the job market. Many target groups want to see quick results and start earning money fast, even though individuals and organizations cannot always deliver this output in such a short time.
The challenges and enabling factors are summarized in Figure 4.3.
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Figure 4.3 Summary of research findings on enabling factors and challenges
Most mentioned: support / training from civil society organizations
Often mentioned: national and international networks Enabling Factors Sometimes mentioned: government support
Sometimes mentioned: support by family / friends
Most mentioned: management of organizations
Often mentioned: government & politics Challenges Sometimes mentioned: culture (especially in rural areas)
Sometimes mentioned: finances
Sometimes mentioned: finances
4.5 Role of politics and government
Although they are fervent supporters of communities’ abilities to be self-sufficient and self- motivated, participants recognize the pivotal role that government has to play by not only providing basic services, but also in creating legal frameworks. In this sense, they experience citizenship very much as a membership status, in which they are claimants to rights on behalf of causes, communities or target groups. This is especially the case for participants from the interior in their quest for the recognition of collective land rights for tribal peoples.
Many participants experience obstacles such as a lack of legislation, of coherent government policy, of policy implementation, and of monitoring of that implementation. Government cooperation often seems to be dependent on individual ministers and public officials. Nonetheless, there are also positive experiences with government cooperation from various departments at Ministries. Some government departments give subsidies or sponsoring for transportation or material. Others provide technical expertise or human resources.
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“We’ve worked together with that department for years, so we’ve received support for activities, trips, after-school activities, sport events, and they have activities too, like vacation employment projects for youth. Youth worker
Some of the participants would like to see a more facilitating role by government, mainly in the area of human resources and technical expertise, but also in transparent and accessible subsidies. Many participants simply ask that the government 'does its job', by updating curriculum, preparing legislation, implementing projects as planned, taking care of basic needs (such as land, electricity, health care, and water), and monitoring. Two participants had a broader vision on the relationship between government and civil society. They would like to see a general government strategy for dealing with civil society, as well as a sharing of information and skills:
“The government says it want sustainability and real dialogue with communities, and they can learn that from us, because NGO’s have the skills to get the people to take ownership. I would like to say to government: let go of the prejudice, look at the NGO’s and try to learn from them.” Women’s rights advocate
Participants’ views and experiences regarding the role of government are summarized in the following illustration.
Figure 4.4 Summary of participants’ views and experiences of/with the role of government
Providing basic services & technical expertise Expectations Creating legal frameworks (most mentioned are land rights) Role of government Support: sponsoring, subsidy, human resources, technical expertise Reality Challenges: lack of legislation, of coherent policy, of policy implementation & monitoring
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When asked about their view on becoming politically active as a way to further increase the scope of their influence (as described in the theoretical review), most participants responded negatively. A very small number of participants is still active in politics or has been active in politics before, but only temporarily, as a way of trying to solve community and social problems, or as a way of emulating strong political leaders who stood up against injustice in the sixties and seventies. Most of these participants left politics disillusioned and disheartened. All participants have been ‘courted’ numerous times by political parties. In general, participants indicate that they have no belief in the political system and in politicians. In their view, politicians only work for themselves, and misuse State resources. They say that politicians like to make a lot of propaganda, but are unwilling to tackle problems with structural solutions. Participants are also scared to become ‘politically colored’, and to be subsequently put aside each time ‘their’ party would be out of power. The patron-client political system is especially detrimental, as shown in the quotes below.
“You’re working in a community, working with them on self-sufficiency, and just when you think they’re getting it, the political party comes along and says ‘don’t worry’, and shakes money out of a bag. The people were already ready to look for funding and complete the project. Women’s rights advocate
"I do not want a handout from (name of Minister). People send me and say: go and call him. And he says to me "you didn’t call". But I'm not calling for a handout. I am not a beggar. The committee is not a beggar. The committee is steadfast. If you want to contribute to our goals or to something that we do, then that is a different story. It does not have to be money." Neighborhood committee chairperson
4.6 Views on citizenship and the ‘citizenship crisis’
In previous sections, participants’ values and attitudes were linked to various notions of citizenship, from citizenship as a pure membership status, to planetary or global citizenship. It was shown that many of the notions of citizenship discussed could be found in the values and attitudes of the study participants. However, when coding the transcripts, I came across another notion, which I can only capture under the terms ‘anti-colonial’ or ‘anti-imperial’ citizenship. It was apparent in a handful of participants from various districts and various
Page | 43 types of organizations. This is not a citizenship based on nationalist ideals (i.e. “pro- Suriname”), but rather on a rejection of imperialist hegemony and interference. Sentiments expressed were irritation at the indiscriminate copying of projects and materials from foreign countries or the indiscriminate acceptance of analyses and recommendations done by foreigners. “Especially that ‘looking at them’ thing…you can look, but please don’t copy. We are not Holland! We think differently, you have to do things differently. Children and youth rights advocate
Another feature is the indignation over the unequal power relations. Participants feel that locals have more to offer, and have a lot of context-specific knowledge and experience, that is often not valued.
“We’ve tried it, but when they come they have a hidden agenda. We just sent one away. They come to you with a project, and just give you the end piece of the tail, and they coupe the rest for themselves.” Community worker
A third feature is the rejection of the ‘colonial’ mentality of ‘pillaging the land’. This was most often mentioned by participants from the interior and from environmental organizations.
“The bakras [white people] took a lot from us, and when the Surinamese came, they followed in the footsteps of the bakras.” Indigenous rights advocate
“We first had a Dutch colonizer who did nothing but take from the land. And we have the same mentality now. We just take and don’t give back. We’re nothing better than the Dutch colonizers.” Environment advocate
Although all participants display intense commitment and dedication to their cause, and do call for government to ‘step up to the plate’, some acknowledge the ‘citizenship crisis’ mentioned in Chapter 1. Many of the most active members of their organizations are older people. In the smaller, grassroots organizations, finding younger volunteers seems to be a little bit easier, in comparison to the larger organizations.
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Increasingly, young people demand high salaries before even agreeing to work for a civil society organization. After a short period of time, they leave the organization for a public sector job that allows them to take out mortgages and loans for houses and cars. Participants bemoaned the decrease in the numbers of idealistic and committed youth in particular and volunteers of all ages in general. They have observed that people often look the other way, and expect others to solve the problems. They see that people feel they have done ‘enough’ if they place a call to a civil society organization or government department. Others are prepared to donate money or goods, but not their time. This echoes the analysis by Martin (2001), presented in Chapter 2.
On the other hand, participants understand how difficult it can be for people who may want to do volunteer work. They often do not have enough information on what volunteer work is, what a small commitment is expected from them, or of the creative ways that they can help.
At the same time, participants look critically towards themselves. Many participants admitted that young people are involved in their organization, but often only at lower levels. They cite two reasons for this. The first is cultural: younger people look up to older people to solve problems. And older people seldom look to younger people. This is a reflection of the gerontocracy discussed earlier in this chapter. The second reason is that there is seldom a conscious policy for transfer or succession. It is a goal on the back of everybody’s mind, but few take concrete steps to make it a reality. The smaller volunteer service delivery organizations do have more policies in place that the larger advocacy organizations.
4.7 Geographical differences
Theories implied that there could be substantial differences in the development and experience of citizenship between urban, rural, and interior areas, primarily caused by the absence of government services and facilities.
Because of the limited sample size, a detailed comparison could not be made of the three areas for all concepts. Therefore, for the purposes of analysis, rural and interior areas are sometimes viewed together.
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The differences between the three areas are illustrated in Figure 4.5 below.
Figure 4.5 Comparison of participants from urban, rural, & interior areas
Urban Rural Interior
Little or no role for Role of the home Greater role for extended family extended family
Role of catalyst Mostly personal or Social injustice or regional / national events events social injustice
‘Sustainability’ & ‘giving Values back to earth’ only for These values mentioned by everybody environment advocates
Skills & knowledge On-the-job & networks, transfer Mostly on-the-job & through networks but also: oral tradition
Environment & animal More focus on service rights organizations: focus More focus on awareness, Acts & strategies delivery & poverty on awareness, lobby & lobby & advocacy alleviation advocacy
The main differences between participants from and/or working in urban, rural and interior areas seem less the consequence of an absence of state control and more due to historic events such as the Civil War, cultural factors linked to the nature of small-scale and tribal communities, and the lack of recognition of communal land rights.
The issues of natural resources exploitation and lack of recognition of communal land rights reflect the neoliberal citizenship regimes in Latin America, as described in the theoretical review. The review also states that this type of regime spurred indigenous movements to advocate for community rights, a process that can be discerned in this study as well.
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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The overall research objective of this study is to gain insight in the meaning and practice of altruistic and socially engaged behavior by individuals and groups involved in non- governmental social and development work and (non-party-)political participation in Suriname. This is a relatively small qualitative study, so the conclusions are primarily applicable to the study participants, though some representational generalization can be made.
The research questions concerned the development and expression of participants’ citizenship values, attitudes, knowledge and skills, as well as enabling factors and challenges they experience.
The key factor in many participants’ citizenship development was the presence of examples and role models, who often also served as guides, including or introducing participants in citizenship acts. The most defining role models were their parents or grandparents, followed by public figures such as political or union leaders. In a majority of cases, especially for participants from rural areas the interior, catalytic events such as the civil war further encouraged them to become more active in their communities. Contrary to theory, school curriculum and teachers played little or no role at all, although a higher education level does seem indicative of more active participation. These findings, and others described below, have implications for potential citizenship development initiatives, as I describe in the Recommendations.
The values and attitudes of the study participants are more varied than theoretically expected. The individual value mentioned the most is perseverance (often linked to an attitude of high self-efficacy), whilst the most important ‘social values’ are respect and helping others. Values linked to Carolan’s and Andrzejewski’s planetary, Gaian, and global citizenship (where citizens bring together the social and the environmental) are most expressed by participants from the interior and from environmental organizations. Attitudes not mentioned in the theoretical framework, but notable in the study, are ‘being open to criticism’ and ‘self- reflection’.
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Citizenship acts as described by participants fall into the maximalist definition of democracy. Their citizenship acts, behavior and strategies can be clustered into two main categories: service delivery and poverty alleviation on the one hand, and awareness, lobby and advocacy on the other hand. The second category can be linked to the notion of planetary or Gaia citizenship.
Participants’ most important sources of knowledge are informal and formal (national and international) networks and NGO’s. Although many participants have had extensive training from NGO’s, service clubs, political parties and unions in various skills related to working in organizations and working with their target groups and on special issues, they emphasize the key role of skills and knowledge learning on-the-job, through fieldwork.
National and international networks are also a major enabling factor in participants’ work. International legal and policy frameworks on issues such as women’s and children’s rights, the rights of indigenous peoples and the environment enable participants to move national policy change forward. These processes are a clear reflection of the expansion of citizenship and citizenship movements to the international level, as described in Chapter 1.
A main challenge mentioned by participants, especially those working in larger organizations, is the management of organizations. This is strongly linked to the process and specific challenges of the institutionalization of the voluntary sector. Participants echo the sentiments of Goldfarb and Kelman on the increasing individualism, cynicism, and focus on self-interest, but also admit that they have not always done enough to make volunteer work easy and accessible for different age groups and genders. A major obstacle mentioned is the low level of performance by the State, especially the lack of legislation, of coherent government policy, of policy implementation, and of monitoring of that implementation. Government cooperation often seems to be dependent on individual ministers and public officials. Nonetheless, there are also positive experiences with government cooperation, in the area of sponsoring and support with human resources. Some of the participants would like to see a more facilitating role by government, but many simply ask that the government 'does its job'. Their recognition of the role that government has to play in providing basic services and in creating legal frameworks reflects the experience of citizenship as a membership status, in which they are claimants to rights on behalf of causes, communities or target groups.
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When asked their view on becoming politically active as a way to further increase the scope of their influence, most participants responded negatively, in large part because of the growing pervasiveness of patron-client political system. A few participants are or have been active in politics before, but left politics disillusioned and disheartened. This implies that the process of increasing political participation and power by grassroots movements, as described in other Latin American countries, will not (or not yet) take place here.
Recommendations
The study findings provide some interesting input for the design of citizenship development initiatives. As indicated earlier, school curriculum and teachers played little or no role at all, although a higher education level does seem indicative of more active participation. This seems to imply that just keeping children in school would already be of great benefit to promoting active citizenship in Suriname. The findings on the minor role of school curriculum is a reality check that the often-touted plea “just put it in the school curriculum” might not be the smartest and is definitely not the only way of promoting active citizenship. Citizenship development would have to be mainstreamed as an education goal, instead of a separate subject. Teaching and telling a child about being a ‘good citizen’ is less important than demonstrating how to be one (through on- the-job learning) and including them in structured activities. Emphasis in education in general should be on teaching social values and attitudes prevalent among the study participants, such as respect, helping others, being open to criticism and self-reflection. Further research would be needed to fuel the design of these programs.
Citizenship development initiatives outside of education and outside the government could focus on supporting and ensuring community organizations and intermediate NGO’s have concrete policies in place for encouraging inclusive volunteer participation and learning as part of their activities. It is of paramount importance that civil society organizations themselves undertake a critical self-reflection on their policies and leadership styles, and work towards stable organizations with clear policies for succession and for transfer of knowledge.
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Volunteer work should become more accessible to youth and women in particular, as well as others who might want to do volunteer work, but don’t know where to begin. One concrete action which can be taken in this regard is the promotion of volunteer networks and organizations, using lessons learned from organizations such as the Volunteer Center of Trinidad & Tobago (http://www.vctt.org/) and the Voluntary Action Network India (http://www.vaniindia.org/).
Even after all these initiatives are implemented, a significant obstacle remains. The general political culture, which encompasses favoritism and patron-client networks, is perhaps one of the most detrimental factors for citizenship development. This will take some time to change, but increasing civic action and strengthening civil society, are an important first step in realizing a democratic culture as defined in the introduction: a culture of (among others) respect for human rights and diversity, meaningful participation by individuals and groups in decisions that affect their lives, and of placing the well-being of the community and the environment next to or above one’s own interests.
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The World Bank, 2013. Defining Civil Society. URL: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/CSO/0,,contentMDK:20101499~menuPK:244752~p agePK:220503~piPK:220476~theSitePK:228717,00.html. Last updated: 2013-07-22
ANNEX 1: TOPIC GUIDE AND INTERVIEWERS INSTRUCTIONS
[Van elke respondent dient in de transcriptie te worden genoteerd: het geslacht, het geboortejaar, en het opleidingsniveau.]
- Opgroeien / familie / school: o Voorbeeldfiguren tijdens het opgroeien (familie, school, anders) . Waarom waren ze voorbeeldfiguren . Welke specifieke gedrag, houding, etc. . Hoe heeft dat effect gehad op andere keuzes in het leven (thuis, werk, organisatie, etc.) o Meegaan met opvoeders bij sociale activiteiten . Welke type activiteiten . Wat de respondent vond van de activiteiten (en van het meegaan) . Belangrijkste lessen daaruit . Hoe de lessen toegepast o Discussies over politiek of de samenleving (familie, school, anders) . Met wie . Waarover o Thuissituatie: . Volwassenen in huis . Betrokkenheid buurt / sociale organisaties / kerk o Belangrijkste lessen uit de school . Door wie . Wat voor lessen en hoe werden ze aangeleerd (door b.v. discussies, excursies, klassenprojecten, debatten, etc.) . Hoe toegepast (werk, thuis, organisatie, etc.)
- Informatie: o Hoe de respondent op de hoogte blijft van maatschappelijke- en staatsstructuren en procedures, politieke en maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen en waarom
- Actief burgerschap: o Starten met actief zijn . Wanneer, waar, waarom, hoe, met wie? . I.h.b.: belangrijkste motivatie o Loopbaan
. Na start: wat toen? let op: niet iedereen maakt van betrokkenheid zijn/haar job, en niet iedereen stapt over. Sommigen zijn gewoon ergens werkzaam, maar besteden hun eigen tijd aan maatschappelijke activiteiten. . Dus misschien vragen naar werk en relatie werk/maatschappelijke activiteiten? . Waarom overstap zie boven. . Ooit belangstelling voor partijpolitiek? Waarom wel / niet die weg opgegaan? o Skills & kennis: . Lezen, schrijven, dataverzameling, lobbyen, conflictbemiddeling, organiseren, mensen bij elkaar brengen, planning / doelen stellen . Korte beschrijving van het maatschappelijk probleem dat de respondent wil oplossen: waarom een probleem, oorzaken, gevolgen. En vooral: waarom willen zij juist dit probleem aanpakken en geen andere. o Grootste obstakels . Welke zijn die . Hoe met obstakels wordt omgegaan o Relatie burger - overheid . Welke rol zou de overheid moeten hebben in [het probleem dat de respondent wil oplossen]? En overige burgers? . Al/niet meedoen aan gemeenschaps- en nationale processen en activiteiten (of alleen bezig zijn binnen hun kring/orga? Zoja, aan welke?Waarom vind je deze processen belangrijk (of niet)? o Reflectie: . Wat vind je van je werk als je het vergelijkt met die van anderen? . Wat vind je dat je beter / anders had gekund? . Vind je dat het werk dat je doet zin heeft / verandering teweeg brengt? Doorvragen cruciaal! Waaraan meten zij dat succes? . Was het anders omdat je een vrouw / man was? (de reactie van anderen)
Interview instructies De topic guide bevat algemene topics. De eerste topic (voorbeeldfiguren bij het opgroeien) is een goed startpunt, maar de volgorde van de overige topics/vragen ligt niet vast. De meeste informatie zal worden verkregen uit het doorvragen op basis van de antwoorden van de respondenten. In de topic guide worden enkele suggesties gegeven om per topic door te vragen. Het is mogelijk dat niet alle topics in elk interview (even diepgaand) aan bod komen. Dit zal afhangen van het verloop van het gesprek. Het is belangrijker om voldoende door te vragen dan om te racen door de topic guide en alleen oppervlakkige uitspraken te verzamelen. De doorvraag-vragen die zijn gegeven, dienen als startpunt, maar je mag gerust aanvullen waar nodig. Sommige doorvraag-vragen kunnen bij meerdere topics worden gebruikt.
Een mogelijke introductietekst is: “Projekta organiseert dit jaar voor de 5e keer de Democratiemaand. Ons thema dit jaar is “de actieve burger”. Hiervoor zijn we bezig met een onderzoek onder actieve burgers. Wij willen met dit onderzoek te weten komen wat de succesfactoren en belemmeringen zijn die deze burgers ervaren in hun werk en maatschappelijke activiteiten. Wij hebben u gekozen omdat u maatschappelijk actief bent . Wij zouden graag een persoonlijk gesprek hierover met u willen voeren.de uitkomsten van ons onderzoek worden gepresenteerd tijdens de afsluiting van de Democratiemaand. Het is een vrij informeel interview, en zal ongeveer 1-1.5 uren duren”
Behalve voor de specifieke doorvraag-vragen, zijn er enkele algemene vragen die vaker worden gebruikt bij het doorvragen. Die zijn: De vraag letterlijk herhalen (dit kan op een ander tijdstip in het gesprek) Vraag verduidelijken Antwoord herhalen Ongericht expliciet doorvragen: Wat bedoel je? Kun je dat toelichten? Kun je daar meer over vertellen? Gericht expliciet doorvragen Is dat het enige probleem of is er meer? Zo begon het en hoe ging het verder? Kun je een voorbeeld geven? Hoe ben je dat te weten gekomen? Wat vind jij daarvan? Hoe voelde jij je toen dat gebeurde? Had je het liever anders gedaan?
Wees ook niet bang om (met tact en met mate!) vervolgvragen te stellen als de respondent: Iets vertelt dat je in andere interviews niet hebt gehoord Bepaalde informatie niet noemt die je bij anderen wel hebt gehoord Een (technisch) ingewikkeld verhaal vertelt Bepaalde zaken generaliseert Tegenstrijdigheden vertelt
Aan het einde van het interview dien je de respondent netjes te bedanken, en aan te geven dat wij in de komende periode mogelijk een korte documentaire willen maken over enkele van de actieve burgers, maar dat wij daarover nog contact met ze zullen opnemen. Geef ook aan dat wij in elk geval in de 2e helft van november een openbare presentatie van de onderzoeksresultaten / documentaire zullen hebben.
ANNEX 2: CODE LIST
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Attitude catalyst event Citizenship - anticolonial Citizenship - general Citizenship - nature/environment Development - parents/home Development - public life Development - school Dharma/gerechtigdheid/justice Enabling Expression-acts-behavior-strategy Gender Gezinsleven Gov't relations & role Impact International networks/organizations Knowledge Kunst & cultuur NGO support Obstacle/challenge Politics: participation & view Reflectie Religion / spirituality Skills Toekomst overdracht Value View/experiences on/with voluntarism