The Busoa language of Southeast Sulawesi:
Grammar sketch, texts, vocabulary
René van den Berg
SIL International ®
2020 SIL Language and Culture Documentation and Description
48
© 2020 SIL International®
ISSN 1939-0785
SIL International 7500 W. Camp Wisdom Road Dallas, TX 75236-5629 USA sil.org Abstract
This monograph is the first linguistic description of Busoa [bup], a small endangered Austronesian language spoken on the island of Buton in Southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia. Busoa is a member of the Celebic group and closely related to its large neighbour Muna, which is one of the better-described languages of Sulawesi. This study, which is based on a limited number of days of fieldwork in the language, includes a grammatical sketch (phonology and morphosyntax), as well as 12 interlinearized texts with free translation, and a 1460-item trilingual vocabulary.
Some of the more striking features of Busoa are a large number of marginal consonants, the absence of 3rd person plural forms, a definiteness effect on verbs triggered by definite objects, a complex demonstrative system (with eight different sets), a voice opposition limited to relative clauses, and extensive valency-changing morphology.
Much more remains to be discovered about Busoa, but the present study is another step in the documentation of the linguistic richness of Sulawesi.
About the author
René van den Berg (1960, Netherlands) is a senior linguistics consultant with SIL International, based in Papua New Guinea. He holds a PhD from the University of Leiden (1989), and has published on the languages of Sulawesi and the Austronesian languages of Papua New Guinea, including grammars of Muna, Balantak, Vitu and Bola. He can be reached at [email protected].
Archive Archived materials for Busoa, including audio files, are available at https://www.sil.org/resources/search/language/bup; see also §1.8.
iii Table of contents
Index of maps...... xi Index of tables...... xii Conventions and abbreviations...... xiii Example sources...... xv Preface...... xvi Acknowledgements...... xx 1. Introduction...... 1 1.1 Location and speakers...... 1 1.2 Language name...... 3 1.3 Affiliation and earlier studies...... 4 1.4 Dialects...... 5 1.5 Language use and vitality...... 5 1.6 Culture and culture change...... 7 1.7 Methodology and limitations...... 9 1.8 Archiving...... 10 2. Phonology...... 12 2.1 Phoneme inventory...... 12 2.2 Phonetic description...... 13 2.2.1 Consonants...... 13 2.2.2 Vowels...... 16 2.2.3 Contrasts...... 18 2.3 Variation...... 19 2.4 Marginal phonemes...... 22 2.5 Syllable structure...... 24 2.6 Root structure...... 26 2.7 Word structure...... 27 2.8 Stress...... 28 2.9 Vowel sequences...... 29 2.10 Morphophonemics...... 30 2.10.1 Infix -um-...... 30 2.10.2 Third person object suffix...... 33 2.10.3 h-insertion...... 33 2.10.4 Nasal accretion...... 34 2.10.5 Vowel harmony with clitic demonstratives...... 34 2.11 Reduplication...... 35
iv 2.12 Adaptation of loanwords...... 35 2.12.1 Additional non-native phonemes...... 36 2.12.2 Replacement of foreign sounds...... 36 2.12.3 Avoidance of final consonants...... 37 2.12.4 Breaking of clusters...... 39 2.12.5 Addition of initial glottal stop...... 39 2.12.6 Miscellaneous...... 40 2.13 Notes on historical phonology...... 41 3. Basic typology...... 44 4. Verbs and verbal morphology...... 47 4.1 Verb classes...... 47 4.1.1 Class 1: unmarked...... 48 4.1.2 Class 2: ma-...... 49 4.1.3 Class 3: me-...... 49 4.1.4 Class 4: mo-...... 50 4.1.5 Verb class membership...... 52 4.2 Pronominal affixes...... 52 4.2.1 Forms...... 52 4.2.2 Subject prefixes...... 54 4.2.3 Absence of subject agreement...... 61 4.3 Realis and irrealis...... 62 4.4 Definiteness effect...... 65 4.5 Direct and indirect object inflection...... 70 4.5.1 Direct object inflection...... 70 4.5.2 Indirect object inflection...... 71 4.6 Participles...... 74 4.6.1 Active participles...... 74 4.6.2 Passive participles...... 75 5. The noun phrase...... 76 5.1 Nouns...... 76 5.1.1 Proper nouns...... 76 5.1.2 Derived nouns...... 76 5.2 Compounds...... 78 5.3 Pronouns...... 78 5.4 Possession...... 79 5.5 Demonstratives...... 80 5.5.1 Forms...... 80
v 5.5.2 this: 'o-oni, =Vni, we 'a-inia...... 82 5.5.3 that2: 'o-otu, =Vtu, we 'a-itua...... 82 5.5.4 that3: 'o-sumaa, sumaa, 'ai-soo, we 'ai-soo...... 83 5.5.5 that3H: 'o-tamaa, tamaa, 'ai-taa...... 85 5.5.6 that3L: 'o-watu, watu, we 'ai-waa...... 85 5.5.7 that4: the remote demonstratives...... 86 5.5.8 Referential anaa...... 86 5.5.9 Compounds with maa- ~ mana-...... 87 5.5.10 Stacked demonstratives...... 88 5.5.11 Presentative -hee...... 89 5.5.12 Residue...... 89 5.6 Particles 'o and manga...... 90 5.6.1 The article 'o...... 90 5.6.2 The plural marker manga...... 92 5.7 The measure phrase...... 95 5.7.1 Numerals...... 95 5.7.2 Classifiers and measure nouns...... 98 5.7.3 Quantifiers...... 100 5.8 Attributes...... 102 5.9 Structure of NP...... 103 5.10 Coordination...... 104 6. The prepositional phrase...... 105 6.1 The preposition we...... 105 6.2 The preposition te...... 106 6.3 The preposition to...... 108 6.4 The preposition sompu...... 110 6.5 The deverbal preposition minaho ‘from’...... 110 6.6 Complex prepositions...... 111 7. The clause...... 113 7.1 Equative clauses...... 113 7.2 Existential clauses...... 114 7.3 Intransitive clauses...... 115 7.3.1 VS order...... 116 7.3.2 SV order...... 117 7.3.3 With locative PPs...... 118 7.4 Transitive clauses...... 118 7.4.1 SVO...... 119
vi 7.4.2 OVS...... 120 7.4.3 VSO...... 122 7.4.4 VOS...... 122 7.4.5 Reflexive constructions...... 123 7.4.6 Ditransitive constructions...... 124 7.5 Nominalized clauses...... 125 7.6 Clause periphery...... 126 7.6.1 Temporal periphery...... 126 7.6.2 Locative periphery...... 128 7.6.3 Manner periphery...... 128 7.6.4 Vocatives...... 129 7.6.5 Interjections...... 130 7.7 Adverbs...... 132 8. Clausal modifications...... 134 8.1 Valency changes...... 134 8.1.1 Transitivizing -Ci...... 134 8.1.2 Applicative -ho...... 135 8.1.3 Causative fa'a- and fo-...... 139 8.1.4 Requestive fe-...... 141 8.1.5 Detransitivizing 'a-...... 142 8.1.6 Reciprocal po-...... 143 8.1.7 Agentless passive te-...... 144 8.2 Negation...... 145 8.2.1 miina ‘not’...... 145 8.2.2 pa ‘will not’...... 147 8.2.3 'uje ‘do not’...... 149 8.2.4 mincuano ‘no’...... 149 8.3 Interrogative mood...... 150 8.3.1 Polar questions...... 150 8.3.2 Content questions...... 151 8.3.3 Miscellaneous...... 159 8.4 Imperative mood...... 160 8.5 Hortative mood...... 162 9. Complex sentences...... 164 9.1 Relative clauses...... 164 9.1.1 Marked by active participles...... 165 9.1.2 Marked by passive participles...... 169
vii 9.1.3 Nominalized relative clauses...... 171 9.2 Juxtaposition...... 172 9.2.1 Semantic groupings...... 172 9.2.2 Serial verb constructions?...... 175 9.3 Conjoining...... 176 9.3.1 Conjoining without conjunctions...... 176 9.3.2 Temporal clauses...... 177 9.3.3 Contrastive clauses...... 182 9.3.4 Reason clauses...... 183 9.3.5 Conditional clauses...... 183 9.3.6 Purpose clauses...... 185 9.3.7 Concessive clauses...... 186 9.3.8 Surprisive clauses...... 187 9.3.9 Direct and indirect speech...... 187 10. Summary of morphology...... 190 10.1 Prefixes...... 191 10.1.1 'a-...... 191 10.1.2 fa'a-...... 191 10.1.3 fe-...... 191 10.1.4 fo-...... 192 10.1.5 m-...... 192 10.1.6 ma-...... 192 10.1.7 me-...... 192 10.1.8 mo-...... 192 10.1.9 ne-...... 192 10.1.10 'o-...... 192 10.1.11 pisi-...... 193 10.1.12 po-...... 193 10.1.13 poma-...... 194 10.1.14 sa-...... 194 10.1.15 se-...... 194 10.1.16 so-...... 195 10.1.17 te-...... 195 10.2 Infix -um-...... 195 10.3 Suffixes...... 195 10.3.1 -a...... 195 10.3.2 -ana...... 195
viii 10.3.3 -Ci...... 196 10.3.4 -ho...... 196 10.3.5 -i...... 196 10.3.6 -mo...... 196 10.3.7 -mu...... 197 10.3.8 -no...... 197 10.4 Reduplication...... 198 Appendix A. Interlinear texts...... 200 Text 1. Wa Mindo-mindo...... 200 Text 2. La Wantu-wantu...... 210 Text 3. La Bhembe-bhembe...... 217 Text 4. Songs...... 221 Text 5. La Niadhi te La Pau...... 224 Text 6. La Hasal Basari...... 233 Text 7. La Ode Bhalapanda te Wa Sambamparia...... 244 Additional note to text 7...... 251 Text 8. 'Aindei pande fotai bhangku ‘The boy who was good at playing top’...... 255 Text 9. Wa Ode Sindori-dori te 'ola'ino liwu...... 259 Text 10. 'Agasiano. Games...... 273 A. The cat game...... 273 B. The dragon game...... 274 C. The game of saindo-saindo lauga-lauga...... 276 D. The hoonge game...... 277 Text 11. Wa Mindo-mindoe...... 277 Text 12. La Ndoke-ndoke te La Kapoo-poluka ‘Monkey and Tortoise’...... 284 Appendix B. Trilingual phrase book...... 289 1. Waktu / time...... 289 2. Makan dan minum / eating and drinking...... 291 3. Permintaan / requests...... 293 4. Membeli dan menjual / buying and selling...... 294 5. Perintah / commands...... 296 6. Tugas dalam rumah / household tasks...... 298 7. Belajar Bahasa Busoa / learning the Busoa language...... 300 8. Penyakit / illness...... 301 9. Keluarga / family...... 303 10. Cuaca / weather...... 304
ix Appendix C. Trilingual vocabulary...... 306 1. Busoa – English - Indonesian...... 306 2. English – Busoa finderlist...... 361 3. Indonesian – Busoa finderlist...... 382 References...... 402
x Index of maps
Map 1. Busoa in Indonesia...... 1 Map 2. Busoa in southern Buton...... 2 Map 3. Busoa and the languages of island Southeast Sulawesi...... 4
xi Index of tables
Table 2.1 Busoa consonants...... 12 Table 2.2 Busoa vowels...... 12 Tabel 2.3 Sound correspondences...... 41 Table 2.4 Muna-Busoa cognates...... 42 Table 2.5 Root consonant constraint...... 43 Table 4.1 Verb class membership...... 52 Table 4.2 Pronominal forms...... 53 Table 4.3 Paradigm of hamba ‘help’ with object suffixes...... 70 Table 4.4 Paradigm of holi ‘buy’ with indirect object suffixes...... 72 Table 5.1 Free pronouns...... 78 Table 5.2 Demonstratives...... 81 Table 5.3 Numerals...... 95 Table 5.4 Old counting systems...... 97 Table 5.5 Classifiers...... 98
xii Conventions and abbreviations
/…/ phonemic representation […] phonetic representation <...> orthographic representation - morpheme break = clitic break ~ in variation with; reduplication
xiii IRR irrealis k.o. kind of LOC locative M masculine MIR mirative n noun nm measure noun NEG negator NMLZ nominalization OBJ object NP noun phrase NUM numeral PART particle PASS passive PASS.PTCP passive participle PL, PLUR plural PFV perfective POSS possessive PRESTV presentative PP prepositional phrase PURP purpose REAL realis REC reciprocal REQ requestive RDUP reduplication SG singular s.o. someone sp species s.t. something SVC serial verb construction v verb vi (dynamic) intransitive verb vs stative verb vt transitive verb vt-io transitive verb taking indirect object suffixes Wol the Wolio language
xiv Example sources
As much as possible, each Busoa example sentence in the grammar sketch is provided with its source, stated after the free translation. Isolated phrases and words in the running text are mostly given without source. The following conventions are used to indicate example sources.
t texts; e.g. t5:3 means text 5, line 3. All 12 texts are given in Appendix A with interlinear glosses and free translation.
conv utterances that arose in spontaneous conversations during the course of the fieldwork.
dict example sentences provided for the trilingual Busoa dictionary, see Appendix C. Some of these were based on textual examples, but most of them were new material.
elic elicited material; examples provided during language sessions to illustrate a particular morpheme, word or construction, sometimes translated from Indonesian.
pb phrase book; a collection of short phrases and clauses, all directly translated from Indonesian; see Appendix B.
voc a 12-page list of words and phrases provided by La Afa.
xv Preface
This preface gives some background information about my research into the Busoa language, which was actually rather limited, spread out over five brief visits in the years between 1986 and 2009. But it was enough to collect a body of grammatical and lexical data, enabling me to get a reasonable grip on the grammar of the language. In this I was no doubt helped by the fact that Busoa is closely related to Muna (something like German and Dutch), a language which I had already studied in considerable detail.
It all started in 1986 when I was doing a dialect survey of Muna in an attempt to find out the exact extent of the area in which Muna dialects were spoken, as part of my 18- month PhD field research on that language. My wife Lydia and I were living in Raha at the time, the small capital city of Muna, in order to learn and study the Muna language. The task of finding the geographical boundaries of Muna was more extensive than I had realized, as the area where Muna dialects were spoken was larger than was reported in the literature (e.g. Sneddon’s (1983) language map of Sulawesi), and the dialectal differences were also considerable, both lexically and phonologically. The areas north and south of Baubau, the capital of Buton island, for instance, were essentially uncharted territory. I drove around on my motorbike for a few days, found a boat to the islands of Kadatua and Siompu, took a 210-wordlist in various places and discovered two new languages: Liabuku (north of Baubau), and Kaimbulawa (on the island of Siompu), as well as several unreported Muna dialects. This was exciting and I felt like an explorer in the age of discovery. Ironically, this area was already well-known in the 16th and 17th century, when Buton became a vassal of the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC). For some reason, nobody had ever taken the effort to travel around the area to find out about the language situation.1 Anyway, I was aware of the fact that there was another language spoken in the area, Busoa, as this was reported in the overview of the languages of Southeast Sulawesi (Kaseng et al. 1987), of which I had a prepublication copy. So on September 24, 1986, I drove through the village of Busoa, stopped at the house of the kepala desa (administrative head of the village), and spent about two hours there. I took a 210-item wordlist from a helpful native speaker called La Saibi2 (with all interaction done in Indonesian), and immediately recognized that this was a close
1 Actually, that is not quite true. In the 1930s, a Dutch colonial government official called E.J. van den Berg (no relative) was stationed in Baubau as taalambtenaar (language official). He travelled around Buton collecting linguistic and cultural information, but he was killed during World War II and most of his materials were lost. See Cense (1954) for more information. It is possible that he visited Busoa, but this cannot be stated with certainty. 2 Names in Busoa usually contain an article, La for men, Wa for women. See §5.1.1.
xvi relative of Muna, but indeed distinct enough to be called a separate language. Much was similar or even identical to Muna, but the differences in basic vocabulary, phonology, and pronouns were of such a nature that my curiosity was piqued. I was intrigued by this very small close relative, spoken by a community of what I then estimated to be maybe 2,000 people – tiny compared to the estimated 227,000 speakers (at that time) of Muna. I resolved to come back at some point in the future and get more data. That opportunity did not arise until 1993.
I went back to Busoa in June of 1993. During that time my wife and I, now accompanied by our two small sons, were living again on the island of Muna, for the purposes of producing a Muna dictionary and doing language development, including translation work. As one of my side projects, I was keen to return to Busoa. The opportunity finally arrived when we had overseas visitors for about two weeks, and I felt free to take four days off. Two weeks earlier I had travelled to Baubau and driven to Busoa for a brief visit to announce my plans to come for a few days to study their language. People were friendly and helpful at that time and we held a small gathering in the balai desa (community hall), where I explained my goals and what I was hoping to achieve. The head of the village and his secretary were in agreement. The fact that I was an official researcher and had a research permit from the Indonesian Research Institute (LIPI) helped, and there was some local interest, mingled with curiosity. I was keen to get written Busoa texts and more vocabulary from them, so I had brought exercise books and a 1486-word list in Indonesian (a so-called Holle list) for someone to fill out. During the meeting we also discussed the spelling, focusing on the glottal stop, the velar fricative, the implosives, and the long vowels. Based on my experience in Muna, both in Raha and in the southern Muna dialect, I suggested orthographic symbols they could use and showed them examples on a blackboard that was available there. The exercise books and the word list were distributed and plans were made for my follow-up visit, such as finding a host family. I returned to Muna pleased with the results, hoping for a positive outcome.
When I returned to Busoa just over two weeks later, I was given lodging in the house of La Sarona and his wife Wa Ngka'ubu, a couple in their thirties, with two young children. From the first moment they only spoke to me in Busoa, and I tried to reply as best as I could by mentally substituting Muna sounds and words with the appropriate Busoa structures. Their hospitality, friendship and constant interaction in Busoa from early morning till late at night was a very significant factor in the success of that stay. On the first day, I was given the 1486-word list, handwritten by La Biru, five texts written by La Safui and another six texts written by La Afa. La Afa had also spontaneously written some further 12 pages of lexical notes, including various homonyms (e.g. three meanings of sala), question words, verbs of motion, conjunctions, weapons, negators, and various derived words. I was
xvii immensely grateful for their work, and compensated them accordingly. I then spent the next three days in the village going over most of these texts and notes with them, eliciting grammatical information (pronouns, verbal paradigms, demonstratives, prepositions etc.) and trying as much as possible to use everything I learnt in conversation. Everything was done on paper at that time, though I also made various recordings, both of stories and of spontaneous conversations. All in all, it was a very fruitful and fulfilling time. On the last evening, a large group of friends and neighbours gathered in the house where I was staying and we played several traditional games, including the naga (dragon) game, in which people walk around, each linked to the next person by a sarong, forming a line like a long snake (see text 10.B in Appendix A). There was much laughter and I got the sense that the language and culture were quite alive. I returned to Muna the following day, thinking that I would find time in the next year or so to process the data and work on a sketch and a vocabulary of Busoa.
That never happened, as I was too busy with other things and Busoa did not seem to be a priority. It was not until 2004 that I started to look at the materials again. Our family had moved to Papua New Guinea by that time, and various other projects had ended. I started entering all the lexical data from the handwritten wordlist, the texts and various notes in a Toolbox lexical database, but discovered that there were some inconsistencies in writing, and that I was unsure of several of the meanings. I also wrote up a draft version of the phonology chapter. When I began to analyse the texts, interlinearizing and doing a free translation, I also realized that there were still many gaps in what I knew and understood. In short, after a few weeks I realized I had to go back for another trip if the sketch and vocabulary were to meet my own academic standards.
In June of 2005, twelve years after my initial stay, I made a brief overnight visit to Busoa, staying again with La Sarona and Wa Ngka'ubu. My conversational ability in Busoa had evaporated, La Safui had passed away, La Biru and La Afa had jobs and were otherwise occupied, but I was happy to find new speakers to help me: La Tari (a son of La Safui), and La Ridjali, a retired teacher. It quickly became clear that the vocabulary needed extensive checking. I would have to come back again.
In 2008 I spent another three days in Busoa, again staying with my old friends La Sarona and Wa Ngka'ubu; their sons had left the house, and their third child was now a teenage girl. We joked that we had become old people now. I had made a print-out of the draft vocabulary (some 40-50 pages) and with La Tari and La Ridjali I went over every word and meaning. That was less exciting than the discovery work done in 1993, but many errors were caught, senses were clarified and new words and meanings added. And I was pleased that my proficiency in speaking Busoa was coming back fairly quickly. I also did some
xviii further grammar work (mainly verbal morphology, but also deixis), recorded the oral translation of a phrase book into Busoa and made recordings of various conversations. Unfortunately, I was unable to finish the vocabulary during those three days, so I made another return visit in May of 2009, realizing this would probably be my last field trip to Busoa. For the fourth time I stayed with my hosts in the same house, and they fed me again and supplied me with strong coffee during the long language sessions. During this four-day visit I checked all the texts, clarified various phonological and grammatical issues, was also able to record four new Busoa stories from Wa Najia, an old lady who was renowned for her narrative skills. Unfortunately I was unable to process these recordings, so they remain an oral archive (see §1.8).
Back in Papua New Guinea, I finished the vocabulary, and printed out ten copies of this 84-page trilingual vocabulary (Kamus Singkat Bahasa Busoa – Bahasa Indonesia – Bahasa Inggris), with an Indonesian finderlist. During a trip to Indonesia in 2011, I was able to make a brief visit to Busoa, now finally accompanied by my wife Lydia, to present the dictionary to my main helpers, as well as to the local primary school (SD Busoa 1), the head of the village (ibu lurah), and my longtime faithful hosts. It was a warm reunion. We had a meal, many pictures were taken and then we said our good-byes.
All in all then, my total interaction with speakers of Busoa over the years only comprised twelve days of field work, but it took of course much longer to process the data and write up this report.
xix Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge the following people who have been sources of information and provided data and help at various points.
1. My hosts La Sarona and his wife Wa Ngka'ubu (both born around 1960) and their children Kasyafan, Kafarun and Kamalia. They provided lodging, food and drink, company and many spontaneous conversations during four different visits. My (limited) conversational ability in Busoa was mainly due to their insistence on speaking to me in Busoa. We had much fun together and their contribution to this project has been enormous. Wa Ngka'ubu also narrated text 12 in 1993.
2. La Biru (c. 1950) translated the 1486-item wordlist from Indonesian to Busoa in 1993, the basis for the vocabulary in Appendix C.
3. La Safui, also known as Uma Jangku (c.1930 – 2001), provided texts 7-11 in 1993.
4. La Afa (c. 1965) provided texts 1-6 in 1993, and 12 pages of language notes (referred to as ‘voc’ in the example sources).
5. La Rijali (1946), a former primary school teacher in Busoa, very knowledgeable about the language and the culture. He was one of the two main people who shared his expertise in 2005, 2008 and 2009 and helped extensively with the grammar, the dictionary and the phrase book.
6. La Tari (1971), a son of La Safui (nr 3), was the other main resource person in 2005, 2008 and 2009. He was very helpful with the dictionary and the phrase book.
I also want to acknowledge Ibu Marlijah, the village secretary in 1993 and the head of the village (ibu lurah) in 2008 and 2009, for allowing me to stay in Busoa and do research on the language.
At the 1993 meeting a few other people were also present, mostly traditional village leaders (tokoh adat): La Amumu, Hamid (then a teacher at SMP Laompo) and La Ani (then a teacher at SD Busoa). In 2009 the following men also gave input on the dictionary as they sat in on one or more language sessions: La Suhudu (1951), a brother of La Tari (nr 6), La Ribi (1967), and La Ca'u (1976), a son of La Ridjali (nr 5). There were also many others whose names I did not write down, people who wandered into my hosts’ house, as well as people I met and talked to on the street.
To all of these Busoa folks I express my heartfelt gratitude, and I offer this study in the hope that I have done justice to their beautiful language, and that it will continue to be a vehicle for communication and ethnic pride for many years to come.
xx I also want to acknowledge Prof. Alexandra Aikhenvald for allowing me to spend a month at the Language and Culture Research Centre at James Cook University in Cairns, Australia, in early 2020, where I could focus exclusively on Busoa. The Covid-19 crisis enabled me to continue working on Busoa in Ukarumpa during March, April and May of 2020, as many other activities and planned trips were cancelled.
Steve Miller and Beth Bryson were helpful in getting the Toolbox database migrated to FLEx. Moss Doerksen helped me with the finer aspects of formatting in Libre Office, John Brownie read the manuscript critically, caught various errors and made many useful comments and suggestions. Ruth Mathys, Amy Rice, Marina Maimer, Sarah Carey and Megan Kieser contributed by doing the final proofreading. My wife Lydia carefully read through a first draft and suggested many improvements. Her support, encouragement and critical eye have been essential for the completion of this project.
xxi xxii 1. Introduction
This chapter is a brief introduction to the Busoa people and their language. It is meant to give some background information for the Busoa grammar sketch, texts and vocabulary that follow.
1.1 Location and speakers
Busoa [bup] is spoken on the island of Buton, one of the four large islands off the coast of Southeast Sulawesi, in central Indonesia (see map 1).
MAP 1. BUSOA IN INDONESIA
Map from https://aseanup.com/free-maps-indonesia/. Accessed 28 October 2020. Used with permission.
More specifically, Busoa is spoken in just two villages: the villages of Busoa and Lakambau (kelurahan Busoa, kelurahan Lakambau), located about 22 km south of the city of Baubau in the South Buton regency (kabupaten Buton Selatan), Batauga district (kecamatan Batauga); see map 2. Baubau is a fairly large city on Buton (population around 167,000 in 2018), the
1 2 capital of the old Buton sultanate where the sultan’s palace (kraton) was located.
MAP 2. BUSOA IN SOUTHERN BUTON
Map data ©2020 Google. Accessed 1 April 2020. Used with permission.
The village of Busoa consists of two rows of houses on either side of the road extending for some 2-3 kilometers from north to south, a few hundred meters from the sea to the west. There are two side roads leading to the sea.
Busoa is easy to reach. There are daily flights to Baubau from Makassar in South Sulawesi, and there is a good road that hugs the southwest coast of Buton with plenty of traffic, including cars, trucks, buses, minibuses, taxis and motorbikes.
In 1993 the village of Busoa (kelurahan Busoa) consisted of four administrative sections (lingkungan): Busoa itself (92 households), Wuragana (unknown number of households, but fewer than Busoa), Labusa (42 households) and Batauga (again unknown). The population of Wuragana is Busoa-speaking, though there are some small differences in pronunciation (see §1.4). The people living in Labusa, however, are ethnically not Busoa; they are newcomers to the area, or descendants of leprosy patients who were brought together there in pre-colonial days. Most of them are native speakers of Cia-Cia and Muna, two large languages surrounding Busoa. The lingkungan Batauga is situated right on the coast and they mostly speak Wolio. Within the village of Busoa, the area near the bridge as one enters the village from the south is known as Lakambau (La'ambau in the Busoa language). Somewhere between 1993 and 2008 this area became its own administrative village (kelurahan) 3
Lakambau. Later, in 2008 there were seven lingkungan in the kelurahan Busoa: Lamaindo, Labusa 1, Labusa 2, Batauga 1, Batauga 2, Busoa and Wuragana. Speakers of Busoa are limited to the lingkungan Busoa and Wuragana.
It is not easy to give an accurate statement about the number of speakers of Busoa. In 1986 I was told there were about 2,300 speakers. This number now seems much too high, as it was probably based on the total number of households in the village of Busoa at the time (somewhere around 400), including all the non-Busoa speakers. In 2008 I discussed the question of the number of speakers with several village elders. At that time lingkungan Busoa had 169 households, and lingkungan Wuragana 115 households, a total of 284. Considering the number of newcomers, as well as the number of children no longer able to speak Busoa, we arrived at an estimated total of around 1,000 speakers. At the moment of writing (2020), this number has almost certainly diminished (see §1.5), and the best current estimate is around 800 to 900 speakers. Even that could be too high.
1.2 Language name
The name Busoa means ‘smithy, a workplace where metal is worked by heating and hammering’. It is probably a Wolio word, from the verb buso ‘to blow’, referring to the air blown by the bellows, affixed with the locative suffix -a. The name is puzzling, since the Busoa people are not metal workers. I was given the following explanation by La Ridjali and La Tari in 2008 and 2009 about the origin of the name.
The current location of the Busoa-speaking community along the coastal road is not the homeland of the Busoa people. For a number of centuries the Busoa people lived somewhere in the hill country about 7 km to the east of the current village. In July 1969 they were moved down to the coast, a group of maybe 300 to 400 people, on strict orders from the Indonesian government. The original village of Busoa in the hills received its name because a group of Wolio-speaking metal workers fled Baubau in the distant past during a period of unrest in the kraton, and settled in or near the village of the original Busoa people. These people were metal workers (Ind pandai besi), able to forge iron weapons and instruments such as spears, bushknives, hoes, axes and adzes, but also brass instruments such as gongs of various sizes. When they fled Baubau, they brought their materials and equipment with them. From that point on, the area was referred to as Busoa, and the name was apparently transferred to or adopted by the original population of the area and carried along when everyone moved to the coast in the late 1960s. The place name subsequently also became the name of their language (pogau Busoa).
Interestingly, I was told that there used to be another language spoken along the coast in the 1960s by the local population, which they called pogau Batauga ‘the Batauga language’. 4
That language is now extinct as people left the area due to illness, war and to seek their fortune elsewhere (Ind merantau). The language was reportedly similar to Busoa.
The 23rd edition of the Ethnologue lists an alternate name Bosoa, but it is not clear who reported this variant and how commonly it is used.
1.3 Affiliation and earlier studies
Busoa is a Western Austronesian language. Like all the languages spoken in central and southeast Sulawesi, it belongs to the large Celebic supergroup, and within this group it is a member of the Muna-Buton group, a group of some 17 languages. Within Muna-Buton, Busoa links up with five other languages to form the Munic group: Kaimbulawa (a small language spoken in a corner of the island of Siompu, opposite Busoa); Kioko (a small language spoken on the northeast coast of Buton, towards Ereke), Liabuku (a small endangered and unstudied language spoken 12 km north of Baubau), Pancana (sometimes referred to as Kapontori, a poorly understood assortment of isolects spoken in central Buton) and Muna, a large language (possibly 300,000 - 350,000 speakers) mainly spoken on the neighbouring island of Muna, the only well-described language of this subgroup (van den Berg 1989). The internal classification of the Munic group remains to be worked out. See map 3 for the location of the Muna-Buton languages.
MAP 3. BUSOA AND THE LANGUAGES OF ISLAND SOUTHEAST SULAWESI
©2006, SIL International 5
Lexicostatistically, Busoa scores 71% with the standard variety of Muna, but higher with southern Muna dialects: 74% with Lombe and Lakudo, 76% with Katobengke, and 78% with neighbouring Laompo (van den Berg 1991).
There are no earlier studies of Busoa. The first mention of Busoa in the literature is Kaseng et al. (1987), a language survey of the province of Southeast Sulawesi done around 1982. The 200-word list presented there (on page 108-109) is helpful, but unfortunately marred by the fact that the glottal stop is not indicated. The voiced velar fricative is written as
1.4 Dialects
There are no known dialects of Busoa, which is not surprising given the small size of the language area. The area of Wuragana, however, was said to have a number of slightly different pronunciation variants, including the following two: 1) the 3rd person indirect object variants holi-ane ‘buy for him/her/them’, instead of the more common holi-ene (see §4.5.2); 2) the demonstrative aini for =ani ‘this’ (see §5.5.2). It also has a few specific lexical items, but no details were given. I was told this Wuragana variant is now virtually extinct. It appears that La Safui was from Wuragana, as these variants are found in the texts that he wrote.
1.5 Language use and vitality
The village of Busoa is multilingual. Most adults speak the following two languages fluently in addition to their native Busoa: 1) Wolio (the court language of the sultanate of Wolio and a former lingua franca on the island of Buton), 2) Indonesian, the national language. Additionally many adults have at least a passive, and sometimes an active command of an additional two languages: 3) Cia-Cia, a large language spoken throughout the southern half of the island of Buton; and 4) Muna, more specifically, one of the southern Muna subdialects. Southern Muna dialects are spoken to the north of Busoa in the villages of Lawela, Sulaa, Topa and in the Katobengke area within the city of Baubau. Varieties of the southern Muna dialect are also spoken to the south of Busoa in the area of Laompo and Burukene. Whether this ability to speak southern Muna and Cia-Cia extends to all men and women, and to what extent people have an active command of these languages is an open question. I was also told that everyone was literate in Indonesian, and that there were no monolingual speakers of Busoa. 6
It appears that Busoa is not really passed on to the next generation. Parents typically speak to their children in Indonesian, though my observations were very limited. In 2008, the teenage girl in my host family spoke some Busoa, but she felt more at home in Indonesian. Some older folks lamented the lack of fluency shown by youngsters, as well as their mixing of Busoa with Indonesian. The number of children who are fluent in Busoa was said to be minimal. I overheard Busoa children mostly playing in Indonesian, and Busoa teenagers chatting in Indonesian, but I realise all this is anecdotal. No sociolinguistic survey was carried out to assess the vitality of Busoa.
In 2009 a group of people I spoke to mentioned several factors that have had a negative effect on the vitality of Busoa as a living language: • widespread primary and secondary education, leading to increased fluency in Indonesian; • increasing numbers of newcomers (Ind pendatang) who do not learn the language; • the return of many Buton emigrants from Ambon to Buton after the civil unrest there (around 2000-2001); most of these returnees (called eksodus in Indonesian) had lost their vernacular language or had maybe never acquired it; • an increasing number of mixed marriages; only very few of these spouses learn Busoa, and their children grow up speaking Indonesian; • codeswitching between Busoa, Wolio and Indonesian is normal and completely accepted; • there are no monolingual Busoa speakers in the village; an outsider can always communicate with Busoa people in Wolio or Indonesian.
A further factor that was mentioned at that time was the likelihood that the neighbouring village of Laompo (3 km to the south, traditionally Muna-speaking) was going to be the seat of the capital of the new regency (kabupaten) of South Buton. The people expected this move to bring major changes to the infrastructure and the culture of the area: better roads, more traffic, new government buildings, shops, schools, entertainment, and an influx of civil servants looking for houses, leading to an increase in land prices and many building projects. South Buton was officially established as a new regency in 2014, and with Indonesian being the language of administration and government, the road towards further decline of Busoa now seems irreversible. 7
Based on these observations and discussions, it seems safe to give Busoa an EGIDS rating of 7 (Shifting).1
The language has never been written down. My unpublished 2011 trilingual wordlist (Kamus Singkat Bahasa Busoa – Bahasa Indonesia – Bahasa Inggris) was the first time anything appeared in or on the language.
The attitude of native speakers towards their own language appears to be one of indifference. Busoa has no prestige, is limited to a single village (now two villages), offers no economic advantages and there is no reason for anyone to learn it. It is located at the very bottom of the language pyramid, together with other regional languages such as Muna and Cia-Cia, although those two are at least spoken by many more people and in a much larger area. The next level on the pyramid is occupied by Wolio, the prestigious language of the Wolio sultanate and a regional lingua franca. The top two layers are occupied by Indonesian, the national language, and English at the very top, a position it has everywhere in Indonesia. Very few outsiders learn Busoa, although there were a few exceptions of spouses from other parts of Southeast Sulawesi who had married in and become fluent in Busoa.
My attempts to learn and study the language were met with surprise and some curiosity, but there was also a clear willingness to help. However, the notions of preserving their language, documenting it for future generations, recording their cultural heritage and using the language in education did not resonate with anyone, including the Busoa teachers at the primary school. When I brought copies of the small trilingual dictionary in 2011 to the community and to the school, they were politely accepted as the work of a ‘well-meaning drudge’, but there was no enthusiasm or excitement.
1.6 Culture and culture change
Housing. Traditionally, the Busoa people were subsistence farmers, living off the soil and growing rice (bhae) and maize/corn ('asitela) in small gardens. Their simple houses (bhanua) were built on stilts, using wood and bamboo, with thatched roofs. This simplicity was not just their own choice. Within the Wolio sultanate there was traditionally a strong prohibition against building large and beautiful houses outside of the kraton, presumably to maintain and display the status differences between the nobility inside the kraton and the commoners living in the villages.
1 EGIDS stands for Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale, a tool developed to grade language status and language vitality. See http://www.ethnologue.com/about/language-status for details and literature. 8
Economy. In 2009, I was told, 80% of the people still lived off the land, but now also benefiting from cash crops such as kapok ('apa jawa), teak, and cashew nuts (jambu), a crop which became popular in the area in the 1990s. The remaining 20% of the people work as civil servants, traders, small store owners or unskilled workers such as truck drivers transporting sand. There has been a huge demand for sand and most of the sand on the beach near Busoa has actually been excavated, sold and trucked to Baubau for the construction of private houses, government offices and stores. This apparently started in the early 1970s, and currently the beach area near Busoa is a barren moonscape.
Modern Life. Modern life has come quite rapidly to Busoa in the last three decades. My visit in 1986 was too short to observe much. During my stay in 1993 there was no electricity in the village, and people used pressure lanterns, candles and torches. There was no running water and people got water and washed and bathed at a number of communal wells in the village (where I joined them). There was little traffic on the road. But things were about to change. Both power and running water came to Busoa in 1995, and there were many opportunities to earn money. During my last stay in 2009 I learnt that 70% of the houses were now made of brick and had corrugated iron roofs. My hosts, farmers with primary school education, now also had running water in the house, a television, a fridge and a washing machine. The floor was tiled and everybody in the village seemed to have a mobile phone. Many households owned a motorbike and there was constant traffic on the road.
Education. In the old village of Busoa in the hills (pre-1969), there was a primary school, but only around 10% of the population had graduated from it. In 2009 there were four schools in the two villages of Busoa and Lakambau: two primary schools (SD Busoa and SD Batauga), a lower secondary school (SMP Lakambau) and an upper secondary school (SMA Lakambau), which at that point served the whole district (kecamatan) Batauga. All the children in Busoa now attended school and many had high school diplomas. For tertiary education people went to Baubau, where there are several tertiary institutions, or to larger cities such as Kendari and Makassar.
Religion. Islam is the only religion in Busoa and has been there for several centuries. I was told that people visit the mosque infrequently and are not diligent in their daily prayers. The fasting month, however, is strictly adhered to.
Lost and retained. In 2009 I asked a group of people which aspects of their culture had been lost and which had been retained in the past three to four decades. Together they came up with the following list. Lost: • traditional dances (rarely performed these days); • folktales and oral literature; 9
• traditional dress, including sarongs (although I still saw a few worn); • weaving sarongs (only one Wolio person still knows how to weave); • traditional house shapes (on stilts); • certain rituals such as bhongkahano taho ‘the opening of the year’, a harvest festival after the first young maize was picked; • children’s games such as playing with a spinning top (bhangku), pa'a'enggo and pa'awuni-wuni (two unidentified games) and others. Retained: • marriage customs and traditions, including the bride price (popolo); • the seclusion rite of passage for girls aged 13-17 (mesoo); the girls are secluded in a closed room for 2-8 nights; • playing the gong (mbololo) and the drum (ganda), especially at the end of the seclusion ceremony; • weaving of baskets, trays etc.
1.7 Methodology and limitations
As indicated in the preface, this study is based on some twelve days of fieldwork (a few hours in 1986, and a few days each in 1993, 2008 and 2009). All of my interactions with the Busoa people were conducted in Indonesian, mixed with Busoa as I gained some fluency. The main sources of information were as follows.
a) A 1486-wordlist (an old Holle list) filled in by La Biru in 1993 which resulted in some 1,100 items for the dictionary. All these were carefully checked for spelling and meaning in 2008 and 2009. Together with other vocabulary (from texts, conversations and elicitation) this led to the trilingual vocabulary of some 1,650 items (root-based), presented in Appendix C.
b) Texts. Eleven texts were written in Busoa in 1993 by La Afa (texts 1-6) and by La Safui (texts 7-11). Nine of these texts are narrative folk tales. Text 4 consists of four children’s games or songs, and text 10 is again a collection of children’s songs with some explanations. Most of these texts were orally translated and discussed with the authors in 1993; text 6 was discussed in 2008. I also recorded an oral folk tale (text 12) from Wa Ngka'ubu in 1993. These texts are all presented in interlinearized form with free translation in Appendix A.
c) Direct questioning and elicitation on a variety of grammatical topics, especially pronouns, verbal morphology, numerals and demonstratives. 10
d) Translation of a brief phrase book from Indonesian into Busoa (see Appendix B).
e) Dialogues with my hosts La Sarona and Wa Ngka'ubu (and guests, if present) during meal times and outside of formal language sessions. They only spoke Busoa to me, and only resorted to Indonesian when it was obvious that I had no idea what they were saying. Because I already knew Muna, understanding Busoa was not too difficult, once I had made the mental sound correspondences, some of which were tricky (e.g. Muna rato ‘arrive’ = Busoa ghato; Muna ghato ‘roof’ = Busoa hato). I had memorized the 200-word list before I arrived in 1993 and so I was able to acquire some basic conversational skills fairly quickly. Some of these conversations were recorded, but they have not been transcribed.
The limitations of this research are obvious. This was not a case of immersion fieldwork, but rather of stepping into the water, wading three or four steps and then moving out again. I believe I got a reasonably good grip on basic morphology and syntax, but I simply wasn’t there long enough to get a good understanding of the deictic system, the extent of internal variation, issues of language vitality, other genres than narrative, intonation patterns etc. On the last day of my 2009 visit I recorded an old lady who narrated four folktales, but these have not yet been transcribed (see also §1.8). My understanding of Busoa culture is also minimal, as I was focusing on basic morphosyntax and the lexicon. I did not, for example, work on an adequate list of kinship terms, a description of culturally important events such as weddings and the seclusion ritual for teenage girls, or an understanding of their basically animistic worldview.
In short, I’m very aware of the shortcomings of this study. It was always meant to be a ‘side project’ and I offer this study in the hope that one day a Busoa speaker will study his or her own language in more detail.
1.8 Archiving
The following Busoa materials are available online.
• https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85634. The audio recording of text 7 (La Ode Bhalapanda te Wa Sambamparia), narrated by La Safui in 1993 after he had given me the written version. This oral text differs slightly from the written text presented in Appendix A. For text 7 a transcription of the audio recording is also provided in Appendix A as an additional note.
• https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85616. The audio recording of text 8 ('Aindei pande fotai bhangku ‘The boy who was good at playing top’), narrated by La Safui in 1993 after he had given me the written version. This oral text also differs slightly from the written text presented in Appendix A. 11
• https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85635. The audio recording of text 12 (La Ndoke-ndoke te La Kapoo-poluka ‘The monkey and the tortoise’), narrated by Wa Ngka'ubu in 1993. The transcription in Appendix A follows the oral version exactly.
• Audio recordings of four additional folk tales as told by Wa Najia in 2009: https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85636 Text 13 La Niadhi te La Pau. https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85637. Text 14 Wa Ncibhoka-bhoka. https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85638. Text 15 Wa Sambamparia. https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85639. Text 16 La Patuma. These recordings are awaiting transcription, glossing and translation.
• https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85614. The audio recording of the elicitation session in 2008 of the trilingual phrase book in Appendix B.
• https://www.sil.org/resources/archives/85615. The trilingual lexical database from Appendix C in standard format markers. 2. Phonology
2.1 Phoneme inventory
Busoa has 30 consonant phonemes and five vowels. The consonants are displayed in table 2.1, in which dental and alveolar articulations have been combined. Phonemes in parentheses mark marginal phonemes; see §2.4 for details on the status of these phonemes.
TABLE 2.1 BUSOA CONSONANTS bilabial dental- palatal velar- glottal alveolar uvular voiceless plosive p t (c) k ʔ voiced plosive b (d) (ɉ) ɡ voiceless prenasalized plosive mp nt ɲc ŋk voiced prenasalized plosive mb nd ŋɡ implosive ɓ ɗ nasal m n ŋ voiceless fricative ɸ s h voiced fricative β γ lateral l trill (r) approximant (j)
Vowels are shown in table 2.2.
TABLE 2.2 BUSOA VOWELS front central back high i u mid ɛ ɔ low ɑ
12 13 2.2 Phonetic description
This section provides a broad articulatory phonetic description of the Busoa phonemes, with illustrative examples exemplifying the consonant under discussion in both initial and medial position. Note that consonants do not occur in syllable-final position; see §2.5 on syllable structure. When necessary, allophonic variation will be given as well. Each phoneme is marked by /…/, with allophones in […], followed by the orthographic symbol used in this sketch, marked by <…>. Stress is marked by ˈ before the stressed syllable.
2.2.1 Consonants /p/
voiceless bilabial plosive: /ˈpɑɗɑ/ pada ‘finish; after’ /ˈnɑpɑ/ napa ‘north’
/b/ voiced bilabial plosive: /ˈbɑ:/ baa ‘liter’ /tɑbeˈɑnɔ/ tabeano ‘only if, except when’
/mp/
/mb/
/ɓ/
/m/
/ɸ/
[ˈɸɔt u] ~ [ˈfɔt u] fotu ‘head’ [ˈt ɔɸɑ] ~ [ˈt ɔfɑ] tofa ‘wash (clothes)’
/β/
/t /
/d/
/nt /
/nd/
/ɗ/
/n/
/s/ voiceless alveolar fricative: /ˈsuni/ suni ‘curcuma’ /ˈɓɔsɛ/ bhose ‘paddle’
/l/
/ˈlɑ:/ laa ‘stem, stalk’ /ˈʔuli/ 'uli ‘skin’
/r/
/c/
/ɉ/
/ ɲc/
/j/
/k/
/ɡ/
/ ŋk/
/ ŋɡ/
/γ/
/ʔ/ <'> voiceless glottal plosive: /ʔɑˈγɑɗɑ/ 'aghada ‘spear’ /ˈlɔʔɔ/ lo'o ‘stone’
/h/
2.2.2 Vowels /i/ high front unrounded vowel: /ˈisɑ/ isa ‘older sibling’ /ˈγɑpi/ ghapi ‘twins’
/ɛ/
In the immediate environment of another vowel, /ɛ/ is normally realized as the half- close vowel [e]: [ˈɗeu] deu ‘needle’ [ˈɉue] jue ‘water’
/ɑ/ <ɑ> low central unrounded vowel: /ˈɑnɑ] ana ‘child’ /ˈsɑsɑ/ sasa ‘gecko’
/ɔ/
In the immediate environment of another vowel, /ɔ/ is normally realized as a half- close vowel [o]: [ˈlou] lou ‘go’ [ˈheo] heo ‘charcoal’
/u/ high back rounded vowel: /ˈuβɑ/ uwa ‘vein, tendon’ /ˈɔlu/ olu ‘cloud’
The phonetic realization of this vowel is often somewhat lowered and centralized with allophones ranging from [u] to [ʊ] and occasionally even approaching [o], thereby making the distinction between /ɔ/ and /u/ sometimes hard to hear. See further below on vowel variation.
In the remaining sections of this chapter, I will use the orthographic conventions illustrated above. Most of this is unsurprising in the context of Indonesia, e.g.
orthographic phonemic gloss bhi'u /ˈɓiʔu/ ‘land snail’ bhobuno /ɓɔˈbunɔ/ ‘lansium (tree and fruit)’ dhagi /ˈdɑɡi/ ‘meat’ megha'o /mɛˈγɑʔɔ/ ‘catch’ moda'i /mɔˈɗɑʔi/ ‘bad, broken’ 'o'e /ˈʔɔʔɛ/ ‘waste, dregs’ sube /ˈsubɛ/ ‘ladle’
2.2.3 Contrasts
The following list establishes the phonemic status of the consonants by showing the most important contrasts. With some of the low-frequency phonemes (such as c, dh, j and initial prenasalized consonants), the data did not offer full minimal pairs, and consequently the best near-contrasts have been selected. p - b pani ‘wing’ bani ‘tyre’ p - mp topa ‘dried meat’ tompa ‘end, tip’ b - mb boti ‘sailing boat’ mbuta ‘cat’ mp - mb te-simpi ‘stuck’ simbi ‘bracelet’ b - bh bisa ‘poison’ bhisa ‘midwife’ p - m panda ‘underneath’ manda ‘be cured of a habit’ p - f pana ‘bow’ fana ‘k.o. ginger’ b - w baa ‘liter’ waa ‘flood’ bh - w bhesi ‘jump’ wesi ‘hit, beat’
t - d topi ‘hat’ dopi ‘plank, board’ d - dh dosa ‘debt’ dhosa ‘sin’ t - nt 'ita ‘body dirt’ 'inta ‘fish’ d - nd do'u ‘to swallow’ ndo'e ‘monkey’ nt - nd tente ‘swell, swollen’ tende ‘jump’ d - n dana ‘tall grass’ nana ‘pus’ t - c tolu ‘three’ colo ‘matches’ d - j dua ‘also, again’ jua ‘two’ dh - j dhoti ‘black magic’ joli ‘close, lock’ c - j cahea ‘light’ jagai ‘guard’ nc - nt lancau ‘medicine’ lanto ‘float’ muncu ‘mouth’ munte ‘lemon’ 19
l - r colo ‘matches’ coro ‘microphone’
k - g kanda ‘stable’ ganda ‘drum’ k - ngk makate ‘straight’ mangkai ‘centipede’ k - ' kalo ‘necklace’ 'alo ‘tie, bind’ g - ngg gogoli ‘tie around’ gonggo ‘be alight, burn’ g - ng goga ‘scab’ longa ‘valley’ g - gh gagha ‘salt’ ghagha ‘branch’ h - gh hea ‘slice’ ghea ‘blood’ r - gh buri ‘striped feathers’ bughi ‘write’ s - h sabu ‘jump down’ habu ‘kitchen’ Ø - ' ase ‘iron’ 'ase ‘children’s game’ Ø - h ase ‘iron’ hase ‘chin’
Initial glottal stops are easily missed when a word is pronounced in isolation. The wordlist I took in 1986 turned out to contain three items where I had not heard the initial consonant ('ulese ‘root’, 'aungko ‘coconut shell’ and 'amba ‘flower’). With nouns I later found a helpful discovery procedure: ask for the pronunciation of the noun again, but this time with the proclitic preposition te ‘with’ in front of it, leading to nice contrasts such as te intano /tɛiˈntɑnɔ/ ‘with us (incl)’ and te 'intano /tɛʔiˈntɑnɔ/ ‘with the fish’.
Minimal sets for vowel contrasts (in columns): alisi ‘remove’ ani ‘bee’ ili ‘go down (of roots)’ ale-ale ‘about to break off’ 'ane ‘if’ - ala ‘take’ ana ‘child’ alio ‘just let’ alo ‘dew’ - oli ‘rudder’ alu ‘eight’ - 'uli ‘skin’
2.3 Variation
Even though the phonemic status of the five vowel phonemes is clearly established, there is considerable variation within individual words. This mostly concerns the vowel pairs i ~ e and o ~ u, but there are also other types of variation, including loss of vowels and vowel harmony. In some cases, words have three or four acceptable variants, as with telangai ~ talangai ~ telengai ‘hear’, and fetahi ~ feetahi ~ fitahi ~ fiitahi ‘look for, search’. Some of this variation could be dialectal, but several speakers used both variants in their speech or in their writings. La Safui, for example, the author of text 7, wrote haho ‘attic’ twice (corrected by other speakers to hahu), both nomono'o and nomuno'o ‘he/she is asleep’ (variation 20 accepted), and mu-ngou-mo ‘burnt’ (corrected to mo-ngou-mo). The following list sums up most of the variation, with the most commonly used variant placed first. a) Variation between i and e angkifae ~ angkefae ‘how’ 'egha-'egha ~ 'igha-'igha ‘estimate, guess’ fii- ~ fee- ‘how many’ fe(e)tahi ~ fi(i)tahi ‘look for, search’ himpooni ~ hempooni ‘just now’ liwu ~ lewu ‘village’ mii ~ mie ‘person, people’ sadhea ~ sadhia ‘always’ sahingga ~ sahengga ‘even though’ b) Variation between u and o anoa ~ anua ‘he, she’ fotai ~ futai ‘turn, twist’ fotaa ~ futaa ‘laugh’ fumaa ~ fomaa ‘eat’ ghubhine ~ ghobhine ‘woman, wife’ humbo ~ hombo ‘smoke’ kakobho ~ kakubho ‘k.o. bird’ metompo ~ metumpo ‘break, cut’ mobhela ~ mubhela ‘wounded’ moghughi ~ mughughi ‘alive’ monifi ~ munifi ‘thin’ mono'o ~ muno'o ‘sleep’ ndaifutu ~ ndaifotu ‘sibling’ 'ola'i ~ 'ula'i ‘nobility, chief’ 'osisi ~ 'usisi ‘nail, claw, hoof’ pogau ~ pugau ‘speak’ posanga ~ pusanga ‘ask permission to leave’ 'udoho ~ 'odoho ‘far’ 'ulambu ~ 'olambu ‘mosquito net’ 'uli ~ 'oli ‘skin’ 'umbohu ~ 'ombohu ‘monitor lizard’ 'undahi ~ 'ondahi ‘forehead’ 'undo ~ 'ondo ‘back, backside’ uwa ~ owa ‘grandparent’ 21
wohuu ~ wohou ‘new’ wugha ~ wogha ‘meet, find’
It appears that the contrast between o and u is somewhat unstable in Busoa, although there are a number of clear minimal pairs, including boro ‘drill’ and buru ‘fight (of cocks)’. The pronunciation of u is often lower than in neighbouring languages (see also the description of u in §2.2.2), and there are several words that I initially recorded with o, which turned out to have u when they were checked later, including 'uma ‘father’ (recorded as oma), and walu ‘eight’ (recorded as walo). In antipenultimate position the free variation between o and u appears to be particularly strong, e.g. 'udoho ~ 'odoho ‘far’ and other examples above. In some cases o seems to be the original vowel, e.g. 'odoho (compare Muna kodoho ‘far’), but in other cases it is u, e.g. 'uli ~ 'oli ‘skin’ with Muna kuli and Proto-Austronesian *kulit. c) Variation between u and i budhiadhaghi ~ bidhiadhaghi ‘fairy’ hinteli ~ hunteli ‘egg’ hise ~ huse ‘rain’ d) Reduction of vowel sequences to a single vowel fetahi ~ feetahi ~ fitahi ~ fiitahi ‘look for, search’ mangaanua ~ manganua ‘they’ miinaho ~ minaho ‘not yet’ minahoo ~ minaho ‘(come) from, (made) from’ naefiimo ~ nefiimo ‘when’ ntoghoghe ~ ntoghoughe ‘rainbow’ oofi ~ ofi ‘fire’ siwighi ~ siwighii ‘side, edge’ sompu ~ sompuu ‘like, as’ tee ~ te ‘and, with’ 'uuje ~ 'uje ‘do not’ e) Vowel harmony falate ~ felate ‘live, stay’ fa'asimba ~ fe'asimba ‘do s.t. hurriedly’ me'oto ~ me'eto ‘pick fruit’ mii ~ mie ‘person, people’ naifiimootu ~ naifiimoitu ‘formerly, in the past’ siahe ~ siehe ~ seehe ‘too, very’ simbo ~ sombo ‘like, as’ 22
soo ~ suo ‘inside, an interior room’ telangai ~ talangai ~ telengai ‘hear’ f) Miscellaneous 'atiho ~ 'otiho ‘sneeze’ buea ~ boia ‘crocodile’ dainiu ~ daaniu ~ daanii ~ dainio ‘there is, there are’ holume ~ helume ~ hulume ‘kernel’ kaowi-owi ~ ngkaowi-owi ‘sweet potato’ lalosa'a ~ laosa'a ~ lousa'a ~ losa'a ‘immediately’ loumbule ~ lombule ‘go back and forth, come and go’ mincuano ~ mencuano ~ muncuano ‘not’ naopou ~ naapou ~ naupou ‘in a while’ mangadha ~ mongadha ‘beautiful, pretty’ 'uumbe ~ 'umbe ~ 'umbee ~ mbee ‘yes’ wamba ~ womba ‘word’
2.4 Marginal phonemes
Of the 30 consonant phonemes in Busoa, five are marginal (c, d, j, r, y); they are infrequent and largely limited to clear or suspected loanwords. They are treated in this section in turn.
1. The phoneme /c/ occurs 13 times word-initially in my corpus, all of which are clear loanwords. In contrast to the status of c, its prenasalized counterpart nc is a full phoneme.
2. The phoneme /d/
3. The phoneme /ɉ/
4. The phoneme /r/ is found four times word-initially, all of them clear loanwords, e.g. rohi ‘spirit’. The trilled alveolar r is clearly not a native phoneme, as all words which have r in Muna (and in Proto-Muna-Buton) are pronounced with gh in Busoa, e.g. ghoo ‘leaf’ (Muna roo), ghato ‘arrive’ (Muna rato) and ngagha ‘palate’ (Muna ngara). In many loanwords from Indonesian, an original r has been replaced by gh, but this is not always the case, and there is a fair degree of variation, probably reflecting the time of borrowing and its partial or total adaptation to Busoa sound structure. Three cases can be distinguished. 23
(a) Only gh is acceptable, as in bicagha ‘speak’ (Ind bicara), ceghe ‘kettle’ (Ind cerek), sugha ‘letter’ (Ind surat). In these cases a pronunciation with r is unacceptable: *bicara, *cere, *sura.
(b) Only r is acceptable, as in bara ‘goods’ (Ind barang); rohi ‘spirit’ (Ind roh), and sorogaa ‘heaven’ (Ind surga ~ sorga). In these cases a pronunciation with gh is not allowed: *bagha, *ghohi, *soghogaa.
(c) Both r and gh are acceptable, as in karajaa ~ kaghajaa ‘work’ (Ind kerja), koburu ~ kobughu ‘grave; bury’ (Ind kubur), narakaa ~ naghakaa ‘hell’ (Ind neraka), raba ~ ghaba ‘violin’ (Ind rebab), rapo-rapo ~ ghapo-ghapo ‘peanuts’, waro-waro ~ wagho- wagho ‘drizzle’. The origin of the last two words is unknown.
More research is needed to find out about the extent of the variation, and its non-linguistic correlates. Probably age and education play a considerable role here, with younger and better educated speakers using more r than gh. So far, no good minimal pairs contrasting r and gh have been found, the closest being bara ‘goods’ and bhagha ‘west; season of western winds’.
5. The palatal approximant /j/
In addition to these five marginal phonemes, two non-native sounds were recorded in one loanword each. The word janji ‘promise, agreement’ (Ind janji) contains [ɲɉ] a voiced prenasalized palatal plosive. The word inyawa ‘spirit, soul’ (Ind nyawa) contains [ɲ], a voiced palatal nasal. These cases are so marginal that they have not been included in the phoneme chart.
Two further observations regarding marginal phonemes are appropriate here. The first point is that many cases of the non-implosive phoneme /b/ appear to occur in loanwords e.g. bani ‘tyre’ (Ind ban); badha ‘body’ (Ind badan); sababu ‘because’ (Ind sebab) and many others. The exceptions are cases of b before u, e.g. bubu ‘fish trap’, buntuli ‘run’, which are clearly native terms. Except before u (and possibly o in some cases, e.g. buea ~ boia ‘crocodile’), all occurrences of Busoa b are probably loans. This is also the case in Muna.
Secondly, the phoneme /k/ is also marginal in Busoa. Proto-Muna-Buton *k has shifted to glottal in Busoa, as witnessed by the following words (with Muna examples added to show the retention of *k as k, see also §2.13): Proto-Muna-Buton Busoa Muna 24
*ɓoke ‘bind, tie together’ bho'e bhoke *kalambe ‘young girl’ 'alambe kalambe *kapa ‘thick’ mo-'apa no-kapa *seke ‘narrow’ mo-se'e no-seke
For virtually all words for which an etymology is available (either at the level of Proto- Malayo-Polynesian or Proto-Muna-Buton), the reflex of *k is glottal in Busoa. The only clear exception is kamboi ‘smile’ (Proto Muna-Buton *kamboi ‘smile’).
However, there are a substantial number of words in Busoa which contain k, some of which again are clear loanwords, e.g. kahawa ‘coffee’ (older Ind kahwa); kampo ‘village’ (Ind kampung); me'akaba-kabasagha ‘mischievous, arrogant’ (Ind kebesaran ‘bigness, size’); kawi ‘spouse; marry’ (Ind kawin ‘marry’), kobughu ‘grave’ (Ind kubur), boku ‘book’ (Ind buku) and makida ‘clever, able’ (Wolio makida). For other words containing k, the source can at this stage not be identified with certainty, but they are suspect. These include kei ‘shout’, kemba ‘to call’, koja-koja ‘to chat’ (notice also the marginal phoneme j), and several others. For further examples of k, consult the vocabulary in Appendix C. All these words are either borrowings from Wolio, Muna or an unidentified source; alternatively – but less likely given the pervasive nature of the change – the sound change *k > glottal has not taken place in these words. Notice that in nasal-obstruent clusters k has been retained as part of the prenasalized unit consonant, e.g. Proto Muna-Buton *ɓaŋka ‘canoe, boat’ > Busoa bhangka.
Finally, it should be pointed out that the texts contain several unexpected cases of k. These include names such as Wa Kae-kaepu for the youngest daughter (compare the regular 'aepu ‘youngest child’) and the character La Ndoke-ndoke ‘Monkey’ in text 12 (compare the regular ndo'e ‘monkey’). The songs in texts 4 and 10 also contains examples of k in nonsense words.
Marginal phonemes are an important part of Busoa phonology. On a strict count there are only four (c, j, r, y), but on a less strict count as many as eight (adding nj, ny, b, k), giving a total of 34 consonant phonemes. Eight is a high proportion of loan phonemes in a phoneme inventory of 34 (24%), and it probably reflects the high levels of multilingualism in Busoa and the speakers’ tendency to borrow and codeswitch heavily. Given the low frequency of some of these phonemes, it raises the question of the status of marginal phonemes, both in a phonological description and in the speakers’ minds. These issues cannot be pursued in this descriptive study, but certainly deserve further attention. 25 2.5 Syllable structure
Like all other languages of the Muna-Buton area (such as Muna, Wolio, Cia-Cia and Tukang Besi), Busoa only has open syllables and no consonant clusters. The only allowed syllable types are therefore V and CV.
The language has two ambiguous segment sequences, namely nasal-obstruent clusters and vowel sequences, both of which deserve some comment. The analysis presented here treats the nasal-obstruent clusters as prenasalized unitary segments for the following three reasons:
1. No other consonant sequences occur in the language.
2. There are no word-final consonants in the language, and hence syllable-final consonants in word-medial position are suspect. Based on considerations of symmetry and consistency, it makes more sense to syllabify a word like ghambi ‘hit’ as gha.mbi, rather than as gham.bi.
3. Nasal-obstruent clusters occur both word-initially, e.g. mbuta ‘cat’, ndo'e ‘monkey’, as well as word-medially. The most elegant analysis is to treat these sequences as units, leading to both a perfectly parallel distribution of consonants across syllables, as well as the simple syllable structure (C)V.
Sequences of like or unlike vowels in words such as laa ‘stalk’, gau ‘speech’ and buea ‘crocodile’ are analysed as sequences of vowels, rather than as diphthongs or unitary long vowels. In other words, in such cases each vowel constitutes a syllable nucleus. The following three reasons can be adduced for this analysis:
1. Since virtually all combinations of two vowels occur (see §2.9 for examples), this makes for a perfectly symmetrical system.
2. The minimal word in Busoa is disyllabic (see §2.6), making words such as laa suspect under a monosyllabic analysis.
3. A specific morphological formation breaks up these sequences. The formation is so- SUBJECT.MARKER-fe-REDUP-VERB.ROOT-mo with the meaning ‘just, only’ in the meaning ‘did/ was only doing X and nothing else’. (A variant of the prefix so- is sa-.) lagu ‘sing’ so-no-fe-lagu-lagu-mo ‘he/she/they just keep(s) singing’ hohae ‘cry’ so-no-fe-hoha-hohae-mo ‘he/she/they just keep(s) crying’ fumaa ‘eat’ so-no-fe-fuma-fumaa-mo ‘he/she/they just keep(s) eating’ pugau ‘speak’ so-no-fe-puga-pugau-mo ‘he/she/they just keep(s) speaking’
This is a clear case of disyllabic reduplication, in which the final vowel of the roots hohae, fumaa and pugau does not participate in the process. 26
The following list shows some examples of words with their syllable division (marked with a full stop): buea bu.e.a ‘crocodile’ fumaa fu.ma.a ‘eat’ ghanda gha.nda ‘breast’ ghaneo gha.ne.o ‘dawn’ hohae ho.ha.e ‘cry’ mbolode mbo.lo.de ‘mouse’ pugau pu.ga.u ‘speak’ siua si.u.a ‘nine’
2.6 Root structure
The minimal phonological word in Busoa is disyllabic. Various combinations of the syllable types V and CV combine to form roots. The following chart shows these combinations in roots of an increasing number of syllables. The chart includes a prefix and a clitic as monosyllabic morphemes, but there are no monosyllabic freestanding roots. All other examples are monomorphemic lexical roots. For tri- and quadrisyllabic roots I have also included those patterns for which there are no examples, but with roots of five syllables only those which actually occur are listed.
syllables structure example gloss
1 V a- 1SG subject marker CV we= general preposition 2 V.V a.i ‘younger sibling’ V.CV a.da ‘borrow’ CV.V ke.i ‘shout’ CV.CV ndo.'e ‘monkey’ 3 V.V.V -- V.V.CV -- V.CV.V u.nci.a ‘coconut pulp’ V.CV.CV u.nta.gha ‘hold’ CV.V.V bu.e.a ‘crocodile’ CV.V.CV gha.u.gho ‘rattan’ CV.CV.V bu.so.a ‘smithy’ CV.CV.CV bhe.ghe.se ‘thunder’ 4 V.V.V.V -- 27
V.V.V.CV -- V.V.CV.V -- V.V.CV.CV -- V.CV.V.V -- V.CV.V.CV -- V.CV.CV.V i.no.me.e ‘exclamation of surprise’ V.CV.CV.CV a.ngka.tu.lu ‘follow behind’ CV.V.CV.V 'a.e.nu.a ‘k.o. small bee’ CV.V.CV.CV fo.i.na.ho ‘teach’ CV.CV.V.V ka.pa.e.a ‘papaya’ CV.CV.V.CV ma.ncu.a.na ‘elder, parent’ CV.CV.CV.V 'a.mpu.ghu.i ‘head cover’ CV.CV.CV.CV 'a.mba.la.la ‘shirt’ 5 CV.V.CV.CV.CV bu.a.ma.la.ka ‘guava’ CV.CV.V.CV.CV sa.la.a.ma.ti ‘safe’ CV.CV.CV.CV.V ba.la.si.te.e ‘taxes’ CV.CV.CV.CV.CV ta.nga.sa.ha.no ‘while, in the process’
Conclusions (without any statistical analysis):
1. Di- and trisyllabic roots prevail.
2. CV syllables are much more common than V syllables.
3. Although V syllables occur medially, such syllables seem to prefer root-final position and avoid root-initial position, especially in tri- and quadrisyllabic roots.
4. Trisyllabic roots must contain at least one CV syllable.
5. Roots of five syllables are uncommon, and all of them appear to be either loanwords (salaamati < Ind selamat; balasitee < Ind belasting), frozen compounds, or containing fossilized morphemes.
2.7 Word structure
The minimal word in Busoa is a trochaic foot, that is, a disyllabic root with penultimate stress e.g. hato /ˈhatɔ/ ‘roof’. As mentioned above, there are no monosyllabic lexical roots in the language; all monosyllabic morphemes are either prefixes or clitics. Due to its rich verbal morphology, words in Busoa can easily exceed the maximum of five syllables established for roots. The following examples illustrate a few longer words of seven and nine syllables, first in the regular spelling, then syllabified, followed in the third column by their morphemic make-up and a free translation. 28 mepaghacaeamo me.pa.gha.ca.e.a.mo me-paghacaea-mo CA-believe-PFV ‘do you believe (it)?’
'atombi'imo otu 'a.to.mbi.'i.mo.o.tu 'a-tombi'i-mo=otu NMLZ-pound-2SG.POSS=that2 ‘your pounded maize’ nome'atampesamo no.me.'a.ta.mpe.sa.mo no-me-'a-tampesa-mo 3.REAL-CA-?-scatter-PERF ‘it was scattered’ nopogha'o-gha'oenemo no.po.gha.'o.gha.'o.e.ne.mo no-po-gha'o~gha'o-ene-mo 3.REAL-REC-RDUP~embrace-3IND.OBJ-PFV ‘they all embrace him/her’
2.8 Stress
Stress is predictable in Busoa; it is assigned to the penultimate syllable of the word, irrespective of the position of the root in the word. Secondary stress appears to occur on every second syllable preceding the stressed syllable. In the following examples primary stress is marked by the raised stress mark <ˈ> preceding the stressed syllable, while secondary stress is indicated by the lowered stress mark <ˌ>. pandanga /pɑˈndɑŋɑ/ ‘spear’ pandanga-no /pɑndɑˈŋɑnɔ/ ‘his spear’ pandanga-no-mo /pɑˌndɑŋɑˈnɔmɔ/ ‘it is his spear’
pande /ˈpɑndɛ/ ‘clever, able’ no-pande /nɔˈpɑndɛ/ ‘he/she is able’ no-pande-mo /ˌnɔpɑˈndɛmɔ/ ‘he/she is already able’ mbeli-mbeli /ˌmbɛliˈ mbɛli/ ‘go for a walk’ sa-no-fe-mbeli-mbeli-mo /ˌsɑnɔˌfɛ mbɛˌli mbɛˈlimɔ/ ‘he keeps on walking’
The only complication regarding stress is with syllables without a consonantal onset in non- final position. It appears that the two vowels in such CVV sequences (e.g. lou in a-lou-mo ‘I have gone down’) are treated as a single vowel for stress purposes, but this is only the case if the second vowel is higher than the first one. In other words, words containing the sequences ai, ae, ao, au, oi, ou, ei, eu in antepenultimate and penultimate position have the stress on the antepenultimate vowel. Consider the following examples: 29
alou /ɑˈlou/ ‘I go/went’ aloumo /ɑˈloumɔ/ ‘I have gone’ bhae /ˈɓɑe/ ‘rice’ bhaemu /ˈɓɑemu/ ‘your rice’ bhaemami /ɓɑeˈmami/ ‘our (excl) rice’
This process also appears to happen in a sequence of identical vowels, as in laa /ˈlɑ:/ ‘stalk’ and laano /ˈlɑ:nɔ/ ‘its stalk’, where the two identical vowels constitute a single long vowel which forms one stress unit. These observations do not nullify the earlier analysis that each vowel constitutes a separate syllable. That analysis is still valid, as it correctly predicts stress in cases where such vowel combinations occur word finally, such as alou /ɑˈlou/ ‘I go down’ (with stress on the penultimate syllable, not on the initial syllable), and alumou /ɑluˈmou/ ‘I will go down’, where stress does not fall on the medial syllable lu. The reduplication pattern illustrated in §2.5 is also strong evidence for the syllabic status of each vowel. The exceptions mentioned here are probably best treated as a post-lexical desyllabification rule, triggered by the discrepancy in sonority between low, mid and high vowels.
2.9 Vowel sequences
All 25 possible vowel sequences occur in roots, though some are rare.
ii ghii ‘thorn’ ie mie ‘person’ (marked variant of mii) ia lohia ‘ginger’ io pio ‘gall, bile’ iu giu ‘kind (of)’
ei 'alei ‘banana’ ee lee ‘offspring’ ea wea ‘glowing coals’ eo heo ‘charcoal’ eu deu ‘needle’
ai mai ‘come’ ae bhae ‘rice’ aa aa ‘waist’ ao kaosu ‘shoe’ (only one example) au sau ‘wood, tree’
oi dhoi ‘money’ oe 'oe ‘hey!’ (only in two exclamations) 30
oa anoa ‘he, she’ oo foo ‘mango’ ou lou ‘go (down)’
ui pui ‘tailbone’ ue jue ‘water’ ua wua ‘fruit’ uo suo ‘inside, inner room’ (variant soo; only one example) uu tuu ‘knee’
The vowel sequence ie appears to have disappeared from Busoa. The variant mie ‘person’ (for regular mii) appears to be a relic, only used in the Wurugana area of Busoa. All earlier ie sequences became ii. See also the morphophonemics of 3SG object suffix -e, discussed in §2.10.2, and the historical phonology in §2.13.
A number of sequences of three vowels were recorded, illustrated in the following roots (in derivations there are more possibilities). aea laeano ‘sky’ tagalaea ‘tomato’ aoa daoa ‘market’ eeo 'oleeo ‘fallen leaves’ iua siua ‘nine’ oia boia ‘crocodile’ (variant buea) oie foie ‘vomit’ uea buea ‘crocodile’ (variant boia)
2.10 Morphophonemics
In this section five phonological processes will be discussed which are triggered by the phonological shape of the stem when it meets an affix or a clitic.
2.10.1 Infix -um-
The infix -um- is used to form the irrealis mood of a verb (in conjunction with the set of irrealis subject markers; see §4.2). It is also part of the circumfix -um-…-no used to derive active participles from verbs; see §4.6.1. This infix can only be applied to the class of unmarked (or ‘bare’) verbs, not to verbs taking one of the class affixes me-, ma- or mo- (see §4.1 for verb classes).
The morphophonemic variants of -um- are similar to Muna and can be summarized in the following four statements. The left-hand column gives the realis form (root with prefixed 3rd 31 person realis subject marker no-), while the middle column shows the corresponding irrealis form (root, -um-, and 3rd person irrealis subject prefix na-). The gloss simply translates the root. a) With vowel-initial roots, the prefix m- occurs as an allomorph of -um-: realis irrealis gloss no-awe na-m-awe ‘go up’ no-ita na-m-ita ‘see’ no-unto na-m-unto ‘stop’ b) When the root starts with a voiced bilabial (b, bh, m, mb), a zero allomorph occurs: no-bhaghi na-bhaghi ‘(be) many, much’ no-mai na-mai ‘come’ no-mbule na-mbule ‘return, go back’
This rule presumably also applies to initial mp, but there are no examples of unmarked verb roots with initial mp in the corpus. The few verb roots with initial mp all have the class prefix mo-, e.g. mo-mpau ‘sleepy’ and mo-mpono ‘full’, with which infixation does not occur. c) When the root starts with a voiceless bilabial (f or p), there are three possibilities:
1. f or p is replaced by m (nasal substitution), marked by [m] in this study. (In a few examples the object suffix -e ‘it’, or its variant -i after Ci, also happens to be present, though not reflected in the gloss.) realis irrealis gloss no-feunga na-[m]eunga ‘see, take a look’ no-fiitahi na-[m]iitahi ‘search’ no-foghoghu na-[m]oghoghu ‘drink’ no-foni na-[m]oni ‘go up, climb’ no-pa'atu na-[m]a'atu ‘send’ no-pagampa-e na-[m]agampa-e ‘chase’ no-paghacaea na-[m]aghacaea ‘believe’ no-pagi-i na-[m]agi-i ‘scrape’ no-pahindulu na-[m]ahindulu ‘go first’ no-pande na-[m]ande ‘clever, able’ no-peelu-e na-[m]eelu-e ‘want, like, desire’ no-poolii na-[m]ooli ‘able’
2. There is no change (zero allomorphy), and the use of [m] is unacceptable: no-pake-e na-pake-e ‘use’ no-paseba na-paseba ‘sit (with the legs crossed)’ 32
no-pogau na-pogau ‘speak, say’ no-puji-i na-puji-i ‘praise’ no-punto-e na-punto-e ‘blow (with a blowpipe)’ no-pusu-e na-pusu-e ‘pull out (a dagger)’
3. There is free variation between zero allomorphy and nasal substitution: no-pesua na-pesua ~ na-[m]esua ‘enter’ no-pada-e na-pada-e ~ na-[m]ada-e ‘finish’ no-foie na-foie ~ na-[m]oie ‘vomit’
The reason for this variation is unclear. It is clear that two competing rules seem to be at work: nasal substitution versus total blocking (in line with the other bilabials), and the outcome is apparently lexically specified. Though the details are different, similar variation is reported for other languages in the Muna-Buton group, such as Cia-Cia and Tukang Besi. It seems that zero allomorphy is an innovation that is spreading through the lexicon. d) In all other cases, the infix -um- is inserted after the first consonant of the root. This includes initial glottal stops. no-ghato na-gh
A few irregularities need to be mentioned. In one case the variant -om- was recorded: c
With the verb limba ‘go out’, two variants are acceptable: l
a-di'a-e a-d
Finally, it should also be mentioned that the application of -um- is blocked with a number of derivational prefixes that appear between the subject prefix and the root. These include reciprocal and plural po- (§10.1.12), possessive 'o- (§10.1.10), and passive te- (§10.1.17). In contrast, the causative prefixes fa'a- and fo- are amenable to -um-, showing up in irrealis contexts as [m]a'a- and [m]o-, as in the examples na-[m]a'a-mate-e (3.REAL-[IRR]CAUS-die- 3OBJ) ‘he will kill her’, and a-[m]o-mbule-e (1SG-[IRR]CAUS-return-3OBJ) ‘I will return it’.
2.10.2 Third person object suffix
The 3rd person object suffix -e has three allomorphs: -e, -i and -he. Of these three -e is the most common allomorph (the default option), found when the other two conditions are not met. When the verb stem ends in Ci, this suffix has the shape -i. This is a case of vowel harmony; vowel sequences of ie are rare or not allowed in Busoa (see also §2.9). The third allomorph, - he, is found when the verb stem ends in VV. This rule is motivated by the fact that sequences of three vowels ending in e are not allowed; see §2.9. (There is one exception: the root foie ‘vomit’). The following examples illustrate the three allomorphs. The first and second column show the verbal bases (with class affix me-) and their meanings; the third and fourth column show the corresponding transitive realis verb forms with the 3rd person subject marker no- and 3rd person object markers, and their meanings. -e me-aso ‘sell’ no-aso-e ‘s/he sells it’ me-ita ‘see’ no-ita-e ‘s/he sees him/her/it/them’ me-ala ‘take, get’ no-ala-e ‘s/he takes/gets him/her/it/them’
-i me-holi ‘buy’ no-holi-i ‘s/he buys it’ me-antagi ‘wait’ no-antagi-i ‘s/he waits for him/her/it/them’ me-hawi ‘hold in lap’ no-hawi-i ‘s/he holds him/her etc. in the lap’
-he fumaa ‘eat’ no-fumaa-he ‘s/he eats it’ me-paghakisaa ‘examine’ no-paghakisaa-he ‘s/he examines him/her/it/them’ me-fotai ‘turn’ no-fotai-he ‘s/he turns it’ me-fio ‘squeeze’ no-fio-he ‘s/he squeezes it’ 34 2.10.3 h-insertion
A rule of h-insertion to break up the vowel sequence aa is found in two places in the language. It is first of all found with the locative suffix -a, which has the allomorph -ha after stem-final a, often in combination with nominalizing prefix 'a-. Examples include 'a-di'a-ha ‘storage place’ (from the root di'a ‘put, place, store’). Compare the regular 'a-fepuhu-a ‘beginning’ (from the root fepuhu ‘begin’). For more examples see §5.1.2.
The second instance of h-insertion occurs with the indirect object suffixes -a'o ‘2SG.IND.OBJ’ and -ane ‘3IND.OBJ’, both of them with allomorphs -ha'o and -hane after stem- final a. Examples include me-ala-ha'o ‘take/get for you’, and me-ala-hane ‘take/get for him/her’. See also §4.5.2.
The rule seems to be motivated by a reluctance to have aa sequences across morpheme boundaries involving suffixes. Notice, though, that aa sequences are quite regularly found in monomorphemic words, e.g. aa ‘waist’, faa ‘termite’, fumaa ‘eat’, laa ‘stem, stalk’ and paa ‘four’. Prefixes are also excluded, as with a-ala-e (1SG.REAL-take/get-3OBJ) ‘I took it’. Interestingly, the vowel harmony rule with clitic demonstratives (§2.10.5) is another exception, as this actually creates aa sequences.
2.10.4 Nasal accretion
Nasal accretion refers to the prenasalization of an obstruent, resulting in a prenasalized consonant. The following regular and prenasalized pairs are attested: p > mp; b, bh, w > mb; t > nt; d > nd; k > ngk; g > ngg. Surprisingly, the prenasalized counterpart of s is nc, with an additional change of point of articulation from alveolar to palatal. The sequence ns does not exist in Busoa.
Nasal accretion is relatively rare, and found in three distinct environments. The first case is in combination with certain affixes, e.g. nominalizing 'a- and locative -a (allomorph -ha): soda ‘carry on shoulders’ 'a-ncoda-ha ‘carrying chair or stretcher’
The second case is in frozen compounds: lancau ‘medicine’ (cf. laa ‘stem, stalk’; sau ‘tree, wood’)
The third case is in poetry and songs, where nouns often receive nasal accretion, as in the song of text 7, where the regular noun kakuti ‘heddle rod (of a loom)’ is pronounced ngkakuti, and the noun panata ‘weaver’s sword’ is pronounced mpanata. See Appendix A, text 7 line 3. 35 2.10.5 Vowel harmony with clitic demonstratives
The free demonstratives 'o-oni ‘this’ and 'o-otu ‘that (near addressee)’ have enclitic forms =Vni and =Vtu when they function attributively, following a noun phrase (and sometimes other constituents; see §5.5 for a fuller discussion of demonstratives). In this case V stands for an echo vowel which is in complete harmony with the last vowel of the noun to which it is attached. 'amali=ini ‘this palace’ 'unde=eni ‘this coconut’ bhanua=ani ‘this house’ we Busoa=ani ‘here in Busoa’ intano=oni ‘we (incl) here’ hahu=uni ‘this attic’
fae=etu? ‘what is that?’ bhanua=atu ‘that house’ holeo=otu ‘today’ (lit. ‘that day’) situ=utu ‘you there’
When the noun ends in a double identical vowel, this results in a sequence of three identical vowels, as in kaghajaa=ani (work=this) ‘this work’. It is not clear whether this is actually pronounced as an overly long vowel.
2.11 Reduplication
Busoa has three types of reduplication. This section mentions just the formal aspects; for meanings see §10.4.
1. Monosyllabic (or partial) reduplication of the initial syllable is limited to numerals, and has a fixed vowel o; see §5.7.1 for details and irregularities. tolu > to~tolu ‘three’ paa > fo~paa ‘four’
2. Disyllabic (or full) reduplication of the first two syllables of the root is found on nouns and verbs. lagu > lagu~lagu ‘singing’ taangi > taa~taangi ‘holding’ tampesa > tampe~tampesa ‘scattering’
3. Prosodic word reduplication (trisyllabic or quadrisyllabic) appears to be limited to measure phrases with a distributive meaning. 36
se-holeo ‘one day’ > se-holeo~se-holeo ‘every day’ se-nduu ‘one sound’ > se-nduu~se-nduu ‘each one sound’
2.12 Adaptation of loanwords
Busoa appears to borrow heavily from other languages. Of the 1,637 items in the Busoa vocabulary, 247 have been identified as borrowed, or about 15%. Most easily identifiable are borrowings from Indonesian/Malay (many of them ultimately from Sanskrit, Arabic, Portuguese or Dutch), but there are also a considerable number of loans from Wolio, and it is likely that many loans have not yet been identified. In this section the main phonological features of loanwords are discussed. These are as follows: a) additional non-native phonemes (§2.12.1); b) replacement of foreign sounds (§2.12.2); c) avoidance of final consonants (§2.12.3); d) breaking of clusters (§2.12.4); e) addition of initial glottal stop (§2.12.5); f) miscellaneous changes (§2.12.6).
2.12.1 Additional non-native phonemes
As mentioned in §2.4, a number of non-native sounds have been introduced as marginal phonemes in the language. These include the following five: the voiceless palatal plosive /c/
In the illustrative examples in this section the first column is the Busoa word, the second column gives the Malay/Indonesian source, and the third column the gloss. coba coba ‘try’ dhosa dosa ‘sin’ jaga jaga ‘careful; watch’ rohi roh ‘spirit’ yakini yakin ‘convinced’
2.12.2 Replacement of foreign sounds a. Malay schwa (/ə/, written as
tambaga tembaga ‘copper’ b. Malay palatal nasal /ɲ/
mina minyak ‘oil’ c. Malay alveolar trill /r/
In cughukaya ‘sweet-sop tree and fruit (sugar apple, soursop)’ (from serikaya) the y has apparently been retained, though the vowels changed.
2.12.3 Avoidance of final consonants
In many cases final consonants are deleted, especially final n, ng, k, and two cases of t. cabo sabun ‘soap’ coro corong ‘spout, funnel’ dhagi daging ‘meat’ ganda gendang ‘drum’ golo golok ‘machete’ gunti gunting ‘scissors’ inta intan ‘diamond’ jamba jamban ‘toilet’ jambata jembatan ‘bridge, jetty’ jangku janggut ‘beard’ kacanggore kacang goreng ‘fried peanuts’ kampo kampung ‘village’ kawi kawin ‘marry’ pakea pakaian ‘clothes’ pera perak ‘silver’ 38
pighi piring ‘plate’ salata selatan ‘south’ salenda selendang ‘shawl’ songko songkok ‘black velvet hat’ suli suling ‘bamboo flute’ sudi sudip ‘ladle up’ tala talang ‘copper dish’ tampa tempat ‘place’ temba tembak ‘shoot’ waru warung ‘food stall’
In the case of other final consonants, a vowel is added. These consonants include p, m, r, s, l, but also several cases of n and t. The added vowel is usually i, but u after bilabials and occasionally also a. bani ban ‘tyre’ ceghegeni ~ jeghegeni jeriken ‘jerrycan’ damara damar ‘resin’ 'embere ember ‘bucket’ 'esi es ‘ice’ fikighi pikir ‘think’ gambusu gambus ‘lute’ hakimu hakim ‘judge’ harapu harap ‘hope, wish’ hasili hasil ‘result, crop’ hilafu khilaf ‘mistaken, wrong’ hukumu hukum ‘punish’ 'imamu imam ‘Muslim religious leader’ 'imani iman ‘belief, faith’ jamani zaman ‘time, era’ kantori kantor ‘office’ kapala kapal ‘boat, ship’ laahiri ~ lahiri lahir ‘born’ maeati mayat ‘corpse’ manangi menang ‘win’ nanasi nenas ‘pineapple’ sababu sebab ‘because’ salaamati selamat ‘safe’ sandali sandal ‘sandal’ 39
seetani setan ‘ghost, evil spirit’ talati telat ‘late’ tasi tas ‘bag’ teheli tehel ‘floor tile’ yakini yakin ‘certain, convinced’
2.12.4 Breaking of clusters
An epenthetic vowel is inserted to break up medial consonant clusters, which are not allowed in Busoa. If the cluster occurs at the boundary of the ultimate and the penultimate syllable, and the final syllable is open, an extra vowel is added to the final syllable. The colour of the epenthetic vowel is usually, but not always, that of the dominant vowel in the word. garahana gerhana ‘eclipse’ ghaghagaa harga ‘price’ kaghajaa kerja ‘work’ karatasi kertas ‘paper’ misikini miskin ‘poor’ paghakisaa periksa ‘examine’ sakusii saksi ‘witness’ sorogaa surga ~ sorga ‘heaven’ wakutuu waktu ‘time’
In ghaghagaa ‘price’ (for expected *haghagaa) the borrowing has undergone assimilation. See §2.13 for details.
2.12.5 Addition of initial glottal stop
A number of vowel-initial roots have acquired an initial glottal stop. The motivation for this rule is unclear. 'aahirino akhirnya ‘finally’ 'adhati adat ‘custom’ 'adhili adili ‘judge’ 'agha arak ‘palm brandy’ 'atawa atau ‘or’ 'embere ember ‘bucket’ 'esi es ‘ice’ 'ibaghano ibarat ‘for example’ 'imamu imam ‘Muslim religious leader’ 40
'imani iman ‘belief, faith’ 'oboro obor ‘torch’ 'oli oli ‘engine oil’
The word aghataa ‘goods, wealth’ (from harta) was recorded without initial glottal stop.
2.12.6 Miscellaneous
Foreign words containing b are normally borrowed with regular (non-implosive) /b/ . Examples include bani ‘tyre’ (Ind ban), bara ‘goods’ (Ind barang), bebe ‘duck’ (Ind bebe), bente ‘fortification, fortress’ (Ind benteng), bicagha ‘speak’ (Ind bicara), boro ‘drill’ (Ind bor), boti ‘boat, ship’ (Ind bot), and butolo ‘bottle’ (Ind botol). But sometimes the borrowing contains implosive bh. The reason for this variation is not clear. Possibly these are loans from Wolio at an earlier time. bhadi badik ‘dagger’ bhadili bedil ‘gun, rifle’ bhangko bangku ‘bench, seat’ bhawa bawang ‘onion’
There are a few loanwords that have undergone the shift from k to glottal stop. 'asitela kasitela ‘maize/corn’ 'egha-'egha ~ 'igha-'igha kira-kira ‘estimate, guess’ to'o toko ‘shop, store’
Finally, various words show idiosyncratic adaptations, including unexpected vowels, consonants, additions and deletions. cughukaya serikaya ‘sweet-sop tree and fruit’ fahala pahala ‘merit, reward’ felemu film, pilem ‘film’ ghangkaea (orang) kaya ‘rich’ ghoghaeha hari raya ‘festival day’ gughuda garuda ‘mythical monster bird’ hatamu ketam ‘(carpenter’s) plane’ horofu huruf ‘letter’ kapaea pepaya ‘papaya’ karakaji gergaji ‘saw’ lajima ajimat ‘talisman, amulet’ nekele nikel ‘old monetary unit (5 cents)’ sala celana ‘trousers’ sinapa senapan ‘rifle’ 41
sodia sedia ‘ready’ sumbele sembelih ‘slaughter’ sumeni semen /səˈmɛn/ ‘cement’ tatangkighi cangkir ‘cup’ walegha belerang ‘sulphur’ 2.13 Notes on historical phonology
In this section I present some preliminary notes on the historical phonology of Busoa, in order to show in what way Busoa differs from Muna and how it relates to Proto-Muna- Buton. Table 2.3, which is based on van den Berg (2003), shows the phonemes of Proto- Malayo-Polynesian (PMP, the reconstructed ancestral language of all the Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan), Proto-Muna-Buton (PMB, the reconstructed ancestral language of the Muna-Buton group), the northern (standard) variety of Muna, the southern Gu dialect of Muna (see also van den Berg 2004), as well as Busoa. The areas where Busoa is different are highlighted in grey and briefly discussed below.
TABLE 2.3 SOUND CORRESPONDENCES Proto Proto-Muna- Muna Muna Busoa Malayo- Buton (southern Polynesian dialect of Gu) *a *a, *o a a a *i *i i i i *u *u u u u *ə *o o o o *ay *e e e e *ey *e e e e *ej *oy e e e *uy *uy i i i *aw *o o, u o o *p *p p, f p, f p, f *t *t t t t *k *k, *s k, s k, s ʔ, s *q *q γ ʔ h *b *ɓ, *w ɓ, b (/_u), w ɓ, b (/_u), w ɓ, b (/_u), w *D/d/r *r, *ɗ r, d h, ɗ γ, ɗ *Z/z *s, (*ɗ) s, d s, ɗ s, ɗ *j *y, Ø vowel vowel vowel contraction contraction contraction 42
*m *m m m m *n *n n n n *ñ *n n n n *ŋ *ŋ n n ŋ, n *R *R Ø , vowel Ø , vowel Ø , vowel contraction contraction contraction *l *l l l l *s *s, *h s, h s, h s, h *h Ø Ø Ø Ø *w Ø Ø Ø Ø *y Ø Ø Ø Ø
The four areas where the phonology of Busoa is substantially different from Muna (in all its dialectal varieties) are the following: 1. The regular reflex of PMB *k in Busoa is /ʔ/. This sound change is unique for Busoa among all of the Muna-Buton languages and is diagnostic for the language. 2. The regular reflex of PMB *q is /h/. 3. The regular reflex of PMB *r is /γ/. 4. In addition, Busoa has undergone fewer cases of the lenition of PMP *b > /w/, as well as more retentions of PMB *ŋ as /ŋ/.
Table 2.4 shows a number of lexical examples illustrating some of these sound changes. Muna and Busoa consonants are here given in IPA, rather than in the standard orthography.
TABLE 2.4 MUNA-BUSOA COGNATES PMP PMB Muna South Busoa gloss Muna (Gu) *baŋun *baŋu wanu wanu ɓaŋu ‘get up’ *bulan *wula wula wula wula ‘moon’ *daRaq *raRa rea hea γea ‘blood’ *dahun *roo roo hoo γoo ‘leaf’ *Dateŋ *rato rato hato γato ‘arrive’ *kahiw *sau sau sau sau ‘tree, wood’ *kulit *kuli kuli kuli ʔuli ‘skin’ *laqia *loqia loγia loʔia lohia ‘ginger’ *maRuqanay *moqane moγane moʔane mohane ‘man, male’ *ma-nipis *mo-nipi mo-nifi mo-nifi mo-nifi ‘thin’ 43
*paqit *mo-paqi mo-paγi mo-paʔi mo-pahi ‘bitter’ *pusej *pusoy puhe puhe puhe ‘navel’ *qaqai *qaqe γaγe ʔaʔe hahe ‘leg, foot’ *qasu *qahu γahu ʔahu hahu ‘ashes’ *qusan *qusa γuse ʔuse huse ~ hise ‘rain’ - *ɓake ɓake ɓake ɓaʔe ‘heart, fruit’ - *ndoke ndoke ndoke ndoʔe ‘monkey’ - *ŋee nee nee ŋee ‘nose’
Two other sound changes also deserve mentioning. In the first place there is the vowel raising (or vowel harmony) from ie to ii (see also §2.9), as shown by the following pairs: Muna mie ‘person’ and Busoa mii, Muna no-bhie ‘heavy’ and Busoa mo-bhii, and Muna tiene ‘border, boundary’ and Busoa tiine.
Secondly, there is a phonotactic constraint in Busoa that does not allow the co- occurrence of /h/ and /γ/ in the same root. In all these cases such a sequence of /h…γ/ or /γ…h/ has become /γ…γ/, including in loanwords. This is illustrated in table 2.5, where the expected reflex in Busoa is also indicated, preceded by a double asterisk. (Only roots are presented; class affixes are ignored.)
TABLE 2.5 ROOT CONSONANT CONSTRAINT PMP PMB Muna South Busoa gloss Muna (Gu) - *poroqu foroγu fohoʔu foγoγu ‘drink’ (**foγohu) *qaro γaro ʔaho γaγo ‘hungry’ (**haγo) *daqan *raqa raγa haʔa γaγa ‘branch’ (**γaha) - - horo - γoγo ‘fly’ (**hoγo) - - haragaa haragaa γaγagaa ‘price’ (**haγagaa) (Ind harga) - - reγu heʔu γeγu ‘wash face’ (**γehu) - - gho-ghora ʔo-ʔoha γoγa ‘urinate’ (**hoγa) 3. Basic typology
This brief chapter gives a brief basic overview of the major typological features of Busoa morphosyntax.
Busoa has inflectional morphology on the verb, marking subjects and objects. It also has inflectional morphology on the noun, marking the possessor. Busoa also has a range of derivational morphology, as well as other verbal morphology.
As is true for so many languages, the verb is the most complex part of Busoa morphology.
• Busoa has three verb classes that can be grouped on the basis of syntactic-semantic criteria: intransitive, transitive, and stative verbs (corresponding to adjectives). Busoa has four morphological verb classes, marked by either zero or by one of the three class affixesma-, me- and mo-. These two types of classes interact in complex ways; see §4.1.
• Imperative verb forms are the simplest verb forms; see §8.4.
• Busoa has two sets of prefixes that index the subject, differentiated for realis and irrealis; see §4.3.
• There is a specific effect triggered by definite objects; see §4.4.
• There is a set of suffixes that indexes the direct object, and another set (only partially different) that indexes the indirect or applicative object (beneficiary, recipient, instrument etc.); see §4.5
• There are both active participles (not inflected for subject) and passive participles, where the agent is indexed by possessive suffixes; see §4.6.
• Valency-related morphology is strongly represented: transitivizer -Ci, applicative -ho, causative fa'a- and fo-, requestive fe-, detransitivizing 'a-, reciprocal po- and agentless passive te-.
• Other verbal morphology includes hortative and purpose -ana, pluractional pisi-, plural po-, temporal subordinate sa-, ‘just, only’ so-, perfective -mo, and imperfective -ho.
Nominal morphology is limited to possessive suffixes and nominalization. There are very few compounds.
44 45
Pronouns. The pronominal system distinguishes two numbers (singular and plural) and three persons, as well as clusivity for 1st person plural. There is only a single 3rd person form, unspecified for number. There is no dual, and neither is gender indicated in the pronouns. There are six sets of pronominal forms: free pronouns, subject prefixes (realis and irrealis sets, only partially different), object suffixes, indirect object suffixes (only partially different), and possessive suffixes.
Articles. The article 'o is found before common nouns, but it is rare. Names are preceded by the article La (male) or Wa (female); see §5.1.1 The floating plural marker manga is very common.
The demonstrative system is complex with eight different sets, distinguished by four degrees of distance, as well as height. There are three separate forms for each set: pronominal, attributive and adverbial.
The numeral system is decimal, with three types of numerals: free, prefixed and reduplicated. Busoa also has a number of classifiers and measure nouns, and a few quantifiers.
Adjectives are not a valid word class in Busoa. All property words are classified as stative verbs.
The (tentative) constituent order in the noun phrase is as follows:
(ART / PLUR / QUANT) N (NP[POSS]) (Measure Phrase) (Relative Clause) (PP) (=Dem) (Adv)
There are four real prepositions (general locative we, comitative te, benefactive to and similative sompu), as well as some complex prepositions.
Voice is limited to an agentless passive (marked by the prefix te-), as well as an opposition between active and passive participles in relative clauses.
Grammatical relations are primarily coded by agreement affixes on the verb, using a nominative-accusative system. NPs are not marked for grammatical case.
TAM marking is limited to realis and irrealis (used for future reference and after negators), perfective and imperfective.
Negation is marked in four different ways, depending on tense (past and present versus future), clause type (verbal versus non-verbal clauses) and mood (declarative versus imperative).
Constituent order in intransitive clauses is both VS and SV; in transitive clauses the dominant order is SVO. There is considerable consituent order variation in the language on the clausal level. 46
Relative clauses follow the head noun. Relative clauses are clearly discernable by the presence of subordinate verb forms: active and passive participles. There is no relativizer, and only subjects can be relativized. Headless relative clauses are common.
There are not many conjunctions. Simple juxtaposition and conjoining are the preferred way of combining clauses, though there also two types of real subordination: relative clauses and one type of temporal adverbial clause marked by sa- on the verb. 4. Verbs and verbal morphology
This chapter deals with the verb in Busoa, starting with a discussion of verb classes (§4.1), and pronominal affixes (§4.2). This is followed by a treatment of the realis-irrealis opposition found on subject prefixes (§4.3), the definiteness effect on verb classes (§4.4), direct and indirect object inflection (§4.5), and active and passive participles (§4.6). Derivational morphology is not treated in this chapter. Valency-changing morphology is dealt with in §8.1; other verbal morphology (e.g. pluractional pisi-) is summarized in chapter 10.
4.1 Verb classes
Verbs can be classified in two ways. The first division is syntactic-semantic and distinguishes between three types of verbs: a) transitive verbs (vt; verbs that can take object inflection), b) dynamic intransitive verbs (vi; verbs that cannot take object inflection), and c) stative intransitive verbs (vs), typically referring to property concepts such as ‘good’, ‘new’ or ‘clever’. There is no separate category ‘adjective’ in Busoa, as stative verbs behave like verbs in every respect: predicatively they receive subject inflection; attributively they are made into participles (see below). Stative verbs differ from dynamic intransitives in that the causative is formed by means of fa'a- (variant fe'a-) for stative verbs, versus fo- for dynamic verbs. An example is the dynamic intransitive root lanto ‘float’ with causative fo-lanto ‘make s.t. float’, versus the stative root mate ‘dead’ with causative fa'a-mate ‘kill’.
Within the group of transitive verbs, there is a small subgroup for which the object is indexed by an indirect object suffix rather than a direct object suffix. These verbs are labelled as vt-io. Compare ala ‘take, get’ and a-ala-e ‘I take/get it’ with ma-asi ‘love’ and a- ma-asi-ene ‘I love it’. These verbs are typically lower in semantic transitivity, with the object less affected by the agent.
Cutting across this division is a second classification of verbs, which is based on form. Four morphological classes can be distinguished. One class is unmarked or ‘bare’, while the other three are marked by the prefixes ma-, me- and mo-, respectively, glossed as CA (class affix). The distribution of the syntactic-semantic verb classes over these form classes appears to be somewhat arbitrary, although certain patterns can be observed. The following sections discuss the various verb classes, primarily subdivided on the basis of their form, with further subdivision according to semantic and syntactic properties of the verbs.
47 48 4.1.1 Class 1: unmarked
This class of verbs has no formal marking, but in the irrealis mood they receive the infix -um- (or one of its allomorphs); see section §4.3. a. Stative intransitive verbs, some of which refer to bodily malfunctioning: bhea ‘mute, dumb’ ghempa ‘paralysed’ ghii ‘numb, gone to sleep (of limbs)’ mate ‘dead, die’ mente ‘amazed’ mondo ‘finished’ 'ondu ‘crazy’ sodo ‘sick, ill’ (but mo-sodo ‘hot’) wohuu ‘new’ b. Dynamic intransitive verbs, many of which appear to be motion verbs: awe ‘go (up)’ bhose ‘paddle, row’ ghato ‘arrive; be born’ kawi ‘marry, be married’ kei ‘shout’ lou ‘go (down)’ mai ‘come’ mbule ‘return, go home’ minaho ‘come from’ ndala ‘go’ ndole ‘lie down, lie’ unto ‘stop’ c. A few frequently used transitive verbs (irrespective of their object): foghoghu ‘drink’ fomaa ~ fumaa ‘eat’ telengai ~ telengei ‘hear’ d. Transitive verbs with definite objects (see §4.4 for explanation and illustrations): ala ‘take, get’ 'alo ‘tie, bind’ ita ‘see’ tunu ‘burn’ 49 e. Transitive verbs with direct or indirect object marking: pande ‘know’ (vt; vt-io)
4.1.2 Class 2: ma- a. Stative verbs: ma-amba ‘tasteless, bland’ ma-ewa ‘wide, spacious’ ma-kate ‘straight’ ma-kida ‘able, clever’ ma-muda ‘easy; cheap’ ma-ghimba ~ ma-simba ‘quick, fast’ ma-ngadha ‘pretty, handsome, beautiful’ (also recorded with mo-) ma-ntale ‘scattered about’ ma-se'e ‘close’
Note that the prefix disappears in nominalizations (with 'a-), e.g. ma-muda ‘easy; cheap’ and 'a-muda-no ‘its ease; how easy it is’; ma-kida ‘able, clever’ and 'a-kida-no ‘his ability, cleverness’ (see also §5.1.2). b. Intransitive dynamic verbs: ma-'anu ‘get ready’ ma-gasia ‘to play’ c. Transitive verb with indirect object inflection: ma-asi ‘love, like’ (vt-io)
In the verbs malasi ‘lazy’, manangi ‘win’ and mangaku ‘confess’, ma- is part of the root (borrowed from Indonesian malas, menang and mengaku respectively). These are best considered ‘bare’ verbs.
4.1.3 Class 3: me- a. Stative verbs: me-'engku ‘hard’ me-ghate ‘flat’ me-lanta ‘light’ me-lengo ‘long (of time)’ (a variant of the more common mo-lengo) me-ncana ‘light, clear’ b. Intransitive dynamic verbs: 50
me-bhaho ‘take a bath’ (also used transitively: bathe) me-gheghu ‘wash one’s face’ me-ntimu ‘chew betelnut’ me-soso ‘smoke’
In the verb membali ‘can, may, be able’, the class affix appears to be fixed; the nominalized form is 'a-membali ‘event, happening’, not *'a-mbali.
Intransitive verbs derived from nouns take the class prefix me-: me-'ambalala ‘wear a shirt’ 'ambalala ‘shirt’ me-fewau ‘do, make’ fewau ‘deed, action’ me-kaghajaa ‘work’ kaghajaa ‘work’ (n) me-lancau ‘seek treatment’ lancau ‘medicine’ me-lo'o ‘become hard’ lo'o ‘stone, rock’ c. Virtually all transitive verbs without definite object (see §4.4): me-ala ‘take, get’ me-aso ‘sell’ me-fundanga ‘cook’ me-holi ‘buy’ me-ita ‘see’ me-'oto ‘pick (fruit)’ me-pemani ‘ask, request’ me-tombi'i ‘pound (rice, maize)’ d. Transitive verbs with indirect object:
me-damba ‘keep, look after’
Finally, a number of reduplicated verbs are members of this class, but this does not appear to hold for all reduplicated verbs (see also §10.4): me-ghobu-ghobu ‘play with dirt’ mo-ghobu ‘dirty’ me-hotu-hotu ‘fart repeatedly’ me-hotu ‘fart’ (cf. hotu ‘fart (n)) me-ndala-ndala ‘go for a stroll’ ndala ‘go’ me-sodo-sodo ‘sickly’ sodo ‘ill, sick’
4.1.4 Class 4: mo-
This prefix was sometimes recorded in free variation with mu-, and in some cases only as mu-. a. Stative verbs: mo-da'i ‘broken; bad, evil’ 51
mo-lengo ‘long (of time)’ mo-lute ‘soft, weak’ mo-male ‘tired’ mo-me'o ‘sweet’ mo-mpana ‘hot’ mo-mpono ‘full’ mo-nggilo ‘clean, pure, holy’ mo-ngkuni ‘yellow’ mo-papa ‘blunt’ mo-sodo ‘hot, warm’ (but sodo ‘ill, sick’) mu-taha ‘ripe’ mo-tehi ~ mu-tehi ‘afraid’ mo-wilo ‘blind’
With a number of verbs in the general semantic area of breaking and cutting, mo- appears to be an anticausative morpheme, deriving stative verbs (vs) from transitive verbs (vt), as illustrated by the following pairs: me-mbotu ‘break (a rope, a string)’ (vt) mo-mbotu ‘broken (of a rope, string)’ (vs)
me-tobhe ‘break (a stick)’ (vt) mo-tobhe ‘broken (of a stick)’ (vs)
me-tumpo ‘break, cut’ (vt) mo-tumpo ‘broken, cut’ (vs)
me-weta ‘split, chop up’ (vt) mo-weta ‘split, chopped up’ (vs) b. Intransitive dynamic verbs, usually with a non-volitional agent: mo-ndawu ‘fall’ mo-pula ‘fall down (of a tree)’ c. Transitive verbs with indirect object: mo-limpu ‘forget’ (vt-io)
With a number of verbs the prefix mo- appears to be an inseparable part of the root: monifi ‘dream’ mono'o ‘sleep’ 52 4.1.5 Verb class membership
As in the case of Muna, the correlation between the syntactic-semantic properties of the verb and its morphological class is complex. A few things are clear: transitive verbs without definite objects take me-, and with definite objects take zero marking, while intransitive motion verbs tend to be unmarked. Other intransitive verbs generally occur with me-, including those derived from nouns. Stative verbs, on the other hand, belong to all four classes, and their distribution appears to be largely arbitrary. Table 4.1 shows the complex interplay between the two categorizations. Of the 16 cells, only two are empty, since there are no transitive verbs in ma- and mo-.
TABLE 4.1 VERB CLASS MEMBERSHIP
stative dynamic transitive – transitive – intransitive intransitive direct object indirect object (vs) (vi) (vt) (vt-io) unmarked mate ndala foghughu tagho ‘dead’ ‘go’ ‘drink’ ‘just leave’ ma- ma-muda ma-gasia - ma-asi ‘easy’ ‘play’ ‘love’ me- me-'engku me-soso me-aso me-damba ‘hard’ ‘smoke’ ‘sell’ ‘keep’ mo- mo-me'o mo-ndawu - mo-limpu ‘sweet’ ‘fall’ ‘forget’
Only one compound verb has been found: lou-mbule (variant lombule) ‘go back and forth, come and go’, from lou ‘go (down)’ and mbule ‘return’.
4.2 Pronominal affixes
4.2.1 Forms
There are six sets of of pronominal forms in Busoa, as shown in table 4.2, four of which are verbal affixes: subject prefixes (both realis and irrealis), direct object suffixes and indirect object suffixes. The remaining two categories (free pronouns and possessive suffixes) are added in table 4.2 to provide a comprehensive picture of all the pronominal forms in Busoa.
Pronominals distinguish singular versus plural number for 1st and 2nd person (but not for 3rd person), as well as clusivity for 1st person plural. There is no dual or gender. The first 53 person plural inclusive set is also used for polite address, a situation which is paralleled in many languages of Sulawesi.
TABLE 4.2 PRONOMINAL FORMS free subject subject possessive direct indirect realis irrealis object object
1SG nuni a- -'u -'anau 2SG situ ~ isitu u- ~ o- ~ Ø -mu / -mo -'o -(h)a'o ~ -o'o 3 anua ~ anoa no- ~ Ø na- ~ Ø -no -e -(h)ane ~ -i (/ i_) -ene -he (/ VV_)
1PL EXCL incami ta- -mami -'aincami ~ haincami 1PL INCL intano to- ta- -nto -'ainta 2PL simintu (-mu ~ -mo) -miu -'omiu -o'omiu
Notes to the chart.
1. There is no separate category 3PL, as the third person is not specified for number. There is indeed a free pronoun manga anua ‘they’ with variant manga anoa and sometimes written as one word: mangaanua, manganua or mangaanoa. However, the word manga is actually a floating plural marker which can also be added to other nouns, and to the other 3rd person pronominal forms to emphasize plurality. See §5.6.2 for details and discussion of manga. However, since anoa by itself normally has a singular reference, it is glossed 3SG.
2. There is considerable syncretism in the system (one form covering several meaning categories). The realis-irrealis distinction, for example, is only relevant for 3rd person and 1PL inclusive; the four other categories use a single prefix. Similarly, the contrast between direct and indirect object suffixes is limited to three categories: 2SG, 3 and 2PL. The other categories, 1SG and 1PL exclusive and inclusive, each have a single form.
Further notes on the usage of free pronouns, briefly illustrated below, are provided in §5.3. The subject prefixes are illustrated in §4.2.2 below; the direct and indirect object suffixes in §4.5, and the possessive suffixes in §5.4.
The free pronouns are typically used in equative clauses, as in (1), after prepositions, as in (2), and for contrastive emphasis in verbal clauses, as in (3). In a regular verbal clause, the free pronouns are normally absent, as shown in (2) for 3rd person, where the prefixno- suffices to index the subject. 54
(1) Mincuano situ mohane-'u. NEG 2SG man-1SG.POSS ‘It is not you who is my husband.’ (t3:21)
(2) No-ndala te nuni. 3REAL-go with 1SG ‘He went with me.’ (dict)
(3) A-l
4.2.2 Subject prefixes
This section provides examples of subject prefixes, treating them one by one. The relevant subject prefix is bolded in the example sentences.
(a) 1SG subject is marked by a- for both realis and irrealis.
(4) A-mo-male-mo 'aasi a-buntuli. 1SG-CA-tired-PFV pity 1SG-run ‘I’m tired of running, poor me.’ (t7:22)
(5) Nuni a-[m]oni dua we wula. 1SG 1SG-[IRR]go.up also LOC moon ‘I also want to go up to the moon.’ (t9:70)
(b) 2SG subject is marked by u-, o- or zero, for both realis and irrealis. The variation between u- or o- and zero for 2SG (and also 2PL) appears to be a case of free variation. In conversational speech u- and o- and rarely heard.
(6) Naefii u-mbule? when.FUT 2SG-return ‘When will you return?’ (elic)
(7) Me-paghacaea-mo...? CA-believe-PFV ‘Do you believe (it)...?’ (t1:4) 55
(8) Ala-e situ antasakumu-'u, Hasal Basari? take/get-3OBJ 2SG flying.jacket-1SG.POSS H. B. ‘Did you take my flying jacket, Hasal Basari?’ (t6:17)
(9) Pada-mo kawi situ? finish-PFV marry 2SG ‘Are you married?’ (conv)
(10) Fomaa fae? eat what ‘What are you eating?’ (elic)
(c) 3rd person subject is marked by no- (for realis) and na- (for irrealis).
(11) Ampoho no-foni we wula. then 3REAL-go.up LOC moon ‘Then he went up to the moon.’ (t9:56)
(12) ...dainoho no-me-fombula 'apa. still 3REAL-CA-plant cotton ‘...she is busy planting cotton.’ (t9:15)
(13) ...gughuda na-mbule-mo we ndala-ha-no. monster.bird 3IRR-return-PFV LOC go-LOC-3POSS ‘…the monster bird was about to return from its trip.’ (t1:20)
To make plural reference explicit for third person, the floating plural marker manga can be added to the clause (see also §5.6.2):
(14) …ampoho no-bhose manga. then 3REAL-paddle PLUR ‘… and then they paddled away.’ (t1:19)
(15) Pada-mo manga no-me-bhaho, no-ala-mo antasakumu-no. finish-PFV PLUR 3REAL-CA-bathe 3REAL-take/get-PFV flying.jacket-3POSS ‘When they had bathed, they took their flying jackets.’ (t6:11)
The presence of the plural marker manga is not obligatory. Once the plurality of the participants has been established, a simple 3rd person reference is enough, as in the second 56 clause of (15), and also in (16), where the previous context shows that the subject is six men.
(16) Ghato no-posanga-hane gaghaa no-ungka-hane. Sabutuno arrive 3REAL-ask.permission-3IND.OBJ MIR 3REAL-agree-3IND.OBJ then
no-ala-e-mo. 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV ‘When they asked his permission (to take her), to their surprise he agreed (with them). So they took her.’ (t1:42-43)
Subject marking with 3rd person subjects is not obligatory. For a discussion of its absence, see §4.2.3.
(d) 1PL exclusive subject is marked by ta- for both realis and irrealis.
(17) Incami miina ta-ka-'ije~'ije. 1PL.EX NEG 1PL.EX-?-RDUP~rude ‘We (excl) are not rude.’ (t1:35)
(18) Indewi incami ta-ndala ta-me-'aangka ghusa we buntou. yesterday 1PL.EX 1PL.EX-go 1PL.EX-CA-hunt deer LOC forest ‘Yesterday we went deer-hunting in the forest.’ (dict)
(19) Naale incami ta-l
(20) Malio-mo, so-ta-m-ala-mo. leave.it-PFV just-1PL.EX-IRR-take/get-PFV ‘Never mind, just let us just take (her).’ (t11:31)
(e) 1PL inclusive subject is marked by to- for realis, and by ta- for irrealis.
(21) Mai-mo to-mbule-ana. come-PFV 1PL.IN.REAL-return-ADH ‘Come, let’s go home.’ (elic) 57
(22) Intano=oni to-po-libu~libu to-me-ngkogha. 1PL.IN=this 1PL.IN.REAL-REC-RDUP~surround 1PL.IN.REAL-CA-sit ‘We are all sitting here together.’ (elic)
(23) Naefii ta-nd
(24) Na-k
ta-po-tampe~tampesa-hoo-mu habu. 1PL.IN.IRR-PL-RDUP~scatter-APPL-PFV ash ‘When there is a shout, then all of us in our houses will scatter ashes.’ (t5:38) (The gloss of -mu as perfective is tentative; it is also possible that this is another plural marker, similar to the one on 2PL verbs, illustrated below in e.g. (36)).
In addition to its normal use as a 1PL inclusive pronoun, intano and its pronominal correlates can also be used as an honorific, indicating politeness and deference on the part of the speaker. This is especially common in questions and requests, as shown in the following examples. (Note that the relevant pronominal forms are still glossed as 1PL.IN).
(25) Naefii-mo to-ghato? when-PFV 1PL.IN.REAL-arrive ‘When did you arrive, Sir?’ (elic)
(26) Naefii ta-l
(27) 'Uumbee, sama'a tangkanomo to-foomba-e te mii-no yes but only 1PL.IN.REAL-tell-3OBJ with person-3POSS
lewu=uni… village=this ‘Yes, but the only thing is that you have to inform the people of this village…’ (t5:33) 58
(28) To-'igha~'igha-'anau te intano ndea 'o-lala-ha-no 1PL.IN.REAL-RDUP~guess-1SG.OBJ with 1PL.IN friend HAVE-pain-LOC-3POSS
'aindei=ini. child=this ‘My friend, could you also please find out for me what this child is suffering from?’ (t5:32)
In some cases it is actually not easy to ascertain which usage of a 1PL inclusive pronominal form is or was foremost in the speaker’s mind. Normally the context and intonation is enough to disambiguate (for example, between a statement and a question), but an example such as (29) is ambiguous without further context.
(29) To-ghato-mo. 1PL.IN-arrive-PFV 1. ‘We (incl) have arrived.’ 2. ‘You (polite) have arrived.’ (elic)
An actual ambiguous example from text 1 is (30), where the speaker is using to- either in an inclusive sense (most likely), but possibly in an honorific sense.
(30) Te nuni 'a-tombi'i-mo=otu bhe to-'o-'aindei-ho with 1SG NMLZ-pound-2SG.POSS=that2 so.that 1PL.IN.REAL-HAVE-child-PURP
tee nuni fo~pitu to 'a-bhaghi-no. with 1SG RDUP~seven FUT NMLZ-many-3POSS ‘Give me of your pounded maize, so that you and I will have seven children.’ (Lit. ‘… so that we (incl) / you (polite) with me...’) (t1:3)
Somewhat surprisingly, there is a third use of the 1PL inclusive pronoun, which is a generic or backgrounded ‘I’. In such cases, the speaker talks about himself or herself, but couches it in more general terms, possibly out of modesty, to draw attention away from him or her. This use appears to be unique to Busoa. Consider the following example.
(31) Te-mo to-lagu~lagu-ho 'aindei-nto…. with-PFV 1PL.IN.REAL-RDUP~sing-APPL child-1PL.IN.POSS ‘While we (incl) were singing for our (incl) child...’ (t6:48)
In example (31) a woman complains about the behaviour of a man who wanted to have her as his wife from the moment he heard her singing to her child. She words her complaint in a 59 generic way, presumably in an attempt not to focus on herself, but on the nature of the misdemeanour, though it is obvious that she was the only one singing at the time.
In another example, from a mythical folk tale, a woman returns home in the sky with a man rolled in her hair, which she tries to hide for her grandfather, a man-eating monster. He is suspicious and asks her why she has the smell of human meat on her. She denies any knowledge and answers:
(32) We fae-mo ta-me-ala dhagi-no manusia suanaa 'uwa? LOC what-PFV 1PL.IN.IRR-take/get meat-3POSS human PART grandparent ‘Where would we get human meat, grandpa?’ (t6:26)
The rhetorical question indicates the impossibility of finding human meat in the sky, and the use of the 1PL inclusive subject prefix highlights the general nature of this fact.
During elicitation it was discovered that there is considerable uncertainty and some variety with regards to the use of to- and ta-. Without the presence of a full pronoun, speakers often had trouble identifying whether the reference of to- or ta- was inclusive or exclusive. This is no doubt partly caused by the fact that to- is only inclusive and that ta- can be both (inclusive irrealis, and exclusive realis and irrealis), and also because to- can also have polite reference. Another factor is the non-standard usage of Indonesian kita ‘we inclusive’ in this area, used for polite reference and replacing exclusive kami (see also Donohue and Smith 1998:77). But in addition to this there seemed to be some genuine variation. For example, during elicitation sessions the combination incami to-ghato indewi (1PL.EX 1PL.IN.REAL-arrive yesterday) ‘we (excl) arrived yesterday’ was acceptable to some people, but not to my two most capable informants, who would only accept incami ta-ghato. (This position is reflected in table 4.2). Similarly, the clause intano ta-ghato indewi (1PL.IN 1PL.EX-arrive yesterday) ‘we (incl) arrived yesterday’ was acceptable to quite a few, though my most knowledgeable informant (La Ridjali) was hesitant accepting it; he preferred intano to-ghato indewi. In irrealis forms with the infix -um- (see §4.3), only forms with ta- were acceptable: ta-gh
Generally in Southeast Sulawesi, eliciting the words for inclusive and exclusive ‘we’ (Indonesian kita and kami) leads to confusion (see also Donohue and Smith 1998:77), although in Busoa the confusion did not lie in the pronouns, but in the subject markers. In any case, the contrast between inclusive and exclusive seems to be clearly present in texts, and that is what is reflected in table 4.2. This is certainly an area for further study.
In summary: 60
to- 1. ‘we inclusive realis’ (and marginally exclusive realis) 2. ‘you (polite) realis’ 3. ‘generic I/one realis’ ta- 1. ‘we inclusive irrealis’ (and marginally inclusive realis) 2. ‘you (polite) irrealis’ 3. ‘generic I/one irrealis’ 4. ‘we exclusive realis and irrealis’
It appears that the prefixes to- and ta- are unstable and undergoing change. Only a detailed comparative study of the Muna-Buton languages will shed light on the history of these prefixes.
(f) 2PL is marked by a zero prefix and the optional suffix -mu (variant -mo). There are very few examples of 2PL subjects in the texts, and so most of this data is elicited. As with 2SG, it is probable that the prefixes o- and u- are also optional with 2PL, but this was only recorded in questions containing the word fae ‘what’, illustrated in §8.3.2. Various alternative ways of referring to 2PL were provided, as shown in (34) and (35), involving the use of the free pronoun simintu, the 2PL suffix -mu and the plural marker manga.
(33) Mofae simintu futaa-mu? why 2PL laugh-2PL ‘Why are you all laughing?’ (elic)
(34) a. Simintu we fae l
b. L
c. We fae l
(35) a. Falate we fae simintu? live LOC what 2PL ‘Where do you all live?’ (elic) 61
b. Falate-mu we fae? live-2PL LOC what ‘Where do you all live?’ (elic)
(36) ...ma'a simintu po-tampe~tampesa-hoo-mu habu. then 2PL PLUR-RDUP~scatter-APPL-2PL ash ‘...but you all must scatter ashes (in the air).’ (t5:34)
4.2.3 Absence of subject agreement
In a number of texts subject agreement appears to be missing for the third person, both singular and plural reference, as in the following examples (where the missing element is marked by Ø).
(37) Ø-Lawani manga anua... Ø-answer PLUR 3SG ‘They replied...’ (t1:35)
(38) Sabutuno Ø-coba no-pagampa La Niadhi. then Ø-try 3REAL-chase ART.M N. ‘So they tried to chase La Niadhi.’ (t5:42)
When I asked about this feature, I was told it was all right to fill in the ‘missing’ subject prefixes, resulting in no-lawani in (37), and no-coba in (38). Leaving them out was just a matter of preference. Since the absence of subject prefixes is markedly higher in the texts written by one informant (La Safui), it probably means that there is variation within the language. I have not been able to find out what the conditions are under which the subject prefix can be left out, but it appears to happen frequently in two cases. First, with borrowed verbs such as lawani ‘answer’ and coba ‘try’, illustrated above. Second, in temporal clauses, illustrated below, a subject prefix is regularly absent.
(39) Ø-Telengei nduu-no ganda te mbololo… Ø-hear sound-3POSS drum with gong ‘When he heard the sound of the drum and the gong...’ (t2:37)
(40) Ø-Laahiri ghubhine, ina-no no-hohae-mo... Ø-born woman mother-3POSS 3REAL-cry-PFV ‘When a girl was born, the mother cried...’ (t9:4)
But it is not uncommon for subject agreement markers to also be absent in main clauses: 62
(41) Situ dua Ø-mo-da'i namisi-mu? 2SG also Ø-CA-bad feeling-2SG.POSS ‘Are you also feeling sick?’ (Lit. ‘You also, is your feeling bad?’) (pb)
(42) Ø-Paghakisaa-he Wa Sambamparia Ø-me-sangkobhi wulu fotu-no. Ø-examine-3OBJ ART.F S. Ø-CA-cover hair head-3POSS ‘He examined it and it was Wa Sambamparia who had covered herself with her hair.’ (t7:10)
This area obviously needs more research. When text 11, written by La Safui, was read with another reader, many of the absent subject prefixes were filled in by him so that the text would sound better. These edits are not marked in the text in Appendix A.
4.3 Realis and irrealis
In a regular verbal clause in Busoa, there is a choice of two moods: realis and irrealis. The realis mood is indicated by the set of realis subject prefixes, whereas the irrealis mood is rd indicated by a) the set of irrealis subject markers (differing only for 3 person and 1PL inclusive, identical for all other person-number combinations), and b) the infix -um- or one of its allomorphs (see §2.10.1) on unmarked verbs. Realis is used to describe past and present events (as well as hortatives), while the irrealis is used for a) future events, intentions and desires, b) in conditional clauses, and c) after negators. The following examples illustrate the realis-irrealis contrast on the verb lou ‘go down’, showing a realis verb form in (43)a, irrealis verb forms in (43)b-d, and ungrammatical formations in (43)e-g. These examples were all elicited.
(43) a. No-lou we jue. [realis for past or present] 3REAL-go.down LOC water ‘She goes/went to the water.’
b. Na-l
c. Miina na-l
d. Pae na-l
e. *Na-lou we jue. [ungrammatical, no infix -um-]
f. *No-l
g. *Miina no-lou we jue. [ungrammatical, needs irrealis after negator]
Below are various examples of irrealis verb forms (bolded) taken from texts, all from the unmarked verb class, and therefore showing both subject prefixes and infixation of -um- (with allomophy and exceptions for p-initial roots; see §2.10.1).
(44) No-kemba-e na-l
(45) La Ode Bhalapanda c
(46) 'Ane a-d
(47) We fae-mo na-me-ala 'aindei? LOC what-PFV 3IRR-CA-take/get child ‘Where would she get children?’ (t1:13)
(48) Miina na-mo-lengo no-po-wugha-hane-mo. NEG 3IRR-CA-long 3REAL-REC-meet-3IND.OBJ-PFV ‘It wasn’t long before he had found it.’ (t2:21)
(49) ....'ane na-membali, na-m-ala-e manga anua. if 3IRR-can 3IRR-IRR-take/get-3OBJ PLUR 3SG ‘...if it was okay for them to take her.’ (t1:41) 64
(50) Miina na-'o-jue. NEG 3IRR-HAVE-water ‘But there was no water.’ (t7:16)
(51) M-ita-e-ho na-'o-gawu, humbo-no-mo bhanua-nto. IRR-see-3OBJ-IPFV 3IRR-HAVE-smoke smoke-3POSS-PFV house-1PL.IN.POSS ‘When you see that there is smoke, that is the smoke of our (burning) house’ (t7:38)
With the root membali ‘can’ the initial m is optionally deleted when the irrealis prefix na- is present: na-membali ~ naembali ‘it will not; it cannot’. (This is the beginning of a process of m-deletion in a set of verbal prefixes that has taken its full course in Muna, where it has led to the three verb classes a-, ae- and ao-.)
During elicitation sessions, a number of irrealis verb forms without the expected infix in unmarked verbs (verbs without a class affix) were recorded as variants. I reproduce them here (in brackets), even though these forms do not appear in the texts. Some informants judged the forms with -um- (or its allomorph m-) to be ‘better’.
(52) Naale nuni a-m-awe [a-awe] we daoa. tomorrow 1SG 1SG-IRR-go.up 1SG-go.up LOC market. ‘Tomorrow I will go up to the market.’ (elic)
(53) Naefii na-awe [na-m-awe]? when.FUT 3IRR-go.up 3IRR-IRR-go.up ‘When will he go up?’ (elic)
Finally, the combination of irrealis mood with perfective -mo either signals imminent action, as in (54), or a completed event in the future, as in (55).
(54) …gughuda na-mbule-mo we ndala-ha-no. monster.bird 3IRR-return-PFV LOC go-LOC-3POSS ‘… the monster bird was about to return from its trip.’ (t1:20)
(55) Ta-gh
As in Muna, definite objects have a definiteness effect in Busoa. This definiteness effect can be formulated as follows for Busoa: when the object of a transitive me-verb is definite, the verb loses its class affix me-. This is illustrated in the example pair of (56), where (a) has an indefinite object and the transitive verb has the class prefix me-, whereas (b) has a definite object (indicated by the possessive suffix -mu) and the class prefix is missing.
(56) a. 'Uje me-wangku ghobhine! do.not CA-hit woman ‘Do not hit women!’ (elic)
b. 'Uje wangku ghobhine-mu! do.not hit woman-2S.POSS ‘Do not hit your wife!’ (elic)
The following types of grammatical objects qualify as ‘definite objects’: (a) A direct object suffix. (b) A free pronoun. (c) A noun with a possessive suffix. (d) The question word lafae ‘who’. (e) The preposed question word fae ‘what’.
Unlike Muna, nouns modified by a demonstrative are not typically definite in Busoa. Also, the definiteness rule in Busoa appears to be less rigidly applied than its counterpart in Muna, as there are various exceptions in our corpus. The following section shows examples of each of these five categories, with several exceptions and counterexamples as well.
(a) Direct object suffixes (see also §4.5.1).
(57) a. No-me-holi 'inta. 3REAL-CA-buy fish ‘She bought fish.’ (elic)
b. No-holi-i. 3REAL-buy-3OBJ ‘She bought it.’ (elic) 66
c. *No-me-holi-i.
(58) a. No-me-wangku ghobhine. 3REAL-CA-hit woman ‘He hits women.’ (elic)
b. No-wangku-'anau. 3REAL-hit-1SG.OBJ ‘He hits me.’ (elic)
c. *No-me-wangku-'anau.
Indirect object pronouns (see §4.5.2) do not cause a definiteness effect. The object suffix -'anau in (59) is ambiguous between a direct and an indirect object suffix. However, it does not index the patient, but rather the beneficiary (indexed by an indirect object) and hence the class affix me- is retained.
(59) No-me-ganda-'anau sau. 3REAL-CA-cut-1SG.OBJ wood ‘He cut wood for me.’ (elic) (b) Free pronouns
(60) a. No-wangku situ. 3REAL-hit 2SG ‘He hit you.’ (elic)
b. *No-me-wangku situ.
(61) a. Na-wangku nuni. 3S.IRR-hit 1SG ‘He will hit me.’ (elic)
b. *Na-me-wangku nuni.
There is one exception in my corpus where a free pronoun (functioning as an object) is found with the class affix me-:
(62) Lafae-mo to me-peelu-no situ? who-PFV FUT CA-like-ACT.PTCP 2SG ‘Who is going to like you?’ (t3:6) 67
During a discussion of this example, it appeared that the form me-peelu-no is indeed fine, but that the absence of me- is also perfectly acceptable. With a 3rd person prefix both forms were also deemed grammatical: no-me-peelu situ (3REAL-CA-like 2SG) ‘he likes you’ or no-peelu situ; and similarly with a 1SG free pronoun: no-me-peelu nuni (3REAL-CA-like 1SG) ‘he likes me’ or no-peelu nuni, though one old lady in the group did not accept the first variant with me-. Only with a direct object suffix is the class affix obligatorily absent, something everybody agreed on: no-peelu-'o (3REAL-like-2SG.OBJ), but *no-me-peelu-'o; no-peelu-'anau (3REAL-like- 1SG.OBJ), but *no-me-peelu-'anau.
(c) A noun with a possessive suffix
Most nouns modified by a possessive suffix trigger the definiteness effect, as illustrated in (56) above and also in (63):
(63) a. Anua no-me-ala bhangka. 3SG 3REAL-CA-take/get canoe ‘He took a canoe.’ (elic)
b. Anua no-ala bhangka-no. 3SG 3REAL-take/get canoe-3POSS ‘He took his canoe.’ (elic)
Two exceptions were recorded:
(64) Na-membali a-me-ada motoro-mu? 3IRR-can 1SG-CA-borrow motorbike-2SG.POSS ‘May I borrow your motorbike?’ (pb)
(65) Indewi no-me-holi 'inta-'u. yesterday 3REAL-CA-buy fish-1SG.POSS ‘Yesterday he bought my fish.’ (elic)
In both cases, the class affix me- is retained, in spite of the presence of the possessive suffix. In (64) the form a-ada is also grammatical, I was told, while (65) is possibly best interpreted as a case of a benefactive possessive: ‘he bought fish for me’, making the object non-definite.
(d) The question word lafae ‘who’
The question word lafae as grammatical object optionally triggers the definiteness effect: 68
(66) a. No-me-wangku lafae? 3REAL-CA-hit who ‘Who did he hit?’ (elic)
b. No-wangku lafae? 3REAL-hit who ‘Who did he hit?’ (elic)
(e) The preposed question word fae ‘what’
The definiteness effect triggered by the preposed question word fae ‘what’ is unique for Busoa, and not paralleled in Muna. Compare the following examples.
(67) a. Nuni a-me-tapai 'inta. 1SG 1SG-CA-roast fish ‘I am roasting fish.’ (elic)
b. Me-tapai fae=etu? CA-roast what=that2 ‘What are you roasting?’ (elic)
c. Fo=o-tapai=itu? what=2SG-roast=that2 ‘What are you roasting?’ (elic)
d. *Fae me-tapai=itu?
e. Fae ne-tapai-mu? what PASS.PTCT-roast-2SG.POSS ‘What is it that was roasted by you?’ (elic)
In (67)a the class affix me- is present, as the object is indefinite. In (b) the question word fae occurs in the usual place of an object, and the verb retains its class affix. But in (c) fae ‘what’ occurs clause-initially, and has cliticized and undergone vowel reduction and harmony (fae= > fa= > fo=), and the class affix is obligatorily absent. An alternative way of asking the same question is using a cleft construction involving a passive participle, illustrated in (e), also without me-, as class affixes are never present in passive participles.
Other examples of preposed fae with a definiteness effect: 69
(68) Fo=kaghajaa=atu manga? what=do=that2 PLUR ‘What are you guys doing?’ (elic)
(69) Fo=damba-hoo? what=keep-APPL ‘What (animals) do you look after?’ (elic)
However, here also the definiteness effect does not seem to be mandatory. Example (67)d was identified as ungrammatical, but the following pairs, with and without class affix, were given as being completely equivalent in meaning:
(70) a. Fo=aso=otu manga? what=sell=that2 PLUR ‘What do you sell?’ (elic)
b. Fae me-aso=otu manga? what CA-sell=that2 PLUR ‘What do you sell?’ (elic)
(71) a. Fo=o-holi situ we daoa? what=2SG-buy 2SG LOC market ‘What did you buy at the market?’ (elic)
b. Fa=u-me-holi situ we daoa? what=2SG-CA-buy 2SG LOC market ‘What did you buy at the market?’ (elic)
This intriguing phenomenon clearly needs more research. What is the extent of variation and grammaticality? Is the cliticization of fae a significant factor? And how is the notion of definiteness related to a preposed question word?
Contrary to Muna, demonstratives that modify a patient noun do not appear to trigger the definiteness effect, as shown in the following two examples.
(72) Me-'antunu-'anau 'inta=atu. CA-roast-1SG.OBJ fish=that2 ‘Please roast those fish for me.’ (dict) 70
(73) Anua no-me-ala bhangka=ani. 3SG 3REAL-CA-take/get canoe=this ‘He took this canoe.’ (elic)
4.5 Direct and indirect object inflection
This section illustrates the main uses of the suffixes marking direct and indirect objects. These suffixes are part of the word and precede the perfective suffix -mo, as in (74) and (77).
4.5.1 Direct object inflection
The direct object suffixes were listed in table 4.2 in §4.2. Table 4.3 repeats part of this table by showing the six suffixes on the verb hamba ‘help’ with a 3rd person prefix no-. Note that the class affix me- is absent from the table, as the object suffixes trigger the definiteness effect.
TABLE 4.3 PARADIGM OF HAMBA ‘HELP’ WITH OBJECT SUFFIXES
1SG no-hamba-'anau ‘he/she/they helped me’
2SG no-hamba-'o ‘he/she/they helped you’
3 no-hamba-e ‘he/she/they helped him/her/them’
1PL EXCL no-hamba-'aincami ‘he/she/they helped us (excl)’
1PL INCL no-hamba-'ainta 1. ‘he/she/they helped us (incl)’ 2. ‘he/she/they helped you (polite)’
2PL no-hamba-'omiu ‘he/she/they helped you (pl)’
Not included in this table is the allomorphy of the 3rd person suffix -e: -i following the vowel i, and -he following vowel sequences (see §2.10.2). The direct object suffixes are used when the object is the patient, the goal or the target of the action denoted by the verb. Some additional examples are provided below (with the object suffixes bolded). Examples of the plural suffixes are virtually absent from texts.
(74) No-antagi-'anau-mo. 3REAL-wait-1SG.OBJ-PFV ‘He/she/they waited for me.’ (conv) 71
(75) …na-umaa-'anau... (root fumaa ‘eat’) 3IRR-eat-1SG.OBJ ‘...it will eat me...’ (t6:23)
(76) No-mo-tehi-'o. 3REAL-CA-afraid-2SG.OBJ ‘They are afraid of you.’ (conv)
(77) A-pande-'o-mo. 1SG-know-2SG.OBJ-PFV ‘I know you.’ (elic)
(78) ...no-'alo-e wee jamba. 3REAL-tie-3OBJ LOC toilet ‘… and she tied her to the toilet.’ (t1:11)
(79) ...lalosa'a no-hawi-i. immediately 3REAL-hold.in.lap-3OBJ ‘...he immediately took it (the baby) into his lap.’ (t2:11)
(80) ...no-toghai-he dua. 3REAL-give-3OBJ also ‘…he gave her (some).’ (t1:5)
4.5.2 Indirect object inflection
The indirect object suffixes were also given in §4.2, and are repeated here in table 4.4 with the verb holi ‘buy’. They mark semantic roles such as beneficiary, recipient, instrument, comitative and theme. In addition the 1PL inclusive form -'ainta also occurs in polite requests (see §8.4). Note that the class affix me- is present, as indirect objects do not cause the definiteness effect. Normally an object would be present in the clause as well.
Of these six indirect object suffixes, three are identical to the direct object suffixes (1SG -'anau, 1PL.EX -'aincami, and 1PL.IN -'ainta), but there is also extensive variation, not shown in table 4.2. 1SG -'anau has an optional allomorphic variant -ha'anau following stem-final a. (This variation is apparently not present when -'anau functions as a direct object.) 2SG shows fluctuation between a'o- and -o'o (the latter variant a case of vowel harmony), and has the allomorph -ha'o after stem-final a. The 3rd person also has two variants: -ene and -ane. The 72 latter variant on holi was said to be limited to the Wuragana area (see §1.4). An additional allomorph -hane is found with stem-final a. For 1PL exclusive the form -'aincami has the variant -haincami (probably only after stem-final a). Somewhat surprisingly, for 1PL inclusive -'ainta there is no variant with initial h, probably due to lack of data.
TABLE 4.4 PARADIGM OF HOLI ‘BUY’ WITH INDIRECT OBJECT SUFFIXES
1SG no-me-holi-'anau ‘he/she/they bought for me’
2SG no-me-holi-a'o ~ ‘he/she/they bought for you’ no-me-holi-o'o
3 no-me-holi-ene ~ ‘he/she/they bought for no-me-holi-ane him/her/them’
1PL EXCL no-me-holi-'aincami ‘he/she/they bought for us (excl)’
1PL INCL no-me-holi-'ainta he/she/they bought for us (incl)’
2PL no-me-holi-o'omiu ‘he/she/they bought for you (pl)’
The following are some examples, again with the indirect object suffix bolded. As with the direct object suffixes, there are virtually no examples of plural suffixes in texts.
(81) No-me-holi-'anau 'inta ama-no Bastiaan hipooni. 3REAL-CA-buy-1SG.OBJ fish father-3POSS B. just.now ‘Bastiaan’s father bought me fish just now.’ (conv)
(82) Fo-omba-ha'anau hula-mu isa! CAUS-come-1SG.OBJ face-2SG.POSS older.sibling ‘Show me your face, sister!’ (t7:34)
(83) No-me-holi-o'o 'inta. 3REAL-CA-buy-2SG.IND.OBJ fish ‘He bought fish for you.’ (elic)
(84) A-me-baca-ha'o boku. 1SG-CA-read-2SG.IND.OBJ book ‘I will read a book to you.’ (elic)
(85) A-m-ala-ha'o baangkala 'oli-'u bhe u-ita-e. 1SG-IRR-take/get-2SG.IND.OBJ in.that.case skin-1SG.POSS so.that 2SG-see-3OBJ ‘Let me get my skin for you in that case, so that you can see it.’ (t3:25) 73
(86) No-lou-ane-mo. 3REAL-go.down-3IND.OBJ-PFV ‘He/she/they went down with him/her/them.’ (elic)
(87) …no-tumpu-e me-ala-hane jue. 3REAL-order-3OBJ CA-take/get-3IND.OBJ water ‘… and he ordered her to get water for him.’ (elic)
(88) No-me-ala-'aincami [var: no-me-ala-haincami] 'inta. 3REAL-CA-take/get-1PL.EX.OBJ 3REAL-CA-take/get-1PL.EX.OBJ fish ‘He got us (excl) some fish.’ (elic)
(89) …fo-mondo-'ainta pakea-nto. CAUS-finished-1PL.IN.OBJ clothes-1PL.IN.POSS ‘… she makes clothes for you.’ (Lit. ‘…for us (incl)’) (t9:50)
(90) Me-ngkogha-'ainta-mo. CA-sit-1PL.IN.OBJ-PFV ‘Please take a seat.’ (elic) (Lit. ‘Sit down for us [incl]’, a polite imperative. See also §8.4.)
(91) Pada-mo no-me-holi-o'omiu 'aa miinaho? finish-PFV 3REAL-CA-buy-2PL.IND.OBJ or not.yet
‘Have they bought something for you (PL) or not yet?’ (elic)
The indirect object suffixes are also found with a small set of transitive verbs (vt-io; see §4.1) such as damba ‘keep, look after’, pande ‘know’ (which is both vt and vt-io) where they mark a patient, though the patient is non-canonical.
(92) No-damba~damba-hane-mo... 3REAL-RDUP~look.after-3IND.OBJ-PFV ‘It took care of them...’ (t1:15)
(93) ...bho'u=uni hempooni gaghaa no-pande-ene. desire=this just.now MIR 3REAL-know-3IND.OBJ ‘…but she knew this (man’s) desire.’ (t6:46) 74
(94) A-pande-'ainta. 1SG-know-1PL.IN.OBJ ‘I know you (sir/madam).’ (elic)
4.6 Participles
4.6.1 Active participles
Active participles are formed by means of a circumfix: the class affix me- or mo- in combination with the suffixno - . In these cases the infix -um- (or one of its allomorphs) functions as the class affix of unmarked verbs, and is therefore glossed as CA (class affix), not as IRR (irrealis), which is its normal function in inflected verbs.
Active participles function as the verbal head of subject relative clauses (see §9.1 for extensive illustration). Some examples of active participles are given below, glossed as English ing-forms. There are no examples in my corpus of active participles based on ma- verbs. awe ‘go up’ m-awe-no ‘going up’ foni ‘go up’ [m]oni-no ‘going up’ lou ‘go down’ l
The infix -um- on active participles of the unmarked class is occasionally missing, for no obvious reasons. The following participles were also recorded: umba-no ‘coming’ (from umba ‘come’; expected m-umba-no), and fumaa-no ‘eating’ (from fumaa ~ fomaa ‘eat’, expected [m]umaa-no or [m]omaa-no).
Participles may also lack the suffix -no, in which case they are called ‘clipped participles’, as in mii s
There are no examples in the corpus of active participles with object suffixes replacing the suffix -no; compare Muna m-ala-e ‘the one who took/got it’. This is probably due to a gap in the data.
4.6.2 Passive participles
Like active participles, passive participles also function in relative clauses, but exclusively in relative clauses that relativize a patient of a transitive verb. Passive participles are formed with the prefix ne-, with an (optional) possessive suffix indicating the agent. Below follow some examples, translated as headless relative clauses (‘what is Xed’); for actual examples in clauses see §9.1.2. aso ‘sell’ ne-aso ‘what is sold’ fumaa ‘eat’ ne-fumaa ‘what is eaten, food’ pemani ‘ask’ ne-pemani-'u ‘what I asked for’ po-janji ‘promise’ ne-po-janji ‘what was promised’ tombi'i ‘pound’ ne-tombi'i-no ‘what she pounded’ 5. The noun phrase
This chapter deals with the noun phrase (NP), starting with a discussion of simple nouns (§5.1), proper nouns (§5.1.1), derived nouns (§5.1.2) and compounds (§5.2). This is followed by a treatment of pronouns (§5.3), possession (§5.4), demonstratives (§5.5), the particles 'o and manga (§5.6), the measure phrase, covering numerals, classifiers and quantifiers (§5.7), and various attributes (§5.8). The chapter ends with brief discussions of the internal structure of the NP (§5.9 ) and coordination (§5.10).
5.1 Nouns
Simple nouns can be concrete entities such as tombula ‘bamboo’, sea ‘ant’, bhanua ‘house’, fotu ‘head’, locative nouns such as wawo ‘top, place above’ and panda ‘bottom, place below’, as well as temporal nouns such as ghaneo ‘dawn’ and taho ‘year’. Simple abstract nouns are rare, as most of these are formed by means of the nominalizing prefix 'a- (see §5.1.2). Classifiers are a subtype of noun that is discussed in §5.7.2. A fair number of roots do double duty as verbs and nouns, such as hohae ‘cry, crying’, 'aghada ‘spear’ and tighi ‘drip’.
5.1.1 Proper nouns
Proper nouns are used for people, places, rivers, mountains, and sometimes for special objects, such as a large jar in text 1 called Maghajabani. In the languages of Muna and Buton, the names of people are typically preceded by the article La (for men and boys) and Wa (for women and girls), which are normally capitalized when they are written. Those who can show that they are of noble descent are allowed to use the title Ode before their name, resulting in such names such as La Ode Bhalapanda and Wa Ode Randainta. The article is normally not used in vocatives.
5.1.2 Derived nouns
The following derivations are found on nouns.
(a) The nominalizing prefix 'a- makes concrete or abstract nouns on the basis of verbs (either stative, intransitive or transitive), and from all verb classes. The class affixes are not retained in this derivation. Very often the nominalization has the 3POSS -no suffix attached to it (which is not included here). Transitive verb bases are given with the class affix me- (where known).
76 77
'a-bho'e ‘rope, cord’ me-bho'e ‘tie, bind’ 'a-da'i ‘evil’ (n) mo-da'i ‘bad, evil’ (vs) 'a-gasia ‘game’ ma-gasia ‘play’ 'a-hampo ‘covering’ me-hampo ‘cover (an opening)’ 'a-joli ‘door’ me-joli ‘lock (by turning)’ 'a-lala ‘pain’ mo-lala ‘painful’ 'a-libu ‘circle’ libu ‘surround’ 'a-mondo ‘completion’ mondo ‘finished, completed’ 'a-pahi ‘bitterness’ mo-pahi ‘bitter’ 'a-sambughe ‘broom’ me-sambughe ‘sweep’ 'a-tombi'i ‘pounded maize’ me-tombi'i ‘pound’
(b) The suffix -a (with allomorph -ha when the root ends in a) also makes nouns from verbs, though not from stative verbs. The resulting meanings are often results, but also objects and locations. falate-a ‘dwelling place’ falate ‘live, dwell, stay’ fewau-a ‘possession, property’ me-fewau ‘do, make’ fo-kawi-a ‘marriage’ me-fo-kawi ‘marry’ (vt) ghompu-a ‘collection, gathering’ me-ghompu ‘collect, gather’ pada-ha-no ‘the end’ pada ‘finish; after’ peelu-a ‘wish, desire’ peelu ‘want, like, desire, love’ sonde-a ‘bowl’ me-sonde ‘drink or slurp from a bowl’ siwulu-a ‘offspring’ siwulu ‘go down (of tide)’ tighi-a ‘drip’ tighi ‘drip’ toni-a ‘path, track’ toni ‘stop by’ tumpu-a ‘delegate’ me-tumpu ‘order’
(c) The circumfix 'a-...-a (with allomorph 'a-...-ha when the root ends in a), marks the place where activity X is normally done, but also the time or the instrument with which activity X is done. In 'a-ncoda-ha there is prenasalization of the root (see §2.10.4). 'a-di'a-ha ‘storage place’ me-di'a ‘put, place, store’ 'a-fepuhu-a ‘beginning’ fepuhu ‘begin’ 'a-hii-a ‘utensil for getting water’ me-hii ‘get water, fill’ 'a-ncoda-ha ‘carrying chair/stretcher’ me-soda ‘carry on shoulders’ 'a-ndole-a ‘bed’ ndole ‘lie down’ 'a-pagi-a ‘scraper’ me-pagi ‘scrape’ 'a-tuhu-a ‘place of chopping’ me-tuhu ‘chop (trees)’ 'a-wanu-a ‘finger bowl’ me-wanu ‘wash hands’ 78
More research is needed to determine the exact difference (if there is one) between these three derivations. It is possible that many of them are lexically determined.
(d) A few miscellaneous nouns can be considered derivations. These include ne-fumaa (PASS.PTCP-eat) ‘food’, literally ‘what is eaten’, po-ita ‘vision’ (from ita ‘see’; po-ita also means ‘able to see’), and 'a-nte-udani-a ‘memory, souvenir’ from udani ‘remember’.
5.2 Compounds
Busoa seems to have very few nominal compounds, defined as two nouns linked in one phonological phrase without a possessive linker or a preposition. Possible candidates are ghosau ~ ghusau ‘vegetables’ (from ghoo ‘leaf’ and sau ‘wood, tree’); ana mohane ‘young (unmarried) male’ (from ana ‘child’ and mohane ‘man, male’), lengke pasunda ‘whore’ (lengke ‘whore’, meaning of pasunda unclear) and various compounds with mata ‘eye’ such as mata bhagha (eye west) ‘west’, mata holeo (eye sun/day) ‘east’, mata Wolio (eye Wolio) ‘north’, mata Laompo (eye Laompo) ‘south’ and mata tonde (eye glass) ‘spectacles’. Another type of compound is with pande ‘craftsman, person with a technical skill’ (also an intransitive verb ‘clever, able, competent’), such as pande ase (craftsman iron) ‘smith’, pande dhoti (craftsman sorcery) ‘sorcerer’, and pande gau (craftsman speech) ‘talkative person, good speaker’. A final type of compound is where the possessive linker has been deleted, as in wulu fotu (hair head) ‘head hair’, also wulu-no fotu.
A few compounds have been borrowed wholesale from Indonesian, such as kapala kampo ‘head of the village’ (Ind kepala kampong) and mina gasi ‘kerosene’ (currently minyak tanah in Indonesian, though presumably there was an earlier form minyak gas).
5.3 Pronouns
The free pronouns were already mentioned in table 4.2, and are repeated below in table 5.1, with an additional frequency count from the 12 texts.
TABLE 5.1 FREE PRONOUNS
Frequency in texts 1-12
1SG nuni 9 2SG situ ~ isitu 10 ~ 0 3 anoa ~ anua 4 ~ 1 1PL EXCL incami 1 1PL INCL intano 4 2PL simintu 1 79
Only a few additional things need to be said about the free pronouns.
• The free pronouns occur relatively rarely, and this is even more pronounced for the plural forms. This is in contrast with the subject prefixes (§4.2.2), which are more or less obligatory in verbal clauses (see §4.2.3).
• The pronouns are frequently followed by a demonstrative enclitic: situ=uni ‘you here’, situ=utu ‘you there’, anoa=atu ‘he/she there’, intano=oni ‘we (incl) here’, simintu=utu ‘you (PL) there’ (see §5.5 for the demonstratives). Nuni ‘I’ was not recorded with only a demonstrative. See also next point.
• The pronouns can be made into predicates by means of the perfective suffix -mo (and can then be further modified by a demonstrative), as in anoa-mo (3-PFV) ‘that is him/ her/it; that is correct’, and nuni-mo=oni (1SG-PFV=this) ‘I am the one; it’s me here’ (t3:24).
5.4 Possession
Possession is relatively straightforward in Busoa. With pronominal possessors, a possessive suffix is added to a noun, as illustrated in the following examples:
(95) a. ama-'u (father-1SG.POSS) ‘my father’
b. ghubhine-mu (woman-2SG.POSS) ‘your wife’
c. bhanua-no (house-3POSS) ‘his/her/its/their house’
d. hinteli-mami (egg-1PL.EX.POSS) ‘our (excl) eggs’
e. 'aindei-nto (child-1PL.IN.POSS) ‘our (incl) children’
f. manu-miu (chicken-2PL.POSS) ‘your (pl) chickens’
If the possessor is a full noun or an NP, the 3rd person suffix -no is added to the head noun, followed by the possessor.
(96) 'ola'i-no lewu chief-3POSS village ‘the village chief’
(97) nuhua-no mancuana=ani cooking.pot-3POSS old.person=this ‘the cooking pot of this old man’ 80
(98) puhu-no pangana tree-3POSS areca.nut ‘an areca palm tree’
(99) wiwi-no mo'ahi edge-3POSS sea ‘the sea shore’
Embedding of possessors is not uncommon, as in the following two examples, with the latter one having four levels of embedding.
(100) 'a-hampo-no bhalo-no 'awea NMLZ-cover-3POSS hole-3POSS wind ‘the covering of the wind hole’ (t2:30)
(101) 'A-da'i-no isikadhi-no ghobhine-no 'ola'i-no lewu… NMLZ-bad-3POSS intent-3POSS woman-3POSS chief-3POSS village ‘The wife of the village chief had such bad intentions...’ (Lit. ‘The badness of the intents of the wife of the chief of the village…’) (t1:10)
There is one clear case of a benefactive possessive:
(102) ...dainoho me-mooghu-ane bhita-no. still CA-weave-3IND.OBJ sarong-3POSS ‘…that I am busy weaving a sarong for him.’ (Lit. ‘...weaving for him his sarong.’) (t9:23)
5.5 Demonstratives
The demonstrative system of Busoa is complex and as yet only partially understood. The analysis and examples in this section reflect my limited understanding of the system, and at various times gaps are pointed out. A fuller and richer understanding of Busoa demonstratives can only be obtained by an intensive study of this topic in situ during a longer field work period, in direct interaction with the local population.
5.5.1 Forms
Busoa appears to have nine basic demonstratives in three distinct syntactic environments, as shown in table 5.2. One of them (referential anaa, bottom line of the table), appears to be in a different category, as it does not participate in the formal oppositions between the three 81 sets. The semantic opposition between the remaining eight forms is based on two parameters. The first parameter is distance, which is differentiated for four degrees: near speaker (proximal), near addressee (medial), away from both (distal), and far away from both (remote). The second parameter is height, only relevant for the distal and remote set, and differentiated for three degrees: on a level with a point of reference (usually the location of the speaker), higher than, and lower than the point of reference. The height distinction also correlates with cardinal directions: high is linked with east (the mountains) and south, and low is linked with west (the ocean) and north.
Syntactically, three environments can be distinguished: a) pronominal (functioning as a freestanding NP); b) attributive (modifying a noun or a verb, also after the interrogative fae ‘what’), and c) adverbial, functioning in a prepositional phrase following the preposition we, and usually translated as ‘here’ or ‘there’.
TABLE 5.2 DEMONSTRATIVES pronominal attributive adverbial (in PP) 1 near speaker 'o-oni =Vni we 'a-inia 2 near addressee 'o-otu =Vtu we 'a-itua 3 mid level 'o-sumaa sumaa we 'ai-soo 'ai-soo (?) 'ai-soo *we sumaa 3 mid high 'o-tamaa tamaa we 'ai-taa *we tamaa 3 mid low 'o-watu ~ watu we 'ai-waa watu *we watu 4 distant level 'o-seitu seitu we 'ai-seitu 4 distant high 'o-tangia tangia we 'ai-tangia 4 distant low 'o-wahaitu wahaitu we 'ai-wahaitu referential - anaa -
As for the forms, the initial element 'o- on the pronominal forms is probably the article 'o (see §5.6.1), and I gloss it as such. The proximal and medial attributive forms =Vni and =Vtu are enclitics; the V marks a copied vowel from the stem (see §2.10.5 and below for examples). The adverbial forms all start with 'ai or 'a- and most of them end in a. The initial element 'ai- or 'a- is glossed as D (for deictic), though its exact semantic content is unclear. There are also some other recurrent elements in various forms, such as tu in watu, seitu and wahaitu; ta in tamaa and tangia; wa in watu and wahaitu, and maa in sumaa and tamaa, but no single meaning can be assigned to these elements, except for ‘low’ to wa and ‘high’ to ta. The nine demonstratives are discussed and illustrated below. 82
As for glossing these demonstratives, I use the following conventions: ‘this’, ‘that2’, ‘that3’ and ‘that4’ to distinguish the four distances, and an additional L and H to distinguish ‘low’ and ‘high’ for ‘that3’ and ‘that4’. So tamaa is glossed ‘that3H’. The level forms for these two categories are left unmarked.
5.5.2 this: 'o-oni, =Vni, we 'a-inia
(103) 'O-oni bhanu-'u. ART-this house-1SG.POSS ‘This is my house.’ (conv; speaker points to the house he is standing in.)
(104) 'A-'osipu-no bhanua=ani! NMLZ-dark-3POSS house=this ‘What a dark house this is!’ (dict)
(105) Fae=eni? what=this ‘What is this?’ (voc)
(106) Mai we 'a-inia. come LOC D-this ‘Come here!’ (conv)
5.5.3 that2: 'o-otu, =Vtu, we 'a-itua
(107) 'O-otu we siwighi-mu. ART-that2 LOC side-2SG.POSS ‘That (thing) beside you.’ (dict)
(108) ...sompu situ=utu. like 2SG=that2 ‘… like you there.’ (t3:22) 83
(109) Fae=etu? what=that2 ‘What is that?’ (voc)
(110) 'O-wamba-mo uwa-no, "To-mo kawi-mo=otu." HAVE-word-PFV grandparent-3POSS FUT-PFV spouse-2SG.POSS=that2 ‘His grandparent said, "She will be your spouse."’ (t6:30)
A further use of the attributive =Vtu with verbs and clauses appears to have a temporal sense, as in (111), where the use of =otu indicates ongoing action. This is poorly understood.
(111) Tee a-k
A temporal meaning of =Vtu can also be seen in the expressions naifii-no-mo=otu (when- 3POSS-PFV=that2), ‘long ago, in the past’, with variant naifii-mo itu, and also in pada itu ‘after that’ (t10b:8), where itu does not cliticise. Finally, the expression sombo=otu ‘like that’ is in free variation with sombo itu. The non-harmonic variant itu in these examples is presumably a relict form. There are no examples in the texts of adverbial we 'a-itua.
5.5.4 that3: 'o-sumaa, sumaa, 'ai-soo, we 'ai-soo
There appear to be two forms for the category of distal level demonstrative. In 1993 one informant told me that sumaa is closer to the speaker than 'ai-soo, but subsequent questioning in 2009 seemed to indicate that the terms actually refer to the same distance: away from speaker and addressee (but not really far away, for which the remote set is used), and roughly on a level with the speaker. Note that the adverbial use is only possible with 'ai-soo; the combination *we sumaa does not exist. I do not have examples of the pronominal use of 'ai-soo, except in a temporal sense.
(112) Kurusi sumaa to situ. chair that3 for 2SG ‘That chair (over there) is for you.’ (elic) 84
(113) Mantoa sumaa mantoa-'u. dog that3 dog-1SG.POSS ‘That dog (over there) is my dog.’ (elic)
(114) We Siompu sumaa no-bhaghi humbo. LOC S. that3 3REAL-much smoke ‘There is much smoke over there on Siompu.’ (conv; the island of Siompu is around 5 km away from the beach of Busoa and usually clearly visible.)
In four texts sumaa is used in combination with a name when the major participant is introduced in its first action, as in the following example (the other examples are t3:1, t5:1 and t6:1).
(115) Sabutuno Wa Mindo-mindo sumaa no-me-pemani-mo 'a-tombi'i. then ART.F M. that3 3REAL-CA-ask.for-PFV NMLZ-pound ‘Then Wa Mindo-mindo asked for some pounded maize.’ (t1:2)
Adverbial use of 'ai-soo:
(116) Ita-e we 'ai-soo! look-3S.OBJ LOC D-that3` ‘Look (at that) over there!’ (pb)
(117) …we 'ai-soo-mo tompa-no ghea. LOC D-that3-PFV end-3POSS blood ‘… and there was the end of the blood (trail).’ (t5:18)
'Ai-soo is also used as a temporal adverb in the meaning ‘at that time, then’, as in the following example. See also t1:39.
(118) 'Ai-soo no-fe-guntu~guntu-mo 'awea... D-that3 3REAL-?-RDUP~thunder-PFV wind… ‘Then there was thunder and wind...’ (Lit. ‘Then the wind thundered...’) (t2:18)
There is one recorded example of the form 'o-sumaa used in a predicative sense ‘that’s it!’, but the context is no longer available. The expression sombo sumaa ‘like that’ was frequently overheard to close a conversation or to summarize an explanation, similar to Indonesian begitulah ‘that’s how it is.’ 85
5.5.5 that3H: 'o-tamaa, tamaa, 'ai-taa
The distal demonstratives tamaa and 'ai-taa are used for entities that are higher in location than the speaker at the moment of speech, or to the south or the east. There are no examples of 'o-tamaa or we 'ai-taa in my corpus, but I was told they are also used for locations to the south and the east of Busoa, such as Sampolawa.
(119) padhamagha tamaa lamp that3H ‘that light (at the ceiling)’ (conv)
(120) we hahu tamaa LOC attic that3H ‘up there in the attic’ (t7:5)
(121) Fae tamaa? apa that3H ‘What is that (up there)?’ (dict)
(122) Manu-manu dua angkifae tamaa no-ma-kida no-bicagha? bird also how that3H 3REAL-CA-able 3REAL-speak ‘What kind of bird is that up there, able to speak?’ (t8:17)
5.5.6 that3L: 'o-watu, watu, we 'ai-waa
The distal demonstratives 'o-watu, watu and 'ai-waa refer to locations that are away from the speaker and the hearer, and at a location that is lower than, or to the north or the west of the speaker. Note that pronominally both 'o-watu and watu are found, as in (123) and (124).
(123) 'O-watu kaosu-'u. ART-that3L shoe-1SG.POSS ‘Those are my shoes.’ (conv)
(124) Watu Wa Mindo-mindo te'-alo wee jamba. that3L ART.F M. PASS-tie LOC toilet ‘That down there is Wa Mindo-mindo, tied to the toilet.’ (t1:12) 86
(125) Fae watu? what that3L ‘What is that (down there)?’ (conv)
(126) Kapala watu no-tondu-mo. ship that3L 3REAL-sink-PFV ‘That ship has sunk.’ (conv)
(127) Fepago-e-ho gh
(128) Naale a-l
sabhangka-'u. friend-1SG.POSS ‘I’m going down to Baubau tomorrow, because I have a friend there.’ (conv)
5.5.7 that4: the remote demonstratives
The three remote demonstratives (seitu, tangia and wahaitu) do not occur in the texts. They emerged spontaneously during elicitation sessions and conversations. Each of them mark a location that is spatially far removed from the speaker, either on the same level, lower or higher. Their exact semantics, as it relates to height, visibility and cardinal direction, remain to be worked out.
(129) No-falate we Walanda seitu. 3REAL-live LOC Netherlands that4 ‘He lives far away in the Netherlands.’ (dict)
(130) No-foghoghu dua manga kahawa we 'ai-tangia? 3REAL-drink also PLUR coffee LOC D-that4H ‘Do people also drink coffee up there?’ (conv; the person was referring to Papua New Guinea, located east of Indonesia).
5.5.8 Referential anaa
The referential demonstrative anaa is different from the other demonstratives in that it is not used pronominally or adverbially (at least in my corpus), but only attributively. It 87 typically refers back to a main participant who has already been introduced. It is found with nouns referring to people, names, pronouns and some common nouns as well.
(131) Sama'a 'ola'i-no anaa no-toghai-he dua. but chief-3POSS REF 3REAL-give-3OBJ also ‘But the village chief still gave her some.’ (t1:5)
(132) La Niadhi anaa mina dua na-te-pooli. ART.M N. REF NEG also 3IRR-PASS-catch ‘La Niadhi could not be caught.’ (t5:46)
(133) ...puhe-no anaa no-taa~taangi-i Wa Ode Randainta. navel-3POSS REF 3REAL-RDUP~hold-3OBJ ART.F. noble R. ‘… his navel was held by Lady Randainta.’ (t1:24)
(134) …sama'a manga anua anaa mate~mate no-tagali. but PLUR 3SG REF RDUP~die 3REAL-refuse ‘...but they refused point blank.’ (t1:47)
5.5.9 Compounds with maa- ~ mana-
The demonstratives ini and sumaa are regularly compounded by what is possibly an emphatic demonstrative element mana (with several variants), though the exact meaning and the contrast with the simple forms is unclear. With ini the forms are mani=ini and manani=ini. It is tentatively glossed as EMPH.
(135) Fumaa lancau mani=ini... eat medicine EMPH=this ‘Take this medicine...’ (pb)
(136) Mii mani=ini 'o witinai-mu dua? person EMPH=this ART relative-2S.POSS also ‘Is this person kin to you too?’ (pb)
In combination with sumaa ‘that (distal)’ the following forms were recorded: maa-sumaa, ma-sumaa, masu-sumaa and mana-sumaa. Some examples:
(137) No-falate we bhanua masu-sumaa. 3REAL-live LOC house EMPH-that3 ‘He lives in that house.’ (conv) 88
(138) No-telengei maa-sumaa… 3REAL-hear EMPH-that3 ‘When he heard that...’ (t2:29)
(139) 'Aindei ma-sumaa sadhia no-'ida. child EMPH-that3 always 3REAL-epilepsy ‘That child always has epileptic fits.’ (dict)
(140) Pada ma-sumaa… after EMPH-that3 ‘After that...’ (t12:5)
5.5.10 Stacked demonstratives
Two demonstratives can be combined as part of a single phrase, or possibly a compound. There are two types of these ‘stacked demonstratives’. The first type is ‘harmonious’ and involves the adverbial form followed by the attributive form from the same semantic set. The following combinations were recorded: 'a-inia=ani ‘here’, 'ai-soo sumaa ‘there’, 'ai-waa watu ‘there (low)’ and 'ai-taa tamaa ‘there (up)’, all preceded by the preposition we. Non- harmonious combinations such as *'a-inia watu are ungrammatical. Again, the semantic effect is not clear.
(141) ...manga mii we 'a-inia=ani gaghaa no-mo-da'i isikadhi-no. PLUR person LOC D-this=this MIR 3REAL-CA-bad intent-3POSS ‘…people here have evil intentions.’ (t6:48)
(142) We 'ai-waa watu te kapala l
The second type of combination is when an attributive demonstrative is followed by the referential demonstrative anaa, sometimes written as one word. Again, the exact semantic difference thiscombination makes is not well understood, but all the examples appear to occur in explanatory clauses giving background information about previously introduced participants or objects. (The combination tamaa + anaa is written as tama-anaa in t6:26.)
(143) La Wantu-wantu suma-anaa tompa-no 'a-misikini. ART.M. W. that3-REF tip-3POSS NMLZ-poor ‘Now La Wantu-wantu was the poorest person (in the village).’ (t2:7) 89
(144) ...uwa-'u tama-anaa 'o gughuda... grandparent-1SG.POSS that3H-REF ART monster.bird ‘… (let me tell you) that my grandfather (up there) is a monster bird...’ (t6:22)
(145) Hii-no howuto-no=oni anaa tonea. contents-3POSS garden-3POSS=this REF taro ‘Now this garden of theirs was filled with taro.’ (t5:2)
5.5.11 Presentative -hee
The suffix -hee on pronominal demonstratives creates presentatives, that is, single-word clauses that are uttered when the speaker points to an object that he, she or somebody else is looking for, or that has been discussed earlier and is now present. The critical element is that the object is suddenly visible to the speaker. Only two forms were recorded: 'o-oni-hee (ART-this-PRESTV) ‘this is it! here it is!’, and 'o-watu-hee (ART-that3L-PRESTV) ‘that is it! there it is!’ It is unknown whether this derivation is possible on the other seven forms as well.
5.5.12 Residue
I end this section with a few remaining questions on the demonstratives.
(1) There are two examples where the referential demonstrative anaa follows a verb (one of which is subordinate), but the function of the referential demonstrative is not clear here. It is possibly a linking device, or maybe it does refer to a participant, but not enough examples are available.
(146) ...sama'a sa-ghato-no anaa so-no-fe-hoha~hohae-mo. but when-born-3POSS REF only-3REAL-?-RDUP~cry-PFV ‘...but after he was born he just kept crying.’ (t2:3)
(147) No-'o-wamba-mo anaa se-hulu... 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV REF one-CLF ‘One (of the pigs) said...’ (t5:15)
(2) A single instance of the form wahaa was recorded with the meaning ‘distal, low, and plural’ as in bhanua wahaa ‘those (many) houses down there’. This form needs further investigation.
(3) The phrase bhanua 'ai-taa (house that3H) ‘that house up there’ was once recorded during an elicitation session, but 'ai-taa never occurs in the corpus except preceded by the 90 preposition we. This is the only recorded case of the adverbial demonstrative 'ai-taa functioning attributively. Since this possibility does appear to exist for the demonstrative 'ai- soo it could well be more common.
(4) There is an expression miina sumaano meaning ‘extraordinary’ (Ind bukan main), as illustrated in the following phrase:
(148) ...miina sumaano 'a-'esa! NEG PART NMLZ-beautiful ‘…she was of extraordinary beauty!’ (t9:60)
The question is whether there is a relationship between the particle sumaano in this expression and the demonstrative sumaa ‘that’.
5.6 Particles 'o and manga
5.6.1 The article 'o
Busoa has an article 'o which is found before common nouns. However, it is relatively rare in my corpus and, like articles in other languages of Sulawesi, is rather elusive. The initial glottal is apparently not always there, but the extent of this variation is unclear. The article does not mark definiteness (that role is fulfilled by the demonstratives), nor specificity or referentiality. It can co-occur with nouns modified by a possessive suffix (unlike in Muna), and it never follows a preposition. Native speakers report considerable variation on its usage. When asking the question ‘What is this’, speakers can either use 'o fae=etu? (ART what=that2) or just fae=etu. If the answer is ‘coffee’, there is again free variation between 'o kahawa and kahawa. It is possible that, as in Muna, prosody plays a role, but this remains to be researched. All I can say at the moment is that a) the article is much less frequent and obligatory than in Muna; b) its function (if there is one) is unclear, though it is most often found in equative clauses, with clause-initial subjects, and preceding freestanding NPs. Because this is an unresolved issue in the study of Busoa, I include here all the examples of 'o found in the texts, as well as a few more from the conversation book and the lexical database.
Examples of the article in equative clauses (either nominal predicate or subject):
(149) Mohane'-u 'o bhembe. man-1SG.POSS ART goat ‘My husband is a goat.’ (t3:22) 91
(150) 'Aindei-mu 'o mohane 'atawa ghobhine? child-2SG.POSS ART man or woman ‘Is your child a boy or a girl?’ (conv)
(151) Uwa-'u tama-anaa 'o gughuda... grandparent-1SG.POSS that3H-REF ART monster.bird ‘My grandfather (up there) is a monster bird...’ (t6:22)
(152) Gaghaa 'o ama-no 'andei-no Wa Kae-kaepu=uni MIR ART father-3POSS child-3POSS ART.F K.=this
La Wantu-wantu. ART.M W. ‘To everybody’s surprise the father of Wa Kae-kaepu’s child turned out to be La Wantu-wantu.’ (t2:6)
Examples of the article 'o in free noun phrases:
(153) ...to-lou-ana we bhanua, 'o wamba-no ama-mu. 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-ADH LOC house ART word-3POSS father-2SG.POSS ‘…let us go home, it’s the word (command) of your father.’ (t9:22)
(154) Bhaghangkala na-t
'o mii. ART person ‘If it (= the dart) bounces, it’s palm fibre, if it gets stuck, it’s a person.’ (t7:8)
(155) 'O pighi se-bho'a, 'o tonde se-bho'a. ART plate one-CLF ART glass one-CLF ‘One plate, one glass.’ (dict)
Examples of the article 'o in verbal clauses, as subject or object:
(156) Daanii-mo dua 'o bhae exist-PFV also ART rice ‘There was indeed rice.’ (t5:28) 92
(157) No-gugughu-mo tamaa 'o ama-no. 3REAL-troubled-PFV that3H ART father-3POSS ‘His father up there is really worried about him.’(t5:24)
(158) 'O gola no-mo-me'o. ART sugar 3REAL-CA-sweet ‘Sugar is sweet.’ (pb)
(159) 'O bhalase no-minahoo we ghoo-no mangka. ART k.o.basket 3REAL-come.from LOC leaf-3POSS palmyra ‘A bhalase basket is made from palmyra leaves.’ (dict)
(160) Nuni miina a-[m]eelu-e 'o saha. 1SG NEG 1SG-[IRR]like-3OBJ ART chili ‘I don’t like chili.’ (pb)
(161) ...no-fumaa-he 'o mii. 3REAL-eat-3OBJ ART person ‘… he eats people.’ (t6:22)
The article 'o is once found preceding the article La in clause-initial position (see t12:4), and it also found on the pronominal demonstratives (see §5.5.1). In one of the recorded spontaneous conversations, someone also starts a sentence with 'o incami, mii-no Busoa=ani (ART 1PL.EX person-3POSS Busoa=this) ‘we Busoa people...’.
5.6.2 The plural marker manga
The plural marker manga is a relatively frequently occurring word in Busoa. It is probably a loan from Wolio, and this is no doubt related to the fact that Busoa has lost a 3rd person plural category. It seems likely that the borrowing of manga came first, and led to a gradual loss of the 3PL pronominal forms. It is clear that Proto-Muna-Buton (PMB) had a set of plural pronominal forms and it seems probable that PMB did not have the particle manga, as it is absent from Muna and Tukang Besi.
In terms of its meaning, manga most often simply marks a reference to more than one entity, including just two. These are typically humans, but occasionally inanimate objects as well, as in (166). In one or two cases there is an associative plural reading, as in (167). Manga often refers to the subject, but this might be just a reflection of the fact that most full NPs are subjects. Other grammatical roles also have manga, including objects, possessors and vocatives. Manga is not limited to first person, but can also have 2nd or 1st person plural 93 reference, as in (173) and (174). One of the more striking facts about manga is its versatile position in the clause. Syntactically, the following positions can be distinguished.
(1) Manga is the first element in a NP. This includes the use of manga anoa ~ manga anua (PLUR 3SG) ‘they’.
(162) Lawani manga anua... answer PLUR 3SG ‘They answered...’ (t1:35)
(163) 'A-gasia-no manga 'aindei. NMLZ-play-3POSS PLUR child ‘Children’s games.’ (t10:1)
(164) Antagi-'anau, manga 'aindei… wait-1SG.OBJ PLUR child ‘Wait for me, children...’ (t11:16)
(165) Manga mohane no~noo-no hempooni... PLUR man RDUP~six-ACT.PCTP just.now ‘The six men...’ (t1:40)
(166) Sefae~sefae 'a-lengo-no manga bhangka ne-pombalo-no=oni RDUP~how.much NMLZ-long-3POSS PLUR canoe PASS.PTCT-make-3POSS=this
humpooni no-mondo-e-mo. just.now 3REAL-finish-3OBJ-PFV ‘After a while they completed the canoes they had made.’ (t1:17)
(167) A-l
ina-'u nuni. mother-1SG.POSS 1SG ‘I will first go and visit my father and mother (and other relatives).’ (t6:33)
(2) Manga comes last in an NP when it follows (and expands) the 3rd person possessor -no, with which it forms one (embedded) constituent. Only a clitic demonstrative may intervene, as in (169): 94
(168) 'A-soso-no ma'a lalo-no manga… NMLZ-regret-3POSS INTENS insides-3POSS PLUR ‘They really regretted (what had happened)...’ (Lit. ‘The regret of their insides...’) (t5:45)
(169) ...kampo ne-ghato-no=oni manga… village PASS.PTCP-arrive-3POSS=this PLUR ‘…the village where they arrived...’ (t1:31)
(3) Manga functions independently as an NP and is found in post-verbal position:
(170) ...sampe no-po-oge manga. until 3REAL-PL-big PLUR ‘...until they were big.’ (t1:15)
(171) ...ampoho no-bhose manga. then 3REAL-paddle PLUR ‘… and then they paddled away.’ (t1:19)
(172) No-fela~felate-mo manga te ina-no. 3REAL-RDUP~live-PFV PLUR with mother-3POSS ‘They were living with their mother.’ (t1:53)
(173) Fo=o-aso=otu manga? what=2SG-sell=that2 PLUR ‘What are you guys selling?’ (conv)
(174) To-lou-ana manga! 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-HORT PLUR ‘Let’s go!’ (conv)
(175) Ghato wee bhangka no-'alima-e-mo, no-bhaho-e manga. arrive LOC canoe 3REAL-treat-3OBJ-PFV 3REAL-bathe-3OBJ PLUR ‘When they arrived at the canoes, they took good care of her; they bathed her.’ (t1:44)
(4) Manga functions independently and is found in pre-verbal position: 95
(176) No-abha Wa Kae-kaepu manga na-mbule-mo. 3REAL-ask ART.F K. PLUR 3IRR-return-PFV ‘He then urged (lit. asked) Wa Kae-kaepu to go back together.’ (3:20)
(177) ...manga no-po-agoghi no-tuhu laa-no pangana PLUR 3REAL-PL-hurriedly 3REAL-chop.down stem-3POSS areca.nut
foni-a-no La Niadhi... go.up-LOC-3POSS ART.M N. ‘...some men hurriedly chopped down the stem of the areca palm tree that La Niadhi had climbed up in...’ (t5:44)
(178) Pada-mo manga no-me-bhaho, no-ala-mo antasakumu-no. finish-PFV PLUR 3REAL-CA-bathe 3REAL-take/get-PFV flying.jacket-3POSS ‘When they had bathed, they took their flying jackets.’ (t6:11)
It is possible that in some case manga is best translated as ‘together’, as I did in (176). The plural marker manga is an intriguing word in Busoa, and probably warrants a separate study, also in comparison with Wolio (see Alberth 2000).
5.7 The measure phrase
The measure phrase covers numerals (§5.7.1), classifiers (§5.7.2) and quantifiers (§5.7.3).
5.7.1 Numerals
Busoa has three types of numerals: free, prefixed and reduplicated, as shown in table 5.3.
TABLE 5.3 NUMERALS free prefixed reduplicated 1 ise se- - 2 jua ghua- - 3 tolu tolu- to-tolu 4 paa ~ apa fato- fo-paa 5 lima lima- li-lima 6 noo ~ ana nomo- no-noo 7 pitu fitu- fo-pitu 8 walu walu- o-alu 9 sio ~ siua sio- sio ~ siua 10 ompulu ~ sapulu - - 96
This system is almost identical to Muna. The formal differences are as follows:
• Free forms: Busoa jua for Muna dua ‘two’; Busoa lima, Muna dima ~ lima ‘five’;Busoa sio ~ siua, Muna siua ‘nine’. Busoa also has the variants apa ‘four’, ana ‘six’ and sapulu for ‘10’ (all loans from Wolio).
• Prefixed forms: Busoa ghua-, Muna raa- ~ ra-; Busoa sio-, Muna siua-.
• Reduplicated forms: Busoa lacks reduplicated forms for ‘1’ (*se-ise), ‘2’ (*gho-dua; *jo-jua) and ‘9’ (*si-siua or *si-sio). Instead the prefixed forms with a classifier are used: ompulu se-mii ‘eleven (people)’, ompulu se-'alulu ‘eleven items’ (cf. Muna ompulu se-ise). The forms fo-paa and fo-pitu are also different (Muna po-paa and po-pitu).
Counting (of people) in Busoa, then, goes as follows (with mii as classifier for 11, 12, 21 and 22). When counting objects other classifiers would be used, e.g. 'alulu (see §5.7.2.)
1 ise 11 ompulu se-mii 21 ghua-fulu se-mii 2 jua 12 ompulu ghua-mii 22 ghua-fulu ghua-mii 3 tolu 13 ompulu to-tolu 30 tolu-fulu 4 paa ~ apa 14 ompulu fo-paa 40 fato-fulu 5 lima 15 ompulu li-lima 50 lima-fulu 6 noo ~ ana 16 ompulu no-noo 60 nomo-fulu 7 pitu 17 ompulu fo-pitu 70 fitu-fulu 8 walu 18 ompulu oalu 80 alu-fulu 9 sio 19 ompulu siua 90 sio-fulu 10 ompulu ~ sapulu 20 ghua-fulu 100 mohono
The following higher numerals were also recorded: ghua-mohono ‘200’, se-ghewu ‘1,000’ and ghua-ghewu ‘2,000’.
The reduplicated numerals are sometimes inflected as verbs, when they occur attributively as active participles in relative clauses when the reference is definite, as in (180). Notice the contrast between ‘12’ with prefix in (181), and ‘13’ with reduplication in (182).
(179) ...'a-bhaghi-no fo~pitu, no~noo mohane, se-mii ghobhine. NMLZ-many-3POSS RDUP~seven RDUP~six man one-CLF woman ‘...there were seven of them, six boys and one girl.’ (t1:8)
(180) Manga mii fo~pitu-no wee bhangka=ani... PLUR person RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP LOC canoe=this ‘The seven people in these canoes...’ (t1:28) 97
(181) ompulu ghua-mii ten two-CLF ‘twelve people’ (elic)
(182) ompulu to~tolu ten RDUP~three ‘thirteen people’ (elic)
(183) Intano to-to~tolu 1PL.IN 1PL.IN.REAL-RDUP~three ‘There are three of us.’ (conv)
In addition to the regular counting system, La Safui provided me in 1993 with three other counting systems, which he called 'a-gagaghi mo-lengo (NMLZ-count CA-old) ‘old counting systems’ (Ind hitungan lama), shown in table 5.4.
TABLE 5.4 OLD COUNTING SYSTEMS a b c 1 ka'iseno sengge se'ene 2 kajuano ruangge luua 3 katoluno tolungge lua mpaato 4 tolu neke popaa mpato laae 5 neke punda melayu lae mbuunga 6 punda tie ado mbunga aawa 7 nawa doe taana awa laando 8 ta'u muntu loli lando diia 9 mbani aga jawa dia ngkooke 10 kanampulu karipo kambolodhe
It did not become clear to me when and how this system was used, but I got the impression it was used for commercial purposes, and now no longer in use. La Sarona told me in 2005 that it was actually a secret code for determining good and bad days for various important activities (such as planting, harvesting, building a house, getting married etc.). This system, which only goes to 10, is now completely obsolete and its existence barely remembered. How it worked and why there are actually three systems is no longer clear. Some numeral roots can be recognized in the lower numbers (e.g. 'ise, jua, tolu, paa), as well as pulu in 10. Note that in columns (a) and (c) the numbers from 3 or 4 upwards are binomial, and that the second element is often repeated as the first element of the next number. This presumably aided memory. 98 5.7.2 Classifiers and measure nouns
Classifiers are a subset of nouns, whose function is to make other nouns countable. They always occur in combination with a prefixed numeral, and this combination can either precede or follow the head noun. It is unclear whether the two different positions correlate with a difference in meaning. Table 5.5 presents the classifiers that were found, but the list is probably not exhaustive. Both orders are illustrated in the examples where se- is translated as ‘a’, which also covers the meaning ‘one’.
TABLE 5.5 CLASSIFIERS classifier literal used for example meaning mii person people se-mii ghubhine ‘a woman’ se-mii mohane ‘a man’ hulu ~ body animals se-helu mantoa ‘a dog’ helu (with se-) ghua-hulu mantoa ‘two dogs’ mata ‘eye’ sharp utensils se-mata piso ‘a knife’ se-mata 'apulu ‘a machete’ bho'a ‘piece’ household utensils or se-bho'a tonde ‘a glass’ vessels that are fragile se-bho'a pighi ‘a plate’ tongku ‘leaf’ flat, thin and pliable se-tongku ghoo ‘a leaf’ objects se-tongku karatasi ‘a piece of paper’ tibha ‘sheet’ flat, thin and hard dopi se-tibha ‘a plank’ objects paeasa se-tibha ‘a mirror’ tehele se-tibha ‘a (floor) tile’ tabha ? sheets of roofing hato se-tabha ‘a sheet of roofing’
'alulu ? round objects and se-'alulu 'unde ‘a coconut’ anything else se-'alulu bhanua ‘a house’ se-'alulu bhangka ‘a canoe’ se-'alulu wakutuu ‘a time’ aghu ? anything se-aghu ‘a thing’ 99
The form aghu was explained as a substitute classifier that could be applied to any object, but without the object being explicitly mentioned, as in ghua-fulu se-aghu (two-ten one-CLF) ‘twenty one’, when answering the question how many bananas were fried.
In addition, there are measure nouns. These nouns can also be prefixed with a numeral, but they do not usually modify another noun, although the distinction between classifiers and measure nouns is probably not watertight. Measure nouns can be divided into three semantic groups: a) parts of plants and trees; b) temporal nouns; c) others. These are all illustrated with the prefix se- ‘one, a’:
(a) Parts of plants: 'alei se-wua ‘one banana’ 'alei se-'onti ‘a hand of bananas’ 'alei se-mata ‘a cluster of bananas’ se-holume ~ sehelume ‘one seed, kernel’
(b) Temporal nouns: se-'ahadhi ‘one week’ se-hahe ‘one time, once’ se-holeo ‘one day’ se-'ohondo ‘one night’ se-taho ‘one year’ se-wula ‘one month’
(c) Others se-'ajo ‘one shape; same shape’ se-tonde ‘a glassful’ se-'umbu ‘a handful’ (e.g. of rice) se-weta ‘one side’
Prosodic word reduplication of a measure noun with a prefix gives the meaning ‘every’: se-holeo ‘one day’ se-holeo~se-holeo ‘every day’ se-jumaa ‘one Friday’ se-jumaa~se-jumaa ‘every Friday’
Disyllabic reduplication of a classifier with the prefix se- and a possessive suffix means ‘the only one, a single one, a solitary one’: 100
(184) wale se-'alu~'alulu-no hut one-RDUP~CLASS-3POSS ‘a single hut, a solitary hut by itself’ (t5:21)
(185) ghoo se-tongku~tongku-no leaf one-RDUP~CLASS-3POSS ‘the only leaf, a single leaf’ (elic)
(186) No-ghato se-mii~mii-no. 3REAL-arrive one-RDUP~person-3POSS ‘He arrived by himself, alone.’ (conv)
(187) se-mii~mii-'u one-RDUP~person-1SG.POSS ‘by myself, just me’ (conv)
5.7.3 Quantifiers
The following quantifiers occur in Busoa: bhaa~bhaghiihe(e) ‘all’ (variants: bha~bhaaghihe(e), bhaa~bhaghiihe, bhaghi~bhaghiihee) giu~giuno ‘all kinds of’ malingu ‘every, any, all’ menteno ‘various, all kinds of’ (only with giu~giu) sabhagha ‘every, all’ sefae~sefae ‘some, a few’ (sefae ‘how many’) segaa ‘another (one), the others’ (variants: segaano, semegaano) se'ide ‘a little’ (possibly a noun; also a degree adverb)
The quantifierbhaa~bhaghiihe (and variants) is built on the verbal root bhaghi ‘to be many’ (and glossed as such), with reduplication and the object suffix -he or -hee. It seems strange to have several words for ‘all, every’, but there may well be subtle and unexplored meaning differences between the various terms. Almost all quantifiers occur in prenominal position and seem to occupy the same structural position as the article 'o and the plural marker manga. Below some of them are illustrated. 101
(188) ...bhaa~bhaghii-he mii-no bhanua no-mente... RDUP~many-3OBJ person-3POSS house 3REAL-amazed ‘...all the people in the house were surprised...’ (t3:27)
(189) No-mo-puli bhaghi~bhaghi-hee no-abha... 3REAL-CA-finished RDUP~many-3OBJ 3REAL-ask ‘When all the people have finished asking...’ (t10:4)
(190) giu~giu-no 'inta RDUP~kind-3POSS fish ‘all kinds of fish’ (dict)
(191) ...no-ita-mo humbo menteno giu~giu. 3REAL-see-PFV smoke various RDUP~kind ‘...she saw all kinds of smoke.’ (t6:39)
(192) Me-ala-mo malingu peelu-a-mo hii-no 'amali=ini. CA-take/get-PFV every desire-LOC-2SG.POSS contents-3POSS palace=this ‘Take whatever you desire from this palace.’ (t2:28)
(193) Paghacaea-mo te sabhagha pogau-no lengke pasunda suanaa? believe-PFV with every word-3POSS whore PART ‘Do you believe every word of that whore?’ (t1:13)
(194) No-membali a-me-dosa se'ide? 3REAL-can 1SG-CA-debt little ‘Can I borrow a little?’ (pb)
In addition to these quantifiers, Busoa has other ways to express quantification. The concept of collectivity or totality can, for instance, also be expressed by means of the prefix pisi- ‘all together’ (see §10.1.11 for examples). In addition, the interrogative we fae ‘where’ can also mean ‘everywhere’ in a non-interrogative clause, as in wee fae toniano ‘everywhere on the track’ (t5:14). The circumfix combination of se- ‘one’ and -e ‘3OBJ’ on certain locative nouns seems to mark totality as in se-'alamu-e (one-nature-3OBJ) ‘all of nature; the universe’, and se-bhanua-he (one-house-3OBJ) ‘the whole house’. The notion ‘both’ is expressed by means of the circumfix combination ofghua - ‘two’ and the 3rd person object suffix. 102
(195) No-mate ghua-mii-he. 3REAL-die two-CLF-3OBJ ‘Both of them died’ (t7:42)
A final point about quantification is the derivation on the basis of the noun 'alamii (derived from the noun 'alamu ‘nature, world’, a borrowing from Indonesian and ultimately from Arabic). The noun is prefixed with the numeral se- ‘one’, and followed by a pronominal suffix from either the object or the possessive set. This derivation indicates totality and is reminiscent of the French expression tout le monde ‘everybody’ (lit. ‘the whole world’). The following forms were recorded: se-'alamii-mami (one-nature-1PL.EX.POSS) ‘all of us (excl)’ se-'alamii-'ainta (one-nature-1PL.IN.OBJ) ‘all of us (incl)’ se-'alamii-'omiu (one-nature-2PL.OBJ) ‘all of you’ se-'alamii-he manga (one-nature-3OBJ PLUR) ‘all of them’
5.8 Attributes
This section describes a few additional structures that can also modify nouns. These include adverbs, prepositional phrases, certain nouns, ‘clipped participles’ and nominalized stative verbs.
(a) Adverbs. The temporal adverb hempooni ‘just now’ (and its variants) is often added to refer back to a noun or an NP that is significant in the discourse. A formal translation equivalent would be ‘aforementioned’.
(196) ...na-umaa-mo tonea=ani hempooni. 3S.IRR-eat-PFV taro=this just.now ‘… and they were about to eat these aforementioned taros.’ (t5:5)
(b) Prepositional phrases
(197) mie we wunta person LOC middle ‘the people in the middle’ (t10:4)
(198) 'alangka to 'a-hii-a-no jue basket for NMZL-get.water-LOC-3POSS water ‘a basket to draw water’ (lit. ‘a basket as/for instrument-of-getting water’) (t7:15)
(c) Certain nouns, specifically nouns marking gender and indicating the material an object is made of: 103
'aindei mohane (child man) ‘male child, boy’ 'aindei ghubhine (child woman) ‘female child, girl’ mancuana ghubhine (old.person woman) ‘wife’
dhoi pera (money silver) ‘silver money’ hato ghumbia (roof sago.palm) ‘roof made of sago palm thatch’ pighindi dopi (wall plank) ‘wall made of planks’ singkaghu bulawa (ring gold) ‘gold ring’
(d) Clipped participles. Clipped participles are stative verb forms that modify a noun, but that do not have the active participle suffix -no (homophonous with 3POSS -no), in which case they would be real active participles functioning in relative clauses. Clipped participles only have the class affixes ma-, me-, and mo-, as well as the infix -um- for unmarked verbs. Examples: kapala gh
bhoku mo-'apa (book CA-thick) ‘a thick book’ humbo mo-dea (smoke CA-red) ‘red smoke’ jamani mo-lengo (era CA-old) ‘the old days, ancient times’ manu mo-pute (chicken CA-white) ‘a white chicken’
With the causative prefix fa'a- the class affix appears to be missing: jue fa'a-mpana (water CAUS-hot) ‘hot water’
(e) Nominalized stative verbs. When stative verbs are nominalized by means of 'a-, they can also modify a noun. Only one example of this construction occurs in my corpus: lo'o 'a-uge (stone NMLZ-big) ‘a big stone’
5.9 Structure of NP
Not enough data is available to give a definite formula for the internal structure of the NP in Busoa, but the following is an attempt. The Measure Phrase includes numerals and classifiers or measure nouns. Notice that the article 'o, the plural marker manga and quantifiers are mutually exclusive in prenominal position.
(ART / PLUR / QUANT) N (NP[POSS]) (Measure Phrase) (Relative Clause) (PP) (=Dem) (Adv)
Complex NP structures are infrequent. The most complex NP is the following: 104
(199) ...'a-bha'u-no hole~hole minaho we uwa-no NMLZ-provide.food-3POSS baked.goods come.from LOC grandparent-3POSS
gughuda=ani hempooni monster.bird=this just.now ‘...the baked goods they had brought along (as provisions) from her grandparent, the aforementioned monster bird’ (t6:40)
This contains a head noun ('a-bha'u ‘food provisions’), followed by a dependent possessive noun (hole~hole), followed by a PP (minaho we uwano), followed by an appositive NP which is coreferential with the noun in the PP (uwa). This appositive NP itself, which is not included in the formula, consists of a noun, a clitic demonstrative and a temporal adverb.
Another complex NP is (200), consisting of a head noun (mii), preceded by the plural marker manga, and followed by a relative clause (fo~pitu-no), a PP (wee bhangka=ani) and a temporal adverb (hemponi). It is, however, also possible to analyze the PP as part of the relative clause. It is also not clear whether =ani ‘this’ and hemponi ‘just now, aforementioned’ modify bhangka ‘canoe’ or mii ‘person’.
(200) Manga mii fo~pitu-no wee bhangka=ani hemponi... PLUR person RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP LOC canoe=this just.now ‘The aforementioned seven people in these canoes...’ (t1:28)
5.10 Coordination
Coordination of nouns and noun phrases is done by means of the preposition te ‘with’. See §6.2 for discussion and examples. 6. The prepositional phrase
Busoa has only four real prepositions: the locative preposition we (§6.1), the coordinating preposition te, which has various other functions as well (§6.2), the role, purpose and future preposition to (§6.3) and the comparison preposition sompu (§6.4). A deverbal preposition is mentioned in §6.5, while complex prepositions are treated in §6.6.
6.1 The preposition we
The only locative preposition is we, glossed as LOC. This preposition can be used for a variety of locations (‘to, into, in, at, on, through’) and also for reason (‘from’). We has a variant wee, which appears to be sometimes used before disyllabic nouns (not counting enclitics). We is more frequent and occurs in all environments.
(201) A-l
(202) ...no-foni we hahu... 3REAL-go.up LOC attic ‘… she went up into the attic.’ (t7:4)
(203) Manga mii fo~pitu-no wee bhangka=ani... PLUR person RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP LOC canoe=this ‘The seven people in these canoes...’ (t1:28)
(204) No-ghato we bhanua… 3REAL-arrive LOC house ‘When he arrived at the house...’ (t2:11)
(205) ...no-fetila-mo we bhalo~bhalo... 3REAL-glance-PFV LOC RDUP~hole ‘… she glanced through the window...’ (t7:39)
105 106
(206) Sala-no miina na-s
(207) ...ina-no no-mate we hohae-a-no. mother-3POSS 3REAL-die LOC cry-LOC-3POSS ‘...his mother died from crying.’
(208) No-posanga-mo we uwa-no... 3REAL-ask.permission-PFV LOC grandparent-3POSS ‘He asked permission (to leave) from his grandparent...’
6.2 The preposition te
The preposition te, with variant tee, is one of the most multifunctional words in Busoa. There are at least eight distinct meanings and usages, but te is simply glossed as ‘with’.
(a) Coordinating preposition ‘and, with’, coordinating two nouns or NPs.
(209) ama-'u te ina-'u father-1SG.POSS with mother-1SG.POSS ‘my father and my mother’ (t6:33)
(210) No-me-holi 'inta te hinteli. 3REAL-CA-buy fish with egg ‘She bought fish and eggs.’ (conv)
(211) Wa Bhalongkabula fo'oni-mo bhita-no tee 'ambalala-no... ART.F B. put.on-PFV sarong-3POSS with shirt-3POSS ‘Wa Bhalongkabula put on her sarong and her shirt...’ (t7:19)
(b) Accompanying or reciprocal ‘with’. In this case te precedes a pronoun, a noun or an NP, but it does not have a coordinating function, as it follows a verb. It refers to a person who is accompanying the action, or to another participant in a reciprocal activity, such as meeting, marrying, fighting, arguing, etc.
(212) No-ndala te nuni. 3REAL-go with 1SG ‘He went with me.’ (dict) 107
(213) ...no-foni we fitu-suncu-a-no te manga ana-no... 3REAL-go.up LOC seven-layer-LOC-ACT.PTCP with PLUR child-3POSS ‘…he went up to the seventh storey with his children…’ (t2:36)
(214) ...na-po-wogha te ina-no. 3IRR-REC-meet with mother-3POSS ‘...he wanted to meet with his mother.’ (t9:64)
(215) ...no-kawi-mo te ana-no 'ola'i-no wula. 3REAL-marry-PFV with child-3POSS chief-3POSS moon ‘he married (with) the daughter of the ruler of the moon.’ (t9:63)
(c) Existential preposition ‘be, have’; see also §7.2 for more examples.
(216) Te hule. with snake ‘There is a snake; there are snakes.’ (conv)
(217) 'Ola'i-no lewu=uni te ana=no… chief-3POSS village=this with child-3POSS ‘The village chief had a daughter…’ (t2:1)
(d) Conjunctive preposition ‘while, as’. In this case te coordinates two verbs and indicates simultaneous action.
(218) Ai-no no-buntuli te no-hohae. younger.sibling-3POSS 3real-run with 3REAL-cry ‘The younger sister ran (after her) while crying.’ (t7:26)
(e) Resultative preposition. The presence of te between the verb and a subject NP indicates that this clause is the result or consequence of a previous action.
(219) ...no-hohae-mo no-tighi te luu~luu-no mata-no. 3REAL-cry-PFV 3REAL-drip with RDUP~tear-3POSS eye-3POSS ‘... she cried, and (as a result) her tears dripped (on the ground).’ (t9:40)
(f) Comparative ‘than’. Comparative constructions have not been investigated, but it appears that Busoa is similar to Muna, in that there is no change in the form of the stative verb, and that the standard of the comparison is introduced by means of the preposition te. 108
(220) No-mo-hali pugau Inggirisi te pugau Busoa. 3REAL-CA-difficult language English with language Busoa ‘English is more difficult than Busoa.’ (pb)
(g) Additive conjunction: ‘also, too’. When the pronominal subject is repeated as a free pronoun in a prepositional phrase introduced by te, the resulting meaning is ‘also, too’ with reference to the subject.
(221) …a-m-awe tee nuni we liwu-mu. 1SG-IRR-go.up with 1SG LOC village-2SG.POSS ‘…I will also go up to your village.’ (t6:21)
(222) To-'igha~'igha-'anau te intano ndea 'olalaha-no 'aindei=ini. 1PL.IN.REAL-RDUP~guess-1SG.OBJ with 1PL.IN friend illness-3POSS child=this ‘My friend, could you also please find out for me what this child is suffering from?’ (Lit. ‘Please guess for me with you, friend, the illness of this child.’) (t 5:32) (Note the polite use of the 1PL.IN pronominals to- and intano.)
(h) ‘Give (me)’. This is a highly specific usage of te in the context of a request. Te is followed by a first person singular pronoun, which is in turn followed by a noun phrase containing a 2SG possessive suffix. It is related to the existential-possessive use of te, illustrated under (c). It is unclear whether this construction can also be used for plural recipients.
(223) Te nuni 'inta-mu=utu. with 1SG fish-2SG.POSS=that2 ‘Give me some of your fish.’ (Lit. ‘[Let] your fish [be] with me.’) (conv)
(224) Te nuni 'a-tombi'i-mo=otu… with 1SG NMLZ-pound-2SG.POSS=that2 ‘Give me of your pounded maize...’ (t1:3)
6.3 The preposition to
The preposition to has three main uses: a) beneficiary or recipient; b) role or function; c) future particle with active and passive participles.
(a) Beneficiary 109
(225) Togha-ho to nuni. give-APPL for 1SG ‘Give it to me.’ (pb)
(226) No-me-holi 'inta to intano. 3REAL-CA-buy fish for 1PL.IN ‘He bought fish for us.’ (conv)
(b) Role or function
(227) 'alangka to 'a-hii-a-no jue basket for NMLZ-draw.water-LOC-3POSS water ‘a basket for drawing water’ (t7:15)
(228) 'a-tobhe-no 'apulu to ewanga-no NMLZ-break-3POSS machete for weapon-3POSS ‘a piece of a machete as/for his weapon’ (t2:13)
(229) ghabuta bhe to sampu-a-no rope so.that for go.down-LOC-3POSS ‘a rope so that he could go down’ (lit. ‘a rope for a place to go down’) (t9:66)
(c) A future marker in relative clauses (see also §9.1), which is also found with certain nominalizations, and before pronouns and certain human nouns. It will only be glossed as FUT with a following participle or nominalization; in other cases (even though there is a future meaning aspect) it is still glossed as ‘for’.
(230) mii to m-awe-no we daoa person FUT CA-go.down-ACT.PTCP LOC market ‘people who will go down to the market’ (elic)
(231) to ne-fumaa. FUT PASS.PTCP-eat ‘what will be eaten; the (future) food’ (elic)
(232) We fae to lou-a-miu naale? LOC what FUT go.down-LOC-2PL.POSS tomorrow ‘Where will you all go tomorrow?’ (conv) 110
In combination with perfective -mo before an NP, to has a predicative force and means ‘that is the one that will be’, or simply ‘for’.
(233) to-mo ghobhine-'u for-PFV woman-1SG.POSS ‘she is the one who will be my wife’ (t6:45)
(234) Dhoi=ini to-mo situ. money=this for-PFV 2SG ‘This money is (already) for you.’ (pb)
6.4 The preposition sompu
The similative preposition sompu ‘as, like’, and its variants sompuu, sombu, sombo and simbo all mark a comparison between two entities. A synonym of sompu is soumo. The words are possibly related.
(235) mii sompuu nuni person like 1SG ‘somebody like me’ (conv)
(236) Mohane'-u 'o bhembe, miina na-mo-ngadha sompu situ=utu. man-1SG.POSS ART goat NEG 3IRR-CA-beautiful like 2SG=that2 ‘My husband is a goat, he is not as handsome as you there.’ (t3:22)
(237) Sombo sumaa! like that3 ‘That is how it is!’ (conv)
(238) Jangku-no soumo jangku-no bhembe. beard-3POSS like beard-3POSS goat ‘His beard is like a goat's beard.’ (dict)
6.5 The deverbal preposition minaho ‘from’
A fifth preposition is minaho ‘from’ (variant minahoo). Since this word can also be inflected as a verb in the meaning ‘come from’, as in (239), and since it always precedes the preposition we, it seems best to treat it as a deverbal preposition. 111
(239) A-minahoo we Wolio. 1SG-come.from LOC W. ‘I come from Buton.’ (dict)
(240) Ana-no no-ghogho minaho we howuto no-lausa'a we child-3POSS 3REAL-fly come.from LOC garden 3REAL-immediately LOC
puhu-no 'adawa... tree-3POSS kapok ‘Their son flew from the garden straight to the kapok tree...’ (t8:21)
Another example of minaho, here within an NP, is (199) in §5.9.
6.6 Complex prepositions
Since the local preposition we is rather unspecific, a number of locative nouns are available to further specify the exact location. The following are the most common ones (listed in combination with we): we ghagho ‘before, in front of’ we lalo ‘in, inside’ we 'ogho ‘at the bottom of, at the foot of’ we panda ‘under, below’ we polabhangaha ‘in the space between’ we sembali ‘outside’ we siwighi ‘beside, on the side of’ we toto-no ‘in the direction of, somewhere around’ we 'undo ~ we 'ondo ‘behind, at the back of’ we wawo ~ wewo ‘on, on top of, over’ we wunta ‘in the middle of’
These constructions can occur on their own without further modifiers, as in (241). More commonly, however, they are found with a following NP, in which case they are linked by means of the 3POSS suffix -no. The resulting construction is a complex prepositional phrase, headed by a locative noun, followed by a dependent noun which is the actual location.
(241) Fo-pesua-he pakea we lalo. CAUS-enter-3OBJ clothes LOC inside ‘Bring the clothes inside.’ (pb) 112
(242) we lalo-no ofi LOC inside-3POSS fire ‘in the fire’ (t7:38)
(243) we siwighi-no 'amali LOC side-3POSS palace ‘beside the palace’ (t2:36)
(244) se-mie we wunta-no 'a-libu one-person LOC middle-3POSS NMLZ-surround ‘one person in the middle of the circle’ (t10:1) 7. The clause
This chapter describes different clause types, as well as the internal structure of each clause type. Busoa has equative clauses (§7.1), existential clauses (§7.2), intransitive (§7.3) and transitive clauses (§7.4), as well as nominalized clauses (§7.5). The chapter ends with a discussion of clause peripheries (§7.6) and adverbs (§7.7).
7.1 Equative clauses
Equative clauses are verbless; they consist of a subject NP and a predicate NP, which are in some form of identity and are simply juxtaposed. Equative clauses are relatively rare in my corpus. In the examples below the two NPs have been bracketed off.
(245) [Mohane-'u] ['o bhembe]. man-1SG.POSS ART goat ‘My husband is a goat...’ (t3:22)
(246) Gaghaa ['o ama-no 'andei-no Wa Kae-kaepu=uni] MIR ART father-3POSS child-3POSS ART.F K.=this
[La Wantu-wantu]. ART W. ‘To everybody’s surprise the father of Wa Kae-kaepu’s child was La Wantu-wantu.’ (t2:6)
(247) ['A-'unde-a-no fotu-no] [bungaaja te 'amba mpuu.] NMLZ-wash.hair-LOC-3POSS head-3POSS k.o.orchid with jasmine.flower ‘They were washing their hair with orchids and jasmine flowers.’ (Lit. ‘The instrument of the hair-washing of their heads [was] …’) (t6:10)
There is one example of an equative clause where the (fronted) predicate is a PP:
(248) Gaghaana [we-mo 'ai-soo] [sampu~sampu-a-no wewi]... MIR LOC-PFV D-that3 RDUP~go.down-LOC-3POSS pig ‘To his surprise that was indeed the place where the pig had gone down...’ (t5:19)
113 114
In some cases only the predicate NP is present, as the subject is given, understood or does not need to be specified. In those cases the head noun of the predicate N is typically affixed with the perfective suffixmo - , which acts predicatively in these cases.
(249) Nuni-mo=oni. 1SG-PFV=this ‘It is me here.’ (t3:24)
(250) ...humbo-no-mo bhanua-nto... smoke-3POSS-PFV house-1PL.IN.POSS ‘…that will be the smoke of our house…’ (t7:38)
7.2 Existential clauses
Existential clauses are formed in two ways. In the first place there is the use of the existential preposition te ‘with’, discussed in section §6.2 and illustrated in examples (216) and (217). This is the more common of the two strategies. Some additional examples are given below.
(251) Te 'awea mo-hosa. with wind CA-strong ‘There is a strong wind.’ (pb)
(252) …ghubhine-no te ne-uwa~uwa-no. woman-3POSS with PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS ‘...his wife was pregnant.’ (Lit. ‘...there was something that his wife carried.’) (t9:1)
(253) Miina te dhoi-no. NEG with money-3POSS ‘He has no money.’ (conv)
(254) Hulanomo miina-mo te 'awea. because NEG-PFV with wind ‘Because there was no longer any wind/air.’ (t2:24)
(255) ...te-mo nuni we lalo-no ofi... with-PFV 1SG LOC inside-3POSS fire ‘...that will be me (there) in the fire...’ (t7:38) 115
The second construction is the existential verb dainiu (and variants dainio, dainii, daanio, daanii). In positive clauses this verb is not inflected for subject, but in negated clauses it is.
(256) Dainiu 'alei-mu? exist banana-2SG.POSS ‘Do you have bananas?’ (Lit. ‘Do your bananas exist?’) (conv)
(257) ...daanii-mo dua 'o bhae. exist-PFV also ART rice ‘…there was indeed rice.’ (t5:28)
(258) Miina-ho na-d
The verb dainiu is exceptional in having at least four variants. Even the 3IRR form na- d
'a-dainiu (NMLZ-exist) 1. ‘existence, state, situation’ 2. ‘property, possessions’ fo-dainiu (CAUS-exist) ‘organize, arrange, create’ sa-daa~daaniu (?-RDUP~exist) ‘there is always some, there is never a shortage’ A related word is the aspectual adverb daaniho ~ dainoho ‘still, in the process of’, presumably from dainiu affixed with imperfective -ho.
7.3 Intransitive clauses
Intransitive clauses have an intransitive verb as the head of the clause, with an optional NP functioning as the subject, which can either precede or follow the verb; see §7.3.1 (VS order) and §7.3.2 (SV order). Depending on the subcategorization of the verb, a locative phrase can also be obligatorily or optionally present, as well as various other peripheries (see §7.6). Here are some examples of intransitive clauses without a subject NP. 116
(259) No-mo-ghondo-mo. 3REAL-CA-dark-PFV ‘It is (already) dark.’ (conv)
(260) No-lou-mo. 3REAL-go.down-PFV ‘He went down.’ (t6:4)
(261) Hipooni maghadondo a-minaho we Wolio. just.now morning 1SG-come.from LOC Baubau ‘This morning I came from Baubau.’ (conv)
7.3.1 VS order
The postverbal position of the subject NP (VS order) seems to be the unmarked constituent order of intransitive clauses. This order is found in quote margins, in temporal adverbial clauses and in the pragmatically most neutral contexts, where the subject does not receive special emphasis. But these are probably not hard and fast rules, as there are various exceptions. In the following examples of VS order the subject NP is underlined.
(262) No-abha-mo ai-no... 3REAL-ask-PFV younger.sibling-3POSS ‘The younger sister asked...’ (t7:34)
(263) Lawani-mo Wa Bhalongkabula… answer-PFV ART.F B. ‘Wa Bhalongkabula answered...’ (t7:6)
(264) No-'o-wamba-mo ghobhine-no 'ola'i-no lewu... 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV woman-3POSS chief-3POSS village ‘But the village chief’s wife said...’ (t1:4)
(265) Mo-puli jue... CA-finished water ‘When the water was finished...’ (t7:14) 117
(266) No-mbule Wa Bhalongkabula... 3REAL-return ART.F B. ‘When Wa Bhalongkabula returned home...’ (t7:18)
(267) Te-'ai bhita-no, no-dodo-e. PASS-stuck sarong-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ ‘When her sarong got caught (in something), she cut it.’ (t7:20)
(268) A-m-ungka-mo nuni. 1SG-IRR-agree-PFV 1SG ‘I am willing to do that.’ (t6:20)
7.3.2 SV order
SV appears to be the marked order in intransitive clauses, though a more thorough investigation is needed to substantiate this claim. A preverbal subject NP signals that something special is going on, either an unexpected state of affairs, a rhetorical underlining of a participant, or a combination of both. This is illustrated in the following four examples, where the subject is again underlined.
(269) Folinto-no bhanua no-te-joli-mo. door-3POSS house 3REAL-PASS-lock-PFV ‘The door of the house had been locked.’ (t7:33)
The fronted subject indicates a marked situation, contrary to one’s expectation. It is the middle of the day, but the eloped couple has closed the door in an attempt to give the impression that nobody is at home. The following example is from the same story.
(270) Nuni a-mbule-mo we bhanua. 1SG 1SG-return-PFV LOC house ‘I will now return home.’ (t7:38)
The younger sister is desperate, gives up her attempts to meet with her old sister, and finally tells her sister she is going home, where she will actually kill herself. The use of preverbal nuni highlights her plight and determination. 118
(271) A na-'u no-mate-mo child-1SG.POSS 3REAL-die-PFV ‘My child is dead.’ (t6:37)
Example (271) is utttered by an annoyed father who reacts to someone saying, ‘Father, mother, open the door.’ Their child has been gone for a long time and is presumed dead. The preverbal position of ana-'u ‘my child’ possibly signals this annoyance.
(272) 'A-itua gughuda no-mate-mo. D-that2 monster.bird 3REAL-die-PFV ‘And the monster bird died right there.’ (t1:27)
Here again is an unexpected event, as the monster bird was simply brought down by a single action, the dropping of his navel into the sea.
Whether similar explanations are available for all cases of SV order in intransitive clauses remains to be seen.
7.3.3 With locative PPs
Is it unclear what the effect of a PP in an intransitive clause has on the position of the subject NP. Both the order NP V PP and V PP NP are found in the corpus, illustrated below, again with underlined subjects.
(273) La Ode Bhalapanda te bhatua-no no-ghato we bhanua.... ART.M noble B. with slave-3POSS 3REAL-arrive LOC house ‘When La Ode Bhalapanda and his slave arrived at the house...’ (t7:4)
(274) Sefae~sefae 'a-lengo-no, no-ndala-mo we howuto La Hasal RDUP~how.many NMLZ-long-3POSS 3REAL-go-PFV LOC garden ART.M H.
Basari. B. ‘After a long time, La Hasal Basari went to the garden.’ (t6:42)
7.4 Transitive clauses
In transitive clauses the head is a transitive verb with an optional subject or object NP present in the clause as well (plus other peripheral elements). Since subject and objects can be indexed by affixes, a transitive clause can consist of a single V (and a temporal conjunction), as in (275): 119
(275) Sabutuno no-ala-e-mo. then 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV ‘So they took her.’ (t1:43)
This clause type, called s-V-o (with s- and -o standing for subject prefix and object suffix), does not need further elaboration. However, the subject prefix is sometimes missing; see §4.2.3.
When a full subject or object NP is present, the position of the two NPs is not fixed, but governed by pragmatic factors. Several cases can be distinguished.
(a) Preverbal subject and postverbal object: SVO, as well as SV-o and s-VO; discussed in §7.4.1.
(b) Object agreement with both a pronominal and a nominal postverbal object: (S)V-oO; this is also discussed in §7.4.1.
(c) Inverse: preverbal object: OV-o, as well as OV-oS; discussed in §7.4.2.
(d) VSO; discussed in §7.4.3.
(e) VOS; discussed in §7.4.4.
7.4.1 SVO
(a) S s-V O. With a full nominal subject and object, SVO is the unmarked order in transitive clauses.
(276) Se-'alulu wakutuu 'ola'i-no lewu no-me-tombi'i-mo 'ambuse. one-CLF time chief-3POSS village 3REAL-CA-pound-PFV cooked.maize ‘Once upon a time the village chief was pounding cooked maize.’ (t1:1)
(277) La Ode Bhalapanda no-abha-mo ai-no... ART.M noble B. 3REAL-ask-PFV younger.sibling-3POSS ‘La Ode Bhalapanda asked her younger sister...’ (t7:5)
(278) Manga 'aindei no-me-pake bhita se-mie~se-mie... PLUR child 3REAL-CA-wear sarong one-person~one-person ‘The children are each wearing a sarong...’ (t10:2)
(b) s-V O. When the subject is known from the previous discourse (or a 1st or 2nd person) but the object is new, a pronominal subject prefix (s-VO) is sufficient. 120
(279) ...ampoho no-me-ala manu mo-pute se-hulu. then 3REAL-CA-take/get chicken CA-white one-CLF ‘…and then he took a white chicken.’ (t2:29)
(280) ...dainoho a-me-fombula 'apa. still 1SG-CA-plant cotton ‘…I am busy planting cotton.’ (t9:14)
(c) S s-V-o. When the object is clear (topical, a given entity), but the subject needs to be specified in a full NP, S s-V-o is found.
(281) La Niadhi no-ngkatulu-e. ART.M N. 3REAL-follow-3OBJ ‘La Niadhi followed it (= the pig).’ (t5:20)
(282) Isa-no no-antagi-i we bhalo-no sea. older.sibling-3POSS 3REAL-wait-3OBJ LOC hole-3POSS ant ‘The elder sister waited for her (= the younger sister) at an ants’ hole.’ (t7:23)
(d) s-V-o O or object agreement. There are a number of cases in the corpus where the object is doubly marked: by the 3rd person object suffix-e (and allomorphs -i and -he), as well as a full NP. The function of this object agreement is not clear.
(283) No-ala-e-mo ghea-no... 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV blood-3POSS ‘He took his blood...’ (t12:21)
(284) ...bholonga-e jue-no. pour.out-3OBJ water-3POSS ‘...he poured out the water.’ (t7:13)
(285) ...fo-tondu-e 'alangka, sangke-e, miina na-'o-jue. CAUS-sink-3OBJ basket lift-3OBJ NEG 3IRR-HAVE-water ‘… she lowered the basket (in the well), pulled it up, but there was no water.’ (t7:16)
7.4.2 OVS
Pre-verbal objects (with or without full subject NPs in post-verbal position) are typically used when the object is highly topical in the discourse. The subject, on the other hand, is 121 relatively low in topicality because it is a new or unknown entity, or because it is a known, but backgrounded agent. This clause type corresponds closely to a functional passive in English (and Indonesian). However, since there is no passive morphology in Busoa, but simply a change in word order, the construction does not qualify for a passive analysis. Instead, it could be termed an ‘inverse clause’. The free translations, however, will use the passive freely. The following subtypes are found:
(a) O s-V-o S, with the object repeated on the verb as an object suffix (either a direct object or an indirect object suffix).
(286) ...'aindei fo~pitu-no […] no-ane-e-mo gughuda. child RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCT 3REAL-pick.up-3OBJ-PFV monster.bird ‘...the seven children (…) were picked up by a monster bird.’ (t1:14)
(287) ...ola'i-no lewu=uni no-ghato-e-mo 'a-'atu... chief-3POSS village=this 3REAL-arrive-3OBJ-PFV NMLZ-send ‘...the village chief received (lit. was arrived at by) an envoy...’ (t1:6)
(288) Wa Sambamparia no-ndala-hane-mo La Ode Bhalapanda. ART.F S. 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ-PFV ART.M noble B. ‘Wa Sambamparia had been taken away by La Ode Bhalapanda.’ (t7:17)
In the first two cases the post-verbal subject is a brand-new participant. In the third example, (288), the subject (La Ode Bhalapanda) is a known participant, but the information is new and shocking, and presented to the younger sister from the perspective of her older sister (Wa Sambamparia).
(b) O s-V-o. The object is pre-verbal, but no explicit subject NP is present; it is only indicated by a subject prefix on the verb.
(289) Ghato La Bhembe~bhembe no-'alo-e-mo wee wowa. whereas ART.M RDUP~goat 3REAL-tie-3OBJ-PFV LOC space.under.house ‘As for Goat, she tied him under the house.’ (t3:13) 122
(290) Sau=uni a-nd
(291) La Bhembe~bhembe sumaa no-pagha-aso tumbi-no fana. ART.M RDUP~goat that3 3REAL-HAB-sell shoot-3POSS k.o.ginger
No-ita-e-mo ana-no 'ola'i-no liwu. 3REAL-see-3OBJ-PFV child-3POSS chief-3POSS village ‘Goat was selling young ginger shoots. The daughter of the village chief saw him.’ (t3:1-2)
7.4.3 VSO
VSO, or strictly speaking s-V-o S O, is a permutation of constituent orders, in which the verb is in clause-inital position. It is very rare and its function is unclear. Possibly the object is put in tail-position as an afterthought, as it is highly topical, but there is no evidence of an intonation break. Note that the subject prefix is missing in (292).
(292) Ghato-e-mo fikighi La Wantu-wantu… arrive-3OBJ-PFV think ART.M W. ‘Then La Wantu-wantu had an idea...’ (Lit. ‘La Wantu-wantu was arrived at by a thought.’) (t2:20)
7.4.4 VOS
There is only one clear case of VOS order (or strictly speaking s-V-o O S) in our corpus. It appears that the known (and highly topical) subject is backshifted, but the precise function of this permutation remains to be worked out. 123
(293) No-ala-e-mo nuhua-no mancuana=ani hempooni 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV cooking.pot-3POSS older.person=this just.now
ampoho no-tiki. then 3REAL-hit ‘The old man took his cooking pot and hit it.’ (t5:26)
7.4.5 Reflexive constructions
The reflexive construction is a subtype of the transitive clause type, in which the object NP is the reflexive noun wuto ‘self’. This noun is always affixed with a possessive suffix that is co-referential with the subject.
(294) Wa Sambamparia no-pesua dua we wunta-no ofi no-tunu ART.F S. 3REAL-enter also LOC middle-3POSS fire 3REAL-burn
wuto-no. self-3POSS ‘Wa Sambamparia also went into the fire and burnt herself.’ (t7:41)
(295) No-hohae-mo te no-ghambi~ghambita wuto-no. 3REAL-cry-PFV with 3REAL-RDUP~throw.down self-3POSS ‘He cried and threw himself down on the ground.’ (t8:8)
(296) Manga 'aindei no-me-ngkogha no-'alibu wuto-no no-po-untagha lima. PLUR child 3REAL-CA-sit 3REAL-surround self-3POSS 3REAL-REC-hold hand ‘The children sit in a circle (lit. surround themselves) holding hands.’ (t10:2)
In one example, the reflexive meaning is not expressed by means of wuto:
(297) Wa Sambamparia nofoni we hahu no-me-sangkobhi wulu-no ART.F S 3REAL-go.up LOC attic 3REAL-CA-cover hair-3POSS
fotu-no. head-3POSS. ‘Wa Sambamparia went up into the attic and covered herself with her (long) hair.’ (Lit. ‘… covered her head hair.’) (t7:4) 124 7.4.6 Ditransitive constructions
Ditransitive clauses typically have three arguments: an agent, a theme (the object given) and a recipient. The most common ditransitive verb is togha ‘give’, which only occurs seven times in the corpus; it is found twice as togha and five times as toghai, possibly containing the transitivizing suffix -i.
With the verb togha, the recipient is indexed in a prepositional phrase, as in (298). With the verb toghai the full pronoun recipient can follow the verb directly, as in (299), or be pronominally indexed on the verb as either an object suffix, such as -'o in (300), or as an indirect object suffix, such as -ene in (301). The theme (the object given) is a full direct object NP, as in (301), a direct object suffix, as in (302), or both, as in (303), which illustrates object agreement (see §7.4.1 sub d).
(298) Togha-ho to nuni! / to anoa! give-IMPF for 1SG for 3SG ‘Give (it) to me! / to him/her/them!’ (pb, elic)
(299) Toghai-ho nuni! give-IMPF 1SG ‘Give (it) to me!’ (dict)
(300) A-t
(301) 'A-bha'u-no hole~hole […] no-toghai-ene-mo. NMLZ-food.provisions-3POSS baked.goods 3REAL-give-3IND.OBJ-PFV ‘They gave the baked goods (…) to them.’ (t6:40)
(302) Sama'a 'ola'i-no lewu anaa no-toghai-he dua... but chief-3POSS village REF 3REAL-give-3OBJ also ‘But the village chief still gave (her) some...’ (t1:5)
(303) No-toghai-he-mo bhae se-'umbu, hinteli se-'alulu... 3REAL-give-3OBJ-PFV rice one-handful egg one-CLF ‘He gave (her) a handful of rice and one egg...’ (t11:2)
Notice that the recipient is not marked in (303). 125
This analysis is tentative. There are no examples of themes with the basic verb togha, and there are no examples at all of both a nominal theme and a nominal recipient in one clause. It is possible that -he in (302) and (303) actually refers to the recipient, similar to the direct object recipient in (300), while it is also possible that -ho in (299) is actually applicative -ho (which is homophonous with imperfective -ho).
7.5 Nominalized clauses
There is a special clause type in Busoa in which a stative verb is nominalized by means of the prefix'a- and a possessive suffix or a dependent possessive NP. This clause type is used in two ways. First, it is used in exclamatory statements which have a strong emotional content, either positive or negative. The intensifying interjection ma'a can follow the nominalized stative verb.
(304) 'A-'esa-no! NMLZ-beautiful-3POSS ‘How beautiful he/she/they is/are!’ (Lit. ‘His/her/its/their beauty!’) (conv)
(305) A-ngadha-no dua. NMLZ-beautiful-3POSS also ‘It is reasonably pretty.’ (Lit. ‘Its beauty also.’) (conv)
(306) 'A-da'i-no kaghajaa-no! NMLZ-bad-3POSS work-3POSS ‘How bad his/her/their work is!’ (Lit. ‘The badness of his/her/their work.’) (conv)
(307) 'A-soso-no ma'a lalo-no manga... NMLZ-regret-3POSS INTENS inside-3POSS PLUR ‘How they regretted (what they had done)...’ (t5:43)
Secondly, the nominalized clause is used for reason clauses where there is again an emotional overtone, with or without an overt reason word, or to introduce a consequence, translated as ‘so X, that Y’.
(308) ...ghampano 'a-uge-no lalo te 'aindei. because NMLZ-big-3POSS inside with child ‘...because he very much desired to have children.’ (Lit. ‘...because of the bigness of insides [to be/have] with child.’) (t1:5) 126
(309) 'A-da'i-no isikadhi-no ghobhine-no 'ola'i-no lewu… NMLZ-bad-3POSS intent-3POSS woman-3POSS chief-3POSS village ‘But the wife of the village chief had such bad plans, that she....’ (Lit. ‘The badness of the intents of the wife of the village chief...’) (t1:10)
(310) 'A-uge-no 'a-alo~alo-no 'ola'i-no lewu hulanomo NMLZ-big-3POSS NMLZ-RDUP~ashamed-3POSS chief-3POSS village because
mohane-no ana-no La Wantu-wantu… man-3POSS child-3POSS ART.M W. ‘The village chief was so ashamed that the husband of his daughter was La Wantu- wantu, that he…’ (t2:12)
7.6 Clause periphery
At the margins of a clause we find temporal expressions (§7.6.1), locative expressions (§7.6.2), manner (§7.6.3), as well as vocatives (§7.6.4) and interjections (§7.6.5).
7.6.1 Temporal periphery
The words and phrases in the following list can fill the temporal periphery. Most of these are temporal adverbs (e.g. hipooni ‘just now’) or temporal nouns ('oghondoa ‘night’), but there are also a few noun phrases, as well as prepositional phrases.
bhaa-bhaano ‘at first, initally, in the beginning’ ghaneo ‘at dawn, early morning’ himpooni ‘just now, a short while ago’ (variants: himponi, hipooni, hempooni, hopooni) hipooni maghadondo ‘(earlier) this morning’ holeootu ~ holeoitu ‘today’ indewi ‘yesterday’ maghadondo ‘in the morning’ manaholeo ‘late afternoon (5-6 pm)’ moghondo ‘last night’ (cf. ghondo ‘dark’) naale ‘tomorrow’ naifiimootu ‘formerly, long ago, in the past’ (variants: naifiimoitu and naifiinomootu) naifua ‘the day after tomorrow, the day before yesterday’ naitolu ‘in three days, three days ago’ (cf. tolu ‘three) naopou ~ naapou ‘in a while, later’ 127
'oghondoa ‘evening, night’ (cf. ghondo ‘dark’) 'oghondoa naopou ‘later tonight’ 'oghondono Jumaa ‘Friday eve’ padamaniini ‘now, right now’ padamo sumaa ‘after that’ saaghuno ‘finally’ sadhea ~ sadhia ‘always’ se'alulu wakutuu ‘once, once upon a time’ sebantagha ‘in a moment, soon’ sehahe ‘once, one time’ sehahe~sehahe ‘now and then, occasionally’ seholeo~seholeo ‘every day’ (cf. se-holeo ‘one day’) (variant: seho~seholeo) sekija mata ‘in a moment, in the blink of an eye’ tobhele holeo ‘midday, early afternoon’ (lit. ‘the sun is slanting’) toghoholeo ‘midday, noon’ tolu-hahe ‘three times’ we ghua-wulano ‘in two months’ we tolu-taho ‘in three years’ wemo ghua-wulano ‘two months ago’ wemo lima-holeono ‘five days ago’ wemo tolu-tahono ‘three years ago’
Here are some examples of clauses with a temporal periphery (bolded):
(311) 'Oghondoa naopou pa na-membali te s
wute. ground ‘Later tonight nobody is allowed to come down (from their houses) to the ground.’ (t5:35)
(312) Sa-taugha-no mpuu gaghaa no-kangkuraa'o-mo tolu-hahe. WHEN-put.away-3POSS really MIR 3REAL-crow-PFV three-time ‘As soon as he had put it away, it (the chicken) crowed three times.’ (t2:32) 128
(313) 'Aindei-no se-holeo~se-holeo me-futai bhangku. child-3POSS one-day~one-day CA-turn spinning.top ‘Everyday their child played with his spinning top.’ (t8:2)
7.6.2 Locative periphery
The locative periphery is filled by a prepositional phrase, consisting of the locative preposition we and a following NP (see §6.1), or we followed by a demonstrative from the adverbial set (see §5.5).
(314) Ana-no no-sampa we puhu-no sau... child-3POSS 3REAL-land LOC tree-3POSS wood ‘Their son alighted on a tree...’ (t8:16)
(315) ...'aindei-no no-fo-lanto-e we gusi Maghajabani we mo'ahi. child-3POSS 3REAL-CAUS-float-3OBJ LOC jar M. LOC sea ‘… she put her children out at sea in a large jar (called) Maghajabani.’ (t1:10)
(316) We 'ai-taa. LOC D-that3H ‘Up there!’ (conv)
Busoa does not have locative adverbs; the concepts ‘here’ and ‘there’ are expressed by means of the preposition we and an adverbial demonstrative, as with we 'a-inia (LOC D-this) ‘here’, and we 'ai-taa, illustrated in (316). See §5.5 for details and examples.
7.6.3 Manner periphery
The manner periphery is filled by a manner adverb which is derived from a stative verb and marked with the adverbial prefix fa'a-, which is also a causative prefix (see §8.1.3). The following examples occur in the corpus. The base can be reduplicated to indicate intensity.
fa'a-nggilo ‘clean’ nggilo ‘clean’ fa'a-simba ‘quickly’ simba ‘quick’ fa'a-tinggi ‘high’ tinggi ‘high’
(317) … foomba-e na-mai-mo fa'a-simba. tell-3OBJ 3IRR-come-PFV ADV-quick ‘...tell her that she must come quickly.’ (t9:21) 129
(318) No-ghogho fa'a-tinggi~tinggi lausa'a we howuto. 3REAL-fly ADV-RDUP~high immediately LOC garden ‘He flew up very high (and went) straight to the garden.’ (t8:14)
(319) Ghato we mo'ahi no-bhaho-e-mo no-cabo-e-mo arrive LOC sea 3REAL-bathe-3OBJ-PFV 3REAL-soap-3OBJ-PFV
fa'a-nggilo~nggilo-e 'ita-no. ADV-RDUP~clean-3OBJ body.dirt-3POSS ‘When they got to the sea, they bathed her, put soap on her and cleaned away her body dirt.’ (Lit. ‘…bathed her soaped her cleanly-her her-body dirt’.) (t11:33)
It is possible that these adverbial derivations also have verbal properties. In t9:33 fa'a-simba- mo (ADV-quick-PFV) ‘quickly’ occurs with the perfective suffix -mo. In (319) there is an object suffix on the adverb, and all three examples above could be cases of the absence of a 3rd person subject prefix (see §4.2.3). If this is true, an alternative analysis would be to view these manner adverbs as verbs in a serial verb construction, a resultant causative construction with the preceding main verb; see also §9.2.2. More research is needed to verify this possibility. In the meantime, I gloss fa'a- as ADV when it follows another verb, has no subject prefix, and functions as a manner adverb, as in the three examples above.
7.6.4 Vocatives
Vocatives are nouns that are used to address a person directly; they are often kin terms. The following nouns are the most common vocatives found in Busoa. Most (but not all) of them have some unexpected phonological feature, such as the addition of an initial glottal stop, a different initial vowel, or the deletion of the first segment(s). In the case of ai, isa and pe'e there is no change. The corresponding terms of reference are presented in the third column. In the case of 'awu! ‘boy! young man!’ and ngkoi ‘young girl!’ it is not clear whether there is such a corresponding term.
ai! ‘younger sibling!’ (ai ‘younger sibling’) 'ambe ‘girl! young lady!’ ('alambe ‘young girl’) 'awu! ‘boy! young man!’ 'ina! ‘mother!’ (ina ‘mother’) isa! ‘older sibling!’ (isa ‘older sibling’) ndea! ‘friend’ (andea ‘friend’) ngkoi ‘young girl!’ pe'e ‘young girl!’ (pe'e ‘female genitals’) 'uma! ‘father!’ (ama ‘father’) 130
'uwa! ‘grandparent!’ (uwa ‘grandparent’)
When personal names are used as vocatives, the articles Wa and La are no longer present; see also §5.1.1. Vocatives typically occur in clause-final position.
(320) Antagi-'anau isa! wait-1SG.OBJ older.sibling ‘Wait for me, sister!’ (t7:21)
(321) To-awe-ho te intano ndea. 1PL.IN-go.up-PURP with 1PL.IN friend ‘Let’s go as well, friend.’ (t5:29)
(322) Mai we 'a-inia 'ambe! come LOC D-this girl ‘Come over here, girls!’ (conv)
(323) No-abha-e-mo "Po o-m-aso-e tumbi-no fana-mu 3REAL-ask-3OBJ-PFV FUT.NEG 2SG-IRR-sell-3OBJ shoot-3POSS k.o.ginger-2SG.POSS
Bhembe~bhembe?" RDUP~goat ‘She asked him, "Won’t you sell (me) the shoots of your ginger, Goat?"’ (t3:3)
In text 3 the main character, Goat, is referred to 21 times as La Bhembe~bhembe, with the article La, except in the additional five cases where he is directly addressed in a vocative, as illustrated in (323). In those cases the article is absent.
There are also two affixes, -a and -e, which appear to only occur with vocatives. There are only three examples in the corpus: 'uma-a ‘father!’ and 'ina-a ‘mother!’ (both in t6:36) and ndea-e ‘friend!’ (t5:6).
7.6.5 Interjections
A number of interjections were recorded, but there are probably many more. The exact range of situations and emotions connected with each of them remains to be investigated. A few sound-imitative words are also included. The texts have relatively few examples of interjections, and where the meaning is unclear or hard to capture in a gloss, they have simply been glossed as PART (for particle) in example sentences.
'aasi ‘poor me’ (commiserative; actually a noun meaning ‘pity’) baase ‘shoo!’ (exclamation to shoo away larger animals such as 131
goats, cows and monkeys) bagoya ‘just leave it, never mind’ bhoe (exclamation of happiness) dadi (exclamation of unclear meaning, possibly admiration) gata (exclamation directed at naughty children) inomee ‘wow!’ (exclamation of surprise) ma'a (intensifier in exclamatory nominalizations; see (307) in §7.5) maliomo ~ alio ‘just leave it, never mind’ mee (imitation of the bleating of goats) 'oe ‘yes!’ (when answering a call) sei ‘go away!’ (a rude way to chase people away) sika ‘shoo’ (call to shoo away cats and dogs) sio ‘shoo’ (call to shoo away chickens) suanaa (attitudinal particle in questions which signals irritation or unbelief) tete (imitation of the sound of weaving)
(324) Mo-male-mo 'aasi a-buntuli. CA-tired-PFV pity 1SG-run ‘I’m tired of running, poor me.’ (t7:22)
(325) Miina paghacaea-'anau suanaa? NEG believe-1SG.OBJ PART ‘Don’t you believe me?’ (dict)
(326) Inomee, 'alimua-no suagha-no ghobhine sumaa dadi, 'ane to-mo wow! beautiful-3POSS voice-3POSS woman that3 PART if for-PFV
ghobhine-'u. woman-1SG.POSS ‘Wow, that woman has a beautiful voice. I wish she was my wife!’ (t6:45)
(327) Maliomo no-pake-e 'ambalala-mu. just.let 3REAL-wear-3OBJ shirt-2SG.POSS ‘Just let him wear your shirt.’ (dict) 132 7.7 Adverbs
This section lists the various subcategories of adverbs in Busoa. The first three groups are treated elsewhere, and are not illustrated in this section.
(a) Temporal adverbs, e.g. himpooni ‘just now’ and naale ‘tomorrow’. They are listed and illustrated in §7.6.1.
(b) Manner adverbs, e.g. fa'a-simba ‘quickly’. See §7.6.3.
(c) Negators. See §8.2 for discussion and illustration.
(d) Aspectual adverbs, e.g. dainoho ~ daaniho ‘still, in the process of’, which either precedes or follows the verb, fendua ‘again’, and tangasa(ha)no ‘while, in the process of, busy at’.
(e) Degree adverbs katapuli ‘almost’ siahe ~ siehe ~ seehe ‘very; too’ se'ide ‘a little bit, somewhat’
(f) Focal adverbs: dua 1. ‘also, too’. 2. ‘again’ hingga ‘(not) even’ sabutunomo ‘only’ (sabutuno is a temporal conjunction ‘then’) somo ‘only, the only one/thing left’ (followed by an NP) tangkanomo ‘only’
(g) Sentence adverbs: 'aeho ‘maybe’ bhagha ‘maybe, possibly’ masangia ‘hopefully’ mpuu ‘really, truly’ 'ohula ‘maybe, perhaps, seemingly’
Here follow some examples of aspectual, degree, focal and sentence adverbs:
(328) Mo-mata dainoho. / Dainoho no-mo-mata. CA-unripe still still 3REAL-CA-unripe ‘It’s still unripe.’ (conv) 133
(329) No-mo-sodo siehe. 3REAL-CA-hot too ‘It’s too hot; it’s very hot.’ (pb)
(330) Lawani dua anoa… answer also 3SG ‘She answered again...’ (t3:4)
(331) Hingga se-mii miina te mai-no. not.even one-person NEG with come-ACT.PTCP ‘Not even a single person came.’ (dict)
(332) Ama-'u no-mate-mo, somo ina-'u. father-1SG.POSS 3REAL-die-PFV only.left mother-1SG.POSS ‘My father has died, but my mother is still alive.’ (pb)
(333) ...'ane pa na-te-da'i~da'i 'aeho sampe jamani=ini if FUT.NEG 3IRR-PASS-RDUP~broken maybe until era=this
sadaa~daano. still.there ‘...if it (the cooking pot) had not (been) broken, maybe it would still be around at the present moment.’ (t5:45)
(334) minaho na-mo-taha mpuu not.yet 3IRR-CA-cooked really ‘not yet really cooked’ (voc) 8. Clausal modifications
This chapter deals with a number of ways in which basic clauses can be modified, such as the addition or removal of NPs through valency changes (§8.1), negation (§8.2) and the interrogative (§8.3), imperative (§8.4) and hortative (§8.5) moods.
8.1 Valency changes
8.1.1 Transitivizing -Ci
Intransitive verbs can be made transitive by means of the suffix -Ci, where C stands for a limited range of consonants (h, ng, t, l, s, f, w). C can also be empty, and in addition there are two verbs (pesua, toni) which are irregular in having a double -CiCi suffix -wihi. Below is a non-exhaustive list of transitive -Ci-verbs and their bases. Some of the meanings are unpredictable (such as mbotu-si ‘decide’), and the form maa-hi from mai is irregular.
angka-i ‘stop over at, visit s.o.’ angka ‘go, follow’ awe-hi ‘go up to get s.t. or s.o.’ awe ‘go up’ fendua-ngi ‘repeat s.t.’ fendua ‘repeat’ foni-hi ‘climb (a tree)’ foni ‘go up’ futaa-ngi ‘laugh at s.o.’ futaa ‘laugh’ hohae-fi ‘weep for s.o.’ hohae ‘weep, cry’ maa-hi ‘come to s.o.’ mai ‘come’ mbotu-si ‘decide to do s.t.’ mo-mbotu ‘broken (of rope)’ cf. me-mbotu ‘break (a rope)’ mbule-si ‘go back to get s.t. or s.o.’ mbule ‘return, go back’ pesua-wihi ‘enter s.t.’ pesua ‘enter, go in’ tagha-i ‘endure s.t.’ tagha ‘endure, stand’ tongagha-fi ‘visit (with bad intentions), tongaha ‘look upward’ attack s.o. or s.t.’ toni-wihi ‘stop by to get s.t. or s.o.’ toni ‘stop by’
In terms of valency, the following forms are unusual: gaa-ti ~ gaa-tii ‘part company, on one’s own’ (intransitive), from transitive gaa ‘leave behind’ (the opposite of the expected pattern); ghambeghe-li ‘throw away’ from ghambeghe ‘throw away’ (both verbs are transitive and there
134 135 is no discernable difference in meaning), and also lele-i ‘go from place to place’, from lele ‘cross a log bridge’ (both intransitive verbs).
Clausal examples of transivitized -Ci-verbs (with the stem bolded):
(335) Mbule-si-'anau-ho 'apulu-'u. return-TR-1SG.OBJ-IPFV machete-1SG.POSS ‘Go back and get me my machete.’ (dict)
(336) Naale na-t
(337) 'Ola'i-no liwu kemba-mo jurubahasa-no na-t
na-m-awe-hi ana-no. 3IRR-IRR-go.up-TR child-3POSS ‘The village chief called his spokesperson so he could order him to go up and get his child.’ (t9:10)
(338) ...bhagha lafae umba-no me-'a-kaba~kabasagha-no to possibly who come-ACT.PTCT CA-?-RDUP~insolent-ACT.PTCT for
t
8.1.2 Applicative -ho
An applicative NP is signalled on the verb by means of the suffix -ho (with variants -hoo and -o). In such cases the verb is followed by a full NP or a full pronoun, except when the verb is a passive participle (marked by ne-), in which case the applicative has become the subject. The applicative typically marks semantic roles such as a beneficiary, a transported object (with verbs of motion), an instrument, or a reason. It also marks the patient with transitive verbs that take indirect objects (vt-io), such as damba ‘keep, look after, raise’ and mo-limpu ‘forget’ (see §4.1). In addition, the applicative suffix is used to add a nominal argument to verbs with reciprocal po- and with possessive 'o- ‘have’ (see §10.1.10), as well as requestive fe- (see §8.1.4). I will first illustrate applicatives with full NPs, marking various semantic 136 roles, followed by pronominal applicatives, marked by indirect object suffixes, in (351) to (354). In these cases, the indirect object suffix takes the place of the applicative -ho + NP. Note that a full pronoun, such as nuni ‘1SG’ in (339), counts as an NP.
Beneficiary:
(339) No-me-holi-o nuni hinteli. 3REAL-CA-buy-APPL 1SG egg ‘She bought eggs for me.’ (elic) (Possible variant of the verb: no-me-holi-'o, but this needs confirmation).
(340) ...ampoho no-tabugha-ho La Kapolu~poluka 'oli-no. then 3REAL-drop-APPL ART.M RDUP~tortoise skin-3poss ‘… then he dropped the (banana) skins for the tortoise.’ (t12:17)
(341) ...Wa Kae-kaepu no-lagu-lagu-o-mo ana-no. ART.F K. 3REAL-RDUP~sing-APPL-PFV child-3POSS ‘...Wa Kae-kaepu was singing to/for her child.’ (t6:43)
Transported object:
(342) ...na-[m]elei-hoo aghataa-no gughuda. 3IRR-[IRR]flee-APPL goods-3POSS monster.bird ‘...(they agreed to) run away (taking) with (them) the goods of the monster bird.’ (t1:18)
Instrument:
(343) A-me-ndala~ndala-hoo hahe. 1SG-CA-RDUP~go-APPL foot ‘I went by foot.’ (elic)
(344) Foni-o lima-no miina na-[m]ooli. go.up-APPL hand-3POSS NEG 3IRR-[IRR]able ‘He was not able to climb up using his hands.’ (t12:13)
Reason: 137
(345) ...no-kei-mo na-mate-o-mo 'a-lala. 3REAL-shout-PFV 3IRR-die-APPL-PFV NMLZ-painful ‘...he was shouting, about to die from pain.’ (t5:41)
(346) Fae ne-ka-'ije~'ije-ho-miu? what PASS.PTCP-?-RDUP~rude-APPL-2PL.POSS ‘What is the reason of your rudeness?’ (Lit. ‘What are you [pl] rude for?’) (t1:33)
Patient (with a small set of transitive verbs, the so-called vt-io verbs):
(347) Me-damba-hoo manu? CA-look.after-APPL chicken ‘Do you keep chickens?’ (dict)
Below are two examples of applicative -ho which add an oblique nominal argument to an intransitive verb containing reciprocal po- or possessive '-o. The verbs are po-janji ‘make a promise’ and 'o-ana ‘have a child’.
(348) ...'ohula 'aindei-no-mo Wa Mindo-mindo ne-po-janji-o maybe child-3POSS-PFV ART.F M. PASS.PTCP-REC-promise-APPL
naifiimo=otu. formerly=that2 ‘...maybe these were the children of Wa Mindo-mindo that he had made a promise about long ago.’ (t1:39)
(349) Bhelo dua, to-'o-ana-ho ghobhine... good also 1PL.IN.REAL-HAVE-child-APPL woman ‘It is nice to have a daughter...’ (Lit. ‘...a child [that is] female’) (t9:50)
In one elicited example there is no NP following the verb, but the beneficiary can also be optionally added in a PP:
(350) A-me-holi-hoo (to anua). 1SG-CA-buy-APPL for 3SG ‘I bought (it) for him/her.’ (elic)
Below are a number of pronominal applicatives, marked with indirect object suffixes. For a discussion of the forms, see §4.5.2. 138
(351) Ghato no-posanga-hane gaghaa no-ungka-hane. arrive 3REAL-ask.permission-3IND.OBJ MIR 3REAL-agree-3IND.OBJ ‘When they asked his permission, to their surprise he agreed (with them).’ (t1:42)
(352) ...dainoho me-mooghu-ane bhita-no. still CA-weave-3IND.OBJ sarong-3POSS ‘...that I am busy weaving a sarong for him.’ (lit. ‘...weaving his sarong.’) (t9:23)
(353) ...fo'oni-ane singkaghu bulawa we 'amolo wunga-no lima-no. put.on-3IND.OBJ ring gold LOC ring.finger flower-3POSS hand-3POSS ‘…she was to put a golden ring on his ring finger.’ (Lit. ‘..she was to put on for him a gold ring...’) (t9:2) (A variant form of this verb has the suffix -ene.)
(354) 'O lawue no-po-jalo'i-ene te palola. ART string.beans 3REAL-REC-mix-3IND.OBJ with eggplant ‘She mixed the string beans with eggplant.’ (dict)
The semantic roles marked by -ane are as follows: a) patient of the second verb ungka ‘agree with’ (vt-io) in (351) (that is, the person the agent agrees with, not the point on which they agree), b) beneficiary in (352) and (353), and c) patient of a po-verb in (354) and the first verb in (351). The verb posanga ‘ask permission’ in (351) is a loan from Wolio, and though the root sanga does not exist, it is treated as a po-derivation.
The indirect object suffixes, especially 3rd person -ane ~ -ene, are also used when a direct object pronominal suffix is followed by a full applicative NP. In (355) the transitive verb hato ‘to roof, to make a roof on’ has a preverbal object and receives the expected direct object suffix-e . In (356), however, a full instrument NP is present (the material used to make the roof), and we would expect the sequence -e followed by applicative -ho. However, *hato-e-ho or *hato-ho-e does not exist in the language, and hato-ene is used instead. In such cases, -ane ~ -ene has a double function: it marks a direct object and indicates a following applicative NP. 139
(355) Wale-no no-hato-e. hut-3POSS 3REAL-roof-3OBJ ‘They roofed his hut.’ (elic)
(356) Wale-no no-hato-ene ghoo-no mangka. hut-3POSS 3REAL-roof-3IND.OBJ leaf-3POSS palmyra.tree ‘They roofed his hut with palmyra leaves.’ (t2:8)
Below are two similar examples, both marking a direct object and a following instrument applicative NP:
(357) ...anoa no-soda-hane 'ancodaha bulawa. 3SG 3REAL-carry.on.shoulders-3IND.OBJ carrying.chair gold ‘...she was carried in a golden carrying chair on their shoulders.’ (t1:52)
(358) ...sabutuno no-joli-ene-mo 'unde se-bhoha-no... then 3REAL-lock-3IND.OBJ-PFV coconut one-part-3POSS ‘...and then he closed it (= the hole) with the piece of coconut...’ (t2:21)
8.1.3 Causative fa'a- and fo-
In causative constructions, the valency of the verb is increased by one. Busoa has two causative prefixes: fa'a- (and variants fe'a- and occasionally fo'o- or fo'a-), which is found with stative verbs, and fo-, which is found with dynamic intransitive verbs.
Examples of stative verbs with fa'a- are listed below, followed by some clausal examples. Note that the class prefixes on the roots (ma-, me- and mo-) disappear under causative formation. For reasons that are not clear, two dynamic intransitive verbs (ndawu and soo) also take fa'a-.
fa'a-bhaghi ~ fe'a-bhaghi ‘multiply’ bhaghi ‘many’ fa'a-bhelo ‘repair, improve’ bhelo ‘good, beautiful’ fa'a-lompa ‘lengthen’ mo-lompa ‘long’ fa'a-mate ‘kill’ mate ‘die, dead’ fa'a-muda ‘make cheap’ ma-muda ‘cheap, easy’ fa'a-ncana ‘make light’ me-ncana ‘light (not dark)’ fa'a-ndawu ~ fo'a-ndawu ‘drop’ mo-ndawu ‘fall’ fa'a-'ondu ~ fo'o-'ondu ‘make crazy’ 'ondu ‘crazy’ fa'a-panda ~ fe'a-panda ‘lower’ mo-panda ‘low’ fa'a-pugho ‘shatter, crush’ mo-pugho ‘shattered, crushed’ 140
fa'a-soo ~ fo'o-soo ‘seclude girls’ me-soo ‘undergo seclusion ritual for girls’ fe'a-tangka ‘strengthen’ ?-tangka1 ‘strong’ fa'a-tembe ‘make plain’ mo-tembe ‘plain (of taste)’ fa'a-tinggi ‘heighten’ mo-tinggi ‘high’ fa'a-wohuu ‘renew’ wohuu ‘new’
(359) ...ampoho no-fa'a-mate ghobhine-no (no-tobho-e). then 3REAL-CAUS-die woman-3POSS 3REAL-stab-3OBJ ‘...and killed his wife (he stabbed her).’ (t1:50)
(360) Fa'a-tembe-e-ho, no-ma-'agha seehe. CAUS-plain-3OBJ-IPFV 3REAL-CA-salty too ‘Make it (the food) plainer, it’s too salty.’ (dict)
(361) No-me-fa'a-muda ghaghagaa. 3REAL-CA-CAUS-cheap price ‘They lowered the price.’ (Lit. ‘They made the price cheap.’) (conv)
Interestingly, of the eight examples of fa'a- in the texts, seven do not have a causative meaning, but rather are used as manner adverbials (see §7.6.3 for examples). Example (359) is the only case of an unambiguous causative fa'a-.
On dynamic intransitive verbs, as well as on the existential verb dainio ‘there is’ and a few transitive verbs (such as ada ‘borrow’, pake ‘wear’), the causative prefix is fo-.
fo-ada ‘lend’ ada ‘borrow’ fo-dainio ‘organise’ dainio ‘there is’ fo-foni ‘bring up’ foni ‘go up’ fo-ghato ‘tell’ ghato ‘arrive’ fo-ili ‘lower (a rope)’ ili ‘go down’ fo-lanto ‘put afloat’ lanto ‘float’ fo-limba ‘bring out’ limba ‘go out’ fo-mono'o ‘put to sleep’ mono'o ~ muno'o ‘sleep’ fo-ndole ‘put down, lay down’ ndole ‘lie, lie down’ fo-omba ~ fomba ‘tell, report, show’ umba ‘come’ fo-pake ‘clothe, make wear’ pake ‘wear’ fo-sampu ‘bring down’ sampu ‘go down’
1 It is not clear what the class affix of tangka ‘strong’ is, probably mo-. 141
fo-tondu ‘sink, lower (in water)’ tondu ‘sink’ (vi)
The meaning ‘tell, report’ of fo-omba ~ fomba (lit. ‘cause to come’) is so specific that the verb is glossed as a unit, as in (364).
(362) ...no-ghato we wula no-fo-ili-mo dua ghabuta... 3REAL-arrive LOC moon 3REAL-CAUS-go.down-PFV also rope ‘...when he arrived on the moon, he lowered the rope again...’ (t9:72)
(363) Pada no-bhaho-e no-fo-pake-ene-mo pakea ma-ngadha. after 3REAL-bathe-3OBJ 3REAL-CAUS-wear-3IND.OBJ-PFV clothes CA-beautiful ‘After they had bathed her, they dressed her in beautiful clothes.’ (t1:45)
(364) Sabutuno sabhangka-no=oni no-foomba-mo Wa Kae-kaepu... then friend-3POSS=this 3REAL-tell-PFV ART.F K. ‘Then her friends told Wa Kae-kaepu…’ (t6:15)
(365) Ghato 'aindei fo~pitu-no ne-fo-lanto we mo'ahi... arrive child RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCT PASS.PTCP-CAUS-float LOC sea ‘As for the seven children that were set out at sea...’ (t1:14)
(366) po-fo-ada-hoo dhoi-no REC-CAUS-borrow-APPL money-3POSS ‘lend money to each other’ (conv)
8.1.4 Requestive fe-
Requestive verbs are formed on the basis of transitive verbs and have the meaning ‘ask or request someone to do an activity for the benefit of the subject’. The recipient (the person asked) is coded in an oblique PP with we. The original patient (the object of the transitive verb) is now an applicative object following the verb marked with -ho. There are only a few examples in the corpus, all of them elicited. It appears that fefe- is the more common variant of fe-, and that the presence of the class prefix me- is optional.
(367) A-fe-holi-ho 'alei we andea-'u. 1SG-REQ-buy-APPL banana LOC friend-1SG.POSS ‘I ask my friend to buy bananas (for me).’ (elic) (Variants: a-fe-holi-o, a-fe-fe-holi-o) 142
(368) No-fefe-hawi. 3REAL-REQ-hold.in.lap ‘She asks to be held in the lap.’ (elic)
(369) A-me-fe-holi-ho tiket. 1SG-CA-REQ-buy-APPL ticket ‘I will ask someone to buy a ticket for me; I will ask to be bought a ticket.’ (elic) (Variants: a-fe-holi-ho, a-fefe-holi-ho, a-me-fefe-holi-ho)
(370) A-fefe-lelemi 'undo-'u we 'aindei-'u. 1SG-REQ-step.on.back back-1SG.POSS LOC child-1SG.POSS ‘I asked my child to gently step on my back (to cure my back pain).’ (dict)
It is not clear why applicative -ho is absent in (370).
8.1.5 Detransitivizing 'a-
The first valency-reducing operation to be discussed is the detransitivizing prefix 'a-. The prefix comes between the class affix me- and the transitive root and signals that there is a patient present, but that it remains unspecified and the action is therefore typically generic or habitual. The combination is therefore normally me-'a-. The addition of an explicit object (either a full NP or a pronominal suffix) is ungrammatical. This was recorded on a limited set of verbs.
me-'a-busu ‘hit people’ me-busu ‘hit, beat, pound’ me-'a-punto ‘hunt with a blowpipe’ me-punto ‘blow (a blowpipe) at’ me-'a-tapai ‘roast food’ me-tapai ‘roast’ me-'a-tofa ‘slap people’ me-tofa ‘slap’
Based on the transitive verb tofa ‘slap’ one can say: a-me-tofa mbuta (1SG-CA-slap cat) ‘I slapped the cat’, a-me-tofa mii ‘I slapped someone/people’, a-tofa-'o (1SG-slap-2SG.OBJ) ‘I slapped you’ (with me- lost in the last example due to the definiteness effect), but also a- me-'a-tofa ‘I (usually) slap (people)’. There are three clausal examples in the corpus. 143
(371) Nuni a-me-'a-tapai. 1SG 1SG-CA-DETR-roast ‘I am roasting (something).’ (elic)
(372) Mii mo-da'i sumaa sadhia no-me-'a-tofa. person CA-bad that always 3REAL-CA-DETR-slap. ‘That bad person is always slapping people.’ (elic)
(373) La Ode Bhalapanda te bhatua-no no-ndala no-me-'a-punto. ART.M noble B. with slave-3POSS 3REAL-go 3REAL-CA-DETR-blow ‘La Ode Bhalapanda and his slave(s) went hunting using a blowpipe.’ (t7:1)
The following example with the verb tampesa ‘scatter’ is puzzling, as the subject of the detransitive verb is not the expected agent, but the patient/theme.
(374) Ghea anaa no-me-'a-tampesa-mo wee fae toni-a-no. blood REF 3REAL-CA-DETR-scatter-PFV LOC what stop.by-LOC-3POSS ‘The blood was scattered everywhere on the track.’ (t5:14)
8.1.6 Reciprocal po-
The second valency-reducing operation is reciprocal po-. po-busu ‘hit e.o.’ busu ‘hit’ po-gha'o ‘embrace e.o., surround e.o.’ gha'o ‘catch, embrace’ po-ita ‘see e.o’ ita ‘see’ po-pande-ho ‘know e.o.’ pande-ho ‘know’ po-tobho ‘stab e.o.’ tobho ‘stab’ po-untagha ‘hold e.o.’ untagha ‘hold’ po-wugha ‘meet up with e.o.’ wugha ~ wogha ‘find, meet’
Even though these derived verbs are intransitive, they can still receive an optional applicative NP, which is indexed on the verb by means of -ho, or an indirect object pronominal suffix. 144
(375) To-po-pande-ho-mo. 1PL.IN.REAL-REC-know-APPL-PFV ‘We already know each other.’ (conv)
(376) po-fo-ada-hoo dhoi-no REC-CAUS-borrow-APPL money-3POSS ‘lend money to each other’ (conv)
(377) ...no-po-untagha lima. 3REAL-REC-hold hand ‘… they hold hands.’ (Lit. ‘they hold each other [by the] hand’) (t10:2)
(378) ...mie we wunta no-po-gha'o~gha'o-ene-mo mie… person LOC middle 3REAL-REC-RDUP~catch-3IND.OBJ-PFV person ‘...the person in the middle is embraced/mobbed by people...’ (t10:7)
8.1.7 Agentless passive te-
The third valency-reducing operation is agentless te-. This prefix is found on transitive roots, and the resulting intransitive verb typically indicates a state which is the result of an accidental or adversative event (e.g. ‘stuck’, ‘spilled’, ‘tied’) without mentioning an agent, but this does not cover all the examples found. In some of the clausal examples the actions were deliberate, for instance in (380) and (381), and the emphasis seems to be on the resultant state.
te-'ai ‘stuck, caught, hooked’ 'ai ‘hook’ (?) te-'alo ‘tied, bound’ 'alo ‘tie, bind’ te-bholonga ‘spilled’ bholonga ‘pour out’ te-bhosa ‘loose’ bhosa ‘let go, loosen’ te-holi ‘bought’ holi ‘buy’ te-joli ‘locked’ joli ‘lock up’ te-talanga ‘arranged’ talanga ‘arrange’
(379) Te-'ai bhita-no no-dodo-e; te-'ai 'ambalala-no no-dodo-e; PASS-stuck sarong-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ PASS-stuck shirt-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ ‘When her sarong got caught (in something), she cut it; when her shirt got caught, she cut it;’ (t7:27) 145
(380) Folinto-no bhanua no-te-joli-mo. door-3POSS house 3REAL-PASS-lock-PFV ‘The door of the house had been locked.’ (t7:33)
(381) 'Inta-mani=ini no-te-holi indewi. fish-1PL.EX.POSS=this 3REAL-PASS-buy yesterday ‘These fish of ours (excl) were bought yesterday.’ (conv)
(382) ...'ane pa na-te-da'i~da'i... if FUT.NEG 3IRR-PASS-RDUP~bad ‘...if it (the cooking pot) had not (been) broken…’ (t5:45)
When these te-passives are preceded by a negator, the whole construction indicates inability, as in miina na-te-ita (NEG 3IRR-PASS-see) ‘cannot be seen, invisible’, miina na-te-wogha (NEG 3IRR-PASS-find) ‘not to be found’, and example (383).
(383) La Niadhi anaa mina dua na-te-pooli. ART.M N. REF NEG also 3IRR-PASS-catch ‘La Niadhi could not be caught.’ (t5:44)
Notice, however, that in (382) there is no inability reading, even though it contains a negator, probably due to the fact that the negator pa occurs in a counterfactual conditional clause.
8.2 Negation
Negation in Busoa can be summarized in the following three statements:
• There are four basic negators. Three of these are for verbal negation: miina ‘not’, pa ‘will not’, 'uje ‘do not’ (in imperatives), and one is for nominal negation: muncuano.
• Each of them has variants and derivations.
• The verbal negators miina and pa are followed by an irrealis verb form.
These four negators will now be treated one by one.
8.2.1 miina ‘not’
The negator miina (and its variant mina) occurs before the verb and can have both past or present reference, but it is always followed by an irrealis verb form. Note that irrealis marking is only visible on subject prefixes for 3rd person and 1st person inclusive. 146
Additionally, irrealis is indicated on unmarked or bare verbs (that is, verbs without a class affix) by means of the infix -um- (or one of its allomorphs; see §2.10.1).
A simple example which illustrates the contrast between realis and irrealis triggered by the negator is (384). Other textual examples follow.
(384) a. A-ita-e. 1SG-see-3OBJ ‘I see/saw him/her/it/them.’ (elic)
b. Miina a-m-ita-e. NEG 1sg-IRR-see-3OBJ ‘I do/did not see him/her/it/them.’ (dict)
(385) Foni-o hahe-no miina na-[m]ooli. go.up-APPL foot-3POSS NEG 3IRR-[IRR]able ‘He was not able to go up using his feet.’ (t12:12)
(386) …sangke-e, miina na-'o-jue. lift-3OBJ NEG 3IRR-HAVE-water ‘...she pulled it up, but there was no water.’ (t7:16)
(387) ...mina ta-t
Miina is also used in negative existential clauses:
(388) Miina te dhoi-no NEG with money-3POSS ‘He has no money.’ (conv)
Ther are two derivations on the basis of miina: miinaho (and variant minaho) ‘not yet’ and miinamo (variant minamo) ‘no more’. These forms contain the imperfective suffix -ho and the perfective suffixmo - respectively. These words are also followed by irrealis verb forms, except in negative existential clauses, such as (391) and (392), where there is no verb.
(389) miina-ho na-mo-taha NEG-IPFV 3IRR-CA-ripe ‘it is not yet ripe/cooked’ (voc) 147
(390) Ghato Wa Kae-kaepu anaa, mina-mo na-te-ita antasakumu-no whereas ART.F K. REF NEG-PFV 3IRR-PASS-see flying.jacket-3POSS
se-mii~mii-no. one-RDUP~person-3POSS ‘But as for the youngest of them, she was the only person whose flying jacket was nowhere to be seen.’ (t6:12)
(391) Hulanomo miina-mo te 'awea. because NEG-PFV with wind ‘Because there was no longer any wind/air.’ (t2:24)
(392) No-mbule Wa Kinambogho, miina-mo te mii-no bhanua. 3REAL-return ART.F K. NEG-PFV with person-3POSS house ‘When Wa Kinambogho came home, there was nobody in the house.’ (t11:13).
8.2.2 pa ‘will not’
The negator pa ‘will not’ (and variant pae) has future reference and is also followed by an irrealis verb form. Note that not all verbs distinguish between realis and irrealis; a-me-holi in (393), for example, is not marked as either realis or irrealis, because for 1SG the subject prefix forms are identical (only a-) and verbs with the class prefix me- do not receive the infix -um-.
(393) Nuni pae a-me-holi bhae, dainoho we bhanua. 1SG FUT.NEG 1SG-CA-buy rice still LOC house ‘I won’t buy any rice, there is still some at home.’ (pb; modified)
(394) ...te pa na-embali te mo-ghobho-no. with FUT.NEG 3IRR-able with CA-noisy-ACT.PTCP ‘...and nobody can make any noise. (t5:36) (na-embali is a contraction of na-membali)
The negator pa is also found in future negative relative clauses, where it procliticizes to the future preposition to as pa=to (see §6.3 for a discussion of to). This combination is only found in elicited material. 148
(395) No-bhaghi mii pa=to mai-no. 3REAL-many person NEG=FUT come-ACT.PTCP ‘Not many people will come.’ (elic)
(396) mii pa=to m-awe-no person NEG=FUT CA-go.up-ACT.PTCP ‘the people who will not go up’ (elic)
Before the 2SG subject marker o-, the negator pa procliticizes to the verb and undergoes vowel harmony to po=.
(397) Po=o-m-aso-e tumbi-no fana-mu Bhembe~bhembe? FUT.NEG=2SG-IRR-sell-3OBJ shoot-3POSS k.o.ginger-2SG.POSS RDUP~goat ‘Won’t you sell (me) the shoots of your ginger, Goat?’ (t3:3)
There is one example in the corpus where pa is used in a counterfactual clause. Here it does not refer to the future, but rather hypothetically negates a past event. As expected, it is still followed by an irrealis verb form. Only the context makes it clear that the reference is to the past and not to the future.
(398) Tee 'a-daanii-no nuhua=ani, 'ane pa na-te-da'i~da'i with NMLZ-exist-3POSS cooking.pot=this if FUT.NEG 3IRR-PASS-RDUP~bad
'aeho sampe jamani=ini sadaa~daano. maybe until era=this still.there ‘As for the condition of this cooking pot, if it had not (been) broken maybe it would still be around at the present moment.’ (t5:45)
Because of examples such as (398), it is possible that the function of pa is broader than ‘future negator’, as it also covers some irrealis contexts. Rather than FUT.NEG, a possible better gloss might be NEG.IRR. More examples are needed to substantiate this change.
The derived forms pae-ho and pae-mo mean ‘will not yet’ and ‘will no more’ respectively, while the reduplicated pae-pae-mo acts as a conjunction with the meaning ‘if not, if it is not the case that...’.
(399) Naale pae-ho na-l
(400) Pae-mo na-bhagha-hane. FUT.NEG-PFV 3IRR-uncertain-3IND.OBJ ‘People will not be unsure of it anymore.’ (dict)
(401) Pae~pae-mo te anoa, dainiu dua te 'a-bholosi-no. RDUP~FUT.NEG-PFV with 3SG exist also with NMLZ-replace-3POSS ‘If he won’t be there, there is a replacement for him.’ (dict)
8.2.3 'uje ‘do not’
The negator 'uje (variant 'uuje) ‘do not, let it not be the case that’ is found in negative imperative clauses (see also §8.4) and precedes the verb or the existential preposition te.
(402) 'Uje hohae. do.not cry ‘Do not cry!’ (elic; t11:41)
(403) 'Uje te mii we wute. do.not with person LOC ground ‘Nobody can/should be on the ground.’ (t5:33, note)
The derivation 'uje-ho (variants 'uuje-ho and 'uje-hoo) means ‘do not yet, not right now, wait a bit’. Another variant 'uje-ho anaa was recorded, in combination with the referential demonstrative anaa. The derivation 'uje-mo (variant 'uuje-mo) means ‘do not’ (emphatic or softened, depending on the intonation), as well as ‘there is no need, don’t bother about it’.
8.2.4 mincuano ‘no’
The negator mincuano (variant muncuano) marks constituent negation and precedes the negated NP. The derived form mincuano-mo (variant muncuano-mo) means ‘no longer’. The form mincuano-ho ‘not yet’ probably also exists, but was not recorded.
(404) Mincuano situ mohane'-u. NEG 2SG man-1SG.POSS ‘It is not you who is my husband.’ (t3:21)
(405) Mincuano-mo anoa=atu ghobhine-'u. NEG-PFV 3SG=that2 woman-1SG.POSS ‘She (over there near you) is no longer my wife.’ (elic) 150
(406) ...La Bhembe~bhembe muncuano-mo 'ajo-no sompu bhaa-bhaano... ART.M RDUP~goat NEG-PFV shape-3POSS like first ‘...Goat no longer had the appearance that he had had before...’ (t3:21)
8.3 Interrogative mood
8.3.1 Polar questions
Polar questions differ from statements in their intonation only. Impressionistically this appears to be a rising pattern, with a fall on the last syllable. Answers can range from 'uumbe ‘yes’ to miina ‘no’, miinaho ‘not yet’, mincuano ‘no’, through 'aeho ‘maybe’ and others.
(407) Pada-mo kawi? finish-PFV marry ‘Are you married?’ (conv)
(408) Anoa-mo=otu? 3SG-PFV=that2 ‘Is that correct?’ (conv)
(409) No-mo-taha-mo ne-fumaa=atu? 3REAL-CA-ripe-PFV PASS.PTCT-eat=that2 ‘Is the food there (near you) ready/cooked?’ (conv)
(410) No-abha-mo Wa Kae-kaepu, "Ala-e situ antasakumu-'u, Hasal 3REAL-ask-PFV ART.F K. take/get-3OBJ 2SG flying.jacket-1SG.POSS H.
Basari?" B. ‘Wa Kae-kaepu asked, "Did you take my flying jacket, Hasal Basari?"’ (t6:17)
(411) Po=o-m-aso-e tumbi-no fana-mu Bhembe~bhembe? FUT.NEG=2SG-IRR-sell-3OBJ shoot-3POSS k.o.ginger-2SG.POSS RDUP~goat ‘Won’t you sell (me) the shoots of your ginger, Goat?’ (t3:3)
Alternative questions are formed by means of the conjunctions 'atawa ‘or’ (a borrowing from Indonesian) or 'aa. 151
(412) 'Aindei-mu 'o mohane 'atawa ghobhine? child-2SG.POSS ART man or woman ‘Is your child a boy or a girl?’ (pb)
(413) No-me-holi-o'omiu 'aa miinaho? 3REAL-CA-buy-2PL.IND.OBJ or not.yet
‘Did he buy something for you (PL) or not yet?’ (elic)
8.3.2 Content questions
Content questions contain specific interrogative words. The interrogative words found so far are the following, with meaning and part of speech:
fae ‘what’ (noun) lafae ‘who’ (proper noun; article la + noun) we fae ‘where’ (preposition + noun; PP) sefae ‘how much’ (price) (noun) mefae ‘do what’ (verb) mofae ‘why’ (verb) angkifae ~ angkefae ‘how’ (adverb) fee ‘how many’ (numbers) (numeral) naefii ‘when’ (adverb)
It is interesting to observe that Busoa has only two interrogative roots: fae ‘what’ and fee ~ fii ‘how many’. All the other interrogative words are built on these two roots. They will now be discussed and illustrated in turn.
(1) fae ‘what’
The question word fae ‘what’ most commonly occurs at the beginning of a clause, either an equative clause or a verbal clause. Notice that some of the demonstratives cliticize to the preceding noun, as in (414), where even the syntactic boundary between predicate (fae) and subject (eni) is crossed.
(414) Fae=eni? what=this ‘What is this?’ (elic)
(415) Fae tamaa? what that3H ‘What is that (up there)?’ (elic) 152
(416) Fae 'a-'umbu~'umbu-no we hahu tamaa? what ?-RDUP~folded.up-ACT.PTCP LOC attic that3H ‘What is that folded up there in the attic?’ (t7:5)
(417) Fae ne-ka-'ije~ije-ho-miu? what PASS.PTC-?-RDUP~rude-APPL-2PL.POSS ‘What is the reason of your rudeness?’ (t1:33)
When fae questions an object it can occur in its usual postverbal place, or be moved to clause-initial position, or preverbal position, as in (418):
(418) La Wantu-wantu bhagha fae-mo no-kaghajaa? ART.M W. possibly what-PFV 3REAL-work ‘What in the world was La Wantu-wantu doing?’ (t2:38)
When fae precedes a 2nd person subject prefix (o- or u-), it tends to cliticize to the verb and is then reduced to fa=u-, fo=u-, fo=o or even f=o-. In such cases the definiteness effect is also frequently found, leading to the absence of the class affix (see §4.4). Compare the following three examples, where in (419) the interrogative fae is found in situ, in (420) it is cliticized preverbally; (421) is similar, but has the definiteness effect.
(419) Situ me-holi fae-a? 2SG CA-buy what-? ‘What did you buy?’ (elic)
(420) Fa=u-me-holi situ we daoa? what=2SG-CA-buy 2SG LOC market ‘What did you buy at the market?’ (elic)
(421) Fo=o-holi situ we daoa? what=2SG-buy 2SG LOC market ‘What did you buy at the market?’ (elic)
A few other similar examples (all elicited or emerging during conversations):
(422) Fomaa fae? eat what ‘What are you eating?’ (elic) 153
(423) Fae me-aso=otu manga? what CA-sell=that2 PLUR
‘What do you (PL) sell?’ (elic)
(424) F=o-aso=otu manga? what=2SG-sell=that2 PLUR
‘What do you (PL) sell?’ (elic)
(425) F=o-kaghajaa=atu manga? what=2SG-work-that2 PLUR
‘What are you (PL) doing?’ (conv)
(426) F=o-damba-hoo? what=2SG-look.after-APPL ‘What (animals) do you keep?’ (elic)
(427) Me-tapai fae=etu? CA-roast what-that2 ‘What are you roasting?’ (elic)
(428) F=o-tapai=itu? what=2SG-roast=that2 ‘What are you roasting?’ (elic)
(429) Lawani 'ola'i-no liwu "To fae-miu me-ala mie answer chief-3POSS village for what-2PL.POSS CA-take/get person
te-'alo-no we 'ughughi-no jamba=atu?" PASS-tie-ACT.PTCP LOC post-3POSS toilet=that2
‘The village chief answered, "What is the point of you (PL) getting someone who is tied to a toilet post?"’ (t11:30)
(2) lafae ‘who’
The interrogative pronoun lafae (made up of the masculine article la and the noun fae, but applied to anybody) asks for the identity of a person. It can follow a noun, as in (430), in which case it means ‘whose’, but more commonly it occurs clause-initially as the subject of a cleft sentence, followed by an active or passive participle, as in the three remaining examples. It is unclear how the derived form lafae-mo differs fromlafae . 154
(430) Pali lafae naale? turn who tomorrow ‘Whose turn is it tomorrow?’ (dict)
(431) Lafae ne-wangku-no? who PASS.PTCP-hit-3POSS ‘Who was hit by him/her/them?’ (elic)
(432) Lafae-mo to me-peelu-no situ? who-PFV FUT CA-like-ACT.PTCP 2SG ‘Who is going to like you?’ (t3:6)
(433) Ee, lafae-mo dua bhagha 'aasi me-abha~abha-no=oni? hey who-PFV also possibly pity CA-RDUP~ask-ACT.PTCT=this ‘Hey, who could that possibly be, asking poor us (to open the door)?’ (t6:37)
(3) we fae ‘where’
The prepositional phrase we fae (LOC what) ‘where’ asks for the location of an object or event. The phrase typically, but not exclusively, occurs clause-initially. We fae has the variants wee fae and we fae-mo.
(434) We fae minahoo? LOC what come.from ‘Where do you come from? Where are you from?’ (elic)
(435) We fae l
‘Where are you (PL) going?’ (elic) 155
(436) We fae to lou-a-miu naale? LOC what FUT go.down-NMLZ-2PL.POSS tomorrow
‘Where will you (PL) go tomorrow?’ (elic) (Lit. ‘At/to what will your-place-of-going [be] tomorrow?’)
(437) Lou we fae indewi simintu? go.down LOC what yesterday 2PL
‘Where did you (PL) go yesterday?’ (elic)
(438) We fae gaghaa bhalo-no 'awea=ani...? LOC what MIR hole-3POSS wind=this ‘Where is this hole of the wind...?’ (t2:20)
As shown above under subsection (1), fae cliticizes to a 2SG subject marker (if present), resulting in fa=u- or fo=u. In the case of (439) the preposition we can be absent, possibly because this is a very commonly used greeting.
(439) Fo=u-l
(440) We fae-mo na-me-ala 'aindei? LOC what-PFV 3IRR-CA-take/get child ‘Where would she get children?’ (t1:13)
There are two special uses of we fae. Before an NP it can mean ‘everywhere in, on all of’ as in (441):
(441) Ghea anaa no-me-'a-tampesa-mo wee fae toni-a-no. blood REF 3REAL-CA-DETR-scatter-PFV LOC what stop.by-LOC-3POSS ‘The blood was scattered everywhere on the track.’ (t5:14)
Secondly, the expression te we fae dua (with LOC what also) means ‘moreover, what’s more’.
(4) sefae ‘how much’
The interrogative noun sefae ‘how much’ (probably made up of se- ‘one’ and fae ‘what’) is only used to ask for the price of an item. It typically goes with the nouns holi ‘price’ (also a verb ‘to buy’) and the borrowed noun ghaghagaa ‘price, value’. All other questions relating to numbers are done with fee; see below under subsection (8). 156
(442) Sefae holi-no 'inta-mu=utu? how.much price-3POSS fish-2SG.POSS-that2 ‘How much is the price of that fish of yours?’ (conv)
(443) Sefae ghaghagaa-no? how.much price-3POSS ‘What is the price? How much does it cost?’ (conv)
The reduplicated form of sefae is found in the expression sefae~sefae(-mo) 'a-lengo-no ‘after a while, after some time, after a long time’. This phrase occurs seven times in the texts, as illustrated in (444); once (in t9:51) sefae is not reduplicated.
(444) Sefae~sefae 'a-lengo-no, no-ndala-mo we howuto La Hasal RDUP~how.many NMLZ-long-3POSS 3REAL-go-PFV LOC garden ART.M H.
Basari. B. ‘After some time, La Hasal Basari went to the garden.’ (t6:41)
(5) mefae ‘do what’
The verb mefae ‘do what’ (consisting of the class affix me- and the root fae, but given a single gloss) only occurs twice in the corpus.
(445) Mefae=etu? do.what=that2 ‘What are you doing?’ (conv)
(446) Haejati-mu m-umba mefae we 'a-inia? purpose-2SG.POSS IRR-come do.what LOC D-this ‘What was your purpose in coming here?’ (Lit. ‘Your purpose [was] to come and do-what here?’) (conv)
(6) mofae ‘why’
The interrogative verb mofae ‘why’ (consisting of the class affix mo- and the root fae, but again given a single gloss) asks for the reason or cause of a certain state of affairs. 157
(447) Mofae hohae? why cry ‘Why are you crying?’ (elic)
(448) Mofae simintu futaa-mu? why 2PL laugh-2PL ‘Why are you all laughing?’ (elic)
(449) Mofae mai 'a-inia? why come D-this ‘Why have you come here?’ (conv)
(450) Mofae situ me-'ambalala sombo itu? why 2SG CA-shirt like that2 ‘Why are you wearing a shirt like that?’ (conv)
(451) Mofae ndea situ=uni 'o-wono~wono-mo dhagi-no manusia? why friend 2SG=this HAVE-RDUP~smell-PFV meat-3POSS man ‘Why do you carry the smell of human meat, girl (lit. friend)?’ (t6:25)
The verb mofae also occurs in the construction pae na-mofae, or its variant pa na-mofae (NEG.FUT 3IRR-why), which means ‘it doesn’t matter, it is of no importance’ (Ind tidak apa- apa). When mofae is inflectedwith a subject prefix, it means ‘what is wrong with, what is the matter with’. (For the particle buana, see §8.3.3.)
(452) No-mofae buana? 3REAL-why PART ‘What is wrong with him/her/them?’ (conv)
(453) A-mofae buana? 1SG-why PART ‘What is wrong with me? What is the matter with me?’ (conv)
(7) angkifae ‘how’
The interrogative adverb angkifae (variant angkefae) asks for the manner in which something is done. The word obviously contains the root fae ‘what’, but the element angki ~ angke is apparently not found elsewhere in the language. 158
(454) Angkifae-mo suana=atu, uwa-'u tama-anaa 'o gughuda, how-PFV PART=that2 grandparent-1SG.POSS that3H-REF ART monster.bird
no-fumaa-he 'o mii. 3REAL-eat-3OBJ ART person ‘How would that work? My grandfather up there is a monster bird; he eats people.’ (t6:22)
(455) Angkifae buana simintu? how PART 2PL
‘How are things with you (PL)?’ (voc)
When angkifae is used adnominally, modifying a head noun, it means ‘what kind of’, as in (456).
(456) Manu-manu dua angkifae tamaa no-ma-kida no-bicagha? bird also how that3H 3REAL-CA-able 3REAL-speak ‘What kind of bird is that up there, able to speak?’ (t8:17)
(8) fee ‘how many’
The interrogative numeral fee (variant fii) asks for the exact number of items and always precedes a classifier or measure noun. It could be considered a prefix or a proclitic, though it is written as a separate word.
(457) Fee mii 'aindei-mu? how.many person child-2SG.POSS ‘How many children do you have?’ (pb)
(458) Fee wula-mo? how.many moon-PFV ‘How many months has it been?’ (dict)
(459) Fii tongku-mu situ roo-no ngkalei-mu, kapopoluka? how.many leaf-PFV 2SG leaf-3POSS banana-2SG.POSS tortoise ‘How many leaves does your banana have, tortoise?’ (t12:6)
(9) naefii ‘when’
The interrogative adverb naefii ‘when’ (variant naifii) asks for future time. For past time the perfective suffixmo - is added: naefii-mo ‘when (in the past)’, with variants naifii-mo and nefii-mo. There are no examples of this interrogative in the texts. 159
(460) Naefii u-mbule? when 2SG-return ‘When will you go back?’ (conv)
(461) Naefii ta-nd
(462) Naefii na-te-fo-mbule? when 3IRR-PASS-CAUS-return ‘When should it be returned?’ (pb)
(463) Naifii-mo ghato? when-PFV arrive ‘When did you arrive?’ (conv)
On the basis of naifii ‘when’ the temporal adverb naifii-mo=otu ‘formerly, long ago, in the past’ is formed, with variants naifii-mo itu and naifii-no-mo=otu.
8.3.3 Miscellaneous
I end this section on interrogatives with mentioning three particles and an interrogative expression. The particles are buana, gaghaa and 'aintu. The meaning of buana is unclear, it possibly indicates doubt or uncertainty, and could be related to suanaa, treated as an interjection in §7.6.5. Gaghaa and 'aintu have an element of surprise. Gaghaa is actually a mirative marker, also functioning as a conjunction (see §9.3.8). These particles are illustrated below; there is another example of buana in (452).
(464) Pande-mo buana situ pugau Busoa? clever-PFV PART 2SG language B. ‘Do you already speak Busoa?’ (pb)
(465) Angkifae buana situ? how PART 2SG ‘How about you? How are you?’ (conv)
(466) Mo-da'i namisi-mu 'aintu? CA-bad feeling-2SG.POSS PART ‘Are you sick?’ (pb) 160
(467) No-mbule-mo 'aintu? 3REAL-return-PFV PART ‘Has he gone back?’ (conv)
(468) We fae gaghaa bhalo-no 'awea=ani bhe a-t
The following examples contain rhetorical expressions on the basis of the transitive verb lafaa ‘do what to s.o., do what about s.t.’. The few examples I have are all in the irrealis mood, and the textual example in (470) is a rhetorical question, similar to the Indonesian expression of resignation apa boleh buat (what can do/make), meaning ‘what can one do about it?’ or ‘there is nothing one can do about it.’
(469) Na-l
(470) Sama'a na-l
8.4 Imperative mood
The imperative mood, which is used to make commands, orders or requests to an addressee, is marked by the verbal stem (root plus possible class affixes and derivational affixes) and with possible object inflection. Second person subject prefixes are absent, as well as free pronouns (at least in the corpus).
(471) Foni! go.up ‘Come on in!’ (Invitation to enter a house, traditionally built on stilts.) (pb)
(472) Mai we 'a-inia! come LOC D-this ‘Come here!’ (pb) 161
(473) Telengai-he! hear-3OBJ ‘Listen!’ (pb)
(474) Di'a-e we habu. put-3OBJ LOC kitchen ‘Put it in the kitchen.’ (pb)
(475) Antagi-'anau, manga 'aindei... wait-1SG.OBJ PLUR child ‘Wait for me, children...’ (t11:16)
Mitigating the directness of a command is done by adding the imperfective suffix -ho, which adds an element of ‘do this first’, with the implication: ‘this won’t take long and then you can continue with other activities’.
(476) Antagi-ho. wait-IPFV ‘Please wait.’ (pb)
(477) Togha-ho to nuni. give-IPFV for 1SG ‘Just give it to me.’ (pb)
It is not exactly clear what the effect is of adding perfective -mo to an imperative verb form. As in Muna, it probably depends on the intonation of the utterance whether the command is strengthened or weakened.
(478) Lou-mo ala-e. go.down-PFV take/get-3OBJ ‘Go and get it.’ (pb)
Using the first inclusive subject marker to- adds an element of politeness (see §4.2.1 and §4.2.2), as does the 1PL inclusive object suffix -'ainta. These two possibilities can also be combined with imperfective -ho or perfective -mo.
(479) To-me-ngkogha-ho. 1PL.IN.REAL-CA-sit-IPFV ‘Please sit down.’ (pb) 162
(480) Me-ngkogha-'ainta-mo. CA-sit-1PL.IN.OBJ-PFV ‘Please sit down.’ (pb)
(481) To-pesua-ho! 1PL.IN.REAL-enter-IPFV ‘Please come in!’ (pb)
Another way to mitigate a command is by means of the prefix so- ‘just’, as if the speaker is urging the addressee not to hesitate or recommending a course of action.
(482) So-ala-mo! JUST-take/get-PFV ‘Just take it!’ (conv)
A request to give something to the speaker is often done in an existential clause with the preposition te ‘with’, followed by a noun phrase containing a 2SG or 2PL possessive suffix (see also §6.2 sub h).
(483) Te nuni 'inta-mu=utu. with 1SG fish-2SG.POSS=that2 ‘Give me some of your fish.’ (Lit. ‘[Let] your fish [be] with me.’) (conv)
Imperatives are negated by means of the negator 'uje (see also §8.2.3).
(484) 'Uje mo-ghobho! do.not CA-noisy ‘Don’t be noisy.’ / ‘Be quiet!’ (pb)
8.5 Hortative mood
The hortative mood is expressed by the 1PL inclusive subject prefix to-, while the verb is either suffixed by imperfective -ho or hortative -ana. A clear difference in meaning between the two was not reported, though the combination to-...-ho is ambiguous, in that it can also be used for a polite imperative, as in (488).
(485) To-lou-ana. 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-HORT ‘Let’s go.’ (t9:12) 163
(486) To-me-bhaho-ana. 1PL.IN.REAL-CA-bathe-HORT ‘Let’s take a bath.’ (elic)
(487) Mai-mo to-mbule-ana. come-PFV 1PL.IN.REAL-return-HORT ‘Come, let’s go home.’ (conv)
(488) To-fumaa-ho. 1PL.IN.REAL-eat-IPFV 1. ‘Let’s eat.’ 2. ‘Please sir/madam, eat.’ (conv)
To emphasize the collective nature of the action recommended by the hortative, the subject can be repeated after the verb in the prepositional phrase te intano (with 1PL.IN) ‘with us (incl)’, freely translated as ‘together’. See also §6.2 sub g for this use of te.
(489) To-fumaa-ho te intano. 1PL.IN.REAL-eat-IPFV with 1PL.IN ‘Let’s eat together.’ (Lit. ‘Let us eat with us.’) (conv)
(490) To-awe-ho te intano ndea..., 1PL.IN.REAL-go.up-IPFV with 1PL.IN friend ‘Let’s go up together, my friend...’ (t5:29) 9. Complex sentences
Clause combining is relatively straightforward in Busoa. There are only a few conjunctions, and just three obvious cases of subordination: relative clauses marked by active and passive participles, and temporal clauses marked by the prefix sa-. This chapter organises clause- combining in the same way as the grammar of Balantak does (van den Berg and Busenitz 2012), following a combination of syntactic and semantic features:
• relative clauses (§9.1);
• juxtaposition, including object complementation and potential serial verb constructions (§9.2);
• conjoining, including various ‘adverbial’ clauses such as temporal, conditional and reason clauses (§9.3).
9.1 Relative clauses
Relative clauses are quite common in Busoa. Their characteristic features can be summarized in the following statements.
• Relative clauses follow the antecedent; following Dixon (2010), the antecedent will be called the common argument.
• There is no relativizer or relative pronoun.
• Only subjects (with various semantic roles) can be relativized.
• There is a special verb form in relative clauses, the participle. If the common argument is (roughly) the agent in the relative clause, the verb is an active participle. If the common argument is the patient of the relative clause, the verb is a passive participle.
• There are also headless relatives.
A simple example of a relative clause is (491). The relative clause is marked off by brackets, while the head of the common argument in the main clause is bolded. This convention is followed throughout this chapter.
164 165
(491) No-bhaghi mii [nd
9.1.1 Marked by active participles
Active participles indicate that the subject of an intransitive verb, or the agent of a transitive verb is relativized. An active participle is formed by a circumfix: a combination of one of the four class affixes (-um-, ma-, me- and mo-) or zero (in the case of certain affixes and reduplication), and the suffix -no (see §4.6.1 for more details). Notice that the infix -um- functions as a class affix for unmarked verbs in active participles, not as an irrealis marker. This is illustrated for the following four verbs, of which fo-pitu is a reduplicated numeral verb (see §5.7.2). Participles are translated as ing-forms.
ndala ‘go, walk’ nd
Below are further examples of relative clauses.
(492) No-bhaghi ghea [l
(493) ...mie [me-ngkogha-no we wunta]… person CA-sit-ACT.PTCP LOC middle ‘...the person sitting in the middle...’ (t10:4)
(494) Manga mii [fo~pitu-no wee bhangka=ani] hempooni PLUR person RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP LOC canoe=this just.now
no-bhose~bhose-mo manga. 3REAL-RDUP~paddle-PFV PLUR ‘The seven people in these canoes paddled away.’ (t1:28)
Example (495) has a sequence of two relative clauses: 166
(495) 'Aahirino gughuda no-pagampa mii [fo~pitu-no] finally monster.bird 3REAL-chase person RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP
[me-ulea-no aghataa]. CA-load-ACT.PTCP goods ‘As a result the monsterbird chased the seven people who had taken the cargo.’ (t1:23)
The negator in relative clauses is miina (see §8.2.1) and pa for future (see §8.2.2). Future reference is further indicated by means of the preposition to ‘for’ (see §6.3):
(496) mii [miina l
(497) mii [to [m]oni-no] person FUT [CA]go.up-ACT.PTCP ‘people who will go up’ (elic)
(498) mii [to m-awe-no we daoa] person FUT CA-go.up-ACT.PTCP LOC market ‘people who will go to the market’ (elic)
(499) mii [pa=to l
(500) No-bhaghi mii [pa=to mai-no]. 3REAL-many person FUT.NEG=FUT come-ACT.PTCP ‘Not many people will come.’ (Lit. ‘Many are the people who will not come.’) (elic)
In one elicited example miina was found with future reference, instead of the expected pa:
(501) mii [miina to [m]oni-no naale] person NEG FUT [CA]go.up-PTCP tomorrow ‘people who will not go up tomorrow’ (elic)
The following relative clauses are headless. The position of the empty head is indicated by Ø in the examples, and in each case Ø refers to a person or to people. 167
(502) No-telengai-mo Ø [me-mooghu-no bhita]. 3REAL-hear-PFV CA-weave-ACT.PTCP sarong ‘They heard someone weaving a sarong.’ (t7:2)
(503) Gaghaa no-tele~telengai-mo Ø [ng
(504) ...te pa na-membali te Ø [mo-ghobho-no]... with FUT.NEG 3IRR-can with CA-noisy-ACT.PTCP ‘...and nobody can make any noise...’ (Lit. ‘...and there will not be able to be [someone] who is noisy...’) (t5:36)
(505) ...miina-mo te Ø ['o-sinaa-no]. NEG-PFV with HAVE-breath-ACT.PTCP ‘...nobody was able to breathe anymore.’ (Lit. ‘...and no longer was there [someone] who had breath.’) (t2:22)
Headless relatives are also common with the interrogatives lafae ‘who’ and fae ‘what’. In these cases we are dealing with a focus construction, corresponding to English cleft questions such as ‘who is it who came?’ Since Busoa does not have a copula, and uses headless relatives rather than an empty ‘it’ or ‘one’, these cleft clauses simply consist of the subject NP (lafae or fae) followed by an empty head modified by a relative clause functioning as the predicate. An example is lafae umba-no? (who come-ACT.PTCP) ‘who [is the one who] came?’ Here are two examples from texts:
(506) Fae Ø ['a-'umbu~'umbu-no we hahu tamaa]? what ?-RDUP~folded.up-ACT.PTCP LOC attic that3H ‘What is that folded up there in the attic?’ (t7:5)
The second example, (507), is particularly complex, with three consecutive headless relative clauses in a row: 168
(507) ...'ola'i-no lewu no-tumpu jughubasa-no, bhagha lafae Ø chief-3POSS village 3REAL-order spokesperson-3POSS possibly who
[umba-no] [me-'a-kaba~kabasagha-no] [to t
kampo (lewu)]. village village ‘...the village chief ordered his spokesperson (to go and find out) who could possibly have arrived at the village with the gall to attack it.’ (Lit. ‘...who possibly [was the one] who had come [and] who was insolent [and] who was going to attack the village.’) (t1:32)
Other examples of non-interrogative cleft constructions, each again having a focus function:
(508) Ai-mu Ø [fumaa-no 'alei hipooni]. younger.sibling-2SG.POSS eat-ACT.PTCP banana just.now ‘It’s your younger brother who ate the banana just now.’ (elic)
(509) Gaghaa=ani Ø [me-ghambi-no ganda te mbololo=oni anaa] MIR=this CA-play-ACT.PTCP drum with gong=this REF
La Wantu-wantu we 'amali-no fitu-suncu-a-no. ART.M W. LOC palace-3POSS seven-layer-LOC-ACT.PTCP ‘To their surprise (they found that) the person playing the drum and the gong was Lawantu-wantu, in his seven-storey palace.’ (t2:39)
Not all participles have both the class affix and the suffix -no. In §4.6.1 examples were given of participles without the class suffix: umba-no (come-ACT.PTCP) ‘[those] who came’, also shown in (507), and fumaa-no (eat-ACT.PTCP) ‘[the one] who is eating’ in (508). At the same time, a number of dependent verb forms do have the class affix, but lack the suffix -no, as in (510):
(510) mii [miina s
The following examples of these ‘clipped participles’ were recorded: bhoku mo-'apa (book CA- thick) ‘a thick book’, mii s
The following example was provided as a contrastive pair, with the second one having definite reference.
(511) a. Me-holi-'anau bhoku [mo-'apa]. CA-buy-1SG.OBJ book CA-thick ‘Buy me a thick book.’ (elic)
b. Me-holi-'anau bhoku [mo-'apa-no]. CA-buy-1SG.OBJ book CA-thick-ACT.PTCP ‘Buy me the thick book.’ (elic)
9.1.2 Marked by passive participles
A passive particle in a relative clause relativizes the patient of a transitive verb, which has been ‘promoted’ to become subject. Passive participles are formed with the prefix ne-, with an (optional) possessive suffix indicating the agent. In the following examples the relative clause is again indicated by brackets, while the head noun is bolded.
(512) jambu [ne-fumaa-'u] cashew PASS.PTCT-eat-1SG.POSS ‘the cashew nut that I ate’ (elic)
(513) jambu [ne-fumaa-mu] cashew PASS.PTCT-eat-2SG.POSS ‘the cashew nut that you ate’ (elic)
(514) jue [ne-fa'a-mpana-no] water PASS.PTCP-CAUS-hot-3SG.POSS ‘the water that she heated’ (elic) 170
(515) Dainiu 'alei [ne-aso]? exist banana PASS.PTCP-sell ‘Do you have bananas for sale?’ (Lit. ‘Do bananas exist that are sold?’) (pb)
The following four examples are all from text 1, which has nine instances of the passive participle.
(516) ...kampo [ne-ghato-no=oni manga]... village PASS.PTCP-arrive-3POSS=this PLUR ‘...the village they arrived at...’ (t1:31)
(517) ...manga bhangka [ne-pombala-no=oni hempooni] PLUR canoe PASS.PTCP-make.from.wood-3POSS=this just.now
no-mondo-e-mo. 3REAL-finish-3OBJ-PFV ‘...they completed the canoes they had made.’ (t1:17)
(518) ...'ohula 'aindei-no-mo Wa Mindo-mindo [ne-po-janji-o maybe child-3POSS-PFV ART.F M PASS.PTCP-REC-promise-APPL
naifiimootu]. formerly ‘...maybe these were the children of Wa Mindo-mindo that he had made a promise about long ago.’ (t1:39)
(519) Ghato 'aindei [fo~pitu-no] [ne-fo-lanto we mo'ahi we gusi arrive child RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP PASS.PTCP-CAUS-float LOC sea LOC jar
Maghajabani anaa hempooni], no-ane-e-mo gughuda. M. REF just.now 3REAL-pick.up-3OBJ-PFV monster.bird ‘As for the seven children that were set out at sea in the Maghajabani jar, they were picked up by a monster bird.’ (t1:14)
The only example in the corpus of a full agent NP following the passive participle is (520):
(520) ...hahe-no no-'angkanai-he taji [ne-di'a-no ama-no]. foot-3POSS 3REAL-hit-3OBJ spur PASS.PTCP-put-3POSS father-3POSS ‘...her feet were injured (lit. hit) by the spurs that her father had put there (in the rungs of the ladder).’ (t9:42) 171
As with active participles, passive participles can also be headless. The zero head is again indicated by Ø.
(521) Dainiho dua Ø [ne-pemani-'u]. exist also PASS.PTCP-ask.for-1SG.POSS ‘I have another request.’ (Lit. ‘There is also/again [something] that I want to ask for.’) (pb)
(522) Ghubhine-no te Ø [ne-uwa~uwa-no]. woman-3POSS with PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS ‘His wife was pregnant.’ (Lit. ‘His woman [was] with [something] that she carried around.’) (t9:1)
(523) Fae Ø [ne-'o-wamba-hoo-no]? what PASS.PTCP-HAVE-word-APPL-3POSS ‘What did he say?’ (Lit. ‘What [was][it] that was said by him?’) (pb)
(524) Fae Ø [ne-ka-'ije~'ije-ho-miu]? what PASS.PTCP-?-RDUP~rude-APPL-2PL.POSS ‘What is the reason of your rudeness?’ (Lit. ‘What [is] [it] that you [pl] are rude for?’) (t1:33)
Notice that examples (523) and (524) are focus constructions containing cleft clauses. Notice also the presence of the applicative suffix -ho(o). The presence of the applicative is necessitated by the fact that the verbs 'o-wamba ‘to say’ and ka-'ije-'ije ‘to be rude’ are not transitive, and therefore cannot be passivized. The applicative suffix adds an applicative object (with the semantic function of theme and reason respectively), which then allows the verbs to be passivized.
At least one headless passive participle normally functions as a noun: ne-fumaa (PASS.PTCT-eat) ‘something that is eaten, food’, as in (525):
(525) Wa Mindo-mindoe no-me-pemani ne-fumaa we 'ola'i-no liwu... ART.F M. 3REAL-CA-ask.for PASS.PTCP-eat LOC chief-3POSS village ‘Wa Mindo-mindoe asked the chief of the village for food...’ (t11:1)
9.1.3 Nominalized relative clauses
There are only a few examples of nominalized relative clauses in the corpus. The first one, (526) has the nominalizing prefix 'a-. The second one, (527), shows the locative suffix -a 172 indicating the location of the verb, and the third one, (528), has a circumfix to indicate the instrument (see also §5.1.2 for nominalizing morphology).
(526) 'O-oni 'inta ['a-tapai-'u]. ART-this fish NMLZ-roast-1SG.POSS ‘This is the fish that I roasted.’ (elic)
(527) ...manga no-po-agoghi no-tuhu laa-no pangana PLUR 3REAL-PL-hurriedly 3REAL-chop.down stem-3POSS areca.nut
[foni-a-no La Niadhi]... go.up-LOC-3POSS ART.M N. ‘...some men hurriedly chopped down the stem of the areca palm tree that La Niadhi had climbed up in...’ (t5:42)
(528) Pakea-no ama-no no-di'a-e we lalo-no 'usoli-no clothes-3POSS father-3POSS 3REAL-put-3OBJ LOC inside-3POSS bobbin-3POSS
['a-mooghu-a]. NMLZ-weave-LOC ‘She put her father’s clothes in the bobbin (she had used) for weaving.’ (t9:37)
9.2 Juxtaposition
Juxtaposition is the simple linking of clauses without any overt formal marking, such as a conjunction. A noticeable intonation break, typically marked by a comma, is also lacking between juxtaposed clauses. Juxtaposition has a variety of functions, including simultaneous action, realized purpose and various types of complementation. These are now discussed in turn, with the verbs in the juxtaposed clauses bolded.
9.2.1 Semantic groupings
(1) Simultaneous action.
(529) No-felei no-ndala-hane te 'aghada~'aghada-no. 3REAL-flee 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ with RDUP~spear-3POSS ‘It ran away carrying the spear with it.’ (t5:13)
(2) Realized purpose. This could also be termed sequential action, since the second verb is in realis mood and indicates that the purposed action was actually carried out. 173
(530) ...'aindei mohane no-ndala no-me-pombala bhangka... child man 3REAL-go 3REAL-CA-make.from.wood canoe ‘...the boys went and made a canoe...’ (or: ‘...went to make a canoe...’) (t11:10)
(531) La Ode Bhalapanda te bhatua-no no-ndala no-me-'a-punto. ART.M noble B. with slave-3POSS 3REAL-go 3REAL-CA-DETR-blow ‘La Ode Bhalapanda and his slave(s) went hunting using a blowpipe.’ (Or: ‘...went to hunt using a blowpipe.’) (t7:1)
(532) Wa Sambamparia no-foni we hahu no-me-sangkobhi wulu-no ART.F S. 3REAL-go.up LOC attic 3REAL-CA-cover hair-3POSS
fotu-no. head-3POSS ‘Wa Sambamparia went up into the attic and covered herself with her (long) hair.’ (Or: ‘…went up to cover herself...’) (t7:4)
(3) Complement clauses following verbs of perception.
(533) ...m-ita-e-ho na-'o-gawu, humbo-no-mo bhanua-nto. IRR-see-3OBJ-IMPF 3IRR-HAVE-smoke smoke-3POSS-PFV house-1PL.IN.POSS ‘...when you that there is see smoke, that will be the smoke of our house.’ (t7:38)
(534) ...gaghaa no-ita-mo ghobhine no-te-'alo wee jamba. MIR 3REAL-see-PFV woman 3REAL-PASS-tie LOC toilet ‘...and to their surprise they saw a woman tied to a toilet.’ (t1:40)
Note that the second clause in (534) is not a relative clause, since there is no participle. A more literal translation would be ‘...they saw [that] a woman was tied to a toilet.’
Interestingly, there are no examples in the corpus of verbs of cognition or volition followed by a clause. All these verbs, such as pande-ho ‘know’, paghasaea ‘believe’, udani ‘remember’, peelu ‘like, want, love’, are always followed by noun phrases. It is likely that this absence is simply a gap in the data. Example (535) shows such an NP following the verb udani ‘remember’, and it also provides a further illustration of simultaneous action between the two juxtaposed clauses. 174
(535) ...ina-no no-hohae-mo no-udani 'a-janji-no mohane-no. mother-3POSS 3REAL-cry-PFV 3REAL-remember NMLZ-promise-3POSS man-3POSS ‘...the mother cried, remembering the promise (she had made) to her husband.’ (t9:4)
(4) Complement clauses marking indirect speech following utterance verbs such as foomba ‘tell, report’ (actually a causative verb, see §8.1.3), tumpu ‘order’ and abha ‘ask’.
(536) Sabutuno sabhangka-no=oni no-foomba-mo Wa Kae-kaepu then friend-3POSS=this 3REAL-tell-PFV ART.F K.
na-m-antagi-i... 3IRR-IRR-wait-3OBJ ‘Then her friends told Wa Kae-kaepu to wait for them...’ (t6:15)
(537) Mo-puli jue, tumpu-e na-me-hii. CA-finished water order-3OBJ 3IRR-CA-get.water ‘When all the water (in the house) was finished, he ordered her to get water (at the well or spring).’ (t7:14)
(538) No-abha Wa Kae-kaepu manga na-mbule-mo. 3REAL-ask ART.F K. PLUR 3IRR-return-PFV ‘He then asked Wa Kae-kaepu to go back together.’ (t3:20)
(5) Phasal verbs, including unto ‘stop’, pada ‘finish’, and fepuhu ‘begin’.
(539) No-unto no-hohae... 3REAL-stop 3REAL-cry ‘He stopped crying...’ (t8:9)
(540) A-pada-mo a-fumaa. 1SG-finish-PFV 1SG-eat ‘I have already eaten.’ (dict)
(541) Wa Ode Sindori-dori no-fepuhu-mo no-foni we ana-no ART.F noble S. 3REAL-begin-PFV 3REAL-go.up LOC child-3POSS
pulangku... ladder ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori began to go up the rungs of the ladder...’ (t9:42) 175
(6) Stative verbs referring to bodily states and emotions, e.g. mo-male ‘tired’, mente ‘amazed’.
(542) A-mo-male-mo 'aasi a-buntuli. 1SG-CA-tired-PFV pity 1SG-run ‘I’m tired of running, poor me.’ (t7:22)
(543) ... bhaa~bhaghii-he mii-no bhanua no-mente no-ita RDUP~many-3OBJ person-3POSS house 3REAL-amazed 3REAL-see
'a-membali-mo La Bhembe~bhembe. NMLZ-become-PFV ART RDUP~goat ‘...everybody in the house was amazed to see what had happened to Goat.’ (t3:28)
(7) Others, including coba ‘try’ and membali ‘can, may’.
(544) La Ode Bhalapanda c
(545) ...no-membali-mo no-ghogho. 3REAL-can-PFV 3REAL-fly ‘...he could fly.’ (t8:10)
9.2.2 Serial verb constructions?
When two verbs are adjacent to each other, share the same subject argument and mood (realis or irrealis), and there is no discernable pause, the question can be asked whether this constitutes juxtaposition, or whether this is actually a case of a serial verb construction (SVC). Potential examples include (529), (531), (539), and (542), as well as the following two examples below.
(546) Intano=oni to=po-libu~libu to-me-ngkogha. 1PL.IN=this 1PL.IN.REAL-REC-RDUP~surround 1PL.IN-CA-sit ‘We are assembled (and) sitting down.’ (elic)
(547) ...isa-no mo-lengo-mo no-ndala... older.sibling-3POSS CA-long-PFV 3REAL-go ‘...the older sister was long gone...’ (t7:26) 176
Are these really SVCs? Structurally there might some basis for treating them as SVCs, though the difference withcases of unambiguous clausal juxtaposition such as (537) is difficult to maintain. Semantically, however, it is hard to claim that these clauses constitute single events. SVCs typically indicate direction, aspect, manner and causation; they form a single predicate with the ‘main’ verb and hence refer to a single event (however that is conceptualized). In each of the preceding cases, it seems fairly obvious that there are two distinct events, as in (531), where ‘going’ and ‘hunting using a blowpipe’ are semantically very distinct; notice that the verb ndala ‘go’ does not indicate the direction of the blowing or the hunting, rather, the hunting is the purpose of the going. True, in (546), the ‘being assembled’ and ‘the sitting’ can be viewed a single event, with the sitting indicating the manner, but one could also argue that the clause gives two perspectives on a state of affairs: a number of people have gathered somewhere, and they are in a seated position.
More convincing candidates of single events are phasal verbs such as (539) and (541), as well as (548) below, where the first member of the potential SVC is a manner verb. In these cases it can be argued that one is indeed dealing with a single event.
(548) ...manga no-po-agoghi no-tuhu laa-no pangana... PLUR 3REAL-PL-hurriedly 3REAL-chop.down stem-3POSS areca.nut ‘...some men hurriedly chopped down the stem of the areca palm tree...’ (t5:42)
In summary, this is an area for further research, as the defining features of putative SVCs in Busoa are still to be determined.
9.3 Conjoining
Conjoining is defined as the linking of unambiguously distinct clauses, with or without the use of a conjunction, but always involving a potential intonational pause. It is roughly equivalent to coordination, but avoids the implied opposition with subordination.
9.3.1 Conjoining without conjunctions
Simple conjoining of clauses, with a clear intonation break (marked by a comma), is illustrated in (549), which has four clauses, all in temporal sequence, but without any conjunction. This seems to be the default option for La Safui, the writer of texts 7, 8, 9 and 11, although these texts do contain some conjunctions. 177
(549) Wa Sambamparia no-sampu we bhanua, no-buntuli, no-ghato we ART.F S. 3REAL-go.down LOC house 3REAL-run 3REAL-arrive LOC
bhanua-no, no-ita-mo bhanua-no... house-3POSS 3REAL-see-PFV house-3POSS ‘Wa Sambamparia went down from the house, she ran and when she arrived at her (own) house, she saw (that) the house...’ (t7:40)
Note that the clause noghato we bhanuano ‘when she arrived at her house’ is translated as a subordinate clause, but that there is no sign of syntactic subordination in Busoa. Other examples from text 7 of conjoining without conjunctions include line 9, 12, 21 and 25 (see appendix A). An example of conjoining involving a conditional clause is shown in (550).
(550) ...na-mo-talo manu-no, na-s
The remainder of this section will deal with strategies of conjoining that do use either a conjunction or a subordinating affix.
9.3.2 Temporal clauses
Temporal clauses show quite a variety of linking mechanisms. In the first place there is juxtaposition, illustrated for simultaneous action in §9.2.1. Secondly, there is the prefix sa-. Thirdly, there are a number of conjunctions or conjunctive adverbs. The second and third strategies are now discussed in turn.
The prefix sa- marks a real subordinating construction. It is prefixed to both intransitive and transitive verbs, suffixed with possessive affixes that mark the agent, and it signals a close sequential action between two events, of which the first one, marked by sa- is backgrounded. It is glossed as ‘WHEN’ and translated as ‘when...’, or ‘as soon as...’.
(551) Sa-ndala-no gughuda no-poma-ato-e-mo aghataa-no wee WHEN-go-3POSS monster.bird 3REAL-EXHV-load-3OBJ-PFV goods-3POSS LOC
bhangka... canoe ‘As soon as the monster bird was gone, they loaded all its goods in the canoes...’ (t1:19) 178
(552) Sa-foni-no, no-me-'eto-mo wua-no 'o 'alei=ini... WHEN-go.up-3POSS 3REAL-CA-pick-PFV fruit-3POSS ART banana=this ‘When he (the monkey) had gone up, he picked the fruits of the banana tree...’ (t12:17)
There are 14 instances of sa- in the texts. Other examples are t1:10,16,18,22,25,26,32; t6:16 (in combination with ghato), and t12:26.
As for the third linking strategy, the following nine temporal conjunctions or conjunctive adverbs have been recorded:
ampoho ‘and then’ (sequential) ghato ‘when’ (also a verb ‘come, arrive’) pada ‘after’ (also a verb ‘finish’, both intransitive and transitive) sabutuno ‘then, so, finally, in the end’ samba-mo ‘until (it was) almost’ sampe ‘until’ tangasa(ha)no ‘while’ (simultaneous) te ‘and, while’ (also a preposition; see §6.2) we lalono ‘during the time’ (a prepositional phrase ‘inside’)
The exact semantic nuances of each conjunction are not always clear, but the following examples provide a tentative description. Samba-mo ‘until (it was) almost’ and tangasa(ha)no ‘while’ as a conjunction only occur once (in t6:14 and t3:17 respectively), and are therefore not further discussed here.
(1) The conjunction ampoho or ampoho-mo ‘and then’ marks the next step in a sequence of events, explicitly indicating that the previous action has finished. It can also occur at the beginning of a new sentence, as with the second ampoho in (554). There are 43 instances of ampoho in the texts, making it the most common conjunction.
(553) ...no-poma-ato-e-mo aghataa-no wee bhangka, ampoho no-bhose 3REAL-EXHV-load-3OBJ-PFV goods-3POSS LOC canoe then 3REAL-paddle
manga. PLUR
‘...they loaded all its goods in the canoes, and then they paddled away.’ (t1:19) 179
(554) ...La Wantu-wantu no-lengkasi 'a-hampo-no bhalo-no 'awea, ampoho ART.M W. 3REAL-open NMLZ-cover-3POSS hole-3POSS wind then
no-me-ala manu mo-pute se-hulu. Ampoho no-mbule.
3REAL-CA-take/get chicken CA-white one-CLF then 3REAL-return ‘...La Wantu-wantu opened the covering of the wind hole and then he took a white chicken. Then he went back.’ (t2:29-30)
(555) Ta-gh
(2) The deverbal conjunction ghato ‘when’ is derived from the verb ghato ‘arrive’, and glossed as such. As a conjunction, ghato precedes another verb and marks sequential or simultaneous action in backgrounded initial clauses. In some instances there is an implied physical movement involved, as in (557), but in most cases it marks temporal arrival. In (558) ghato receives subject inflection, making it a real verb juxtaposed to the next verb, without any apparent change in meaning.
(556) Ghato no-posanga-hane gaghaa no-ungka-hane. arrive 3REAL-ask.permission-3IND.OBJ MIR 3REAL-agree-3IND.OBJ ‘When they asked his permission, to their surprise he agreed.’ (t1:42)
(557) Ghato no-tumpu we tampu-no ngee-no, no-'o-wamba-mo... arrive 3REAL-perch LOC tip-3POSS nose-3POSS 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV ‘As soon as it (the fly) landed on the tip of her nose, he said...’ (t6:57)
(558) No-ghato no-'ona "we…", lima-no no-sangke-e-mo dua... 3REAL-arrive 3REAL-call hand-3POSS 3REAL-lift-3OBJ-PFV also ‘When they call out (the syllable) we, they raise their arms again...’ (t10:2.10)
(3) The deverbal conjunction pada ‘after’ is derived from the verb pada ‘to finish’; see example (540). It marks completed action that is backgrounded, followed by a foregrounded clause with the perfective suffix -mo on the verb.
(559) Pada no-bhaho-e no-fo-pake-ene-mo pakea ma-ngadha. finish 3REAL-bathe-3OBJ 3REAL-CAUS-wear-3IND.OBJ-PFV clothes CA-beautiful ‘After they had bathed her, they dressed her in beautiful clothes.’ (t1:45) 180
(560) Pada no-fumaa no-'o-wamba-mo mancuana=ani... finish 3REAL-eat 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV older.person=this ‘After they had eaten, the old man said...’ (t5:29)
As an uninflected conjunction pada occurs six times in the texts. The other four instances are t2:17, t3:27, t6:11 (pada-mo), t9:64 (and possibly also t9:65).
(4) The conjunction (or possibly conjunctive adverb) sabutuno ‘then, so, finally, in the end’ marks the logical next step, and often the last step, in a series of events. In a number of cases it also indicates a new turn of events. It is glossed ‘then’ but the translation varies between ‘so’ and ‘then’.
(561) Ghato no-posanga-hane gaghaa no-ungka-hane. Sabutuno arrive 3REAL-ask.permission-3IND.OBJ MIR 3REAL-agree-3IND.OBJ then
no-ala-e-mo. 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV ‘When they asked his permission, to their surprise he agreed. So they took her.’ (t1:42-43)
(562) ...ampoho no-tumpu La Hasal Basari no-bhoto-e ghobhine-no. then 3REAL-order ART.M H. B. 3REAL-guess-3OBJ woman-3POSS
Sabutuno no-mai-mo lelo bulawa no-foomba... then 3REAL-come-PFV fly gold 3REAL-tell ‘...and then they ordered La Hasal Basari to guess who his wife was. Then came a golden fly who told (him)...’ (t6:53-54)
(5) The conjunction sampe ‘until’ (also sampe-mo) occurs twice in the texts. It is possibly also a preposition, as in sampe naale ‘until tomorrow’.
(563) No-damba~damba-hane-mo sampe no-po-oge manga. 3REAL-RDUP~look.after-3IND.OBJ-PFV until 3REAL-PL-big PLUR ‘It took care of them until they were grown up.’ (t1:15)
(564) Sabutuno no-fela~felate-mo, sampe-mo no-'o-'aindei-mo se-mii then 3REAL-RDUP~live-PFV until-PFV 3REAL-HAVE-child-PFV one-CLF
mohane. man ‘So they lived there until they had a child, a boy.’ (t6:31) 181
(6) The preposition te ‘with’ (see §6.2) also functions as a conjunction indicating simultaneous action, ‘while, at the same time, and’. The subjects in the two clauses are identical.
(565) ...no-buntuli te no-hohae. 3REAL-run with 3REAL-cry ‘She ran and cried.’ Or: ‘She ran (after her) while crying.’ (t7:26)
(566) ...no-to'enda Wa Kae-kaepu te no-'o-womba... 3REAL-startled ART.F K. with 3REAL-HAVE-word ‘...Wa Kae-Kaepu was startled and said...’ (t3:21)
(567) No-hohae-mo te no-ghambi~ghambita wuto-no. 3REAL-cry-PFV with 3REAL-RDUP~throw.down self-3POSS ‘He was crying and (at the same time) threw himself down (on the ground).’ (t8:8)
(7) The prepositional phrase we lalo-no (LOC inside-3POSS) ‘in, inside’ is used as a temporal conjunction meaning ‘during the time that, while’, marking the larger temporal background during which the mainline event occurred. It occurs three times in the texts.
(568) We lalo-no no-fala~falate gaghaa saaghuno Wa Kae-kaepu=uni LOC inside-3POSS 3REAL-RDUP~live MIR finally ART.F K=this
te-mo ne-uwa~uwa-no. with-PFV PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS ‘While she was living (there), Wa Kae-kaepu finally got pregnant.’ (t2:2)
(569) Sama'a we lalo-no no-ma'anu=uni anaa hempooni pada-mo but LOC inside-3POSS 3REAL-prepare=this REF just.now finish-PFV
no-janji sasa... 3REAL-promise gecko ‘But while they were getting ready to leave earlier on, they had made a gecko promise...’ (t1:21)
Note that in (568) and (569) the first clause appears to be syntactically nominalized. The slot following the complex preposition we lalo-no ‘inside’ is typically an NP, as in we lalo-no ifi‘in the fire’ (see§ 6.6). However, in both examples the verbs do not show any evidence of nominalization, although in (569) the verb no-ma'anu is modified by the near demonstrative =uni, as well as the referential demonstrative anaa. This is a further indication that this is, at least syntactically, a nominalized clause. 182
There is one more temporal linking construction that needs to be mentioned. This is the future temporal, indicated by the imperfective suffix -ho on a verb, an existential preposition or even an NP in the temporal clause. (It is possible that -ho is actually an enclitic, but this needs more careful research.) The main clause typically starts with ampoho ‘then’. This is possibly another case of subordination.
(570) ...m-ita-e-ho na-'o-gawu, humbo-no-mo bhanua-nto. IRR-see-3OBJ-IPFV 3IRR-HAVE-smoke smoke-3POSS-PFV house-1PL.IN.POSS ‘...when you see that there is smoke, that will the smoke of our house.’ (t7:38)
(571) No-ghato-ho anoa, ampoho to-fumaa. 3REAL-arrive-IPFV 3SG then 1PL.IN.REAL-eat ‘When he comes, then let’s eat.’ (elic)
(572) Te-ho dhoi-'u, ampoho a-me-holi-a'o. with-IPFV money-1SG.POSS then 1SG-CA-buy-2SG.IND.OBJ ‘When I have money, I will buy (something) for you.’ (elic)
(573) Na-k
ta-po-tampe~tampesa-hoo-mu habu. 1PL.IN.IRR-PL-RDUP~scatter-APPL-PFV ash ‘When there is a shout in a while, then all of us in our houses will scatter ashes.’ (t5:38)
An example of an elliptic main clause is the following answer to the question, ‘Why are you not eating with us?’
(574) We habu-ho. LOC kitchen-IPFV ‘(I will eat) later in the kitchen.’ (conv)
9.3.3 Contrastive clauses
The conjunction sama'a ‘but’ indicates a contrast between two clauses. It occurs 14 times in the texts, four of which are sentence-initial. 183
(575) Na-m-ungka-mo na-m-awe, sama'a ghobhine-no kawi-no 3IRR-IRR-agree-PFV 3IRR-IRR-go.up but woman-3POSS spouse-3POSS
na-[m]a'a-mate-e. 3IRR-[IRR]CAUS-die-3OBJ ‘They would agree to go up (to his house), but he must (first) kill his wife.’ (t1:49)
(576) A-t
liwu-mu. village-2SG.POSS ‘I will give it to you, but only if I can also go up to your village.’ (t6:21)
Other examples of sama'a in the texts are t1:12,21,24,47; t2:3,4; t5:33,42; t6:52.
9.3.4 Reason clauses
Reason clauses follow the result clause and are introduced by one of three conjunctions: ghampano, hulanomo and sababu, all meaning ‘because’.
(577) ...ta-unde-ho-mo ghampano ta-salaamati-mo ta-ghato 1PL.EX-happy-APPL-PFV because 1PL.EX-safe-PFV 1PL.EX-arrive
'a-hoti-a-no. NMLZ-shallow-LOC-3POSS ‘...we are happy because we have safely arrived on the shore.’ (t1:35)
(578) La Niadhi anaa miina, hulanomo to-mo me-jagai-no howuto. ART.M N. REF NEG because FUT-PFV CA-guard-ACT.PTCP garden ‘La Niadhi did not (go), because he was the one who was to guard the garden.’ (t5:4)
Ghampano occurs three times in the texts (also in t1:5 and t5:34), while hulanomo occurs eight times (also in t1:37, t2:12,24; t5:16,36; t6:19,48). Sababu is a loan from Indonesian sebab ‘because; reason’ and is not found in texts.
9.3.5 Conditional clauses
In the text corpus the conditional clause (the protasis) normally precedes the consequence clause (apodosis), and is introduced by one of four conjunctions: 184
'ane ‘if’ baghangkala ‘if; if that’s the case’ (variants baghangkalano ~ baangkala) pae-paemo ‘if not; if that’s not the case’ (derived from pa ‘will not’; see §8.2.2) tabeano ‘only if, except when’
(579) 'Ane a-d
(580) ...'ane na-membali na-m-ala-e manga anua. if 3IRR-can 3IRR-IRR-take/get-3OBJ PLUR 3SG ‘...if it was okay for them to take her.’ (Lit. ‘...if they can/may, they will take her.’) (t1:41)
(581) 'Ane miina na-[m]oghoghu kahawa, miina na-j
(582) Baghangkalano ghubhine, sumbele-e, ampoho-mo seli-ane wute if woman slaughter-3OBJ then-PFV dig-3IND.OBJ ground
tambuni-i. bury-3OBJ ‘If it is a girl, kill it, dig a hole in the ground and bury it.’ (t9:3)
(583) Pae~pae-mo te anoa, dainiu dua te 'a-bholosi-no. RDUP~FUT.NEG-PFV with 3SG exist also with NMLZ-replace-3POSS ‘If he won’t be there, there is a replacement for him.’ (dict)
(584) Tabeano na-'udoho-mo ndala-mami, ampoho bhangu-e. only.if 3IRR-far-PFV go-1PL.EX.POSS then wake.up-3OBJ ‘Only when we’ve gone a long way can you wake her up.’ (t7:25)
(585) Membali u-[m]oni tabeano fitimbughi situ. can 2SG-[IRR]go.up only.if the.last.one 2SG ‘You can go up, but only if you are the last one.’ (t9:71)
With tabeano, the order of protasis-apodosis varies. Sentence-initial protasis is illustrated in (584), as well as in t6:55. However, in example (585) the protasis is sentence-final, which is also the case in t6:21 and t11:38. 185
Both 'ane and tabeano are also used in ‘unrealistic wishes’, elliptic protases without an apodosis, similar to English expressions such as ‘If only I had more money!’ This is illustrated in the following two examples (both referring to the same incident), with the second in indirect speech, though the utterance verb is absent.
(586) Inomee, 'alimua-no suagha-no ghobhine sumaa dadi, 'ane to-mo wow! beautiful-3POSS voice-3POSS woman that3 PART if for-PFV
ghobhine-'u! woman-1SG.POSS ‘Wow, that woman has a beautiful voice. If only she could be my wife!’ (t6:45)
(587) ...manga mii we 'a-ini=ani gaghaa no-mo-da'i 'isikadhi-no; te-mo PLUR person LOC D-this=this MIR 3REAL-CA-bad intent-3POSS with-PFV
to-lagu~lagu-ho 'aindei-nto gaghaa tabeano to-mo dua 1PL.IN.REAL-RDUP~sing-APPL child-1PL.IN.POSS MIR only.if for-PFV also
ghobhine-no. woman-3POSS ‘...the people here have bad intentions; while we were singing for our child, suddenly (someone said that) he desired me to be his wife.’ (t6:48)
9.3.6 Purpose clauses
Realized purpose clauses were briefly mentioned in §9.2.1 under juxtaposition. This section deals with unrealized purpose clauses that are marked by the conjunction bhe ‘so that, in order that’. The verb in the purpose clause is usually marked by the purpose suffix -ana or the purpose suffix -ho, but it is unclear whether there is a difference in meaning between the suffixes.
(588) A-m-ala-ha'o baangkala 'oli-'u bhe u-ita-e. 1SG-IRR-take/get-2SG.IND.OBJ in.that.case skin-1SG.POSS so.that 2SG-see-3OBJ ‘Let me get my skin for you in that case, so that you can see it.’ (t3:25) 186
(589) No-abha-mo ai-no "Fo-omba-ha'anau hula-mu 3REAL-ask-PFV younger.sibling-3POSS CAUS-come-1SG.OBJ face-2SG.POSS
isa, bhe a-nd
(590) No-mo-ghagho hulata-no 'aindei-no no-mbule-mo we bhanua bhe 3REAL-CA-hungry belly-3POSS child-3POSS 3REAL-return-PFV LOC house so.that
na-omaa-ho. 3IRR-eat-PURP ‘When he got hungry, the boy came back home to eat.’ (t8:5)
(591) ...no-kemba-e-mo hukum sagha we lalo-no kampo bhe 3REAL-call-3OBJ-PFV village.elder LOC inside-3POSS village so.that
na-s
9.3.7 Concessive clauses
Concessive clauses are introduced by the conjunction sahingga ~ sahengga ~ hingga-mo ‘although, even though’.
(592) Sahingga no-mo-wehi-mo, dainoho no-fumaa dua. although 3REAL-CA-satisfied-PFV still 3REAL-eat also ‘Even though he was full, he kept eating.’ (dict)
(593) Hingga-mo ndala we fae, a-udani-'o sadhea. although-PFV go LOC what 1SG-remember-2SG.OBJ always ‘Wherever you go, I will always remember you.’ (Lit. ‘Even though you go where...’) (conv) 187 9.3.8 Surprisive clauses
The conjunction gaghaa is a mirative marker, introducing information which is unexpected to the hearer, or a surprising development at a point in the discourse. It can also function as a one-word clause in dialogues (similar to Muna), and as a surprise particle in questions (see §8.3.3), but its most common occurrence is as a conjunction, illustrated below.
(594) Ghato no-posanga-hane, gaghaa no-ungka-hane. Sabutuno arrive 3REAL-ask.permission-3IND.OBJ MIR 3REAL-agree-3IND.OBJ then
no-ala-e-mo. 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV ‘When they asked his permission (to take her), to their surprise he agreed. So they took her.’ (t1:42-43)
(595) Ghato we hoso, gaghaa no-leo-mo, sabutuno La Hasal arrive LOC upper.part MIR 3REAL-lean.over-PFV then ART.M H.
Basari no-mo-ndawu... B. 3REAL-CA-fall ‘When he arrived at the top (of the tree), it (unexpectedly) leaned over and La Hasal Basari fell down...’ (t6:6)
9.3.9 Direct and indirect speech
Direct quotes normally follow verbs of speech such as:
abha ‘ask’ bicagha ‘say, speak’ foomba ~ fomba ‘tell, report’ (fo-omba, lit. CAUS-come; another meaning is ‘show’) lawani ‘answer, reply’ 'o-wamba ‘say, speak’ (lit. ‘HAVE-word’) pemani ‘ask for, request’ pogau ‘say, speak’ posanga ~ pusanga ‘ask permission’ sukagha ‘ask for help’ tumpu ‘order’ 188
(596) ...ampoho no-foomba mangkai, "Ta-gh
ampoho-mo bhangu-e." then-PFV wake.up-3OBJ ‘...then she told the centipedes, "When we have arrived at our house, then wake her up."’ (t7:31)
(597) Ana-no no-sampa we puhu-no sau ampoho no-bicagha, "Kakubho child-3POSS 3REAL-land LOC tree-3POSS wood then 3REAL-speak k.o.bird
ama, kakubho ina." father k.o.bird mother ‘Their son alighted on a tree and said, "Kakubho father, kakubho mother."’ (t8:16)
Many other examples of direct speech can be found in the texts in the appendix. There are also two examples in these texts of direct quotes introduced by a complementizer-like conjunction puluu ‘that’. Given the dozens of examples of direct quotes without puluu, it is obviously an infrequent word, which appears to be optional.
(598) ...sama'a ghobhine-no anaa no-foomba-e puluu "Paghacaea-mo te but woman-3POSS REF 3REAL-tell-3OBJ that believe-PFV with
sabhagha pogau-no lengke pasunda suanaa? ..." all word-3POSS whore PART ‘...but his wife told him, "Do you believe every word of that whore?..."’ (t1:12)
(599) No-abha-mo La Ndoke-ndoke, puluu "Fii tongku-mu situ 3REAL-ask-PFV ART N. that how.many leaf-2SG.POSS 2SG
roo-no ngkalei-mu, Kapo-poluka?" leaf-3POSS banana-2SG.POSS K. ‘Monkey asked, "How many leaves does your banana have, tortoise?"’ (t12:6)
Indirect speech is illustrated by examples (536), (537) and (538) in §9.2.1. Here is an additional example. 189
(600) 'O-wamba-mo 'ola'i-no liwu, na-mo-talo manu-no, HAVE-word-PFV chief-3POSS village 3IRR-CA-lose chicken-3POSS
na-s
This chapter provides a summary of the major morphological processes that occur in Busoa, arranged by type: prefixation, suffixation, infixation and reduplication. Within the first two divisions, the affixes are presented in alphabetical order.
The purpose of this summary is to provide a quick reference tool, which may also be helpful for researchers interested in the comparative morphology of Muna-Buton languages or Western Autronesian morphology. Discussions are kept to a minimum, as much of the information is discussed in greater detail elsewhere, to which references are made. Examples are usually not given, unless the particular morpheme has not yet been discussed elsewhere, as with possessive 'o- (§10.1.10) and reduplication (§10.4). Irregularities in form and meaning, as well as fossilized morphology, are also mentioned in this chapter.
Excluded from this chapter are the following:
a) Inflectional morphology, that is, subject prefixes, object suffixes, indirect object suffixes and possessive suffixes. See table 4.2 in§4.2.1 for a chart of all these pronominal affixes. (The exception are 2SG.POSS -mu and its variant -mo, as well as 3POSS -no; both are included in order to give a complete list of all the meanings of these suffixes).
b) Demonstrative enclitics (see §5.5.1).
c) Numeral prefixes (see §5.7.1) except for se- ‘one’, since there are unique meanings.
d) Rare affixes for which there are only one or two examples in the corpus. These include:
• habitual pagha- in pagha-aso (HAB-sell) ‘sell’ (t3:1) and pagha-aso-'u (HAB-sell- 1SG.POSS) ‘my goods (that I’m selling)’ (pb:4). • approximate pe- in na-pe-mohono ‘about one hundred’ in t5:45.
• soo- ‘directly’ in soo-seba-no (DIRECTLY-sit.crosslegged-3POSS) in t6:29. • vocative -a in t6:36 (twice) and vocative -e in t5:6. • fossilized infix -en- in fenembula (n) ‘crops, vegetation’; cf. me-fombula (vt) ‘plant’.
190 191 10.1 Prefixes
10.1.1 'a- a. Nominalizing prefix on verbs of all classes. Often in combination with 3POSS -no. Gloss: NMLZ. See §5.1.2. b. Detransitivizing prefix creating intransitive verbs. Gloss: DETR. See §8.1.5. c. Prefix with unclear meaning on a number of reduplicated intransitive verbs (mostly stative), of which the root often does not exist by itself. Glossed with a question mark.
'a-alo-alo ‘shy, ashamed’ (t2:12) 'a-bhale-bhale ‘stand, stand up’ (no examples in texts) 'a-fende-fende ‘amazed’ (t6:54) 'a-kaba-kabasagha ‘insolent, rude’ (t1:32) 'a-lima-lima ‘prone to pilfering’ (no examples) lima ‘hand, arm’ 'a-limpu-limpu ‘forgetful’ (no examples) limpu ‘forget’ 'a-mbeli-mbeli ‘go for a walk’ (t1:40) 'a-nginda-nginda ‘shine, glisten’ (t11:36) 'a-tongo-tongo ‘be quiet, remain silent’ (no examples) 'a-tungku-tungku ‘with bowed head’ (t6:56) tungku ‘bow’ 'a-'umbu-'umbu ‘lie folded up, crouch (?)’ (t7:5)
10.1.2 fa'a-
Causative prefix on stative verbs, with variants fe'a-, fo'o- or fo'a-. Gloss: CAUS. See §8.1.3.
10.1.3 fe- a. Requestive prefix on transitive verbs. Gloss: REQ. See §8.1.4. b. Unclear meaning, possibly repetitive action, in combination with reduplication. Glossed with a question mark.
no-fe-ndala-ndala-mo ‘he went for a walk’ ndala ‘go’ (t6:7) no-fe-guntu-guntu-mo ‘it thundered’ guntu ‘thunder’ (t2:18) no-fe-hoha-hohae-mo ‘he kept crying’ hohae ‘cry’ (t2:3) c. A fossilized prefix in a number of verbs:
fenami ‘taste’ nami ‘taste’ (n) fendua ‘repeat; again’ dua ‘also, again’ 192
feunga ‘peep, take a look’ fe(e)tahi ~ fi(i)tahi ‘look for, search’ felate ~ falate ‘live, dwell’ (cf. Muna late ‘live’)
10.1.4 fo-
Causative prefix on dynamic intransitive bases. Gloss: CAUS. See §8.1.3.
10.1.5 m-
Allomorph of infix-um- (irrealis or class affix) before vowel-initial bases. Gloss: IRR or CA. See §2.10.1 and §10.2.
10.1.6 ma- a. Verb class affix on mostly stative verbs. Gloss: CA. See §4.1.2. b. Variant of maa- and mana-, possibly an emphatic element on demonstratives. Gloss: EMPH. See §5.5.9.
10.1.7 me-
Verb class affix on intransitive verbs, and transitive verbs when the object is not definite. Gloss: CA. See §4.1.3. Also forms active participles, in combination with suffix -no; see §4.6.1.
10.1.8 mo-
Verb class affix on stative verbs; variant mu-. Gloss: CA. See §4.1.4. Also forms active participles, in combination with suffix -no; see §4.6.1.
10.1.9 ne-
Passive participle prefix on transitive verbs, functioning in relative clauses. Gloss: PASS.PTCP. See §4.6.2 for passive participles, and §9.1.2 for relative clauses.
10.1.10 'o-
Possessive prefix on nouns, creating intransitive verbs with the meaning ‘have’. Gloss: HAVE. Some of the derivations have idiosyncratic meanings. In the list below, the subject prefix on the verb has been taken from the examples.
to-'o-ana ‘we have children’ ana ‘child’ (t9:50) 193
na-'o-gawu ‘it will have smoke’ gawu ‘smoke’ (t7:39) na-'o-jue ‘it has (no) water’ jue ‘water’ (t7:16) no-'o-kahanda ‘it is haunted’ kahanda ‘spirit’ no-'o-mii ‘it has people, it is populated’ mii ‘person’ 'o-mingku ‘to move’ mingku ‘movement’ (t6:52) no-'o-ofi ‘it is burning, it is on fire’ ofi ‘fire’ 'o-sinaa ‘to breathe’ sinaa ‘breath’ (t2:27) no-'o-wamba ‘he says, he speaks’ wamba ‘word’ (t6:30) 'o-wono ‘to smell’ wono ‘smell’ (n) (t6:25) no-'o-wua ‘it bears fruit’ wua ‘fruit’ (t12:10)
The prefix 'o- also occurs on onomatopoeia such as no-'o-dhepa ‘fall with a thud’ (t1:26; probably a bound root). Based on the presence of a large number of such verbs in Muna, there are presumably many onomatopoeic words in Busoa, but there is only a single example in the corpus.
10.1.11 pisi-
Pluractional and/or collective prefix on intransitive verbs. Gloss ‘all.together’.
to-pisi-awe ‘we (incl) all went up together’ awe ‘go up’ no-pisi-lou-mo ‘they all went down together’ lou ‘go down’ to-pisi-mo-we'i-mo ‘we (incl) are all full’ mo-we'i ‘full’ pisi-te-joli-mo ‘they were all locked’ te-joli ‘locked’ (t7:33)
10.1.12 po- a. Reciprocal prefix on transitive verbs. Gloss: REC. See §8.1.6. b. Plural subject (only recorded with 3rd person), usually in combination with reduplication. The difference in meaning withpisi- (§10.1.11) is not entirely clear, though pisi- appears to be more exhaustive than po-.
no-po-agoghi ‘they hurriedly...’ agohi ‘do hurriedly’ (t5:42) no-po-awe-awe-mo ‘they have gone up’ awe ‘go up’ (t1:52) no-po-gha'o-gha'o-ene-mo ‘they all embrace/mob him’ gha'o ‘catch, embrace’ (t10:7) no-po-hawi-hawi-ene ‘they all held her in the lap’ hawi ‘hold in lap’ (t11:32) 194
no-po-lou-lou-mo ‘they have gone down’ lou ‘go down’ no-po-me-a-me-aso 'asitela ‘they are selling maize’ me-aso ‘sell’ no-po-oge ‘they are big’ (t1:15) oge ‘big’ c. Various idiosyncratic meanings:
po-gaa ‘separate, remove’ gaa ‘leave behind’ po-ghato-a ‘border, boundary’ (n) ghato ‘arrive’ po-ita 1. ‘vision’ (n) ita ‘see’ 2. ‘able to see’ no-po-'oni ‘same, identical’ 'oni ‘hit, get struck’ no-po-'oni-'oni-ho ‘agree, reach a consensus’
10.1.13 poma-
Exhaustive action prefix on transitive verbs, variant pomaa-, glossed EXHV. Based on two examples only, it appears to indicate that the action was carried out exhaustively, either by one or more agents on an exhaustive set of patients, or by an exhaustive set of agents on a single patient.
no-poma-ato ‘they loaded everything’ ato ‘carry, load’ (t1:19, 51) no-pomaa-hawi-i ‘they all held her in the lap’ hawi ‘hold in lap’ (t2:4)
10.1.14 sa- a. Temporal prefix on verbs in subordinate temporal clauses, meaning ‘when, as soon as’. Gloss: WHEN. See §9.3.2, examples (551) and (552). b. Variant of so-; see §10.1.16.
10.1.15 se- a. Numeral prefix ‘one’ on measure nouns and classifiers. Gloss: ‘one’. See §5.7.1. b. A reduplicated noun with se- means ‘every’: se-holeo~se-holeo ‘every day’ (holeo ‘day’). See §5.7.1. c. In combination with reduplication and a possessive suffix it means ‘the only one, a single one, a solitary’: se-mii~mii-no ‘the only person; alone’. See §5.7.1 examples (184) to (187). d. This prefix is also found on sefae ‘how much, how many’ (see §8.3.2 sub 4), segaano ‘another one’ (cf. gaa ‘leave behind’) and se'ide ‘a little’. 195 10.1.16 so-
Prefix on verbs, preceding the subject prefix slot, with the meaning ‘just, only’ in the sense ‘did/was only doing X and nothing else’. Variant: sa-. There are only three instances in the textual corpus; for a few elicited examples, see §2.5 and §2.8.
so-no-fe-hoha~hohae-mo ‘he just kept crying’ hohae ‘cry’ (t2:3) so-no-po-fiitahi-mo ‘they just looked and looked’ fiitahi ‘look’ (t6:13) so-no-'amagha ‘he was just angry’ 'amagha ‘angry’ (t5:16, t9:12)
10.1.17 te-
Agentless passive prefix on transitive verbs. Gloss: PASS. See §8.1.7.
10.2 Infix -um-
The only infix in Busoa is -um-, with allomorphs m- (before vowels), [m] (nasal substitution of initial p or f) and zero. See §2.10.1 for details of allomorphy and examples. a. Marks irrealis on unmarked (or bare) verbs, in combination with irrealis subject prefixes; see §4.3. b. In combination with -no, -um- is a class affix on unmarked verbs that forms active participles; see §4.6.1 and §9.1.1.
10.3 Suffixes
10.3.1 -a
Locative nominalizing suffix on verbal bases, with allomorph -ha. Gloss: LOC. Sometimes in combination with prefix 'a-. See §5.1.2.
10.3.2 -ana a. Suffix on verbal bases indicating hortative mood. Gloss: HORT. See §8.5. b. Suffix on purpose clause. Gloss: PURP. See §9.3.6. 196 10.3.3 -Ci
Transitivizing suffix on intransitive verbs. C stands for a limited set of ‘thematic’ consonants: h, ng, t, l, s, f, w. Gloss: TR. See §8.1.1.
10.3.4 -ho a. Applicative suffix on verbs; variant -hoo. Gloss: APPL. See §8.1.2. b. Imperfective suffix (or possibly enclitic) on verbs; gloss: IPFV. In temporal clauses this gives an incompletive or future meaning; see examples (570) to (574) in §9.3.2.
In imperative clauses the use of -ho is one of various politeness strategies and means ‘please do X first (before other things)’. See examples in §8.4 as well as examples (127), (335), and (360).
The imperfective suffix also occurs in the negators miina-ho ‘not yet’, pae-ho ‘will not yet’, and probably also on the adverb dainoho ‘still’ and the conjunction ampoho ‘then’. c. Purpose-marking suffix on verbs. Gloss: PURP. See §9.3.6.
10.3.5 -i a. Verbalizing suffix on a limited number of nouns creating transitive verbs, possibly an allomorph of -Ci.
bhangka-i ‘make a small groove in a wooden frame’ bhangka ‘canoe’ hifi-i ‘whitewash, plaster’ hifi ‘lime’ tanda-i ‘remember’ tanda ‘sign, mark, spot’ b. Suffix in obligatory combination with certain prefixes, without a clear semantic contribution:
fa'a-pada-i ‘use up, use completely’ pada ‘finish; after’ po-dosa-i ‘be different’ dosa 1. ‘debt; mistake’ 2. ‘mistaken, wrong’
10.3.6 -mo a. Perfective suffix on verbs. Gloss: PFV. This suffix is very frequent in Busoa and has several usages. 197
1. In conversation, the suffix often has the aspectual meaning ‘already’, as in (29) and (126). There are, however, also examples where its use in conversation is not so clear, e.g. me-paghacaea-mo ‘do you believe’ in t1:4.
2. In combination with irrealis, -mo signals imminent action; see examples (54) and (55) in §4.3, and (196).
3. With imperatives, -mo softens or strengthens a command, as in (20), (21) and (90) and (192). See §8.4.
4. In narratives, -mo marks foregrounding or mainline events. See texts.
5. On the interrogative word naefii ‘when (future)’, -mo indicates past; see §8.3.2 sub 9.
6. On a number of adverbs and conjunctions, -mo is an optional element, often with unclear semantic effects. Examples include te-mo ‘with, while’ (t6:48), ampoho-mo ‘then’ (t7:31).
8. On question words, -mo is possibly used to indicate some form of emphasis e.g. we fae- mo ‘where’ (t1:13), lafae-mo ‘who’ (t3:6). b. Predicate-forming suffix on nouns and prepositional phrases (attached to the preposition). Examples: humbo-no-mo (t7:38), to-mo (t6:30), we 'ai-soo-mo (t5:18). c. Variant of -mu, 2SG.POSS; see §4.2.1.
10.3.7 -mu a. Second person plural suffix on verbs, marking the subject. Gloss: 2PL. See §4.2.2 sub f. b. Second person singular possessive suffix. Gloss: 2SG.POSS. See §4.2.1 and §5.4.
10.3.8 -no a. Third person possessive suffix, marking possessor or agent. Gloss: 3POSS. See §4.2.1 Also used as a linking device between the possessed noun and the following possessor; see §5.4. b. Second element in active participles. Gloss: ACT.PTCP. See §4.6.1. c. Obligatory (fossilized?) element in adverbs and conjunctions such as bhaa-bhaano ‘first’, ghampano ‘because’, mincuano ‘no, not’, saaghuno ‘finally’, sabutuno ‘then, finally’,tabeano ‘except when, only if’, tangasa(ha)no ‘while’. Optional in sadaa~daa(no) ‘still the same, still there’. 198 10.4 Reduplication
Busoa has partial reduplication (monosyllabic), full reduplication (disyllabic) and prosodic word reduplication (trisyllabic or quadrisyllabic). The formal aspects of reduplication are discussed in §2.11. This section focusses on meaning. a. The reduplicated forms of numerals (e.g. to~tolu ‘three’, fo~paa ‘four’) are used after units of ten when counting in isolation, and when referring to people. See §5.7.1. b. On verbs, full reduplication marks continuous action or state, as in the following examples, translated with English ing-forms:
me-abha~abha-no ‘(the one) who was asking’ abha ‘ask’ no-fela~felate-mo ‘they were living’ felate ‘live’ no-ghambi~ghambita ‘he was throwing down’ ghambita ‘throw down’ no-lagu~lagu ‘she was singing’ lagu ‘sing’ no-po-gau~gau-mo ‘they were speaking’ po-gau ‘speak’ no-tele~telengai-mo ‘they were hearing’ telengai ‘hear’ to-po-libu~libu ‘we are gathered’ libu ‘surround’ c. Reduplication occurs in combination with certain verbal prefixes, including 'a- (§10.1.1), and fe- (see §10.1.3). d. It occurs in combination with se- and a possessive suffix with the meaning ‘the only one’; see examples (184) to (187) in §5.7.2. e. On nouns, reduplication occurs in combination with the locative suffix -a and possessive -no. It is unclear what the role of reduplication is in these cases.
fela~felate-a-no ‘the place where they lived’ falate ‘live’ (t2:15) sampu~sampu-a-no ‘the place of his going down’ sampu ‘go down’ (t5:19) f. Following the preposition te ‘with’, reduplication possibly indicates an unexpected inclusion or a consequence. There are only two examples in the corpus.
(601) No-felei no-ndala-hane te 'aghada~'aghada-no. 3REAL-flee 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ with RDUP~spear-3POSS ‘It ran away carrying the spear with it.’ (t5:13) 199
(602) ...no-hohae-mo no-tighi te luu~luu-no mata-no. 3REAL-cry-PFV 3REAL-drip with RDUP~tear-3POSS eye-3POSS ‘... she cried, and her tears dripped (on the ground).’ (t9:40) g. Reduplication is frequently found with names of characters in stories, including personified animals, usually in combination with the articles La (for males) or Wa (for females): La Bhembe~bhembe ‘Goat’ (text 3; bhembe ‘goat’), La Ndoke~ndoke (text 12; cf. the Muna word ndoke ‘monkey’, Busoa ndo'e), La Wantu~wantu (text 2), Wa Mindo~mindo and Wa Mindo~mindoe (texts 1 and 11), Wa Ode Sindori~dori (text 9) and Wa Kae~kaepu (texts 2 and 3). The form La Kapoo~poluka ‘Tortoise’ (text 12, with variants) is irregular (cf. Muna kapoluka ‘tortoise’, Busoa 'apolo'a). h. Prosodic word reduplication has a distributive meaning, e.g. se-jumaa~se-jumaa ‘every Friday’ (se- ‘one’, jumaa ‘Friday’). See also §5.7.2. i. An adverbial meaning marking intensity can be seen in mate~mate ‘point blank’ (t1:47), from mate ‘dead, die’, and examples (318) and (319) in §7.6.3. j. In a number of words the meaning of the reduplicated form is unexpected, e.g. bhalo~bhalo ‘window’ from bhalo ‘hole’ and bhaa~bhaghi-he ‘all’ (and variants, listed in §5.7.3) from bhaghi ‘many, much’. Other examples include the formation sefae~sefae ‘after a while’ (from sefae ‘how much’ with prosodic word reduplication), ne-uwa~uwa-no (PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS) ‘pregnant’ (lit. ‘there is something being carried by her’), pae~pae-mo ‘if not’ (from pae ‘will not’); see example (401). k. For a number of words the unreduplicated root does not exist: 'igha~'igha ‘guess’ (from Indonesian kira-kira ‘approximately’), sadaa~daa(no) ‘still the same, still there’ (probably related to the existential verb daaniu ~ dainiu ‘there is, there are’). In hohae ‘cry’ the first syllable is probably a fossilized reduplicated syllable (cf. Muna ghae ‘cry’). Appendix A. Interlinear texts
The texts presented here originate from 1993, and were checked with the authors that year (except for text 6), and later checked again with others (especially La Ridjali and La Tari), who suggested occasional improvements.
Text 1. Wa Mindo-mindo
Text 1 was written by La Afa in 1993. It is a story of love, jealousy and revenge, featuring a monster bird and a happy ending.
(1) Se-'alulu wakutuu 'ola'i-no lewu no-me-tombi'i-mo 'ambuse. one-CLF time chief-3POSS village 3real-CA-pound-PFV cooked.maize ‘Once upon a time the village chief was pounding cooked maize.’
(2) Sabutuno Wa Mindo-mindo sumaa no-me-pemani-mo 'a-tombi'i. then ART.F M. that3 3REAL-CA-ask.for-PFV NMLZ-pound ‘Then Wa Mindo-mindo asked for some pounded maize.’
(3) "Te nuni 'a-tombi'i-mo=otu bhe to-'o-'aindei-ho with 1SG NMLZ-pound-2SG.POSS=that2 so.that 1PL.IN.REAL-HAVE-child-PURP
tee nuni fo~pitu to 'a-bhaghi-no." with 1SG RDUP~seven FUT NMLZ-many-3POSS ‘"Give me of your pounded maize, so that you and I will have seven children."’ (Lit. ‘… so that we (incl) / you (polite) with me...’)
(4) No-'o-wamba-mo ghobhine-no 'ola'i-no lewu, "Me-paghacaea-mo 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV woman-3POSS chief-3POSS village CA-believe-PFV
lengke pasunda suanaa?" whore PART ‘But the village chief's wife said, "Do you really believe that whore?"’
(5) Sama'a 'ola'i-no lewu anaa no-toghai-he dua, ghampano but chief-3POSS village REF 3REAL-give-3OBJ also because
200 201
'a-uge-no lalo te 'aindei. NMLZ-big-3POSS inside with child ‘But the village chief still gave her some, because he very much desired to have children.’
(6) Sefae~sefae 'a-lengo-no 'ola'i-no lewu=uni RDUP~how.many NMLZ-long-3POSS chief-3POSS village=this
no-ghato-e-mo 'a-'atu na-l
(7) We lalo-no na-nd
ne-uwa~uwa-no na-ma-asi-ene. PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS 3IRR-CA-love-3IND.OBJ ‘(He told his wife) that if Wa Mindo-mindo's babies were to be born while he was gone, she should take pity on them.’
(8) Sefae~sefae dua 'a-lengo-no no-laahiri-mo RDUP~how.many also NMLZ-long-3POSS 3REAL-born-PFV
ne-uwa~uwa-no, 'a-bhaghi-no fo~pitu, no~noo mohane, PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS NMLZ-many-3POSS RDUP~seven RDUP~six man
se-mii ghobhine, we ghanda-no=oni tee inta-no. one-CLF woman LOC breast-3POSS=this with diamond-3POSS ‘After some time the babies were born, there were seven of them, six boys and one girl, on her breast there was a diamond.’
(9) Ne-'o-'ona-ha-no-mo Wa Ode Randainta. PASS.PTCP-HAVE-name-LOC-3POSS-PFV ART.F noble R. ‘She is the one who was called Wa Ode Randainta (= Lady Diamond Breast)’
(10) 'A-da'i-no 'isikadhi-no ghobhine-no 'ola'i-no lewu, NMLZ-bad-3POSS intent-3POSS woman-3POSS chief-3POSS village 202
sa-laahiri-no 'aindei Wa Mindo-mindo, 'aindei-no no-fo-lanto-e WHEN-born-3POSS child ART.F M. child-3POSS 3REAL-CAUS-float-3OBJ
we gusi Maghajabani we mo'ahi. LOC jar M. LOC sea ‘But because of the village chief's wife’s evil plans, as soon as Wa Mindo-mindo's children were born, she put them out at sea in a large jar called Maghajabani.’
(11) Ghato Wa Mindo-mindo anaa no-'alo-e wee jamba. whereas ART.F M. REF 3REAL-tie-3OBJ LOC toilet ‘And as for Wa Mindo-mindo, she tied her to the toilet.’
(12) No-mbule 'ola'i-no lewu wee Jawa no-abha-hane-mo janji 3REAL-return chief-3POSS village LOC J. 3REAL-ask-3IND.OBJ-PFV promise
Wa Mindo-mindo, sama'a ghobhine-no anaa no-foomba-e puluu ART.F M. but woman-3POSS REF 3REAL-tell-3OBJ that
"Paghacaea-mo te sabhagha pogau-no lengke pasunda suanaa? Watu believe-PFV with all word-3POSS whore PART that3L
Wa Mindo-mindo te-'alo wee jamba. ART.F M. PASS-tie LOC toilet ‘When the village chief returned from Java, he asked her about the promise (she had made about) Wa Mindo-mindo, but his wife told him, "Do you believe every word of that whore? Down there is Wa Mindo-mindo, tied to the toilet.’
(13) We fae-mo na-me-ala 'aindei?" LOC what-PFV 3IRR-CA-take/get child ‘Where would she get children?"’
(14) Ghato 'aindei fo~pitu-no ne-fo-lanto we mo'ahi we gusi whereas child RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP PASS.PTCP-CAUS-float LOC sea LOC jar
Maghajabani anaa hempooni, no-ane-e-mo gughuda. M. REF just.now 3REAL-pick.up-3OBJ-PFV monster.bird ‘As for the seven children that were set out at sea in the Maghajabani jar, they were picked up by a monster bird.’ 203
(15) No-damba~damba-hane-mo sampe no-po-oge manga. 3REAL-RDUP~look.after-3IND.OBJ-PFV until 3REAL-PL-big PLUR ‘It took care of them until they were grown up.’
(16) Sa-uge~uge-no no-po-'oni~'oni-ho-mo no-me-pombala WHEN-RDUP~big-3POSS 3REAL-REC-RDUP~hit-APPL-PFV 3REAL-CA-make.from.wood
bhangka. canoe ‘When they were big, they agreed to make canoes.’
(17) Sefae~sefae 'a-lengo-no manga bhangka RDUP~HOW.MANY NMLZ-long-3POSS PLUR canoe
ne-pombala-no=oni hempooni no-mondo-e-mo. PASS.PTCP-make.from.wood-3POSS=this just.now 3REAL-finish-3OBJ-PFV ‘After a while they completed the canoes they had made.’
(18) Sa-mondo-no bhangka-no no-po-gau~gau-mo manga WHEN-finished-3poss canoe-3poss 3REAL-REC-RDUP~speak-PFV PLUR
na-[m]elei-hoo aghataa-no gughuda. 3IRR-[IRR]flee-APPL goods-3POSS monster.bird ‘When their canoes were ready, they spoke to each other (and agreed to) run away with the goods of the monster bird.’
(19) Sa-ndala-no gughuda no-poma-ato-e-mo aghataa-no wee WHEN-go-3POSS monster.bird 3REAL-EXHV-load-3OBJ-PFV goods-3POSS LOC
bhangka, ampoho no-bhose manga. canoe then 3REAL-paddle PLUR ‘When the monster bird was gone, they loaded all its goods in the canoes, and then they paddled away.’
(20) Miina na-mo-lengo no-bhose no-mo-hoholu-mo dhunia, NEG 3IRR-CA-long 3REAL-paddle 3REAL-CA-cloudy-PFV world
'a-tandai-no-mo gughuda na-mbule-mo we ndala-ha-no. NMLZ-sign-3POSS-PFV monster.bird 3IRR-return-PFV LOC go-LOC-3POSS ‘They had not paddled for long, when the sky (lit. the world) became overcast, the sign that the monster bird was about to return from its trip.’ 204
(21) Sama'a we lalo-no no-ma'anu=uni anaa hempooni pada-mo but LOC inside-3POSS 3REAL-prepare=this REF just.now finish-PFV
no-janji sasa, " 'Ane na-mai naupou gughuda, tunu-e 3REAL-promise gecko if 3IRR-come in.a.while monster.bird burn-3OBJ
bhanua." house ‘But while they were getting ready to leave earlier on, they had made a gecko promise, "If the monster bird comes home in a while, burn its house."’
(22) Sa-mai-no gughuda, sasa ne-janji hempooni no-tunu WHEN-come-3POSS monster.bird gecko PASS.PTCP-promise just.now 3REAL-burn
bhanua. house ‘As soon as the monster bird came, the gecko who made the promise earlier burnt the house.’
(23) 'Aahirino gughuda no-pagampa mii fo~pitu-no finally monster.bird 3REAL-chase person RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP
me-ulea-no aghataa. CA-load-ACT.PTCP goods ‘As a result the monster bird chased the seven people who had taken the cargo.’
(24) Sama'a na-l
no-taa~taangi-i Wa Ode Randainta. 3REAL-RDUP~hold-3OBJ ART.F noble R. ‘But it couldn't do much (lit. what will it do?); its navel (or: umbilical cord) was held by Wa Ode Randainta.’
(25) Sabutuno sa-ma-se'e-no gughuda wee bhangka, puhe-no then WHEN-CA-close-3POSS monster.bird LOC canoe navel-3POSS
gughuda hempooni=ini no-tabugha-e we mo'ahi. monster.bird just.now=this 3REAL-drop-3OBJ LOC sea ‘So when the monster bird was near the canoe, she dropped the bird's navel into the sea.’ 205
(26) Sa-mo-ndawu-no we mo'ahi, gughuda no-'odhepa dua we WHEN-CA-fall-3POSS LOC sea monster.bird 3REAL-fall.with.thud also LOC
mo'ahi. sea ‘As soon as it fell into the sea, the monster bird also fell into the sea with a loud thud.’
(27) 'Aitua gughuda no-mate-mo. there monster.bird 3REAL-die-PFV ‘And the monster bird died right there and then.’
(28) Manga mii fo~pitu-no wee bhangka=ani hempooni PLUR person RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP LOC canoe=this just.now
no-bhose~bhose-mo manga. 3REAL-RDUP~paddle-PFV PLUR ‘The seven people in the canoes paddled away.’
(29) Ghato sefae~sefae-mo 'a-lengo-no manga no-bhose~bhose, arrive RDUP~how.many-PFV NMLZ-long-3POSS PLUR 3REAL-RDUP~paddle
no-ghato-mo wee hoti. 3REAL-ARRIVE-PFV LOC shore ‘When they had paddled for a long time, they arrived at a beach.’
(30) Ghato wee hoti no-temba-mo se-nduu~se-nduu. arrive LOC shore 3REAL-shoot-PFV one-sound~one-sound ‘When they arrived on the beach, they each fired one shot.’
(31) 'O kuasa-no 'Akawasano AulaTaala kampo ne-ghato-no=oni ART power-3POSS Almighty God village PASS.PTCP-arrive-3POSS=this
manga, gaghaa kampo lembo-a-no dua ghea-no. PLUR MIR village flow-LOC-3POSS also blood-3POSS ‘Due to the power of God Almighty, the village where they arrived, turned out to be their place of birth (lit. the village of the flowing of their blood).’
(32) Sa-telengei-no nduu-no sinapa=ani, 'ola'i-no lewu no-tumpu WHEN-hear-3POSS sound-3POSS rifle=this chief-3POSS village 3REAL-order 206
jughubasa-no, bhagha lafae umba-no me-'a-kaba~kabasagha-no spokesperson-3POSS possibly who come-ACT.PTCP CA-?-RDUP~insolent-ACT.PTCP
to t
(33) Sa-ghato-no jughubasa wee bhangka gh
no-abha-mo "Fae ne-ka-'ije~'ije-ho-miu? 3REAL-ask-PFV what PASS.PTCP-?-RDUP~rude-APPL-2PL.POSS ‘When the spokesperson came to the canoes that had just arrived he asked, "What is the reason of your rudeness?’ (Lit. ‘...what are you [pl] insolent/rude for?’)
(34) 'Ola'i-no lewu dainoho te ne-gugughu-hoo-no." chief-3POSS village still with PASS.PTCP-troubled-APPL-3POSS ‘There is something that is troubling the village chief."’
(35) Lawani manga anua, "Ee jughubasa; foomba-e 'ola'i-no lewu incami answer PLUR 3SG oh spokesperson tell-3OBJ chief-3POSS village 1PL.EX
miina ta-ka-'ije~'ije, tangkanomo mpuu ta-unde-ho-mo ghampano NEG 1PL.EX-?-RDUP~rude only really 1PL.EX-happy-APPL-PFV because
ta-salaamati-mo ta-ghato 'a-hoti-a-no." 1PL.EX-safe-PFV 1PL.EX-arrive NMLZ-shallow-LOC-3POSS ‘They replied, "O spokesperson, tell the chief that we are not rude; we are really only happy because we have safely arrived on the shore."’
(36) No-mbule-mo jughubasa hempooni. 3REAL-return-PFV spokesperson just.now ‘The spokesperson went back.’
(37) No-pulele-mo wee 'ola'i-no lewu gaghaa 3REAL-announce-PFV LOC chief-3POSS village MIR 207
ne-tumpu-oo-no lalo-no manga anua watu hulanomo PASS.PTCP-grateful-APPL-3POSS inside-3POSS PLUR 3SG that3L because
no-ghato-mo we 'a-hoti-a-no. 3REAL-arrive-PFV LOC NMLZ-shallow-LOC-3POSS ‘He announced to the village chief that those people down there were grateful, because they reached land.’
(38) Tee no-fo-ghato dua mii-no bhangka, 'a-bhaghi-no with 3REAL-CAUS-arrive also person-3POSS canoe NMLZ-many-3POSS
fo~pitu, no~noo mohane, se-mii ghobhine, 'ona-no Wa Ode RDUP~seven RDUP~six man one-CLF woman name-3POSS ART.F noble
Randainta. R. ‘And he also told (him that) they were sailors, seven of them, six men and one woman who was called Wa Ode Randainta.’
(39) 'Aisoo 'ola'i-no lewu no-fe-bho'u~bho'u-mo we lalo-no there chief-3POSS village 3REAL-?-RDUP~pound-PFV LOC inside-3POSS
bhaghagha-no, 'ohula 'aindei-no-mo Wa Mindo-mindo chest-3POSS maybe child-3POSS-PFV ART.F M.
ne-po-janji-o naifiimootu. PASS.PTCP-REC-promise-APPL formerly ‘At that moment the village chief began to suspect (lit. it pounded/boned inside his chest), that maybe these were the children of Wa Mindo-mindo that he had made a promise about long ago.’
(40) Manga mohane no~noo-no hempooni no-'a-mbeli~mbeli-mo wee PLUR man RDUP~six-ACT.PTCP just.now 3REAL-?-RDUP~stroll-PFV LOC
lewu, gaghaa no-ita-mo ghobhine no-te-'alo wee jamba. village MIR 3REAL-see-PFV woman 3REAL-PASS-tie LOC toilet ‘The six men took a stroll through the village, and to their surprise they saw a woman tied to a toilet.’ 208
(41) Sabutuno no-pusanga-hane-mo we 'ola'i-no lewu, 'ane then 3REAL-ask.permission-3IND.OBJ-PFV LOC chief-3POSS village if
na-membali na-m-ala-e manga anua. 3IRR-can 3IRR-IRR-take/get-3OBJ PLUR 3SG ‘Then they asked the village chief permission, if it was okay for them to take her.’
(42) Ghato no-posanga-hane gaghaa no-ungka-hane. arrive 3REAL-ask.permission-3IND.OBJ MIR 3REAL-agree-3IND.OBJ ‘When they asked his permission, to their surprise he agreed.’
(43) Sabutuno no-ala-e-mo. then 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV ‘So they took her.’
(44) Ghato wee bhangka no-'alima-e-mo, no-bhaho-e manga. arrive LOC canoe 3REAL-treat-3OBJ-PFV 3REAL-bathe-3OBJ PLUR ‘When they arrived at the canoes, they took good care of her, they bathed her.’
(45) Pada no-bhaho-e no-fo-pake-ene-mo pakea ma-ngadha. after 3REAL-bathe-3OBJ 3REAL-CAUS-wear-3IND.OBJ-PFV clothes CA-beautiful ‘After they had bathed her, they dressed her in beautiful clothes.’
(46) Wa Ode Randainta no-hawi-mo we hawi-no. ART.F noble R. 3REAL-lap-PFV LOC lap-3POSS ‘Wa Ode Randainta held her in her lap.’
(47) No-ita 'a-daanii mani=ini hempooni 'ola'i-no lewu 3REAL-see NMLZ-exist EMPH=this just.now chief-3POSS village
no-yakini-mo mpuu, sabutuno no-loohi-i-mo no-kemba-e 3REAL-certain-PFV really then 3REAL-summon-3OBJ-PFV 3REAL-call-3OBJ
na-m-awe we bhanua, sama'a manga anua anaa mate~mate 3IRR-IRR-go.up LOC house but PLUR 3SG REF RDUP~die 209
no-tagali. 3REAL-refuse ‘When the village chief saw what had happened (lit. saw this situation just now), he was really convinced, and so he summoned them, he called them up to his house; but they refused point blank.’
(48) Potagali potagali 'aahirino 'aindei fo~pitu-no=oni no-mbotusi. quarrel quarrel finally child RDUP~seven-ACT.PTCP=this 3REAL-decide ‘They kept arguing for a long time, but finally the seven children made a decision.’
(49) Na-m-ungka-mo na-m-awe, sama'a ghobhine-no kawi-no 3IRR-IRR-agree-PFV 3IRR-IRR-go.up but woman-3POSS marry-3POSS
na-[m]a'a-mate-e. 3IRR-IRR.CAUS-die-3OBJ ‘They would agree to go up (to his house), but he must (first) kill his wife.’
(50) No-mbule-mo we bhanua 'ola'i-no lewu ampoho no-fa'a-mate 3REAL-return-PFV LOC house chief-3POSS village then 3REAL-CAUS-die
ghobhine-no (no-tobho-e). woman-3POSS 3REAL-stab-3OBJ ‘The village chief returned to his house and killed his wife (he stabbed her).’ (The parentheses are in the original text; also in line 32.)
(51) Ampoho no-loohi manga, mii mohane no~noo-no anoa then 3REAL-summon PLUR person man RDUP~six-ACT.PTCP 3SG
no-poma-ato-mo manga bara~bara hii-no bhangka. 3REAL-EXHV-load-PFV PLUR RDUP~goods contents-3POSS canoe ‘Then he summoned them (again); the six men carried all the goods from the canoes.’
(52) No-mo-puli manga bara~bara, no-po-awe~awe-mo; ghato Wa 3REAL-CA-finished PLUR RDUP~goods 3REAL-PL-RDUP~go.up-PFV whereas ART.F 210
Ode Randainta anoa no-soda-hane 'ancodaha noble R. 3SG 3REAL-carry.on.shoulders-3IND.OBJ carrying.chair
bulawa. gold ‘When all the goods were finished, they went up together; as for Wa Ode Randainta, she was carried in a golden carrying chair on their shoulders.’
(53) No-fela~felate-mo manga te ina-no, Wa Mindo-mindo 3REAL-RDUP~live-PFV PLUR with mother-3POSS ART.F M.
te-'alo-no wee jamba himpooni. PASS-tie-ACT.PTCP LOC toilet just.now ‘They lived with their mother, Wa Mindo-mindo, who had been tied to a toilet before.’
Text 2. La Wantu-wantu
Text 2 was written by La Afa in 1993. It is the story of a poor young man who against many odds and through various adventures ends up being a rich village chief.
(1) 'Ola'i-no lewu=uni te ana-no, 'ona-no Wa Kae-kaepu. chief-3POSS village=this with child-3POSS name-3POSS ART.F K. ‘The village chief had a daughter, her name was Wa Kae-kaepu.’
(2) We lalo-no no-fala~falate gaghaa saaghuno Wa Kae-kaepu=uni LOC inside-3POSS 3REAL-RDUP~live MIR finally ART.F K.=this
te-mo ne-uwa~uwa-no. with-PFV PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS ‘While she was living (there), she finally got pregnant.’
(3) No-laahiri ne-uwa~uwa-no=oni gaghaa 'aindei mohane, sama'a 3REAL-born PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS=this MIR child man but
sa-ghato-no anaa so-no-fe-hoha~hohae-mo. WHEN-arrive-3POSS REF only-3REAL-?-RDUP~cry-PFV ‘When the baby was born, it turned out to be a boy, but after his birth he just kept crying.’ 211
(4) No-pada-e-mo mii-no kampo no-pomaa-hawi-i sama'a miina 3REAL-finish-3OBJ-PFV person-3POSS village 3REAL-EXHV-lap-3OBJ but NEG
te ungka-ha-no, te hohae-no miina na-m-unto. with agree-LOC-ACT.PTCP with cry-3POSS NEG 3IRR-IRR-stop ‘Every single person in the village held him in his or her lap, but there was nobody he liked, and his crying did not stop.’
(5) Sabutuno 'ola'i-no lewu no-po-tumpu-o-mo ahali-no nujum then chief-3POSS village 3REAL-PL-order-APPL-PFV expert-3POSS fortune
no-me-silala-hane. 3REAL-CA-divine-3IND.OBJ ‘Finally the village chief summoned a soothsayer to find out for him by supernatural means (what the problem was).’
(6) Gaghaa 'o ama-no 'aindei-no Wa Kae-kaepu=uni La MIR ART father-3POSS child-3POSS ART.F K.=this ART.M
Wantu-wantu. W. ‘To everybody's surpise the father of Wa Kae-kaepu's child turned out to be La Wantu-wantu.’
(7) La Wantu-wantu suma-anaa tompa-no 'a-misikini. ART.M W. that3-REF tip-3POSS NMLZ-poor ‘Now La Wantu-wantu was the poorest person (in the village).’
(8) Wale-no no-hato-ene ghoo-no mangka, ne-fumaa-no hut-3POSS 3REAL-roof-3IND.OBJ leaf-3POSS palmyra.tree PASS.PTCP-eat-3POSS
tangkanomo no-me-tanempe 'o'e-no 'asitela ne-tombi'i-no only 3REAL-CA-collect remnants-3POSS maize PASS.PTCP-pound-3POSS
manga mii. PLUR person ‘The roof of his house was made of simple palm leaves, his food was just what he collected from the remnants of maize that people had pounded.’ 212
(9) Wale-no we buntou, miina na-po-wugha~wugha te manga andea-no. hut-3POSS LOC bush NEG 3IRR-REC-RDUP~meet with PLUR friend-3POSS ‘His hut was in the bush and he did not meet up with his friends.’
(10) Sabutuno suanaa 'aasi no-tumpu-e-mo 'ola'i-no lewu no-loohi. then PART pity 3REAL-order-3OBJ-PFV chief-3POSS village 3REAL-summon ‘But then, poor thing, he was ordered by the village chief to appear before him.’
(11) No-ghato we bhanua, hohae-no 'aindei=ini sompuu seehe 3REAL-arrive LOC house cry-3POSS child=this like immediately
ne-tutubhi, no-tumpu-e-mo seehe, lalosa'a no-hawi-i. PASS.PTCP-close 3REAL-order-3OBJ-PFV immediately immediately 3REAL-lap-3OBJ ‘When he arrived at the house, it was as if the crying was straightaway shut down, (as if the baby) was straightaway ordered (to stop), so he immediately took it on his lap.’
(12) 'A-uge-no 'a-alo~alo-no 'ola'i-no lewu hulanomo NMLZ-big-3POSS NMLZ-RDUP~ashamed-3POSS chief-3POSS village because
mohane-no ana-no La Wantu-wantu, no-tumpu-e-mo seehe man-3POSS child-3POSS ART.M W. 3REAL-order-3OBJ-PFV immediately
no-ndala na-m-angka mohane-no, te-mo no-ma'anu-ene te 3REAL-go 3IRR-IRR-go man-3POSS with-PFV 3REAL-prepare-3IND.OBJ with
bha'u-no. food.provisions-3POSS ‘The village chief was so ashamed that the husband of his daughter was La Wantu- wantu, that he immediately ordered her to go away and follow her husband, and they prepared some food supplies for them.’
(13) Fitu-hulume bhae tee se-'alulu 'unde, tee-mo dua 'a-tobhe-no seven-kernel rice with one-CLF coconut with-PFV also NMLZ-break-3POSS
'apulu to ewanga-no. machete for weapon-3POSS ‘Seven kernels of rice and one coconut, and also a piece of a machete for a weapon.’ 213
(14) No-ndala-mo manga! 3REAL-go-PFV PLUR ‘There they went!’
(15) Ghato we fela~felate-a-no La Wantu-wantu, 'unde-no=oni arrive LOC RDUP~live-LOC-3POSS ART.M W. coconut-3POSS=this
himpooni=ini manga no-bhoha-e-mo. just.now=this PLUR 3REAL-split-3OBJ-PFV ‘When they arrived at La Wantu-wantu's house, they split the coconut.’
(16) La Wantu-wantu no-ala 'ogho, Wa Kae-kaepu no-ala ART.M W. 3REAL-take/get bottom ART.F K. 3REAL-take/get
hoso. upper.part ‘La Wantu-wantu took the bottom half, Wa Kae-kaepu took the upper half.’
(17) Pada no-bhoha-e no-po-dawu-e se-bhoha se-mii, La finish 3REAL-split-3OBJ 3REAL-REC-part-3OBJ one-part one-CLF ART.M
Wantu-wantu no-fe-ndala~ndala-mo. W. 3REAL-?-RDUP~go-PFV ‘When they had split (the coconut) and each taken half, La Wantu-wantu went for a walk.’
(18) Sefae~sefae 'a-lengo-no, no-ghato-mo we 'amali-no RDUP~how.many NMLZ-long-3POSS 3REAL-arrive-PFV LOC palace-3POSS
'ola'i-no 'awea. chief-3POSS wind ‘After a while he arrived at the palace of the King of the Wind.’
(19) 'Ai-soo no-fe-guntu~guntu-mo 'awea, mina ta-t
'a-hosa-no 'awea. NMLZ-strong-3POSS wind ‘Then there was thunder and wind, it was unbearable.’ (Lit. ‘Then the wind thundered, we (inc) do not endure the strength of the wind.’) 214
(20) Ghato-e-mo fikighi La Wantu-wantu, "We fae gaghaa bhalo-no arrive-3OBJ-PFV think ART.M W. LOC what MIR hole-3POSS
'awea=ani bhe a-t
(21) Miina na-mo-lengo no-po-wugha-hane-mo, sabutuno NEG 3IRR-CA-long 3REAL-REC-find-3IND.OBJ-PFV then
no-joli-ene-mo 'unde se-bhoha-no ne-po-dawu-no 3REAL-lock-3IND.OBJ-PFV coconut one-part-ACT.PTCP PASS.PTCP-REC-part-3POSS
te Wa Kae-kaepu=uni, gaghaa sagasino. with ART.F K.=this MIR fit.exactly ‘It wasn't long before he had found it, and then he closed it with the piece of coconut that he had split with Wa Kae-kaepu, and to his surprise it fitted exactly.’
(22) Sabutuno mii-no 'amali miina-mo te 'o-sinaa-no. then person-3POSS palace NEG-PFV with HAVE-breath-ACT.PTCP ‘As a result nobody in the palace was able to breathe anymore.’
(23) No-bungke-mo manga. 3REAL-make.noise-PFV PLUR ‘They made a lot of noise.’
(24) Hulanomo miina-mo te 'awea. because NEG-PFV with wind ‘Because there was no longer any wind/air.’
(25) No-fiitahi-i, no-fiitahi-i, gaghaa bhalo-no 'awea pada-mo 3REAL-search-3OBJ 3REAL-search-3OBJ MIR hole-3POSS wind finish-PFV
no-hampo-e La Wantu-wantu. 3REAL-cover-3OBJ ART.M W. ‘They searched and searched, and then they discovered that the wind hole had been plugged up by La Wantu-wantu.’ 215
(26) Sabutuno 'ola'i-no lewu no-sukagha-mo we La Wantu-wantu. then chief-3POSS village 3REAL-ask.for.help-PFV LOC ART.M W. ‘So then the village chief asked La Wantu-wantu for help.’ (This chief must be the same person as the King of the Wind in line 18.)
(27) " 'Aasi lengkasi-'aincami-mo, miina-mo ta-'o-sinaa. pity open-1PL.EX.OBJ-PFV NEG-PFV 1PL.EX-HAVE-breath ‘"Please open (the hole) for us, we can no longer breathe.’
(28) Me-ala-mo malingu peelu-a-mo hii-no 'amali=ini." CA-take/get-PFV every desire-LOC-2SG.POSS contents-3POSS palace=this ‘Take whatever you desire from this palace."’
(29) No-telengei maa-sumaa La Wantu-wantu no-lengkasi 'a-hampo-no 3REAL-hear EMPH-that3 ART.M W. 3REAL-open NMLZ-cover-3POSS
bhalo-no 'awea, ampoho no-me-ala manu mo-pute se-hulu. hole-3POSS wind then 3REAL-CA-take/get chicken CA-white one-CLF ‘When La Wantu-wantu heard that, he opened the covering of the wind hole and then he took a white chicken.’
(30) Ampoho no-mbule. then 3REAL-return ‘Then he went back.’
(31) Sa-ghato-no we wale-no no-taugha-e-mo manu-no. WHEN-arrive-3POSS LOC hut-3POSS 3REAL-put.away-3OBJ-PFV chicken-3POSS ‘When he arrived at his hut, he put his chicken away.’
(32) Sa-taugha-no mpuu gaghaa no-kangkuraa'o-mo tolu-hahe. WHEN-put.away-3POSS really MIR 3REAL-crow-PFV three-time ‘As soon as he had put it away, the chicken crowed three times.’
(33) Kangkuraa'o bhaa-bhaano, no-tade-mo 'amali fitu-suncu. crow first 3REAL-stand-PFV palace seven-layer ‘When it crowed for the first time, there stood a seven-storey palace.’ 216
(34) Kangkuraa'o 'a-fenduangi-no, no-sangka-mo hii-no. crow NMLZ-repeat-3POSS 3REAL-complete-PFV contents-3POSS ‘At its second crowing, it was completely furnished.’ (Lit. ‘...its contents were complete.’)
(35) 'A-mondo-no tolu-hahe no-kangkuraa'o no-mondo-mo tee malingu NMLZ-finished-3POSS three-time 3REAL-crow 3REAL-finished-PFV with every
fenembula we siwighi-no 'amali. crop LOC side-3POSS palace ‘When it had finished crowing three times, it was complete with all kinds of crops beside the palace.’
(36) Sabutuno La Wantu-wantu no-foni we fitu-suncu-a-no te then ART.M W. 3REAL-go.up LOC seven-layer-LOC-ACT.PTCP with
manga ana-no, ampoho no-me-ghambi ganda te mbololo. PLUR child-3POSS then 3REAL-CA-play drum with gong ‘Then La Wantu-wantu went up to the seventh storey with his children, and they played the drum and the gong.’
(37) Telengei nduu-no ganda te mbololo, 'ola'i-no lewu no-tumpu-mo hear sound-3POSS drum with gong chief-3POSS village 3REAL-order-PFV
bhatua-no no-feunga. slave-3POSS 3REAL-take.a.look ‘When the village chief heard the sound of the drum and the gong, he ordered his slave(s) to take a look.’
(38) La Wantu-wantu bhagha fae-mo no-kaghajaa. ART.M W. possibly what-PFV 3REAL-work ‘What in the world was La Wantu-wantu doing?’
(39) Gaghaa=ani me-ghambi-no ganda te mbololo=oni anaa La MIR=this CA-play-ACT.PTCP drum with gong=this REF ART.M
Wantu-wantu we 'amali-no fitu-suncu-a-no. W. LOC palace-3POSS seven-layer-LOC-ACT.PTCP ‘To their surprise they found that the person playing the drum and the gong was La Wantu-wantu, in his seven-storey palace.’ 217
(40) No-ita 'a-daanii-no La Wantu-wantu, 'ola'i-no lewu 3REAL-see NMLZ-exist-3POSS ART.M W. chief-3POSS village
no-bholosi-i-mo La Wantu-wantu. 3REAL-replace-3OBJ-PFV ART.M W. ‘When the village chief saw what had become of (lit. the situation of) La Wantu- wantu, he was replaced by La Wantu-wantu.’
(41) Sabutuno La Wantu-wantu no-membali-mo 'ola'i-no lewu. then ART.M W. 3REAL-become-PFV chief-3POSS village ‘And so La Wantu-wantu became the village chief.’
Text 3. La Bhembe-bhembe
Like text 1 and 2, this folktale was also written by La Afa in 1993. It tells the story of how Goat found a wife and changed into a handsome young man.
(1) La Bhembe~bhembe sumaa no-pagha-aso tumbi-no fana. ART.M RDUP~goat that3 3REAL-HAB-sell shoot-3POSS k.o.ginger ‘Goat used to sell young ginger shoots.’
(2) No-ita-e-mo ana-no 'ola'i-no liwu. 3REAL-see-3OBJ-PFV child-3POSS chief-3POSS village ‘The daughter of the village chief saw him.’
(3) No-abha-e-mo, "Po=o-m-aso-e tumbi-no fana-mu 3REAL-ask-3OBJ-PFV FUT.NEG=2SG-IRR-sell-3OBJ shoot-3POSS k.o.ginger-2SG.POSS
Bhembe~bhembe?" RDUP~goat ‘She asked him, "Won't you sell (me) the shoots of your ginger, Goat?"’
(4) Lawani dua anoa, "Na-nd
te-mo hulu-'u." with-PFV body-1SG.POSS ‘He answered (lit. he answered again), "These ginger shoots will only sell if they go together with my body."’ 218
(5) "Baase La Bhembe~bhembe! shoo! ART.M RDUP~goat ‘"Go away, Goat!’
(6) Lafae-mo to me-peelu-no situ?" who-PFV for CA-desire-ACT.PTCP 2SG ‘Who would like to have you?"’
(7) Sampe we ana 'a-tuu-no miinaho 'aepu. until LOC child NMLZ-following-3POSS not.yet youngest.child ‘(It was like this) until (he spoke to) the second-last born.’
(8) No-po-'oni~'oni 'a-lawani-no. 3REAL-REC-RDUP~hit NMLZ-answer-3POSS ‘Their answers were identical.’
(9) Ghato we Wa Kae-kaepu no-abha-mo, "Po=o-m-aso-e arrive LOC ART.F K. 3REAL-ask-PFV FUT.NEG=2SG-IRR-sell-3OBJ
tumbi-no fana-mu Bhembe~bhembe?" shoot-3POSS k.o.ginger-2SG.POSS RDUP~goat ‘When it was Wa Kae-kaepu’s turn (the youngest daughter) she asked, "Won't you sell (me) the shoots of your ginger, Goat?"’
(10) Lawani dua, "Na-nd
hulu-'u." body-1SG.POSS ‘He answered again, "These ginger shoots will only sell if they go together with my body."’
(11) "Iaa, mai-mo!" okay come-PFV ‘"OK, come on then!"’
(12) Tumbi-no fana-no no-ala-e-mo Wa Kae-kaepu. shoot-3POSS k.o.ginger-3POSS 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV ART.F K. ‘Wa Kae-kaepu took the ginger shoots.’ 219
(13) Ghato La Bhembe~bhembe no-'alo-e-mo wee wowa. whereas ART.M RDUP~goat 3REAL-tie-3OBJ-PFV LOC space.under.house ‘As for Goat, she tied him under the house.’
(14) Mondo fato-holeo 'a-lengo-no 'ola'i-no liwu no-kemba-e-mo finished four-day NMLZ-long-3POSS chief-3POSS village 3REAL-call-3OBJ-PFV
hukum sagha we lalo-no kampo bhe na-s
'a-membali-no La Bhembe~bhembe. NMLZ-become-3POSS ART.M RDUP~goat ‘When four days had passed, the village chief was called by the village elders so that he could directly witness what had happened to Goat (lit. the event/happening/situation of Goat).’
(15) La Bhembe~bhembe te Wa Kae-kaepu no-tumpu-e-mo ART.M RDUP~goat with ART.F K. 3REAL-order-3OBJ-PFV
no-lou no-me-bhaho wee jue. 3REAL-go.down 3REAL-CA-bathe LOC water ‘Goat and Wa Kae-kaepu were ordered to go down and bathe in the water.’
(16) Ghato wee jue, La Bhembe~bhembe no-me-bhaho we waagha, arrive LOC water ART.M RDUP~goat 3REAL-CA-bathe LOC lower.part
ghato Wa Kae-kaepu no-me-bhaho wee mata. whereas ART.F K. 3REAL-CA-bathe LOC eye ‘When they got to the water, Goat bathed downstream, while Wa Kae-kaepu bathed at the source.’
(17) Tangasano Wa Kae-kaepu no-me-bhaho, La Bhembe~bhembe while ART.F K. 3REAL-CA-bathe ART.M RDUP~goat
no-ago~agoghi-mo no-pada, ampoho no-bholosi pakea-no. 3REAL-RDUP~hurriedly-PFV 3REAL-finish then 3REAL-replace clothes-3POSS ‘While Wa Kae-kaepu was bathing, Goat hurriedly finished and then changed his clothes.’ 220
(18) Pake-mo pakea mo-'esa, songko-no songko bhiwi wear-PFV clothes CA-beautiful black.velvet.hat-3POSS black.velvet.hat edge
bulawa. gold ‘He was wearing beautiful clothes, and his black velvet cap had a gold rim.’
(19) Ampoho no-tubho~tubho aa-no we 'a-mo-'ele. then 3REAL-RDUP~support waist-3POSS LOC NMLZ-CA-dry ‘Then he stood on the dry ground with his hands on his hips.’
(20) No-abha Wa Kae-kaepu manga na-mbule-mo. 3real-ASK ART.F K. PLUR 3IRR-return-PFV ‘He then asked Wa Kae-kaepu to go back together.’
(21) No-ita La Bhembe~bhembe muncuano-mo 'ajo-no sompu 3REAL-see ART.M RDUP~goat NEG-PFV shape-3POSS like
bhaa-bhaano, no-to'enda Wa Kae-kaepu te no-'o-womba, first 3REAL-startled ART.F K. with 3REAL-HAVE-word
"Mincuano situ mohane-'u. NEG 2SG man-1SG.POSS ‘When she saw that Goat no longer had the appearance that he had before, Wa Kae-kaepu was startled and said, "It is not you who is my husband.’
(22) Mohane-'u 'o bhembe, miina na-mo-ngadha sompu situ=utu." man-1SG.POSS ART goat NEG 3IRR-CA-beautiful like 2SG=that2 ‘My husband is a goat, he is not as handsome as you there."’
(23) Lawani La Bhembe~bhembe, "Miina! answer ART.M RDUP~goat NEG ‘Goat answered, “No!’
(24) Nuni-mo=oni. 1SG-PFV=this ‘It is me here.’ 221
(25) A-m-ala-ha'o baangkala 'oli-'u bhe u-ita-e." 1SG-IRR-take/get-2SG.IND.OBJ in.that.case skin-1SG.POSS so.that 2SG-see-3OBJ ‘Let me get my skin for you in that case, so that you can see it."’
(26) Lawani dua Wa Kae-kaepu, " 'Uje-mo." answer also ART.F K. do.not-PFV ‘Wa Kae-kaepu replied, "Don't bother."’
(27) Pada Wa Kae-kaepu no-me-bhaho, no-pobholosi, no-mbule-mo finish ART.F K. 3REAL-CA-bathe 3REAL-change.clothes 3REAL-return-PFV
manga. PLUR
‘When Wa Kae-kaepu finished bathing, she changed clothes and then they went home.’
(28) No-ghato we bhanua, bhaa~bhaghii-he mii-no bhanua 3REAL-arrive LOC house RDUP~many-3OBJ person-3POSS house
no-mente no-ita 'a-membali-mo La Bhembe~bhembe. 3REAL-amazed 3REAL-see NMLZ-become-PFV ART.M RDUP~goat ‘When they arrived home, everybody in the house was amazed to see what had happened to Goat.’
(29) 'Opadaha-no La Bhembe~bhembe no-membali dua 'ola'i-no liwu. end-3POSS ART.M RDUP~goat 3REAL-become also chief-3POSS village ‘In the end Goat became the village chief.’
(30) No-bholosi ama-no. 3REAL-replace father-3POSS ‘He replaced her father.’
Text 4. Songs
These four traditional songs were handwritten by La Afa in 1993. Many of the words appear to have no meaning, and hence meanings and spellings were not checked. I reproduce the original spelling here; initial glottals are usually not written and is either regular /b/ or implosive /ɓ/. In a few instances the spelling is not clear; this is marked by (?). For the first three songs, La Afa wrote some accompanying notes in Indonesian, given here with 222 their English translations. They provide some explanations of how and why these songs are sung, but not everything is clear.
1. The first song is titled Lagu-laguno 'afogughuno 'aindei 'ujeho nohohae (‘A song to teach children not to cry’).
Tio-tio u'umpe, u'umpe saangka. Sangka aku kaami. Nae-nae mpulu kasitelano walanda kobubu sendai, bolosii rua ndai we galampano parabela. Tokao-kaoleno landaangawu ngawu karepuno meente u'lume (?). Boongkololo'o.
(Note in Indonesian) Lagu tio-tio dimainkan oleh orang tua ataupun kakak si sang anak dalam keadaan baring tertelentang dengan posisi kaki dilipat di atas paha, sehingga anak/adik dapat duduk. Setelah sampai di kalimat Boongkololo'o anak tersebut diangkat oleh kaki ke atas dan dibantu oleh kedua belah tangan.
(English translation) The song tio-tio is played by parents or older siblings of a child, while they are lying on their backs with the legs folded, so that the child can sit on it. When they reach the sentence Boongkololo'o the child is lifted high by (raising) the legs while helping it (retain its balance) by holding it with both hands.
2. The second song is called Lagu-laguno 'aindei magasia, paaboka onano (‘A song of children playing, its name is paaboka’).
Aio Wa / La … hoonge. Ingkita ingkita waaboka. Bookaihe lamantili nalibo owi-owine wasitandai rom wasimboo-mboore telandikoole podelengi (?) tewaa umbale hoonge
(Note in Indonesian) Lagu paaboka dilakukan tatkala anak-anak umur sebelum remaja bermain-main dengan berdiri bersaf dengan posisi tangan saling berpegangan. Setelah sampai di kalimat Hoonge, anak pertama posisinya berubah yang tadinya menghadap barat kembali menghadap timur dengan melipat tangan di atas dada, namun masih tetap dipegang oleh temannya. Begitu seterusnya sampai selesai. Setelah selesai maka anak yang berdiri di deretan 223 akhir tidak mendapat hukuman untuk (?) melipat tangannya. Maka akhirnya setelah ditanyai (?) masing-masing dengan memukul bahunya masing-masing, maka larilah anak terakhir tadi. Setelah itu anak-anak yang banyak turut mengejar sampai dikerumuni di tengah-tengah.
(English translation) The paaboka song is sung when children who are not yet teenagers play a game, standing in a row (all facing west?) and holding hands. When they reach the sentence Hoonge, the first child in the row changes their position from facing west to facing east, while folding their arms on (across?) their chest, while still holding hands with their friends. It continues like this until it is finished (= until all have had their turn). When it is finished, the child who stands in the last row (position?) does not get the punishment of folding his arms. Finally, when each one has been asked (what?) by beating their shoulders, this last child runs away. After that the other children chase after him until they have rounded him up in their midst.
3. The third song has no title.
Saindo saindo laugaa laugaa tahino wewi wakureu reuko reuko reuko laumina imbagu mbagu lesena sausimba ulese lakajulu, lakajulu jawala onde-onde tangkumarido takukambala dongke gilindo-gilindo masi tandowe-ndowe lapambai ngkoroka
(Note in Indonesian) Lagu Saindo-saindo dinyanyikan dalam bentuk koor.
(English translation) The song Saindo-indo is sung in the form of a chorus (round?).
4. The fourth song is called Laguno Paasede-sede. It is probably a lullaby, but no further information is available.
Sede sese labala labala aidumba aidumba ngkaana ngkaana mbou mbou mbou mbou sakali sakali bulamunte 224
bulamunte wadongka doongka uge-uge uge-uge lampoja mpoja ngkalima lima kokotee atoha inano waode mpagaa
Text 5. La Niadhi te La Pau
Text 5 was also written by La Afa in 1993. It tells the story of a trip to a village inside the earth, which is inhabited by pigs, to search for a lost spear. Through his cunning La Niadhi is able to retrieve the spear and return home, bringing with him a miraculous pot as well.
(1) Daanii dainoho jamani mo-lengo naifiinomootu ne-'ona-hoo mpuu exist still era CA-long formerly PASS.PTCP-name-APPL really
La Pau te La Niadhi sumaa no-me-howuto. ART.M P. with ART.M N. that3 3REAL-CA-garden ‘Long ago in the distant past (two people) called La Pau and La Niadhi had a garden.’
(2) Hii-no howuto-no=oni anaa tonea. contents-3POSS garden-3POSS=this REF taro ‘Their garden was filled with taro.’
(3) Se-'alulu wakutuu La Pau=uni no-lou we daoa. one-CLF time ART.M P.=this 3REAL-go.down LOC market ‘One day La Pau went to the market.’
(4) La Niadhi anaa miina, hulanomo to-mo me-jagai-no howuto. ART.M N. REF NEG because FUT-PFV CA-guard-ACT.PTCP garden ‘La Niadhi did not (go), because he was the one who was to guard the garden.’
(5) Ghato 'oghondoa no-mai-mo manga wewi na-umaa-mo tonea=ani arrive night 3REAL-come-PFV PLUR pig 3IRR-eat-PFV taro=this
hempooni. just.now ‘During the night pigs came to eat the aforementioned taro.’ 225
(6) Sama'a se-mii anaa no-'o-wamba, "Ee, no-wono~wono La Pau but one-CLF REF 3REAL-HAVE-word hey 3real-RDUP~smell ART.M P.
ndea-e." friend-VOC ‘But one of them said, "Hey, it smells of La Pau, friends."
(7) Lawani dua segaano, La Pau pinda i te'i. answer also another ART.M P. ‘Someone else answered, "La Pau pinda i te'i." (This appears to be spoken in Kaimbulawa, a small language on the island of Siompu opposite Busoa.)
(8) Maana-no, La Pau no-lou we mo'ahi. meaning-3POSS ART.M P. 3REAL-go.down LOC sea ‘That means, La Pau has gone to the sea.’
(9) Sabutuno no-fiitahi we segaano ne-fumaa. then 3REAL-search LOC another PASS.PTCP-eat ‘So they searched somewhere else for food.’
(10) Gaghaana 'idi~'idi-no anaa no-lou-mo no-'omingku-oo MIR RDUP~small-ACT.PTCP REF 3REAL-go.down-pfv 3REAL-move-APPL
tonea La Niadhi. taro ART.M N. ‘But the small piglet(s) went ahead and started eating La Niadhi's taro. (The verb 'omingku usually means ‘move’, but here it has the sense of ‘eat’.)
(11) Coba no-'aghada-e, bhoe! try 3REAL-spear-3obj hurray! ‘He tried to spear one, and yes!’
(12) Pada 'a-'amba-no! finish NMLZ-greedy-3POSS ‘That should end his greediness!’ (Lit. ‘Its greediness is finished.’) 226
(13) No-felei no-ndala-hane te 'aghada~'aghada-no. 3REAL-flee 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ with RDUP~spear-3POSS ‘It (the pig) ran away carrying the spear with it (stuck in its side).’
(14) Ghea anaa no-me-'a-tampesa-mo wee fae toni-a-no. blood REF 3REAL-CA-DETR-scatter-PFV LOC what stop.by-LOC-3POSS ‘The blood was scattered everywhere on the track.’
(15) No-'o-wamba-mo anaa se-hulu "Afoo-foombako tomease-ase ndauli hintu 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV REF one-CLF ntagaliau, alaitu mekatole mandarukamo mesambagimo ngkamagi. ‘One of the pigs said, "…"’ (Unintelligible words; possibly in Kaimbulawa.)
(16) No-mbule we daoa La Pau, no-me-tula~tula-hoo-mo kajadia 3REAL-return LOC market ART.M P. 3REAL-CA-RDUP~story-APPL-PFV event
moghondo=oni La Niadhi, sama'a La Pau anaa so-no-'amagha, last.night=this ART.M N. but ART.M P. REF only-3REAL-angry
hulanomo 'aghada-no no-ndala-hane-mo wewi. because spear-3POSS 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ-PFV pig ‘When La Pau returned from the market, La Niadhi told him what had happened the previous night, but La Pau was only angry, because his spear had been taken along by a pig.’
(17) Sabutuno La Niadhi no-fiitahi-mo, no-angka~angka-mo tighi-a-no then ART.M N. 3REAL-search-PFV 3REAL-RDUP~go-PFV drip-LOC-3POSS
ghea=ani. blood=this ‘Then La Niadhi went out on a search, he followed the trail of the blood.’
(18) Mo-lengo no-ghato-mo lo'o 'a-uge, we 'ai-soo-mo tompa-no ghea; CA-long 3REAL-arrive-PFV stone NMLZ-big LOC D-that3-PFV tip-3POSS blood
sabutuno ndea coba no-dongka-e. then friend try 3REAL-remove-3OBJ ‘After a long time he arrived at a large stone, and that was where the blood stopped, so he tried to move the stone away.’ (The vocative ndea was explained as a filler; pelengkap bicara in Indonesian.) 227
(19) Gaghaana we-mo 'ai-soo sampu~sampu-a-no wewi no-angka we MIR LOC-PFV D-that3 RDUP~go.down-LOC-3POSS pig 3REAL-go LOC
puhu-no pangana. tree-3POSS areca.nut ‘To his surprise that was indeed the place where the pig had gone down, making use of an areca palm tree.’
(20) No-angka-mo we puhu-no pangana=ani hempooni La Niadhi 3REAL-go-PFV LOC tree-3POSS areca.nut=this just.now ART.M N.
no-angkatulu-e. 3REAL-follow-3OBJ ‘La Niadhi (also) went (down) by means of this areca palm tree, following it (the pig).’
(21) Miina na-mo-lengo no-ghato-mo wale se-'alu~'alulu-no, gaghaa te NEG 3IRR-CA-long 3REAL-arrive-PFV hut one-RDUP~CLF-3POSS MIR with
mii-no mancuana se-mii. person-3POSS older.person one-CLF ‘Not long afterwards, he arrived at a single hut, and to his surprise there was one old person there.’
(22) No-toni-mo La Niadhi. 3REAL-stop.by-PFV ART.M N. ‘La Niadhi stopped by.’
(23) Ghato we bhanua no-'o-wamba-mo mancuana=ani, "Ana-no arrive LOC house 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV older.person=this child-3POSS
'ola'i-no lewu=uni no-'angkanai-he 'olalaha se-weta. chief-3POSS village=this 3REAL-hit-3OBJ illness one-part ‘When he arrived at the house, the old man said, "The son of the village chief has an illness on one side of his body.’ (The root of the noun 'olalaha ‘illness, disease’ is the stative verb mo-lala ‘painful’.)
(24) No-gugughu-mo tamaa 'o ama-no." 3REAL-troubled-PFV that3.H ART father-3POSS ‘His father up there is really troubled by it."’ 228
(25) No-koja~koja=ani manga, no-ghato-mo hengga-no fumaa-ha. 3REAL-RDUP~talk=this PLUR 3REAL-arrive-PFV time-3POSS eat-LOC ‘They talked for a while, and then it was time to eat.’ (Lit. ‘...the place/time of eating arrived’).
(26) No-ala-e-mo nuhua-no mancuana=ani hempooni 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV cooking.pot-3POSS older.person=this just.now
ampoho no-tiki. then 3REAL-hit ‘The old man took his cooking pot and hit it.’ (The exact nuance of tiki ‘hit’ is unclear; more likely it is ‘tap’ or ‘knock on’.)
(27) Tiki bhae, daanii-mo dua 'o bhae, tiki 'inta, tiki manu, no-daanii-mo hit rice exist-PFV also ART rice hit fish hit chicken 3REAL-exist-PFV
dua 'inta tee manu. also fish with chicken ‘He hit the pot and said ‘rice’, and there was indeed rice; when he hit the pot and said ‘fish’, then hit it again and said ‘chicken’, there was indeed fish and chicken (in the pot).’ (Lit. ‘Hit rice, there was also rice, hit fish, hit chicken....’)
(28) Mondo-mo ne-fumaa te-mo 'andesa'a-no, no-fumaa-mo manga. finished-PFV PASS.PTCP-eat with-PFV side.dish-3POSS 3REAL-eat-PFV plur ‘When the food was ready with the side dishes (vegetables, fish and meat) they ate together.’
(29) Pada no-fumaa no-'o-wamba-mo mancuana=ani, "To-awe-ho after 3REAL-eat 3REAL-have-word-PFV older.person=this 1PL.IN.REAL-go.up-IPFV
te intano ndea, to-solo-e ana-no 'ola'i-no lewu with 1PL.IN friend 1PL.IN.REAL-visit-3OBJ child-3POSS chief-3POSS village
tamaa." that3.H ‘After they had eaten, the old man said, "Let's go up together, my friend, and visit the son of the village chief up there."’ 229
(30) No-awe-mo manga. 3REAL-go.up-PFV PLUR ‘They went up together.’
(31) Ghato=oni anaa gaghaa no-'a-ntai~ntai-mo 'aghada wee balo. arrive=this REF MIR 3REAL-?-RDUP~hang-PFV spear LOC beam ‘When they got there, to his surprise the spear was hanging from a beam.’
(32) Foni-mo we bhanua, mina na-mo-lengo no-koja~koja manga te go.up-PFV LOC house NEG 3IRR-CA-long 3REAL-RDUP~talk PLUR with
'ola'i-no lewu=uni, no-'o-wamba-mo 'ola'i-no lewu we La chief-3POSS village=this 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV chief-3POSS village LOC ART.M
Niadhi, "To-'igha~'igha-'anau te intano ndea 'olalaha-no N. 1PL.IN.REAL-RDUP~guess-1SG.OBJ with 1PL.IN friend illness-3POSS
'aindei=ini." child=this ‘They went up into the house, and they had not chatted long with the village chief, when the chief said to La Niadhi, "My friend, could you also please find out for me what this child is suffering from?"’ (Lit. 'Please guess for me and you, friend, the illness of this child.')
(33) Lawani La Niadhi, "'Uumbee sama'a tangkanomo to-foomba-e te answer ART.M N. yes but only 1PL.IN.REAL-tell-3OBJ with
mii-no lewu=uni, 'oghondoa naupou no-joli-i person-3POSS village=this night in.a.while 3REAL-lock-3OBJ
no-fe'a-tangka-e bhanua-no, tee hingga se-mii, 'uje te 3REAL-CAUS-strong-3OBJ house-3POSS with even one-CLF do.not with
'o-mii-no wute. HAVE-person-ACT.PTCP ground ‘La Niadhi replied, "Yes, but the only thing is that you have to inform the people in the village that tonight they must (stay inside and) lock their houses tightly. Not a single person can be on the ground.’ (During a check of this text in 2009, it was suggested by two readers that instead of 'uje te 'omiino wute, a better wording would be: 'uje te mii we wute.) 230
(34) Tee a-k
ma'a simintu po-tampe~tampesa-hoo-mu habu." then 2PL PL-RDUP~scatter-APPL-PL ashes ‘I will shout in a while, because I am curing him, and then you must scatter ashes (in the air)."’
(35) Sabutuno saanaa no-po-pali-'i-mo se-mii no-tumpu-e then PART 3REAL-REC-go.around-TR-PFV one-CLF 3REAL-order-3OBJ
'ola'i-no lewu, " 'Oghondoa naopou pa na-membali te chief-3POSS village night in.a.while FUT.NEG 3IRR-can with
s
(36) 'A-joli-no na-bho'e-e na-[m]a'a-tangka-e, te pa NMLZ-lock-3POSS 3IRR-tie-3OBJ 3IRR-[IRR]CAUS-strong-3OBJ with FUT.NEG
na-membali te mo-ghobho-no, hulanomo 'ola'i-no lewu dainoho 3IRR-can with CA-noisy-ACT.PTCP because chief-3POSS village still
na-l
(37) Tee ta-[m]etendengii-he tee kei. with 1PL.IN.IRR-[IRR]listen.fo-3OBJ with shout ‘We will listen for a shout.’
(38) Na-k
ta-po-tampe~tampesa-hoo-mu habu." 1PL.IN.IRR-PL-RDUP~scatter-APPL-PL ashes ‘When there is a shout, then all of us in our houses will scatter ashes."’ 231
(39) Ghato 'oghondoa manga mii-no lewu mina-mo te mo-ghobho-no, arrive night PLUR person-3POSS village NEG-PFV with CA-noisy-ACT.PTCP
no-fetendengii-mo kei; habu no-fo-sodia-he-mo. 3REAL-listen.for-PFV shout ashes 3REAL-CAUS-ready-3OBJ-PFV ‘When night came, nobody in the village made any noise, they all listened for the shout; they had prepared the ashes.’ (The verb no-fo-sodia-he-mo ‘they prepared it’ is based on the Indonesian loan sodia from sedia ‘ready’; an indigenous alternative is no-fo-ntaa-ntaa-he-mo.)
(40) Mina na-mo-lengo no-kei-mo La Niadhi ampoho no-hela te NEG 3IRR-CA-long 3REAL-shout-PFV ART.M N. then 3REAL-pull with
'aghada wee balo, ampoho no-felei lalosa'a, no-ala-e te spear LOC beam then 3REAL-flee immediately 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ with
nuhua-no mancuana me-tiki-no bhae, 'inta, manu, malingu cooking.pot-3POSS older.person CA-hit-ACT.PTCP rice fish chicken every
peelu-a-nto=oni hempooni. desire-LOC-1PL.IN.POSS=this just.now ‘Not longer afterwards La Niadhi shouted, then he pulled the spear from the beam, and immediately ran away; he also took the cooking pot that the old man had hit for rice, fish, chicken, everything that they (lit. we incl) had wished for earlier.’
(41) No-felei La Niadhi lalo~lalo-no, ana-no 'ola'i-no lewu 3REAL-flee ART.M N. RDUP~inside-3POSS child-3POSS chief-3POSS village
no-kei-mo na-mate-o-mo 'a-lala. 3REAL-shout-PFV 3IRR-die-APPL-PFV NMLZ-painful ‘La Niadhi ran away as fast as he could, while the son of the village chief was shouting, about to die from pain.’
(42) Sabutuno coba no-pagampa La Niadhi, manga no-po-agoghi then try 3REAL-chase ART.M N. PLUR 3REAL-PL-hurriedly
no-tuhu laa-no pangana foni-a-no La Niadhi, sama'a 3REAL-chop.down stem-3POSS areca.nut go.up-LOC-3POSS ART.M N. but 232
na-l
no-ghato-mo dua wee wawo-no wute. 3REAL-arrive-PFV also LOC above-3POSS ground ‘So they tried to chase La Niadhi, and some men hurriedly chopped down the stem of the areca palm tree that La Niadhi was climbing up in, but there was nothing they could do. When it was about to fall down, La Niadhi had already arrived above on the ground.’
(43) 'A-soso-no ma'a lalo-no manga, toni~toni-a-no NMLZ-regret-3POSS INTENS inside-3POSS PLUR RDUP~stop.by-LOC-3POSS
no-mbula'u no-mo-pula-mo. 3REAL-steal 3REAL-CA-fall.down-PFV ‘How they regretted (what had happened); their way to (go up and) steal had fallen down.’
(44) La Niadhi anaa mina dua na-te-pooli, te wee fae dua, ART.M N. REF NEG also 3IRR-PASS-catch with LOC what also
no-po-wugha-hoo nuhua membali. 3REAL-REC-find-APPL cooking.pot miraculous ‘La Niadhi could not be caught, and moreover he had found (and taken) the miraculous cooking pot.’
(45) Tee 'a-daanii-no nuhua=ani 'ane pa na-te-da'i~da'i with NMLZ-exist-3POSS cooking.pot=this if FUT.NEG 3IRR-PASS-RDUP~bad
'aeho sampe jamani=ini sadaa~daano. maybe until era=this still.there ‘As for the status (lit. existence) of the cooking pot, if it had not (been) broken maybe it would still be around at the present moment.’
(46) No-mo-da'i no-berkisara na-pe-mohono-mo taho. 3REAL-CA-bad 3REAL-around 3IRR-ABOUT-hundred-PFV year ‘It broke around a hundred years ago.’ (berkisara is an Indonesian loan, from berkisar ‘around, about’.) 233
(47) Pada-ha-no-mo. finish-LOC-3POSS-PFV ‘That was the end.’
Text 6. La Hasal Basari
Text 6, again written by La Afa in 1993, is a variation on the well-known story of the seven fairies who came to earth, with several unexpected additions, including the introduction (lines 1-6) and the ‘singing incident’ (lines 42-51).
(1) Sabutuno La Hasal Basari sumaa no-'olambu-e-mo ama-no then ART.M H. B. that3 3REAL-mosquito.net-3OBJ-PFV father-3POSS
te ina-no fitu-tapi. with mother-3POSS seven-layer ‘La Hasal Basari was covered by his parents with seven layers of mosquito netting.’
(2) Gaghaa no-tele~telengai-mo ng
(3) No-posanga-mo we ama-no te ina-no; 3REAL-ask.permission-PFV LOC father-3POSS with mother-3POSS
no-ungka-hane-mo. 3REAL-agree-3IND.OBJ-PFV ‘He asked permission from his father and his mother (to go to the person who was reciting and get lessons from him), and they agreed to it.’
(4) No-lou-mo. 3REAL-go.down-PFV ‘He went down.’
(5) Sefae~sefae-mo 'a-lengo-no no-ngaji, no-tumpu-e-mo RDUP~how.many-PFV NMLZ-long-3POSS 3REAL-recite.Quran 3REAL-order-3OBJ-PFV 234
gughu-no no-me-tinda~tinda folo-no sau kalumiia. teacher-3POSS 3REAL-CA-RDUP~obtain resin-3POSS wood k.o.tree ‘After he had recited the Quran for a while, his teacher ordered him to obtain resin from the kalumiia tree.’ (The kalumiia is an unidentified resinous tree.)
(6) Ghato we hoso, gaghaa no-leo-mo, sabutuno La Hasal arrive LOC upper.part MIR 3REAL-lean.over-PFV then ART.M H.
Basari no-mo-ndawu we po-labhanga-ha-no masyariki te B. 3REAL-CA-fall LOC REC-space.between-LOC-3POSS east with
magharibi. west ‘When he arrived at the top of tree, it unexpectedly leaned over and La Hasal Basari fell down in the area between the east and the west.’ (The terms for east and west are Arabic borrowings; the regular terms are mata holeo ‘east’ and mata bhagha ‘west’).
(7) No-fe-ndala~ndala-mo, mina na-mo-lengo no-ghato-mo 'ambaagha-no 3REAL-?-RDUP~go-PFV NEG 3IRR-CA-long 3REAL-arrive-PFV creek-3POSS
jue. water ‘He walked along, and not long afterwards he arrived at a creek with water.’
(8) No-angka~angka-e-mo. 3REAL-RDUP~go-3OBJ-PFV ‘He followed the creek.’
(9) Gaghaa no-ghato~ghato-mo budhiadhaghi fo~pitu 'a-bhaghi-no MIR 3REAL-RDUP~arrive-PFV fairy RDUP~seven NMLZ-many-3POSS
tangasahano dainoho no-me-bhaho, no-me-'unde. while still 3REAL-CA-bathe 3REAL-CA-wash.hair ‘Then to his surprise seven fairies had arrived there; they were bathing and washing their hair.’ 235
(10) 'A-'unde-a-no fotu-no bungaaja te 'amba mpuu. NMLZ-wash.hair-LOC-3POSS head-3POSS k.o. orchid with jasmine flower ‘They were washing their hair with orchids and jasmine flowers. (The identity of 'amba mpuu is not clear; it could also be cotton flowers.)
(11) Pada-mo manga no-me-bhaho no-ala-mo antasakumu-no. finish-PFV PLUR 3REAL-CA-bathe 3REAL-take/get-PFV flying.jacket-3POSS ‘When they had bathed, they took their flying jackets.’
(12) Ghato Wa Kae-kaepu anaa, mina-mo na-te-ita antasakumu-no whereas ART.F K. REF NEG-PFV 3IRR-PASS-see flying.jacket-3POSS
se-mii~mii-no. one-RDUP~person-3POSS ‘But as for Wa Kae-kaepu (the youngest of them), she was the only person whose flying jacket was nowhere to be seen.’
(13) So-no-po-fiitahi-mo, mina-mo na-te-wugha. only-3REAL-PL-search-PFV NEG-PFV 3IRR-PASS-find ‘They just looked and looked, but they could no longer find it.’ (Lit. ‘...it was not to be found.’)
(14) Samba-mo na-me-lenta. until.almost-PFV 3IRR-CA-dark ‘(They searched) until it was almost dark.’ (The meaning of me-lenta is possibly wrong; others gave the meaning as ‘light, dawn’. But ‘dark’ makes more sense here. See also line 19.)
(15) Sabutuno sabhangka-no=oni no-foomba-mo Wa Kae-kaepu na-m-antagi-i then friend-3POSS=this 3REAL-tell-PFV ART.F K. 3IRR-IRR-wait-3OBJ
na-me-mbule-si-ene antasakumu. 3IRR-CA-return-TR-3IND.OBJ flying.jacket ‘Then her friends told Wa Kae-kaepu to wait for them while they would come back to her with (another) flying jacket.’ 236
(16) Ghato sa-'ondo-no manga sabhangka-no, no-mai-mo La Hasal arrive WHEN-leave-3POSS PLUR friend-3POSS 3REAL-come-PFV ART.M H.
Basari. B. ‘When her friends had left, Hasal Basari showed up (lit. came).’
(17) No-abha-mo Wa Kae-kaepu, "Ala-e situ antasakumu-'u, Hasal 3REAL-ask-PFV ART.F K. take/get-3OBJ 2SG flying.jacket-1SG.POSS H.
Basari?" B. ‘Wa Kae-kaepu asked, "Did you take my flying jacket, Hasal Basari?"’
(18) Lawani dua anoa, "Miina." answer also 3SG NEG ‘He answered, "No, I didn't."’
(19) Pogau dua Wa Kae-kaepu, "Miina, baangkala ala-e situ, speak also ART.F K. NEG in.that.case take/get-3OBJ 2SG
foomba-'anau-mo hulanomo 'aasi na-me-lenta-mo." TELL-1SG.OBJ-PFV because pity 3IRR-CA-dark-PFV ‘Wa Kae-kaepu said, "Not true. If you have taken it, please tell me, because it's almost dark, poor me."’
(20) 'O-wamba-mo La Hasal Basari, "A-m-ungka-mo nuni. HAVE-word-PFV ART.M H. B. 1SG-IRR-agree-PFV 1SG ‘La Hasal Basari said, "I am willing to do that.’
(21) A-t
liwu-mu." village-2SG.POSS ‘I will give it to you, but only if I can also go up to your village."’ 237
(22) Lawani dua Wa Kae-kaepu, "Angkifae-mo suana=atu, uwa-'u answer also ART.F K. how-PFV PART=that2 grandparent-1SG.POSS
tama-anaa 'o gughuda, no-fumaa-he 'o mii." that3.H-REF ART monster.bird 3REAL-eat-3OBJ ART person ‘Wa Kae-kaepu answered, "How would that work? My grandfather up there is a monster bird; he eats people."’
(23) "Maliomo sumano na-umaa-'anau we ghanda-no lima-mu, just.let if.only 3IRR-eat-1SG.OBJ LOC breast-3POSS hand-2SG.POSS
m-ita~ita-'anau situ." IRR-RDUP~see-1SG.OBJ 2SG ‘(He said) "That's okay; as long as he eats me from the palm of your hand, you will continue to see me."’ (The meaning of this reply is rather obscure.)
(24) Sabutuno no-wawe-e-mo we wulu fotu-no Wa Kae-kaepu La then 3REAL-wind-3OBJ-PFV LOC hair head-3POSS ART.F K. ART.M
Hasal Basari, ampoho no-ghogho. H. B. then 3REAL-fly ‘So Wa Kae-kaepu rolled La Hasal Basari up in her hair (lit. wound him in her hair) and then she flew away.’
(25) No-ghato we bhanua, no-'o-wamba-mo uwa-no, "Mofae 3REAL-arrive LOC house 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV grandparent-3POSS why
ndea situ=uni 'o-wono~wono-mo dhagi-no manusia?" friend 2SG=this HAVE-RDUP~smell-PFV meat-3POSS man ‘When she arrived home, her grandfather asked, "Why do you carry the smell of human meat, girl?"’
(26) Lawani Wa Kae-kaepu "We fae-mo ta-me-ala dhagi-no answer ART.F K. loc what-PFV 1PL.IN.IRR-CA-take/get meat-3POSS
manusia suanaa 'uwa? 'A-'udoho-no masyariki te magharibi." man PART grandparent NMLZ-far-3POSS east with west ‘Wa Kae-kaepu answered, "Where would we get human meat, grandpa? That is as far away as the east and the west."’ 238
(27) "Miina! NEG ‘"Not true!’
(28) Baangkala mohane to kawi-mu, ghobhine to andea-mu." in.that.case man for spouse-2SG.POSS woman for friend-2SG.POSS ‘If it’s a man, he’ll be your husband, if it’s woman, she’ll be your friend"’
(29) No-wughagha-e-mo wulu fotu-no Wa Kae-kaepu, 3REAL-untie-3OBJ-PFV hair head-3POSS ART.F K.
soo-seba-no La Hasal Basari wee hodo. DIRECTLY-sit.cross.legged-3POSS ART.M H. B. LOC floor ‘Wa Kae-kaepu untangled her hair, and immediately La Hasal Basari sat down cross-legged on the floor.’ (The exact meaning of the prefix soo- and its productivity is not clear.)
(30) 'O-wamba-mo uwa-no, "To-mo kawi-mo=otu." HAVE-word-PFV grandparent-3POSS for-PFV spouse-2SG.POSS=that2 ‘Her grandfather said, "That will be your husband."’
(31) Sabutuno no-fela~felate-mo, sampe-mo no-'o-'aindei-mo se-mii mohane. then 3real-RDUP~live-PFV until-PFV 3REAL-HAVE-child-PFV one-CLF man ‘So they lived there until they had a child, a boy.’
(32) Sa-uge~uge-no 'aindei-no=oni, no-'o-wamba-mo La Hasal WHEN-RDUP~big-3POSS child-3POSS=this 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV ART.M H.
Basari, "A-l
ina-'u nuni." mother-1SG.POSS 1SG ‘When their child had grown up, La Hasal Basari spoke, "I will go down and visit my father and my mother (and other relatives)."’
(33) Wamba Wa Kae-kaepu, a-l
(34) No-pusanga-mo we uwa-no, no-ungka-hane-mo; 3REAL-ask.permission-PFV LOC grandparent-3POSS 3REAL-agree-3IND.OBJ-PFV
no-me-hole~hole-ene-mo ama-no te ina-no fato-fulu 3REAL-CA-RDUP~bake-3IND.OBJ-PFV father-3POSS with mother-3POSS four-ten
giu 'a-bhaghi-no. kind NMLZ-many-3POSS ‘They/she asked her grandfather for permission to go, and he gave it; she/they baked forty kinds (of baked goods) for his father and mother.’
(35) No-lou-mo manga. 3REAL-go.down-PFV PLUR ‘Then they went down.’
(36) Sa-ghato-no 'aasi manga no-abha-mo " 'Uma-a, 'ina-a, WHEN-arrive-3POSS pity PLUR 3REAL-ask-PFV father-VOC mother-vOC
lengkasi-'anau." open-1SG.OBJ ‘When they arrived (at his parents' home), he asked them, "Father! Mother! Please open the door for me."’
(37) Lawani-mo ama-no te ina-no, "Ee, lafae-mo dua bhagha 'aasi answer-PFV father-3POSS with mother-3POSS hey who-PFV also possibly pity
me-abha~abha-no=oni, ana-'u no-mate-mo." CA-RDUP~ask-ACT.PTCP=this child-1SG.POSS 3REAL-die-PFV ‘His father and mother replied, "Hey, who could that possibly be, asking (us to open the door)? Our son (lit. my child) is dead, poor us."’
(38) "Miina, nuni-mo=oni, La Hasal Basari." NEG 1SG-PFV=this ART.M H. B. ‘"Not true, it's me here, La Hasal Basari."’
(39) No-lengkasi-i-mo, no-foni-mo manga. 3REAL-open-3OBJ-PFV 3REAL-go.up-PFV PLUR ‘So they opened the door for him, and they went up (into the house).’ 240
(40) 'A-bha'u-no hole~hole minaho we uwa-no NMLZ-food.provisions-3POSS baked.goods come.from LOC grandparent-3POSS
gughuda=ani hempooni no-toghai-ene-mo. monster.bird=this just.now 3REAL-give-3IND.OBJ-PFV ‘They gave them (the parents) the baked goods they had brought along from their grandparent, the monster bird.’
(41) No-fela~felate-mo manga. 3REAL-RDUP~live-PFV PLUR ‘They lived there together.’
(42) Sefae~sefae 'a-lengo-no, no-ndala-mo we howuto La Hasal RDUP~how.many NMLZ-long-3POSS 3REAL-go-PFV LOC garden ART.M H.
Basari. B. ‘After some time, La Hasal Basari went to the garden.’
(43) Ndala La Hasal Basari, Wa Kae-kaepu no-lagu~lagu-o-mo go ART.M H. B. ART.F K. 3REAL-RDUP~sing-APPL-PFV
ana-no, "Bulawa bubu bonebinena sumanga; suasa kamba, child-3POSS gold kamba-kambano umala." ‘While La Hasal Basari was gone, Wa Kae-kaepu was singing to her child. "Bulawa bubu bonebinena sumanga; suasa kamba, kamba-kambano umala."’ (Mostly meaningless words.)
(44) Gaghaana no-'o-bho'u-mo bhaghagha-no mohane we saghimbanua. MIR 3REAL-HAVE-desire-PFV chest-3POSS man LOC side.of. house ‘But a man in the house next door (who heard her) desired her.’ (Lit. ‘….his chest had a desire/pounding.’)
(45) "Inomee 'alimua-no suagha-no ghobhine sumaa dadi, 'ane to-mo wow! beautiful-3POSS voice-3POSS woman that3 PART if for-PFV
ghobhine-'u." woman-1SG.POSS ‘"Wow, that woman has a beautiful voice. If only she could be my wife!"’ 241
(46) Gaghaanaa Wa Kae-kaepu anaa, bho'u=uni hempooni gaghaa MIR ART.F K. REF desire=this just.now MIR
no-pande-ene. 3REAL-know-3IND.OBJ ‘But Wa Kae-kaepu knew this (man's) desire.’
(47) Sabutuno no-foomba-mo ama-no te ina-no. then 3REAL-tell-PFV father-3POSS with mother-3POSS ‘So she told her father and mother(-in-law).’
(48) " 'Ane na-mbule naupou La Hasal Basari foomba-e nuni if 3IRR-return in.a.while ART.M H. B. tell-3OBJ 1SG
a-mbule-mo we uwa-'u, hulanomo manga mii we 1SG-return-PFV LOC grandparent-1SG.POSS because PLUR person LOC
'aini=ani gaghaa no-mo-da'i 'isikadhi-no; te-mo this=this MIR 3REAL-CA-bad intent-3POSS with-PFV
to-lagu~lagu-ho 'aindei-nto gaghaa tabeano to-mo dua 1PL.IN.REAL-RDUP~sing-APPL child-1PL.IN.POSS MIR only.if for-PFV also
ghobhine-no." woman-3POSS ‘"When La Hasal Basari comes home in a while, tell him, 'I have gone back to my grandfather, because the people here have bad intentions; while I (lit. we) was singing for my (lit. our) child, he suddenly wanted me (lit. us) to become his wife.'"’
(49) No-mbule La Hasal Basari no-foomba-e-mo sompuu pugau-no 3REAL-return ART.M H. B. 3REAL-tell-3OBJ-PFV like word-3POSS
Wa Kae-kaepu himpooni, sombo-mo dua, "Nuni dainoho te 'aindei=ini ART.F K. just.now like-PFV also 1SG still with child=this
to ne-ita~ita-no." FUT PASS.PTCP-RDUP~see-3POSS ‘When La Hasal Basari came home, they told him the words of Wa Kae-kaepu, and also (that she had spoken) like this, "I still have this child to look after."’ 242
(50) Telengai 'a-daanii-no Wa Kae-kaepu, La Hasal Basari hear NMLZ-exist-3POSS ART.F K. ART.M H. B.
no-pusanga-mo we ama-no te ina-no bhe 3REAL-ask.permission-PFV LOC father-3POSS with mother-3POSS so.that
na-m-angkatulu-ho Wa Kae-kaepu. 3IRR-IRR-follow-PURP ART.F K. ‘When he heard what had happened to Wa Kae-kaepu, La Hasal Basari asked his father and his mother permission to go so that he could follow Wa Kae-kaepu.’
(51) No-angkatulu-e-mo. 3REAL-follow-3OBJ-PFV ‘He followed her.’
(52) Ghato we liwu-no Wa Kae-kaepu gughuda=ani na-umaa La arrive LOC village-3POSS ART.F K. monster.bird=this 3IRR-eat ART.M
Hasal Basari, sama'a La Hasal Basari miina na-'o-mingku~mingku. H. B. but ART.M H. B. NEG 3IRR-HAVE-RDUP~move ‘When he arrived in the village of Wa Kae-kaepu, the monster bird wanted to eat La Hasal Basari, but La Hasal Basari did not make a move or say a word.’ (The negated verb 'o-mingku can either mean ‘not move’ or ‘be silent’).
(53) Sabutuno no-fa-'ajo-e-mo 'aindei-no gughuda=ani then 3REAL-CAUS-shape-3OBJ-PFV child-3POSS monster.bird=this
fo~pitu-e sompuu se-'ajo, ampoho no-tumpu La Hasal Basari RDUP~seven-3OBJ like one-shape then 3REAL-order ART.M H. B.
no-bhoto-e ghobhine-no. 3REAL-guess-3OBJ woman-3POSS ‘So they dressed up and decorated all the seven children of the monster bird so that they all looked the same, and then they ordered La Hasal Basari to guess who his wife was.’
(54) Sabutuno no-mai-mo lelo bulawa no-foomba La Hasal Basari, then 3REAL-come-PFV fly gold 3REAL-tell ART.M H. B. 243
"A-t
'a-fende~fende. ?-RDUP~amazed ‘Then came a golden fly who told Hasal Basari, "If I land on someone’s eye, on someone’s ear, on someone’s mouth (lit. on his/her palate), do not be surprised.’
(55) Tabeano-mo a-butu-mo we tampu-no ngee-no naupou, ampoho only.if-PFV 1SG-land-PFV LOC tip-3POSS nose-3POSS in.a.while then
bhoto-e." guess-3OBJ ‘Only when I land on the tip of her nose, then you may guess."’
(56) 'A-tungku~tungku-mo La Hasal Basari no-ita~ita-mo tumpu-a-no ?-RDUP~bow-PFV ART.M H. B. 3REAL-RDUP~see-PFV perch-LOC-3POSS
lelo=oni. fly=this ‘La Hasal Basari (stood there) with bowed head, but watching where the fly would land.’
(57) Ghato no-tumpu we tampu-no ngee-no, no-'o-wamba-mo La arrive 3REAL-perch LOC tip-3POSS nose-3POSS 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV ART.M
Hasal Basari " 'O=otu-mo ina-no ana-'u." H. B. ART=that2-PFV mother-3POSS child-1SG.POSS ‘As soon as it landed on the tip of a nose, La Hasal Basari said, "That is the mother of my child!"’
(58) Sabutuno no-'o-wamba-mo gughuda, "Sa'otu~'otuhuno gaghaa then 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV monster.bird truly MIR
situ=uni Hasal Basari mii membali." 2SG=this H. B. person extraordinary ‘So the monster bird spoke, "Hasal Basari, you are truly an extraordinary person."’ 244
(59) 'Opadaha-no-mo. end-3POSS-PFV ‘The end.’
Text 7. La Ode Bhalapanda te Wa Sambamparia
Text 7 was written by La Safui in 1993. It tells the story of two sisters, the older of whom elopes with a nobleman. The younger follows them, but is rejected by her older sister, which leads to her death.
(1) La Ode Bhalapanda te bhatua-no no-ndala no-me-'a-punto. ART.M noble B. with slave-3POSS 3REAL-go 3REAL-CA-DETR-blow ‘La Ode Bhalapanda and his slave(s) went hunting using a blowpipe.’
(2) No-telengai-mo me-mooghu-no bhita. 3REAL-hear-PFV CA-weave-ACT.PTCP sarong ‘They heard someone weaving a sarong.’ (Weaving is exclusively a female activity in Busoa.)
(3) "Tete-tete La Ode La Ode Bhalapanda sawi-ngkakuti tick-tack ART.M noble ART.M noble B. go.up-heddle.rod
lele-i mpanata." cross.over-TR weavers.sword ‘(She sang) ‘Tick-tack, La Ode La Ode Bhalapanda, go by the heddle rod, walk over the weaver’s sword."’ (Tete-tete is the sound made by a tongue-like clapper attached to the beam on the loom which sounds when the weft is beaten in. The word sawi means ‘go up’ in Muna, but does not otherwise occur in Busoa. The words kakuti ‘heddle rod’ and panata ‘weaver’s sword’ are both prenasalized in this song; see §2.10.4.)
(4) La Ode Bhalapanda te bhatua-no no-ghato we bhanua, Wa ART.M noble B. with slave-3POSS 3REAL-arrive LOC house ART.F
Sambamparia no-foni we hahu no-me-sangkobhi wulu-no fotu-no. S. 3REAL-go.up LOC attic 3REAL-CA-cover hair-3POSS head-3POSS ‘When La Ode Bhalapanda and his slave(s) arrived at the house, Wa Sambamparia went up into the attic and covered herself with her (long) hair.’ 245
(5) La Ode Bhalapanda no-abha-mo ai-no, 'ona-no ART.M noble B. 3REAL-ask-PFV younger.sibling-3POSS name-3POSS
Wa Bhalongkabula, "Fae 'a-'umbu~'umbu-no we hahu tamaa?" ART.F B. what ?-RDUP~folded.up-ACT.PTCP LOC attic that3.H ‘La Ode Bhalapanda asked her younger sister, whose name was Wa Bhalongkabula, "What is that folded up there in the attic?"’
(6) Lawani-mo Wa Bhalongkabula, " 'Ampuga." answer-PFV ART.F B. palm.fibre ‘Wa Bhalongkabula replied, "That's palm fibre."’
(7) La Ode Bhalapanda c
(8) "Baghangkala na-t
mii." person ‘(He said) "If it (= the dart) bounces, it’s palm fibre, if it gets stuck, it’s a person."’
(9) No-punto-e, no-tongke. 3REAL-blow-3OBJ 3REAL-stuck ‘He blew a dart at it, and it remained stuck.’
(10) Paghakisaa-he Wa Sambamparia me-sangkobhi wulu fotu-no. examine-3OBJ ART.F S. CA-cover hair head-3POSS ‘He examined it, and it was Wa Sambamparia who had covered herself with her hair.’
(11) La Ode Bhalapanda no-tumpu-mo Wa Bhalongkabula ART.M noble B. 3REAL-order-PFV ART.F B.
me-ala-hane jue na-[m]oghoghu. CA-take/get-3IND.OBJ water 3IRR-[IRR]drink ‘La Ode Bhalapanda ordered Wa Bhalongkabula to go and get him some water so that he could drink.’ 246
(12) Me-ala-hane we tonde, bholonga-e jue-no. CA-take/get-3IND.OBJ LOC glass pour.out-3OBJ water-3POSS ‘When she got water for him in a glass, he poured it out.’
(13) Me-ala-hane we bhalobu, bholonga-e jue-no. CA-take/get-3IND.OBJ LOC bowl pour.out-3OBJ water-3POSS ‘When she got water for him in a bowl, he poured it out.’
(14) Mo-puli jue tumpu-e na-me-hii. CA-finished water order-3OBJ 3IRR-CA-get.water ‘When all the water (in the house) was finished, he ordered her to get water (at a well or a spring).’
(15) Di'a-ha-no na-me-ala 'alangka to 'a-hii-a-no jue. put-LOC-3POSS 3IRR-CA-take/get basket for NMLZ-get.water-LOC-3POSS water ‘As a container, she got a basket for drawing water. ’
(16) Wa Bhalongkabula me-ala-mo 'alangka lou me-hii jue, ART.F B. CA-take/get-PFV basket go.down CA-get.water water
fo-tondu-e 'alangka, sangke-e, miina na-'o-jue. CAUS-sink-3OBJ basket lift-3OBJ NEG 3IRR-HAVE-water ‘Wa Bhalongkabula took the basket, went down (to the spring) to get water, she lowered the basket, pulled it up, but there was no water.’
(17) Wa Sambamparia no-ndala-hane-mo La Ode Bhalapanda, ART.F S. 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ-PFV ART.M noble B.
no-me-di'a tutu we tetengkala foomba-mo tutu, Wa Sambamparia 3REAL-CA-put louse LOC threshold.plank tell-PFV louse ART.F S.
no-ndala-hane-mo La Ode Bhalapanda. 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ-PFV ART.M noble B. ‘(Meanwhile) Wa Sambamparia was taken along by La Ode Bhalapanda, and she put a louse on the plank in the door opening and told the louse that Wa Sambamparia had been taken away by La Ode Bhalapanda. (In the original the last line says that Wa Bhalongkabula had been taken away. This must be an error.) 247
(18) No-mbule Wa Bhalongkabula pulele-mo tutu Wa Sambamparia 3REAL-return ART.F B. announce-PFV louse ART.F S.
no-ndala-hane-mo La Ode Bhalapanda. 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ-PFV ART.M noble B. ‘When Wa Bhalongkabula returned home, the louse told (her) that Wa Sambamparia had been taken away by La Ode Bhalapanda.’
(19) Wa Bhalongkabula fo'oni-mo bhita-no tee 'ambalala-no te ART.F B. put.on-PFV sarong-3POSS with shirt-3POSS with
'apiso-no ampoho no-angkatulu isa-no no-buntuli. knife-3POSS then 3REAL-follow older.sibling-3POSS 3REAL-run ‘Wa Bhalongkabula put on her sarong and her shirt, (took) her knife and then she ran following her sister.’
(20) Te-'ai bhita-no no-dodo-e; te-'ai 'ambalala-no no-dodo-e; PASS-stuck sarong-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ PASS-stuck shirt-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ
te-'ai wulu fotu-no no-dodo-e. PASS-stuck hair head-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ ‘When her sarong got caught (in something), she cut it (loose); when her shirt got caught, she cut it; when her hair got caught, she cut it.’
(21) No-ndala-hoo te no-hohae, "Antagi-'anau isa. 3REAL-go-IMPV with 3REAL-cry wait-1SG.OBJ older.sibling ‘She went crying, "Wait for me, sister!’
(22) A-mo-male-mo 'aasi a-buntuli." 1SG-CA-tired-PFV pity 1SG-run ‘I'm tired of running, poor me."’
(23) Isa-no no-antagi-i we bhalo-no sea. older.sibling-3POSS 3REAL-wait-3OBJ LOC hole-3POSS ant ‘The older sister waited for her at an ant hole.’
(24) No-ghato no-hawi-i-mo. 3REAL-arrive 3REAL-lap-3OBJ-PFV ‘When she (the younger sister) arrived, she (the older sister) put her on her lap.’ 248
(25) No-mono'o no-fo-ndole-e-mo we bhalo-no sea, ampoho no-foomba 3REAL-sleep 3REAL-CAUS-lie-3OBJ-PFV LOC hole-3POSS ant then 3REAL-tell
sea, "Tabeano na-'udoho-mo ndala-mami, ampoho bhangu-e." ant only.if 3IRR-far-PFV go-1PL.EX.POSS then wake.up-3OBJ ‘When she fell asleep, she (the older sister) put her down in the ant hole, then she told the ants, "Only when we've gone a long way can you wake her up."’
(26) No-bhangu-e, isa-no mo-lengo-mo no-ndala, 3REAL-wake.up-3OBJ older.sibling-3POSS CA-long-PFV 3REAL-go
ai-no no-buntuli te no-hohae. younger.sibling-3POSS 3REAL-run with 3REAL-cry ‘When they woke her up, the older sister was long gone, and the younger sister ran (after her) while crying.’
(27) Te-'ai bhita-no no-dodo-e; te-'ai 'ambalala-no no-dodo-e; PASS-stuck sarong-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ PASS-stuck shirt-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ
te-'ai wulu fotu-no no-dodo-e. PASS-stuck hair head-3POSS 3REAL-cut-3OBJ ‘When her sarong got caught (in something), she cut it; when her shirt got caught, she cut it; when her hair got caught, she cut it.’
(28) "Antagi-'anau isa, mo-male-mo a-buntuli 'aasi." wait-1SG.OBJ older.sibling CA-tired-PFV 1SG-run pity ‘(She cried) "Please wait for me, sister, I'm tired of running, poor me."’
(29) No-antagi-i we bhalo-no mangkai. 3REAL-wait-3OBJ LOC hole-3POSS centipede ‘She (the older sister) waited for her at a hole with centipedes.’
(30) No-ghato no-hawi-i-mo. 3REAL-arrive 3REAL-lap-3OBJ-PFV ‘When she (the younger sister) arrived, she put her on her lap.’
(31) No-muno'o-mo no-fo-ndole-e-mo we bhalo-no mangkai, ampoho 3REAL-sleep-PFV 3REAL-CAUS-lie-3OBJ-PFV LOC hole-3POSS centipede then 249
no-foomba mangkai, ta-gh
bhangu-e." wake.up-3OBJ ‘When she fell asleep, she put her down in the centipede hole, then she told the centipedes, "When we have arrived at our house, then wake her up."’
(32) No-bhangu, isa-no no-ghato-mo we bhanua-no La 3REAL-wake.up older.sibling-3POSS 3REAL-arrive-PFV LOC house-3POSS ART.M
Ode Bhalapanda. noble B. ‘When she woke up, the older sister had already arrived at the house of La Ode Bhalapanda.’
(33) Folinto-no bhanua no-te-joli-mo; bhalo~bhalo pisi-te-joli-mo. door-3POSS house 3REAL-PASS-lock-PFV RDUP~hole all.together-PASS-lock-PFV ‘The door of the house had been locked; all the windows had been locked.’
(34) No-abha-mo ai-no "Fo-omba-ha'anau hula-mu 3REAL-ask-PFV younger.sibling-3POSS CAUS-come-1SG.OBJ face-2SG.POSS
isa, bhe a-nd
(35) Fo-omba-hane hula-no mbuta. CAUS-come-3IND.OBJ face-3POSS cat ‘She showed her the face of a cat.’
(36) "Fo-omba-ha'anau lima-mu, bhe a-nd
(37) Fo-omba-hane lima-no mbuta. CAUS-come-3IND.OBJ hand-3POSS cat ‘She showed her the paws of a cat.’ 250
(38) Ai-no no-foomba-mo isa-no, "Nuni a-mbule-mo younger.sibling-3POSS 3real-tell-PFV older.sibling-3POSS 1SG 1SG-return-PFV
we bhanua; m-ita-e-ho na-'o-gawu, humbo-no-mo LOC house IRR-see-3OBJ-IPFV 3IRR-HAVE-smoke smoke-3POSS-PFV
bhanua-nto, mu-ngou-mo te malingu giu-no humbo mo-dea, house-1PL.IN.POSS CA-burnt-PFV with every kind-3POSS smoke CA-red
mo-ngkuni, mo-ijo, salamata, te-mo nuni we lalo-no ofi CA-yellow CA-green orange with-PFV 1SG LOC inside-3POSS fire
a-mu-ngou-mo." 1SG-CA-burnt-PFV ‘The younger sister told her older sister, "I am going back home now; and when you see smoke, that will be the smoke of our house, it will burn with all kinds of colours: red, yellow, green, and orange, and I will be also in that burning fire."’
(39) Isa-no no-fetila-mo we bhalo~bhalo no-ita-mo humbo older.sibling-3POSS 3REAL-glance-PFV LOC RDUP~hole 3REAL-see-PFV smoke
menteno giu~giu. various RDUP~kind ‘(Some time later) the older sister glanced through the window and she saw all kinds of smoke.’
(40) Wa Sambamparia no-sampu we bhanua, no-buntuli no-ghato we ART.F S. 3REAL-go.down LOC house 3REAL-run 3REAL-arrive LOC
bhanua-no, no-ita-mo bhanua-no mu-ngou-mo. house-3POSS 3REAL-see-PFV house-3POSS CA-burnt-PFV ‘Wa Sambamparia went down from the house, ran and when she arrived at her (own) house, she saw that the house was burning.’
(41) Wa Sambamparia no-pesua dua we wunta-no ofi no-tunu ART.F S. 3REAL-enter also LOC middle-3POSS fire 3REAL-burn
wuto-no. self-3POSS ‘Wa Sambamparia also went into the fire and burnt herself.’ 251
(42) No-mate ghua-mii-he. 3REAL-die two-person-3OBJ ‘So both of them died.’
Additional note to text 7
In addition to writing out text 7, La Safui also narrated the story to me orally after we had read the written text together in 1993. This oral version, which I transcribed years later, differs from the written text in several respects, looking at which is an interesting study in itself. The main difference is a lengthy addition in the oral text around line 31, which appears to be a memory lapse, as the incident with the centipedes is told twice and the narrator almost gets into a loop. The table below shows the plain text of the two versions side by side, without interlinear glosses or free translation. The line numbering corresponds to the numbers above, and additional lines in the oral version have been coded with a, b etc.
Written version Oral version
1. La Ode Bhalapanda te bhatuano nondala 1. La Ode Bhalapanda te bhatuano nondala nome'apunto. nome'apunto. 2. Notelengaimo memooghuno bhita. 2. Notelengaimo mooghuno bhita. 3. “Tete-tete La Ode La Ode Bhalapanda 3. “Tete-tete La Ode-ode Bhalapanda sawingkakuti lelei mpanata. sawingkakuti lelei mpanata. Tete-tete La Ode-ode Bhalapanda sawingkakuti lelei mpanata. Tete-tete La Ode-ode Bhalapanda sawi ngkakuti lelei mpanata. 4. La Ode Bhalapanda te bhatuano noghato 4. Telengaihemo La Ode Bhalapanda ...te we bhanua, Wa Sambamparia nofoni we bhatuano noawemo we bhanua laosa'a hahu nomesangkobhi wuluno fotuno. nofoni. 5. La Ode Bhalapanda noabhamo aino, 5. Noabhamo La Ode Bhalapanda, “'O fae 'onano Wa Bhalongkabula, “Fae 'a'umbu-'umbuno we hahu tamaa?” 'a'umbu-'umbuno we hahu tamaa?” 6. Lawanimo Wa Bhalongkabula, “'Ampuga.” 6. Nolawanimo aino, Wa... Bhalongkabula, “'A'umbu-'umbuno we hahu tamaa, 'o 'ampuga.” 7. La Ode Bhalapanda comobae napuntoe. 7. No'owambamo La Ode Bhalapanda “Acomobaeho apuntoe. 252
8. Bhaghangkala natumende, 'ampuga, 8. Natumende, 'ampuga, natume.. bhaghangkala natumongke, o mii. natumongke 'o mii.” 9. Nopuntoe notongke. 9. Nocobae nopuntoe notongke. 10. Paghakisaahe Wa Sambamparia 10. Noitae, gaghaa 'o mii. mesangkobhi wulu fotuno. 11. La Ode Bhalapanda notumpumo Wa 11. La Ode Bhalapanda notumpumo Wa Bhalongkabula mealahane jue namoghoghu. Bhalongkabula mealahane jue namoghoghu. 12. Mealahane we tonde, bholongae jueno. 12. Mealahane we bhalobu, bholongae jueno. 13. Mealahane we bhalobu, bholongae jueno. 13. Mealahane we tonde, bholongae jueno. 14. Mopuli jue tumpue namehii. 14. Nomopuli jue bhaghi-bhaghihiihe, notumpuemo we jue namehii. 15. Di'ahano nameala 'alangka to 'ahiiano 15. Mealahane 'alangka to 'ahiiano jue. jue. 16. Wa Bhalongkabula mealamo 'alangka lou 16. Noghato we jue nomehii, nofotondue mehii jue, fotondue 'alangka, sangkee, miina 'alangkano, sangkee, miina na'ohii. na'ojue. 16b. Nofotondue dua ampoho nosangke miina dua na'ojue. 17. Wa Sambamparia nondalahanemo La 17. Wa Sambamparia nomedi'a tutu we Ode Bhalapanda, nomedi'a tutu we tetengkala ampoho nofoomba tutu “Ane tetengkala foombamo tutu, Wa nambule Wa Bhalongkabula, foombae Bhalongkabula, nondalahanemo La Ode ‘Incami tandalamo te La Ode Bhalapanda.’” Bhalapanda. 18. Nombule Wa Bhalongkabula pulelemo 18. Nombule Wa Sam… Wa Bhalongkabula tutu Wa Sambamparia nondalahanemo La nofoombaemo tutu, “Isamo nondalahanemo Ode Bhalapanda. La Ode Bhalapanda.” 19. Wa Bhalongkabula fo'onimo bhitano tee 19. Wa Bhalongkabula nomealamo bhita 'ambalalano te 'apisono ampoho noangkatulu ampoho nomefo'oni, 'ambalala, meala piso isano nobuntuli. ampoho noangkatulu isano. 20. Te'ai bhitano nododoe; te'ai 'ambalalano 20. Nondala note'ai bhitano, note'ai nododoe; te'ai wulu fotuno nododoe. 'ambalalano, note'ai wulu fotuno nododoe. 21. Nondalahoo te nohohae, “Antagi 'anau 21. Ampohono hohae, “Antagi 'anau isa. isa. 22. Amomalemo 'aasi abuntuli.” 22. Amomalemo 'aasi.” 23. Isano noantagii we bhalono sea. 23. Molengo noantagiimo we bhalono sea. 24. Noghato nohawiimo. 24. Noghato nohawiimo. [Pause of 6 seconds] 253
25. Nomono'o nofondoleemo we bhalono sea, 25. Nomono'o nofondoleemo we bhalono ampoho nofoomba sea ,“Tabeano sea, nofoombamo dua sea, “Ane nabhangu, na'udohomo ndalamami, ampoho bhangue.” foombae [noisy vehicle passing on the road] “Incami tandalamo.” 26. Nobhangue, isano molengomo nondala, 26. Nobhangu, Wa Bhalongkabula aino nobuntuli te nohohae. nobuntuli. 27. Te'ai bhitano nododoe; te'ai 'ambalalano 27. Note'ai bhitano nododoe; note'ai nododoe; te'ai wulu fotuno nododoe. 'ambalalano nododoe; note'ai wulu fotuno nododoe. 28. “Antagi 'anau isa, momalemo abuntuli 28 Te nohohae, “Antagi 'anau isa, 'aasi.” amomalemo abuntuli.” 29. Noantagii we bhalono mangkai. 29. Noghato we bhalono mangkai. 30. Noghato nohawiimo. 30. Noantagii nohawiimo. 31. Nomuno'omo nofondoleemo we bhalono 31. Ampohomo nomuno'o nojanjimo mangkai, ampoho nofoomba mangkai, mangkai, foombae, “Ane namolengomo “Taghumatomo we bhanua, ampohomo incami tandumala, ampohomo bhangue.” bhangue.” 31a. Nobhangu Wa Bhalongkabula, Wa Sambamparia nomolengomo nondala. Nobhangumo ampoho nondala nohohae. 31b. Nomolengo nondala noghatoemo we bhalono mangkai. 31c. Noantagiimo, ampoho nohawi dua. 31d. Nomono'o nofondoleemo we bhalono mangkai ampoho nondala. 31e. Nojanjimo mangkai, “Namolengomo tandumala bhanguemo Wa Bhalongkabula.” 31f. Nomolengo nondala nobhanguemo, Wa Sambamparia molengomo nondala. 31g. Nobuntuli Wa Sambampa... Wa Bhalongkabula noangkatulue te nohohae. 31h. Note'ai bhitano nododoe; note'ai 'ambalalano nododoe; note'ai wulu fotuno nododoe. [Pause of 20 seconds]. 31i. Nofoombae Wa Bhalongkabula, “'Ane nabhangu, incami taghatomo we bhanua.” 254
32. Nobhangu, isano noghatomo we 32. Noghato we bhanua, Wa Bhalongkabula bhanuano La Ode Bhalapanda. ee…Wa Sambamparia te La Ode Bhalapanda. 33. Folintono bhanua notejolimo; bhalo- 33. Folintono padamo tejoli te malingu bhalo pisitejolimo. bhalo-bhalo pisitejolimo. 34. Noabhamo aino, “Foombaha 'anau 34. No'owambamo wa aino, “Foomba'anau hulamu isa, bhe andumalaana.” hulamu isa, bhe andumalaana.” 35. Foombahane hulano mbuta. 35. Foombahaane hulano mbuta. 36. “Foombaha 'anau limamu, bhe 36. “Foomba'anau limamu, isa.” andumalaana.” 37. Foombahane limano mbuta. 37. Foombahane limano mbuta. 37a. “Foomba'anau 'undomu, isa.” 37b. Foombahane 'undono mbuta. 38. Aino nofoombamo isano, “Nuni 38. No'owambamo aino, “Nuni ambulemo ambulemo we bhanua; mitaeho na'ogawu, we bhanua; mitaeho na'ohumbo, humbonomo bhanuanto, mungoumo te humbonomo bhanuanto, mitaeho humbo malingu giuno humbo modea, mongkuni, modea, humbo moijo, humbo salamata, moijo, salamata, temo nuni we lalono ofi humbo mongkuni, humbo'umo.” amungoumo.” [Pause of 10 seconds]
39. Isano nofetilamo we bhalo-bhalo noitamo 39. Wa Sambamparia fetilamo we bhalo- humbo menteno giu-giu. bhalo noitamo humbo, bhanuano padamo notetunu. 40. Wa Sambamparia nosampu we bhanua, 40. Wa Sambamparia nosampumo we nobuntuli noghato we bhanuano, noitamo bhanuano, ampoho nobuntuli laosa'a we bhanuano mungoumo. bhanuano, noitamo bhanuano nomungoumo. 41. Wa Sambamparia nopesua dua we 41. Wa Sambamparia lalosa'a dua nopesua wuntano ofi notunu wutono. we oofi. 42. Nomate ghuamiihe. 42. Nomate ghuamiihe. 255 Text 8. 'Aindei pande fotai bhangku ‘The boy who was good at playing top’
This text was also written by La Safui in 1993. It tells the story of a lazy boy who refuses to help his parents. When they punish him by destroying his spinning top, he changes into a bird. This story is also known on Muna, where the name of the bird is Ntaapo-apo.
(1) Ama-no te ina-no se-holeo~se-holeo no-ndala we howuto father-3POSS with mother-3POSS one-day~one-day 3REAL-go LOC garden
me-wolii. CA-weed ‘Every day the father and the mother went to the garden to pull out weeds.’
(2) 'Aindei-no se-holeo~se-holeo me-futai bhangku. child-3POSS one-day~one-day CA-turn spinning.top ‘Every day their child played with his spinning top.’
(3) No-kemba-e na-l
(4) Ama-no no-me-weta~weta-hane bhangku-no membali father-3POSS 3REAL-CA-RDUP~chop.up-3IND.OBJ spinning.top-3POSS become
'ambuse-no, 'a-bho'e-no membali ghusau-no. cooked.maize-3POSS NMLZ-tie-3POSS become vegetables-3POSS ‘(So one day) his father chopped up his spinning top for him so that it would become (look like) cooked maize, (and) the top cord to become (look like) vegetables.’
(5) No-mo-ghagho hulata-no 'aindei-no no-mbule-mo we bhanua bhe 3REAL-CA-hungry belly-3POSS child-3POSS 3REAL-return-PFV LOC house so.that
na-omaa-ho. 3IRR-eat-PURP ‘When he got hungry, the boy came back home to eat.’ 256
(6) No-ita 'a-sangkobhi we polontai, tangkanomo bhangku 3REAL-see NMLZ-cover LOC food.rack only spinning.top
ne-weta~weta we pighi. PASS.PTCP-RDUP~chop.up LOC plate ‘He looked at the covered food on the food rack, but it was only his spinning top chopped up on a plate.’
(7) No-ita we sondea, tangkanomo 'a-bho'e-no bhangku-no. 3REAL-see LOC bowl only NMLZ-tie-3POSS spinning.top-3POSS ‘He looked in the vegetable bowl, but it was only the cord of his spinning top.’
(8) No-hohae-mo te no-ghambi~ghambita wuto-no. 3REAL-cry-PFV with 3REAL-RDUP~throw.down self-3POSS ‘He cried and threw himself down on the ground.’
(9) No-unto no-hohae, no-me-lengkasi-mo soghonga no-me-ala bhita 3REAL-stop 3REAL-cry 3REAL-CA-open-PFV box 3REAL-CA-take/get sarong
mo-pute, ampoho no-me-dii~dii no-membali pani-no, lenci-no, CA-white then 3REAL-CA-RDUP~slice 3REAL-become wing-3POSS tail-3POSS
fotu-no, te bhaghi~bhaghi-he wulu-no hulu-no. head-3POSS with RDUP~many-3OBJ hair-3POSS body-3POSS ‘He stopped crying, opened a box (of clothes) and took a white sarong, then he cut it up into his wings, his tail, his head and all the feathers of his body.’
(10) Ampoho no-fo'oni-i we hulu-no no-coba-e we bhanua-no then 3REAL-put.on-3OBJ LOC body-3POSS 3REAL-try-3OBJ LOC house-3POSS
sulu, no-membali-mo no-ghogho. lamp 3REAL-can-PFV 3REAL-fly ‘Then he put them on his body and tried (to get) to the lamp shade (lit. house of lamp); and he was able to fly there.’
(11) No-coba-e we tetengkala, no-membali-mo dua no-ghogho. 3REAL-try-3OBJ LOC threshold.plank 3REAL-can-PFV also 3REAL-fly ‘He tried to get to the (upright) threshold plank, he could fly there also.’ 257
(12) No-coba-e we haho panda, no-membali-mo no-ghogho. 3REAL-try-3OBJ LOC attic low 3REAL-can-PFV 3REAL-fly ‘He tried getting to the lower attic, he could fly there.’
(13) No-coba-e we puhu-no sau we siwighi-no bhanua, no-membali-mo 3REAL-try-3OBJ LOC tree-3POSS wood LOC side-3POSS house 3REAL-can-PFV
dua no-ghogho. also 3REAL-fly ‘He tried getting to a tree beside the house, he could also fly there.’
(14) No-ghogho fa'a-tinggi~tinggi we howuto. 3REAL-fly ADV-RDUP~high LOC garden ‘He flew up very high (and went straight) to the garden.’
(15) Ama-no te ina-no tangasahano me-wolii. father-3POSS with mother-3POSS while CA-weed ‘His father and mother were busy weeding.’
(16) Ana-no no-sampa we puhu-no sau ampoho no-bicagha, "Kakubho child-3POSS 3REAL-land LOC tree-3POSS wood then 3REAL-speak k.o.bird
ama, kakubho ina." father k.o.bird mother ‘Their son alighted on a tree and said, "Kakubho father, kakubho mother."’ (Kakubho is the name of a forest bird with a distinct call, linked to this legend. It is also the name of the children’s game of peekaboo.)
(17) Ama-no te ina-no no-bicagha-mo, "Manu-manu dua angkifae father-3POSS with mother-3POSS 3REAL-speak-PFV bird also how
tamaa no-ma-kida no-bicagha?" that3.H 3REAL-CA-able 3REAL-speak ‘His father and mother said, "What kind of bird is that up there, able to speak?"’
(18) Fendua dua, "Kakubho ama, kakubho ina; 'ambuse-'u repeat also k.o.bird father k.o.bird mother cooked.maize-1SG.POSS 258
bhangku-'u; ghusau-'u 'a-bho'e-'u." spinning.top-1SG.POSS vegetables-1SG.POSS NMLZ-tie-1SG.POSS ‘He repeated it again, "Kakubho father, kakubho mother; my maize is my spinning top; my vegetable is my top cord."’
(19) Ama-no te ina-no no-mbule-mo we bhanua. father-3POSS with mother-3POSS 3REAL-return-PFV loc house ‘His father and mother returned home.’
(20) No-ghato we bhanua no-ma-ntale-mo 'a-bhenci-no bhita 3REAL-arrive LOC house 3REAL-CA-scattered-PFV NMLZ-tear-3POSS sarong
mo-pute. CA-white ‘When they got home, (they saw) the torn pieces of the white sarong scattered around.’
(21) Ana-no no-ghogho minaho we howuto no-lausa'a we child-3POSS 3REAL-fly come.from LOC garden 3REAL-immediately LOC
puhu-no 'adawa we toto-no bhalo~bhalo, ampoho no-bicagha, tree-3POSS kapok LOC direction-3POSS RDUP~hole then 3REAL-speak
"Kakubho ama, kakubho ina; 'ambuse-'u bhangku-'u; k.o.bird father k.o.bird mother cooked.maize-1SG.POSS spinning.top-1SG.POSS
ghusau-'u 'a-bho'e-'u." vegetables-1SG.POSS NMLZ-tie-1SG.POSS ‘Their son flew from the garden straight to the kapok tree near the window, and then he said, "Kakubho father, kakubho mother; my maize is my spinning top; my vegetable is my top cord."’
(22) Ama-no me-ala ndamu no-tuhu sau sampa-ha-no, father-3POSS CA-take/get axe 3REAL-chop.down wood land-LOC-3POSS
no-mo-pula no-ghogho dua we se-puhu-no sau semegaano. 3REAL-CA-fall.down 3REAL-fly also LOC one-tree-3POSS wood another ‘His father took an axe and chopped down the tree in which he (their son) had landed; but when the tree feel he just flew to another tree.’ 259
(23) Ama-no no-mate wee tuhu-a-no sau; ina-no father-3POSS 3REAL-die LOC chop.down-LOC-3POSS wood mother-3POSS
no-mate we hohae-a-no. 3REAL-die LOC cry-LOC-3POSS ‘His father died from chopping down trees; his mother died from crying.’
Text 9. Wa Ode Sindori-dori te 'ola'ino liwu
This story was also written by La Safui in 1993. It tells how a daughter is rejected by her father from birth. When he finds out she is still alive, he orders her to come home through a messenger. Five times the daughter finds an excuse to postpone going home, and each time roughly the same interaction between the three parties is repeated. (Originally it was probably seven times.) In the end she agrees to go home, with fatal consequences.
(1) 'Ola'i-no liwu na-nd
ne-uwa~uwa-no. PASS.PTCP-RDUP~carry-3POSS ‘The village chief was about go to war, and his wife was pregnant.’
(2) 'Ola'i-no liwu fomba-mo ghubhine-no na-l
fo'oni-ane singkaghu bulawa we 'amolo wunga-no lima-no. put.on-3IND.OBJ ring gold LOC ring.finger flower-3POSS hand-3POSS ‘The village chief told his wife that if a boy was born, she was to put a golden ring on his ring finger.’ (wunga-no lima ‘flower of hand’ is an idiom for ‘finger’.)
(3) Baghangkalano ghubhine, sumbele-e, ampoho-mo seli-ane wute if woman slaughter-3OBJ then-PFV dig-3IND.OBJ ground
tambuni-i. bury-3OBJ ‘If it was a girl, she was to kill it, dig a hole for it and bury it.’ 260
(4) Laahiri ghubhine ina-no no-hohae-mo no-udani born woman mother-3POSS 3REAL-cry-PFV 3REAL-remember
'a-janji-no mohane-no. NMLZ-promise-3POSS man-3POSS ‘When a girl was born, the mother cried, remembering the promise (she had made) to her husband.’
(5) Wa Ode no-fo-taga-e-mo we 'abumbu, no-karajaa-hane ART.F noble 3REAL-CAUS-go.up-3OBJ-PFV LOC hill 3REAL-work-3IND.OBJ
bhanua membali falate-a-no ana-no. house become live-LOC-3POSS child-3POSS ‘Wa Ode (the mother) took her up on a hill, and made a house for her child to live in.’
(6) Me-sumbele bhembe se-hulu, se-weta no-fumaa-he, se-weta CA-slaughter goat one-CLF one-part 3REAL-eat-3OBJ one-part
no-tambuni-i we toto-no bhalo~bhalo-no bhanua. 3REAL-bury-3OBJ LOC direction-3POSS RDUP~hole-3POSS house ‘She killed a goat, one half of which she ate, the other half she buried under the window of (her own) house.’
(7) No-mbule 'ola'i-no liwu no-abha-hane-mo 'aindei. 3REAL-return chief-3POSS village 3REAL-ask-3IND.OBJ-PFV child ‘When the village chief came home, he asked her about the child.’
(8) Lawani ghubhine-no, "Pada-mo a-sumbele-e, a-tambuni-i we answer woman-3POSS finish-PFV 1SG-slaughter-3OBJ 1SG-bury-3OBJ LOC
toto-no bhalo~bhalo." direction-3POSS RDUP~hole ‘His wife replied, "I have killed her and buried her under the window."’
(9) No-telengai-he-mo manu~manu tongkaa mo-'empa no-pulele-mo we 3REAL-hear-3OBJ-PFV bird crow CA-crippled 3REAL-announce-PFV LOC 261
'ola'i-no liwu, "Kaa, kaa, ana-no 'ola'i-no liwu chief-3POSS village caw caw child-3POSS chief-3POSS village
no-fo-taga-e we 'abumbu-no Wa Sindori-dori." 3REAL-CAUS-go.up-3OBJ LOC hill-3POSS ART.F S. ‘A crippled crow heard this and announced to the village chief, "Caw, caw, the child of the village chief has been taken up to the hill of Wa Sindori-dori."’
(10) 'Ola'i-no liwu kemba-mo jurubahasa-no na-t
na-m-awe-hi ana-no. 3IRR-IRR-go.up-TR child-3POSS ‘The village chief called his spokesperson so he could order him to go up and get his child.’
(11) Jurubahasa me-ala-mo lajagha ampoho no-sawi no-taga we spokesperson CA-take/get-PFV horse then 3REAL-mount 3REAL-go.up LOC
'abumbu. hill ‘The spokesperson took a horse, mounted it and went up the mountain.’
(12) No-ghato we bhanua, no-'o-wamba-mo jurubahasa, "Mai-mo Ode 3REAL-arrive LOC house 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV spokesperson come-PFV noble
Sindori-dori, to-lou-ana we bhanua, 'o wamba-no S. 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-HORT LOC house ART word-3POSS
idha-mu 'ola'i-no liwu." father-2SG.POSS chief-3POSS village ‘When he arrived at the house, the spokesperson said, "Come, Ode Sindori-dori, let's go down to the house, it is the word of your father, the village chief."’
(13) Lawani-mo Wa Ode Sindori-dori, "Mbule-mo jurubahasa. answer-PFV ART.F noble S. return-PFV spokesperson ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori replied, "Go back, spokesperson.’ 262
(14) Fomba-e ama-'u 'ola'i-no liwu dainoho a-me-fombula 'apa." tell-3OBJ father-1SG.POSS chief-3POSS village still 1SG-CA-plant cotton ‘Tell my father the village chief that I am busy planting cotton."’
(15) Jurubahasa no-mbule-mo no-pulele we 'ola'i-no liwu spokesperson 3REAL-return-PFV 3REAL-announce LOC chief-3POSS village
dainoho no-me-fombula 'apa. still 3REAL-CA-plant cotton ‘The spokesperson went back and told the village chief that she was busy planting cotton.’ (The answer could also be translated as a direct quote: ‘She is busy planting cotton.’)
(16) 'Ola'i-no liwu tumpu-e dua jurubahasa-no, "Awe dua chief-3POSS village order-3OBJ also spokesperson-3POSS go.up also
jurubahasa." spokesperson ‘The village chief ordered his spokesperson again, "Go up again, spokesperson."’
(17) Jurubahasa no-taga dua fendua. spokesperson 3REAL-go.up also again ‘The spokesperson went up for the second time.’
(18) No-ghato no-abha-mo, "Mai-mo Ode Sindori-dori, 3REAL-arrive 3REAL-ask-PFV come-PFV noble S.
to-lou-ana we bhanua, 'o wamba-no ama-mu." 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-HORT LOC house ART word-3POSS father-2SG.POSS ‘When he arrived he asked (her), "Come, Ode Sindori-dori, let's go down to the house, it is the word of your father."’
(19) Lawani, "Mbule-mo jurubahasa, fomba-e ama-'u dainoho me-'oto answer return-PFV spokesperson tell-3OBJ father-1SG.POSS still CA-pick
wua-no 'apa." fruit-3POSS cotton ‘She answered, "Go back spokesperson, tell my father that I am busy picking cotton."’ 263
(20) Jurubahasa no-mbule no-pulele we 'ola'i-no liwu, dainoho spokesperson 3REAL-return 3REAL-announce LOC chief-3POSS village still
no-me-gili 'apa. 3REAL-CA-grind cotton ‘The spokesperson went back and told the village chief that she was grinding cotton.’ (The use of ‘grinding’ in the spokesperson’s reply is surprising as a repetition of ‘picking’ in line 19. This is possibly due to a memory lapse by the narrator, who may have skipped a step in the sequence of planting, picking, and grinding cotton.)
(21) 'Ola'i-no liwu so-no-'amagha, "Awe dua jurubahasa fendua chief-3POSS village only-3REAL-angry go.up also spokesperson again
foomba-e na-mai-mo fa'a-simba." tell-3OBJ 3IRR-come-PFV ADV-quick ‘The village chief became angry (and said), "Go up again, spokesperson, and tell her again that she should come down quickly."’
(22) Jurubahasa no-taga dua, fendua no-ghato no-fomba-e-mo, spokesperson 3REAL-go.up also again 3REAL-arrive 3REAL-tell-3OBJ-PFV
"Mai-mo, Ode Sindori-dori, to-lou-ana, 'o wamba-no come-PFV noble S. 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-HORT ART word-3POSS
ama-mu." father-2SG.POSS ‘The spokesperson went up again, and after arriving again he told her, "Come Ode Sindori-dori, let's go down, it's the word of your father."’
(23) Lawani Wa Ode Sindori-dori, "Foomba-e ama-'u 'ola'i-no liwu, answer ART.F noble S. tell-3OBJ father-1SG.POSS chief-3POSS village
dainoho me-mooghu-ane bhita-no." still CA-weave-3IND.OBJ sarong-3POSS ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori replied, "Tell my father the village chief that I am busy weaving a sarong for him."’ (Lit. ‘...I am weaving his sarong for him.’) 264
(24) Jurubahasa no-mbule no-fomba 'ola'i-no liwu "Dainoho spokesperson 3REAL-return 3REAL-tell chief-3POSS village still
no-me-mooghu bhita-mu." 3REAL-CA-weave sarong-2SG.POSS ‘The spokesperson went back and told the village chief, "She is busy weaving a sarong for you."’
(25) 'Ola'i-no liwu tumpu-e dua. chief-3POSS village order-3OBJ also ‘The village chief ordered him again (to go up).’
(26) Jurubahasa no-taga dua fendua; no-ghato we bhanua spokesperson 3REAL-go.up also again 3REAL-arrive LOC house
no-fomba-e-mo, "Mai-mo Ode Sindori-dori, to-lou-ana." 3REAL-tell-3OBJ-PFV come-PFV noble S. 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-HORT ‘The spokesperson went up again, and when he arrived at her home he told her, "Come Ode Sindori-dori, let's go down."’
(27) Lawani Wa Ode Sindori-dori, "Foomba-e ama-'u 'ola'i-no liwu answer ART.F noble S. tell-3OBJ father-1SG.POSS chief-3POSS village
dainoho me-mooghu-ane 'ambalala-no." still CA-weave-3IND.OBJ shirt-3POSS ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori replied, "Tell my father the village chief that I am busy weaving a shirt for him."’
(28) Jurubahasa no-mbule no-foomba 'ola'i-no liwu "Dainoho spokesperson 3REAL-return 3REAL-tell chief-3POSS village still
no-me-mooghu 'ambalala-mu." 3REAL-CA-weave shirt-2SG.POSS ‘The spokesperson went back and told the village chief, "She is busy weaving a shirt for you."’
(29) 'Ola'i-no liwu tumpu jurubahasa dua, "Awe-mo fe'a-simba foomba-e chief-3POSS village order spokesperson also go.up-PFV ADV-quick tell-3OBJ 265
no-mai-mo fa'a-simba." 3REAL-come-PFV ADV-quick ‘The village chief ordered the spokesperson again, "Go up quickly, and tell her to come immediately."’
(30) Jurubahasa no-taga dua we 'abumbu; no-ghato we bhanua spokesperson 3REAL-go.up also LOC hill 3REAL-arrive LOC house
no-fomba-e-mo, "Mai-mo Wa Ode Sindori-dori, 3REAL-tell-3OBJ-PFV come-PFV ART.F noble S.
to-lou-ana." 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-HORT ‘The spokesperson went up the hill again; when he arrived at the house he told her, "Come Wa Ode Sindori-dori, let's go down."’
(31) Lawani Wa Ode Sindori-dori, "Mbule-mo jurubahasa, foomba-e answer ART.F noble S. return-PFV spokesperson tell-3OBJ
ama-'u 'ola'i-no liwu me-mooghu-ane 'a-gogoli-no." father-1SG.POSS chief-3POSS village CA-weave-3IND.OBJ NMLZ-gird-3POSS ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori replied, "Go back, spokesperson, tell my father the village chief that I am weaving a girdle for him."’
(32) Jurubahasa no-mbule no-fomba 'ola'i-no liwu, "Dainoho spokesperson 3REAL-return 3REAL-tell chief-3POSS village still
no-me-mooghu 'a-gogoli-mu." 3REAL-CA-weave NMLZ-gird-2SG.POSS ‘The spokesperson went back and told the village chief, "She is busy weaving a girdle for you."’
(33) 'Ola'i-no liwu tumpu-e dua fendua jurubahasa awe-hi-i dua chief-3POSS village order-3OBJ also again spokesperson go.up-TR-3OBJ also
fa'a-simba-mo na-mai. ADV-quick-PFV 3IRR-come ‘The village chief ordered the spokesperson again to go up and get her quickly and come (back).’ 266
(34) Jurubahasa no-taga dua fendua; no-ghato no-'o-wamba-mo, spokesperson 3REAL-go.up also again 3REAL-arrive 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV
"Ode Sindori-dori, mai-mo to-lou-ana, 'o wamba-no noble S. come-PFV 1PL.IN.REAL-go.down-HORT ART word-3POSS
ama-mu." father-2SG.POSS ‘The spokesperson went up again, and when he arrived he said, "Ode Sindori-dori, come let's go down, it's the word of your father."’
(35) Lawani-mo Wa Ode Sindori-dori, "Antagi-'anau, dainoho ma'anu." answer-PFV ART.F noble S. wait-1SG.OBJ still prepare ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori replied, "Wait for me, I am busy getting ready."’
(36) Wa Ode Sindori-dori no-unde-mo me-bhaho-mo, me-si'a-mo, ART.F noble S. 3REAL-happy-PFV CA-bathe-PFV CA-comb-PFV
me-fo'oni-mo bhita-no, 'ambalala-no, me-bugha, me-jampu CA-put.on-PFV sarong-3POSS shirt-3POSS CA-face.powder CA-smear
mina~mina mo-wondu. oil CA-fragrant ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori was happy, she took a bath, she combed her hair, she put on her sarong and her shirt, put powder on her face and fragrant oil (on her hair).’
(37) Pakea-no ama-no no-di'a-e we lalo-no 'usoli-no clothes-3POSS father-3POSS 3REAL-put-3OBJ LOC inside-3POSS bobbin-3POSS
'a-mooghu-a. NMLZ-weave-LOC ‘She put the clothes for her father in the bobbin (she had used) for weaving.’
(38) Ampoho-mo no-sawi we lajagha-no jurubahasa. then-PFV 3REAL-mount LOC horse-3POSS spokesperson ‘Only then did she mount the spokesperson's horse.’
(39) No-ghato we mata-no folinto-no bhanua, no-sampu-mo we 3REAL-arrive LOC eye-3POSS door-3POSS house 3REAL-go.down-PFV LOC 267
wawo-no lajagha; no-ita-mo taji we 'a'ula-no pulangku-no above-3POSS horse 3REAL-see-PFV spur LOC rung-3POSS ladder-3POSS
bhanua, pada-mo no-te-talanga no-di'a-hane ama-no. house finish-PFV 3REAL-PASS-arrange 3REAL-put-3IND.OBJ father-3POSS ‘When she arrived at the door of the house, she came down from the horse; then she saw sharp spurs in the rungs of the ladder of the house, they were set in rows, put there for her by her father.’
(40) Wa Ode Sindori-dori no-hohae-mo no-tighi te luu~luu-no ART.F noble S. 3REAL-cry-PFV 3REAL-drip with RDUP~tear-3POSS
mata-no. eye-3POSS ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori cried, and her tears dripped (on the ground).’
(41) Ama-no no-fomba-e-mo, "Foni-mo, 'uje-mo hohae." father-3POSS 3REAL-tell-3OBJ-PFV go.up-PFV do.not-PFV cry ‘Her father told her, "Just come up, do not cry."’
(42) Wa Ode Sindori-dori no-fepuhu-mo no-foni we ana-no ART.F noble S. 3REAL-begin-PFV 3REAL-go.up LOC child-3POSS
pulangku no-mo-tumpo hahe-no no-'angkanai-he taji ne-di'a-no ladder 3REAL-CA-break foot-3POSS 3REAL-hit-3OBJ spur PASS.PTCP-put-3POSS
ama-no. father-3POSS ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori began to go up the rungs of the ladder, and (at the lowest rung) she cut her feet, they were injured (lit. hit) by the spurs that her father had put there.’
(43) Fendua dua no-foni no-mo-tumpo faha-no. again also 3REAL-go.up 3REAL-CA-break thigh-3POSS ‘When she went up (another rung) she cut her thighs.’
(44) 'O-wamba-mo Wa Ode Sindori-dori, " 'Aasi 'uma a-mate-mo." HAVE-word-PFV ART.F noble S. pity father 1SG-die-PFV ‘Wa Ode Sindori-dori said, "Have pity on me, father, I'm about to die."’ 268
(45) Lawani ama-no, "Mate u-mate-mo; foni-mo!" answer father-3POSS die 2SG-die-PFV go.up-PFV ‘Her father replied, "Who cares (lit. die you will die); just come up!"’
(46) No-foni-mo dua no-mo-tumpo-mo jongko-no fotu-no, no-mo-ndawu 3REAL-go.up-PFV also 3REAL-CA-break-PFV neck-3POSS head-3POSS 3REAL-CA-fall
we lalo-no bhanua. LOC inside-3POSS house ‘She went up (a rung) again, and then she cut her neck, and it/she fell inside the house.’
(47) No-mo-lengo-mo bu'u-no no-ma-ntale-mo we wute. 3REAL-CA-long-PFV bone-3POSS 3REAL-CA-scattered-PFV LOC ground ‘For a long time her bones lay scattered on the ground.’
(48) Ama-no no-me-sambughe ghewu we wawa-no bhanua father-3POSS 3REAL-CA-sweep rubbish LOC space.under.house-3POSS house
no-tongagha we bulusi-no bhanua, no-ita-mo 'usoli 3REAL-look.up LOC floor.beam-3POSS house 3REAL-see-PFV bobbin
no-te-simpi we bulusi. 3REAL-PASS-insert LOC floor.beam ‘(One day) her father was sweeping rubbish under the house; he looked up at the floor beams of the house, and saw a bobbin squeezed between the floor beams.’
(49) No-ala-e ampoho no-bhoha no-ita-mo bhita, 'ambalala, 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ then 3REAL-split 3REAL-see-PFV sarong shirt
'ampughui te dua 'agogoli. headcloth with also girdle ‘He took it, broke it open and saw a sarong, a shirt, a headcloth and also a girdle.’ (The mention of a headcloth is surprising, and is possibly due to a memory lapse by the narrator, who may have skipped another step among the reasons for the delay of the daughter. In combination with an extra activity for the cotton (see line 20), this would have brought the total number of delay episodes to seven, rather than the five that are actually told in this story.) 269
(50) No-'o-wamba-mo ama-no, "Bhelo dua, to-'o-ana-ho 3REAL-HAVE-word-PFV father-3POSS good also 1PL.IN.REAL-HAVE-child-APPL
ghobhine, fo-mondo-'ainta pakea-nto." woman CAUS-finished-1PL.IN.OBJ clothes-1PL.IN.POSS ‘The father said, "It is nice to have a daughter; she makes clothes for you."’
(51) Sefae 'a-lengo-no ana-no 'ola'i-no wula no-sampu how.many NMLZ-long-3POSS child-3POSS chief-3POSS moon 3REAL-go.down
no-'a-mbeli~mbeli we dhunia. 3REAL-?-RDUP~stroll LOC world ‘Some time later the son of the ruler of the moon came down for a stroll on the earth.’
(52) No-ita-mo bu'u ma-ntale. 3REAL-see-PFV bone CA-scattered ‘He saw the scattered bones.’
(53) No-fomba-mo 'ola'i-no liwu, "Bu'u ma-ntale a-m-ala-e-mo 3REAL-tell-PFV chief-3POSS village bone CA-scattered 1SG-IRR-take/get-3OBJ-PFV
nuni." 1SG ‘He told the village chief, "I'll take the scattered bones."’
(54) Lawani-mo 'ola'i-no liwu, "Ala-e-mo situ." answer-PFV chief-3POSS village take/get-3OBJ-PFV 2SG ‘The village chief replied, "You just take them."’
(55) Ana-no 'ola'i-no wula no-ane-e-mo, malingu bu'u child-3POSS chief-3POSS moon 3REAL-pick.up-3OBJ-PFV every bone
ma-ntale no-ghompu-e. CA-scattered 3REAL-gather-3OBJ ‘The son of the ruler of the moon picked up the scattered bones and gathered them all together.’ 270
(56) Ampoho no-foni we wula. then 3REAL-go.up LOC moon ‘Then he went up to the moon.’
(57) No-ghato we wula no-di'a-e we lalo-no gusi Marajabani. 3REAL-arrive LOC moon 3REAL-put-3OBJ LOC inside-3POSS jar M. ‘When he arrived on the moon, he put them in a jar called Marajabani.’
(58) 'Oghondo-no Jumaa sadhea no-tunu-ene dupa se-Jumaa night-3POSS Friday always 3REAL-burn-3IND.OBJ incense one-Friday
se-Jumaa. one-Friday ‘On Friday eve he always burned incense for it, (he did that) every Friday (eve).’
(59) Mo-lengo no-abha-mo, "Lengkasi-'anau-mo, a-bhangasa-mo." CA-long 3REAL-ask-PFV open-1SG.OBJ-PFV 1SG-overheated-PFV ‘After a long time it asked, "Please open me, I'm very hot."’
(60) Ana-no 'ola'i-no wula no-lengkasi-mo no-ita-mo ghubhine we child-3POSS chief-3POSS moon 3REAL-open-PFV 3REAL-see-PFV woman LOC
lalo-no gusi, miina sumaano 'a-'esa. inside-3POSS jar NEG PART NMLZ-beautiful ‘When the son of the ruler of the moon opened the jar, he saw a girl inside it, and she was of extraordinary beauty.’
(61) No-ala-e-mo ampoho no-fo-limba we sembali. 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV then 3REAL-CAUS-go.out LOC one.side ‘He took (hold of) her and brought her out of the jar.’
(62) No-damba-hane-mo 'ola'i-no wula. 3REAL-look.after-3IND.OBJ-PFV chief-3POSS moon ‘The ruler of the moon looked after her.’
(63) No-uge no-fo'o-soo-he-mo. 3REAL-big 3REAL-CAUS-undergo.seclusion.ceremony-3OBJ-PFV ‘When she had grown up, he had her undergo the puberty seclusion ritual for girls.’ 271
(64) Pada no-fo'o-soo-he, no-kawi-mo te finish 3REAL-CAUS-undergo.seclusion.ceremony-3OBJ 3REAL-marry-PFV with
ana-no 'ola'i-no wula. child-3POSS chief-3POSS moon ‘After he had made her undergo that ceremony, she married the son of the ruler of the moon.’
(65) No-mo-lengo pada-mo kawi no-fomba-mo ama-no 'ola'i-no wula 3REAL-CA-long finish-PFV marry 3REAL-tell-PFV father-3POSS chief-3POSS moon
na-s
(66) No-me-kaghajaa-mo hole~hole menteno giu~giu, ampoho 3REAL-CA-work-PFV baked.goods various RDUP~kind then
no-fo-ili ghabuta bhe to sampu-a-no. 3REAL-CAUS-go.down rope so.that for go.down-LOC-3POSS ‘She/they made all kinds of baked goods, and then he lowered a rope so that he could go down.’ (Lit. ‘… a rope for a place/way to go down.’)
(67) No-ghato we bhanua no-ita-mo ina-no we 'a-ndole-a-no; 3REAL-arrive LOC house 3REAL-see-PFV mother-3POSS LOC NMLZ-lie-LOC-3POSS
no-tumbu-mo hulume-no 'apa jawa we pulangu-no. 3REAL-grow-PFV kernel-3POSS kapok LOC pillow-3POSS ‘When he arrived home, he saw his mother(-in-law) on her bed; the kapok seeds were growing out of her pillow.’ (The reference to kapok seeds indicates that the pillow had been used for too long, a sign of neglect and lack of care for the mother.)
(68) Lausa'a-mo no-bhangu-e ampoho no-bhaho-e, ampoho immediately-PFV 3REAL-wake.up-3OBJ then 3REAL-bathe-3OBJ then
no-fo'oni-ane pakea-no. 3REAL-put.on-3IND.OBJ clothes-3POSS ‘Immediately he woke her up, then he bathed her and put her clothes on.’ 272
(69) Mo-lengo no-kemba-e ina-no na-[m]oni we wula. CA-long 3REAL-call-3OBJ mother-3POSS 3IRR-[IRR]go.up LOC moon ‘After a while he called his mother to go up to the moon.’
(70) 'O-wamba-mo dua ama-no, "Nuni a-[m]oni dua we wula." HAVE-word-PFV also father-3POSS 1SG 1SG-[IRR]go.up also LOC moon ‘His father(-in-law) said, "I also want to go up to the moon."’
(71) Lawani ana-no 'ola'i-no wula, "Membali u-[m]oni tabeano answer child-3POSS chief-3POSS moon can 2SG-[IRR]go.up only.if
fitimbughi situ." the.last.one 2SG ‘The son of the ruler of the moon said, "You can go up, but only if you are the last one."’
(72) No-pahindulu-mo anua, no-ghato we wula no-fo-ili-mo dua 3REAL-go.first-PFV 3SG 3REAL-arrive LOC moon 3REAL-CAUS-go.down-PFV also
ghabuta, no-sawi-mo ama-no we ghabuta, no-hela-e-mo rope 3REAL-mount-PFV father-3POSS LOC rope 3REAL-pull-3OBJ-PFV
mii wee wula. person LOC moon ‘He himself went first (with his mother-in-law?), and when he arrived on the moon, he lowered the rope again, his father went up via the rope, which was pulled by people on the moon.’
(73) Ma-se'e-mo na-gh
no-mo-ndawu. 3REAL-CA-fall ‘When he was almost on the moon, they/he cut the rope and so (his father) fell.’
(74) Ama-no no-mate, no-mo-pugho bu'u-no no-membali hifi. father-3POSS 3REAL-die 3REAL-CA-shatter bone-3POSS 3REAL-become lime ‘His father died, and his bones shattered and became lime.’ 273 Text 10. 'Agasiano ‘Games’
This text was also written by La Safui in 1993. Parts A and B are presented with interlinear glosses and free translation, since they are reasonably clear. Parts C and D, however, are not, as they were not properly checked and contain various nonsense words. They are therefore just presented as they were written, with minor spelling corrections (e.g. 'agasia ‘game’ for agasia).
A. The cat game
(1) 'A-gasia-no manga 'aindei 'ona-no wakatau-mbuta. NMLZ-play-3POSS PLUR child name-3POSS ?-cat ‘The children's game called wakataumbuta.’
(2) Manga 'aindei no-me-ngkogha no-'alibu wuto-no no-po-untagha lima; PLUR child 3REAL-CA-sit 3REAL-circle self-3POSS 3REAL-REC-hold hand
se-mie~se-mie me-ngkogha, se-mie we wunta-no 'alibu, one-person~one-person CA-sit one-person LOC middle-3POSS circle
ampoho no-lagu. then 3REAL-sing ‘The children sit in a circle holding hands; they are all sitting, one person sits in the middle of the circle, and then they sing.’
(3) "Wakataumbuta wakataumbuta lenci wakera. Wakataufae wakataufae lenci wakera nembule-mbulesi." (Partially nonsense words, though mbuta is ‘cat’, lenci is ‘tail’ and wakera is the name of a type of cat; nembule-mbulesi possibly means ‘is repeated’.)
(4) Ompulu hahe-no mie me-ngkogha-no we wunta fepuhu-mo ten time-3POSS person CA-sit-ACT.PTCP LOC middle begin-PFV
no-abha-e se-mie~se-mie, "Me-ala ofi." No-lawani-mo 3REAL-ask-3OBJ one-person~one-person CA-take/get fire 3REAL-answer-PFV
"Falia-no mbuta tende we wula." taboo-3POSS cat leap LOC moon ‘After (singing this?) ten times, the person sitting in the middle begins to be asked by each person, "Get fire." And he replies, "It's a cat's taboo, leap to the moon."’ 274
(5) No-abha dua se-mie-no, "Me-ala ofi." 3REAL-ask also one-person-3POSS CA-take/get fire ‘Another person asks, "Get fire."’
(6) "Falia-no mbuta tende we wula." taboo-3POSS cat leap LOC moon ‘(And the one in the middle replies,) "It's a cat's taboo, leap to the moon."’
(7) No-mo-puli bhaghi~bhaghi-hee no-abha, mie we wunta 3REAL-CA-finished RDUP~many-3OBJ 3REAL-ask person LOC middle
no-po-gha'o~gha'o-ene-mo mie '
(8) Lima-no no-sangke-e no-fo-sampu-e no-angka~angka hand-3POSS 3REAL-lift-3OBJ 3REAL-CAUS-go.down-3OBJ 3REAL-RDUP~go.by
'atu-no lagu. rhythm-3POSS song ‘They raise and lower their arms following the rhythm of the song.’
B. The dragon game
(1) 'A-gasia naga~naga. NMLZ-play RDUP~dragon ‘The dragon game.’
(2) Manga 'aindei no-me-pake bhita se-mie~se-mie, bhita-no PLUR child 3REAL-CA-wear sarong one-person~one-person sarong-3POSS
no-lulu-e no-fo'oni-o sabhangka-no. 3REAL-roll.up-3OBJ 3REAL-put.on-APPL friend-3POSS ‘The children are each wearing a sarong, but each of the sarongs is rolled up and worn together with a friend.’ (That is, the children are standing in a row and each rolled-up sarong is worn by two people around their waists. In this way everybody is linked to two other people, except the first and the last, forming a human chain, an imaginary dragon.) 275
(3) Fepuhu mie we ghagho no-po-ghato-o mie we 'undo. begin person LOC front 3REAL-PL-arrive-APPL person LOC back ‘It starts with the person in front and goes as far as the person in the back.’
(4) Fepuhu-mo no-lagu, "Naga~naga tompa-no liwu wero!" begin-PFV 3REAL-sing RDUP~dragon tip-3POSS village wave ‘Then they begin to sing, "Dragon at the end of the village, wave!" (The word wero is pronounced with four beats and a high pitch on the first syllable, followed by a sharp fall on the final syllable: we-e-e-ro!)’
(5) Hahe-no no-'alampa we ghagho no-angka~angka 'atu-no lagu; foot-3POSS 3REAL-step LOC front 3REAL-RDUP~go.by rhythm-3POSS song
lima-no no-angka~angka dua 'atu-no lagu. hand-3POSS 3REAL-RDUP~go.by also rhythm-3POSS song ‘They stamp their feet moving forwards following the rhythm of the song; the arms also (move up and down) following the rhythm of the song.’
(6) No-ghato no-'ona we…, lima-no no-sangke-e potalaha-no 3REAL-arrive 3REAL-call hand-3POSS 3REAL-lift-3OBJ aligned.with-3POSS
te tuli-no wunga-no ghanda-no lima-no, with ear-3POSS flower-3POSS breast-3POSS hand-3POSS
no-fo-po-agho-e we ghagho. 3REAL-CAUS-REC-front-3OBJ LOC front ‘When they call out (the syllable) we (of the word wero), they raise their arms so that the fingers are at the height of their ears facing forwards.’
(7) No-'ona ..ro, lima-no no-fo-sampu-e no-fo-longka-e 3REAL-call hand-3POSS 3REAL-CAUS-go.down-3OBJ 3REAL-CAUS-move-3OBJ
ghanda-no lima sampela-e we 'a-lulu-ngi-no bhita-no. breast-3POSS hand rest.on-3OBJ LOC NMLZ-roll.up-TR-3POSS sarong-3POSS ‘When they call out (the syllable) ro (of the word wero), they lower their arms, and move the hands so that the palms rest on the rolled-up sarongs.’ 276
(8) Pada itu no-sowo-mo dua we 'undo hahe-no, lima-no after that2 3REAL-retreat-PFV also LOC back foot-3POSS hand-3POSS
no-angka~angka 'atu-no lagu. 3REAL-RDUP~go.by rhythm-3POSS song ‘After that they move backwards with their feet, and the hands follow the rhythm of the song.’
(9) No-'alampa we ghagho fitu-hahe, no-sowo we 'undo fitu-hahe, 3REAL-step LOC front seven-time 3REAL-retreat LOC back seven-time
no-angka dua 'atu-no lagu. 3REAL-go.by also rhythm-3POSS song ‘They step forward seven times, they step backwards seven times, following the rhythm of the song.’
(10) No-ghato no-'ona we…, lima-no no-sangke-e-mo dua 3REAL-arrive 3REAL-call hand-3POSS 3REAL-lift-3OBJ-PFV also
potalaha-no te tuli-no wunga-no lima-no. aligned.with-3POSS with ear-3POSS flower-3POSS hand-3POSS ‘When they call out (the syllable) we, they raise their arms again so that the fingers are at the height of their ears.’
(11) No-fo-sampu-e no-fo-longka-e lima-no no-sampela-e 3REAL-CAUS-go.down-3OBJ 3REAL-CAUS-move-3OBJ hand-3POSS 3REAL-rest.on-3OBJ
we 'a-lulu-ngi-no bhita-no no-'ona dua ...ro. LOC NMLZ-roll.up-TR-3POSS sarong-3POSS 3REAL-call also ‘They lower their arms and place (their hands) on the rolled-up sarongs when they call out (the syllable) ro.’
C. The game of saindo-saindo lauga-lauga
'Agasia saindo-saindo lauga-lauga. Manga 'aindei nopounta-untagha lima no'abhale-bhale, no'alibu wutono, ampoho nolagu, "Saindo-saindo lauga-lauga tahino wewi - lakureu-reuko-reuko- reuko, taumiu mbagu, mbagu lesena, tau semba, ulese lakajulu, lakajulu jawala, unde-unde tangku marido takokamba ladhongko. Gilindo-gilindo masi sandowe-dowe lanambai kereka." Limano nosangke nofosampue noangka-angka 'atuno lagu; haheno nosangke nofosampue noangka-angka 'atuno lagu. 277 D. The hoonge game
'Agasia hoonge. Manga 'aindei nopounta-untagha lima. Rajano nofalate we tompa-tompa. Ampoho nolagu, "Ayo La ..N.. hoonge ingkita ingkita wa abhoka bhookaihe La Mantiline libho owi-owine wasitindai komu Wa Himboo-mbore te La Ndikole podhelengi te La Umbale hoonge." Ampohono notai nosombu we pandano limano sabhangkano, nopoagho we 'undo, limano no'ogha'o-gha'o ghandano. Ampoho nofepuhu dua nolagu somo dua laguno 'afepuhua. Nomopuli nolaguene nofopoaghoe we 'undo. Rajano nomiinahanemo we 'afepuhua nountagha bhoseno o'ani afae, lawanimo seteewamo malingu peeluanto, sampono tepada. Nomopuli bhaghiihe, noteabhai nopogha'o-gha'oenemo rajano.
Text 11. Wa Mindo-mindoe
This text was also written by La Safui in 1993. It is essentially the same story as text 1, though there are some interesting differences, including the number of children (41 here, 7 in text 1) and a cockfight (lines 20-27), which is not present in text 1.
(1) Wa Mindo-mindoe no-me-pemani ne-fumaa we 'ola'i-no liwu ART.F M. 3REAL-CA-ask.for PASS.PTCP-eat LOC chief-3POSS village
bhe na-'o-ana-ho fato-fulu mii mohane, se-mii ghubhine. so.that 3IRR-HAVE-child-APPL four-ten CLF man one-CLF woman ‘Wa Mindo-mindoe asked the chief of the village for food, so that they would have forty sons and one daughter.’
(2) No-toghai-he-mo bhae se-'umbu, hinteli se-'alulu, no-fumaa-he-mo 3REAL-give-3OBJ-PFV rice one-handful egg one-CLF 3REAL-eat-3OBJ-PFV
Wa Mindo-mindoe. ART.F M. ‘He gave her a handful of rice and one egg, and Wa Mindo-mindoe ate it.’
(3) Mo-lengo no-'o-ana-mo Wa Mindo-mindoe, fato-fulu mohane, se-mii CA-long 3REAL-HAVE-child-PFV ART.F M. four-ten man one-CLF
ghubhine. woman ‘After a long time Wa Mindo-mindoe had children: forty sons and one daughter.’ 278
(4) No-ghato se-mii no-hii-he we gusi, mo-puli fato-fulu 3REAL-be.born one-CLF 3REAL-put.inside-3OBJ LOC jar CA-finished four-ten
se-mii hii-he we gusi bhaghi~bhaghi-he, no-uwa-e we one-CLF put.inside-3OBJ LOC jar RDUP~many-3OBJ 3REAL-carry-3OBJ LOC
mo'ahi no-fo-lanto-e. sea 3REAL-CAUS-float-3OBJ ‘When one was born, (the first wife of the village chief) put it inside a jar, and after all forty-one of them were inside the jar, she carried it/them to the sea and set it/them afloat.’
(5) Ina-no no-'alo-e we 'ughughi-no jamba. mother-3POSS 3REAL-tie-3OBJ LOC post-3POSS toilet ‘She tied their mother to the toilet post.’
(6) 'Aindei ne-fo-lanto no-ala-e-mo Wa Kinambogho child PASS.PTCP-CAUS-float 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV ART.F K.
no-uwa-e we bhanua-no. 3REAL-carry-3OBJ LOC house-3POSS ‘The children who were set afloat were picked up by Wa Kinambogho (a female giant monster bird) and taken to her home.’
(7) No-damba-hane-mo Wa Kinambogho. 3REAL-look.after-3IND.OBJ-PFV ART.F K. ‘Wa Kinambogho looked after them.’
(8) Seho~se-holeo Wa Kinambogho no-ndala no-me-fo-tondu bhangka. RDUP~one-day ART.F K. 3REAL-go 3REAL-CA-CAUS-sink canoe ‘Every day Wa Kinambogho went out to sink canoes.’ (In order to steal the goods transported by these canoes.)
(9) No-mbule no-kemba-mo 'aindei fato-fulu se-mii, no-ambisi aghataa we 3REAL-return 3REAL-call-PFV child four-ten one-CLF 3REAL-open goods LOC
lalo-no bhobha-no Wa Kinambogho, ampoho no-hii-he inside-3POSS mouth-3POSS ART.F K. then 3REAL-put.inside-3OBJ 279
we lalo-no soghonga. LOC inside-3POSS box ‘When she came home, Wa Kinambogho called the forty-one children, removed all the goods from inside her mouth and then put them in a box.’
(10) No-ndala Wa Kinambogho, 'aindei mohane no-ndala 3REAL-go ART.F K. child man 3REAL-go
no-me-pombala bhangka, segaa no-jagai 3REAL-CA-make.from.wood canoe another 3REAL-guard
ai-no we bhanua. younger.sibling-3POSS LOC house ‘While Wa Kinambogho was gone, the boys went and made a canoe, some of them stayed home watching over their younger siblings.’
(11) No-mondo bhangka-no, Wa Kinambogho dainoho no-ndala, 3REAL-finished canoe-3POSS ART.F K. still 3REAL-go
no-soda-e-mo bhangka-no no-uwa-e we mo'ahi. 3REAL-carry.on.shoulders-3OBJ-PFV canoe-3POSS 3REAL-carry-3OBJ LOC sea ‘When the canoe was ready, and while Wa Kinambogho was still away, they put the canoe on their shoulders and carried it to the sea.’
(12) Aghataa-no Wa Kinambogho no-ala-e fa'a-pada~pada-i-he goods-3POSS ART.F K. 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ CAUS-RDUP~finish-TR-3OBJ
no-uwa-e, no-hii-he we lalo-no bhangka, ampoho 3REAL-carry-3OBJ 3REAL-put.inside-3OBJ LOC inside-3POSS canoe then
no-bhose. 3REAL-paddle ‘They took all the goods of Wa Kinambogho, they carried everything and put it in the canoe; then they paddled away.’
(13) No-mbule Wa Kinambogho, miina-mo te mii-no bhanua. 3REAL-return ART.F K. NEG-PFV with person-3POSS house ‘When Wa Kinambogho came home, there was nobody in the house.’ 280
(14) Aghataa-no no-mo-puli-mo no-ndala-hane manga 'aindei. goods-3POSS 3REAL-CA-finished-PFV 3REAL-go-3IND.OBJ PLUR child ‘Her goods were gone, the children had taken them.’
(15) Wa Kinambogho no-angkatulu-e. ART.F K. 3REAL-follow-3OBJ ‘Wa Kinambogho followed them.’
(16) "Antagi-'anau, manga 'aindei, a-umaa 'abhola-miu!" wait-1SG.OBJ PLUR child 1SG-eat intestines-2PL.POSS ‘"Wait for me, children, I will eat your guts."’
(17) Ma-se'e-mo na-gh
lolai-no Wa Kinambogho we mo'ahi. umbilical.cord-3POSS ART.F K. LOC sea ‘When she had almost reached them, Wa Kae-kaepu (the youngest child) dropped Wa Kinambogho's umbilical cord into the sea.’
(18) No-mate Wa Kinambogho. 3REAL-die ART.F K. ‘And so Wa Kinambogho died.’
(19) No-bhose no-ghato-mo we hoti. 3REAL-paddle 3REAL-arrive-PFV LOC shore ‘They paddled on and arrived at a beach.’
(20) 'Ola'i-no liwu no-fo-dainio-mo 'a-gasia bho'e-no manu. chief-3POSS village 3REAL-CAUS-exist-PFV NMLZ-play fight-3POSS chicken ‘The village chief had organized a cockfighting game.’
(21) 'Aindei fato-fulu se-mii no-awe-mo dua no-ita~ita. child four-ten one-CLF 3REAL-go.up-PFV also 3REAL-RDUP~see ‘The forty-one children went also up and watched.’ 281
(22) Fepuhu-mo 'ola'i-no liwu no-taho-e manu-no. begin-PFV chief-3POSS village 3REAL-set.up-3OBJ chicken-3POSS ‘The village chief began to set up his cock (by putting the fighting spurs on its legs).’
(23) 'O-wamba-mo 'ola'i-no liwu, na-mo-talo manu-no, HAVE-word-PFV chief-3POSS village 3IRR-CA-lose chicken-3POSS
na-s
(24) Fepuhu-mo mie bhaghi sadhea manangi 'ola'i-no liwu. begin-PFV person many always win chief-3POSS village ‘Many people began (to play), and each time the village chief won.’
(25) 'Aindei fato-fulu se-mii-no no-po-buru-ene-mo dua child four-ten one-person-ACT.PTCP 3REAL-REC-fight-3IND.OBJ-PFV also
manu-no. chicken-3POSS ‘The forty-one children also had their cock enter the fight.’
(26) Ampoho-mo se-hahe no-buru, no-mate-mo manu-no 'ola'i-no then-PFV one-time 3REAL-fight 3REAL-die-PFV chicken-3POSS chief-3POSS
liwu. village ‘But after just one fight, the village chief's cock died.’
(27) Sambo-mo mie bhaghi 'ola'i-no liwu s
bhanua-no. house-3poss ‘The people shouted (in excitement) that the village chief should step down from his house (for the sake of the winner).’ 282
(28) 'Aindei fato-fulu se-mii me-ndeu me-ala 'amali. child four-ten one-CLF CA-refuse CA-take/get palace ‘But the forty-one children refused to take the palace.’
(29) Na-m-ala Wa Mindo-mindoe te-'alo-no we 'ughughi-no jamba. 3IRR-IRR-take/get ART.F M. PASS-tie-ACT.PTCP LOC post-3POSS toilet ‘They wanted to take Wa Mindo-mindoe, who was tied to the toilet post.’
(30) Lawani 'ola'i-no liwu "To fae-miu me-ala mie answer chief-3POSS village for what-2PL.POSS CA-take/get person
te-'alo-no we 'ughughi-no jamba=atu?" PASS-tie-ACT.PTCP LOC post-3POSS toilet=that2 ‘The village chief answered, "What is the point of you getting someone who is tied to that toilet post?"’
(31) Lawani manga 'aindei, "Maliomo, so-ta-m-ala-mo." answer PLUR child just.let only-1PL.EX-IRR-take/get-PFV ‘The children replied, "Never mind; just let us take her."’
(32) No-ambisi-i-mo 'a-bho'e-no ampoho no-po-hawi~hawi-ene. 3REAL-open-3OBJ-PFV NMLZ-tie-3POSS then 3REAL-PL-RDUP~lap-3IND.OBJ ‘They untied the rope and they all held her in their laps.’
(33) Ghato we mo'ahi no-bhaho-e-mo no-cabo-e-mo arrive LOC sea 3REAL-bathe-3OBJ-PFV 3REAL-soap-3OBJ-PFV
fa'a-nggilo~nggilo-e 'ita-no. ADV-RDUP~clean-3OBJ body.dirt-3POSS ‘When they got to the sea, they bathed her, put soap on her and cleaned away her body dirt.’
(34) No-tade-mo Wa Kae-kaepu, 'ona-no Wa Randainta. 3REAL-stand-PFV ART.F K. name-3POSS ART.F R. ‘Then Wa Kae-kaepu (the youngest child) stood up, her name was Wa Randainta.’
(35) 'Ola'i-no liwu angka~angka mbonoi-he. chief-3POSS village RDUP~go.by stealthily-3OBJ ‘The village chief followed her stealthily.’ 283
(36) No-ita 'aindei ghubhine-no ghanda-no 'a-nginda~nginda. 3REAL-see child woman-3POSS breast-3POSS ?-RDUP~shine ‘He saw that his daughter's breast was shining.’
(37) 'Ola'i-no liwu lou-mo we bhangka no-kemba-mo 'aindei fato-fulu chief-3POSS village go.down-PFV LOC canoe 3REAL-call-PFV child four-ten
se-mii na-m-awe-mo we 'amali. one-CLF 3IRR-IRR-go.up-PFV LOC palace ‘The village chief went down to the canoe and invited the forty-one children to go up to the palace.’
(38) Lawani manga 'aindei, "Ta-m-ungka ta-m-awe we 'amali tabeano answer PLUR child 1PL.EX-IRR-agree 1PL.EX-IRR-go.up LOC palace only.if
[m]a'a-mate ghubhine-mu." [IRR]CAUS-die woman-2SG.POSS ‘The children replied, "We are only willing to go up to the palace if you kill your wife."’
(39) 'Ola'i-no liwu no-mbule we bhanua sumbele ghubhine-no. chief-3POSS village 3REAL-return LOC house slaughter woman-3POSS ‘The village chief went back to his house and killed his wife.’
(40) Ampoho no-kemba mii bhaghi no-me-uwa 'ancodaha bulawa then 3REAL-call person many 3REAL-CA-carry carrying.chair gold
membali 'ancodaha-no Wa Randainta te ina-no become carrying.chair-3POSS ART.F R. with mother-3POSS
no-uwa-e we 'amali. 3REAL-carry-3OBJ LOC palace ‘Then he called people to bring a golden carrying chair and that became the carrying chair for Wa Randainta and her mother to go up in to the palace.’
(41) Fala~falate-mo we 'amali. RDUP~live-PFV LOC palace ‘And so they lived in the palace.’ 284 Text 12. La Ndoke-ndoke te La Kapoo-poluka ‘Monkey and Tortoise’
This text was told to me in 1993 by Wa Ngka'ubu, recorded, and later transcribed by me. It is the well-known story of Monkey and Tortoise, found throughout Southeast Sulawesi. Hesitations and self-corrections have been retained.
Note that for the two characters in this story the Muna names are used: La Ndoke-ndoke (Muna ndoke, Busoa ndo'e ‘monkey’) and La Kapoo-poluka (variants Kapolu-poluka and Kapo- poluka) ‘tortoise’ (Muna kapoluka, Busoa 'apolo'a ‘tortoise’). Also, the word roo ‘leaf’ is in the Muna language (Busoa ghoo ‘leaf’), and the song in lines 31 and 32 is in Wolio. Everything else is in Busoa. In 2009 Wa Ngka'ubu told me that she learnt this story from La Safui (the author of texts 7-11) and that he had used Muna words in these places.
(1) 'O=oni tula~tula-no La Ndoke~ndoke te La Kapoo~poluka. ART=this RDUP~story-3POSS ART.M RDUP~monkey with ART.M RDUP~tortoise ‘This is the story of Monkey and Tortoise.’
(2) Sabutuno La Kapoo~poluka te La Ndoke~ndoke then ART.M RDUP~tortoise with ART.M RDUP~monkey
no-me-ala-mo ana-no 'alei se-ana manga. 3REAL-CA-take/get-PFV child-3POSS banana one-child PLUR ‘Tortoise and Monkey took a single banana shoot together.’
(3) No-ghua-mii-hene no-po-dawu-e. 3REAL-two-person-3IND.OBJ 3REAL-REC-part-3OBJ ‘They divided it in two parts, one part for each person.’
(4) 'O La Ndoke~ndoke no-ala hoso-no, La ART ART.M RDUP~monkey 3REAL-take/get upper.part-3POSS ART.M
Kapolu~poluka no-ala wengke-no. RDUP~tortoise 3REAL-take/get bottom.part-3POSS ‘Monkey took the top, Tortoise took the bottom.’
(5) Pada ma-sumaa... no-fombula-mo manga. finish EMPH-that3 3REAL-plant-PFV PLUR ‘After that…, they (each) planted (their part).’ 285
(6) No-abha-mo La Ndoke~ndoke, puluu "Fii tongku-mu situ 3REAL-ask-PFV ART.M RDUP~monkey that how.many leaf-2SG.POSS 2SG
roo-no ngkalei-mu, Kapo~poluka?" leaf-3POSS banana-2SG.POSS RDUP~tortoise ‘Monkey asked, "How many leaves does your banana have, Tortoise?"’ (The prenasalization in ngkalei ‘banana’ here and in line 8 is surprising; the Busoa word is 'alei, as in line 2; the Muna word is kalei.)
(7) "Se-tongku-mo." one-leaf-PFV ‘"Already one leaf."’
(8) No-abha-mo La Kapolu~poluka, "Fii tongku-mu situ roo-no 3REAL-ask-PFV ART.M RDUP~tortoise how.many leaf-2SG.POSS 2SG leaf-3POSS
ngkalei-mu, Ndoke~ndoke?" banana-2SG.POSS RDUP~monkey ‘Tortoise asked, "And how many leaves does your banana tree have, Monkey?"’
(9) "Ee, tumbu mbaleu-leu." ah grow withering ‘"Ah, it wilts and withers."’ (The word mbaleu-leu appears to be a frozen derivation.)
(10) Pada ma-sumaa... no-..., mada-mo sumaa, no-'o-wua-mo 'alei-no finish EMPH-that3 3REAL- finish-PFV that3 3REAL-HAVE-fruit-PFV banana-3POSS
La Ndoke~ndoke, ee..., 'o La Kapolu~poluka. ART.M RDUP~monkey oh ART ART.M RDUP~tortoise ‘After that, he..., after that, Monkey's banana bore fruit, I mean, Tortoise's.’
(11) No-foni-mo La Kapolu~poluka we..., 'alei-no=oni. 3REAL-go.up-PFV ART.M RDUP~tortoise LOC banana-3POSS=this ‘Tortoise went up in his banana tree.’
(12) Foni-o hahe-no miina na-[m]ooli. go.up-APPL foot-3POSS NEG 3IRR-[IRR]able ‘He was not able to go up using his feet.’ 286
(13) Foni-o lima-no miina na-[m]ooli. go.up-APPL hand-3POSS NEG 3IRR-[IRR]able ‘He was not able to go up using his hands.’
(14) Foni-o 'undo-no miina na-[m]ooli. go.up-APPL back-3POSS NEG 3IRR-[IRR]able ‘He was not able to go up using his back.’
(15) Sabutuno, no-... "Mai-mo La Ndoke~ndoke." then 3REAL- come-PVF ART.M RDUP~monkey ‘So he [said], "Come, Monkey."’
(16) Ghato La Ndoke~ndoke no-foni. arrive ART.M RDUP~monkey 3REAL-go.up ‘When Monkey arrived, he went up (into the banana tree).’
(17) Sa-foni-no, no-me-'eto-mo wua-no 'o 'alei=ini, ampoho WHEN-go.up-3POSS 3REAL-CA-pick-PFV fruit-3POSS ART banana=this then
no-tabugha-ho La Kapolu~poluka 'oli-no. 3REAL-drop-APPL ART.M RDUP~tortoise skin-3POSS ‘When he had gone up, he picked the fruits of the banana tree (and ate them), then dropped the skins for Tortoise.’
(18) Sabutuno La Kapoo~poluka mo-ghewu lalo-no, no-taho-ene then ART.M RDUP~tortoise CA-rubbish inside-3POSS 3REAL-set.up-3IND.OBJ
tulo we 'ogho-no 'alei=ini himpooni. bamboo.spikes LOC bottom-3POSS banana=this just.now ‘So Tortoise was upset and he installed bamboo spikes at the bottom of the banana tree.’
(19) Sabutuno no-sabu La Ndoke~ndoke, no-mo-ndawu, no-'angkanai then 3REAL-jump.down ART.M RDUP~monkey 3REAL-CA-fall 3REAL-hit
tulo sabutuno no-mate-mo La Ndoke~ndoke. bamboo.spikes then 3REAL-die-PFV ART.M RDUP~monkey ‘So when Monkey jumped down, he fell and hit the bamboo spikes and so Monkey died.’ 287
(20) No-ala-e-mo bu'u-no no-te'e no-tambuni pahindulu we 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV bone-3POSS 3REAL-? 3REAL-bury go.first LOC
lalo-no wute. inside-3POSS ground ‘He (Tortoise) took the bones, did ? and first buried them in the ground.’
(21) Pada ma-sumaa no-ala-e-mo ghea-no membali gola. finish EMPH-that3 3REAL-take/get-3OBJ-PFV blood-3POSS become sugar ‘After that he took the blood (and made it) into sugar.’
(22) 'O bu'u-no membali 'o hifi. ART bone-3POSS become ART lime ‘His bones became lime.’
(23) 'O 'oli-no membali ganda. ART skin-3POSS become drum ‘His skin became (skin for) a drum.’
(24) Pada ma-sumaa... no-tambuni-i-mo. finish EMPH-that3 3REAL-bury-3OBJ-PFV ‘After that…, he buried him.’
(25) "Mai-mo, raja-no ndo'e=eni mpooni." come-PFV king-3POSS monkey=this just.now ‘(Then the tortoise called out) "Come, this is the former king of the monkeys!"’
(26) No-..., sa-ghato-no, no-la..., no-me-ghambi mbololo-no=oni mpooni 3REAL- WHEN-arrive-3POSS 3REAL- 3REAL-CA-play gong-3POSS=this just.now
La Kapolu~poluka=ani himpooni. ART.M RDUP~tortoise=this just.now ‘When they (other monkeys) arrived, they eh, Tortoise played the gong.’ 288
(27) "Dhomu dhomu, dhomu dhomu, kande~kande buku-na mia bang bang bang bang RDUP~eat bone-3POSS person
ranga-na." companion-3POSS ‘(And Tortoise sang a mock song in Wolio) "Bang bang, bang bang, they are eating the bones of their companion."’
(28) "Dhomu dhomu, kande~kande buku mia ranga-na." bang bang RDUP~eat bone person companion-3POSS ‘"Bang bang, they are eating the bones of their companion."’
(29) Ee, sabutuno no-talangai-he La Ndoke~ndoke no-libu-e-mo. Hey then 3REAL-hear-3OBJ ART.M RDUP~monkey 3REAL-surround-3OBJ-PFV ‘And when they heard that, they ganged up on Monkey.’ (This is presumably an error, and the narrator meant Tortoise.)
(30) No-mate. 3REAL-die ‘He (the tortoise) died.’
(31) Pada-ha-no-mo. finish-LOC-3POSS-PFV ‘That is the end.’ Appendix B. Trilingual phrase book
The following trilingual phrase book is a partial translation of the 32-page booklet Boku karubu wamba segho-segholeo Wuna – Indonesia – Inggirisi [Pocket book of everyday expressions, Muna – Indonesian – English], which I produced for Muna in 1993 (reprinted in 2005). This was inspired by a similar phrase book for Napu (a language of Central Sulawesi), done by Roger Hanna in the early 1990s. The translation into Busoa was done orally from Indonesian in 2008 with the help of La Tari, La Ridjali, La Sarona and Wa Ngka'ubu, recorded and then transcribed. Because of time constraints, we only did pages 10- 32 (sections 5 up to 14 in the original, renumbered here as 1 to 10).
Even though the linguistic value of these phrases and sentences is limited, including this phrase book with the grammar sketch is helpful, as it provides another window on the language and is potentially helpful for language learning. The recording of the elicitation session of this phrase book is also available online (see §1.8).
The first line is Busoa (in italics, without morpheme breaks), the second line is Indonesian (the language of elicitation), the third line is English. The headings were not translated and are therefore only presented in Indonesian and English.
1. Waktu / time Naifii ndumala? Kapan mau pergi? When are you going?
Naale. Besok. Tomorrow.
Naifua. Lusa. The day after tomorrow.
Naitolu. Lagi tiga hari. In three days.
289 290
Indewi. Kemarin. Yesterday.
Naifuamo. Kemarin dulu. The day before yesterday.
Naitolumo. Tiga hari yang lalu. Three days ago.
Moghondo. Tadi malam. Last night.
Indewi 'oghondoa. Kemarin malam. The night before last.
Mananiini. Sekarang. Now.
Himpooni. Tadi. Just now.
Himpooni maghadondo. Tadi pagi. This morning.
Magha-maghadondo Pagi-pagi. In the morning.
Manaholeo Sore. In the (late) afternoon.
Tobhele holeo. Siang. Noon. 291
'Oghondoaani. Malam ini. Tonight.
Holeootu. / Holeooni Hari ini. Today.
Wula we ghagho. Bulan depan Next month.
2. Makan dan minum / eating and drinking
Nomo'ele wuhu'u. Saya haus. I'm thirsty.
Amepemani jue nefoghoghu. Saya minta air minum. I'm asking for a drink of water.
Amoghagho. Saya lapar. I'm hungry.
Amomalemo akaghajaa. Saya sudah capek bekerja. I'm tired with working.
Tofumaaho. Kita makan dulu. Let's eat first.
Haamo! Silahkan! Go ahead!
'Uje 'aalo-alo! Jangan malu-malu! Don't be shy! 292
Haa dotubhaghiho! Silahkan tambah! Please have some more!
Amowehimo. Saya sudah kenyang. I'm full.
Amemani ma'afu. Saya minta maaf. I'm sorry.
Nuni apeelue 'inta. Saya suka ikan. I like fish.
Nomomba'a seehe. Enak sekali. It's very tasty.
Nuni miina ameelue 'o saha. Saya tidak suka lombok. I don't like chili.
Nomolala seehe. Terlalu pedis. It's too hot.
Foghoghuho jue. Minum (air) dulu. Drink some water.
Foghoghue dua situ 'unau? Engkau juga minum tuak? Do you also drink palm wine?
'Uumbe, sama'a sabutunomo setonde. Ya, tetapi hanya satu gelas. Yes, but only one glass. 293
'Ane nobhaghi tofoghoghu tomolanguenemo. Kalau banyak minum mengakibatkan kemabukan. When you drink much, you can get drunk because of it.
Ghoono kapaea nomopahi. Daun pepaya pahit. Papaya leaves are bitter.
'O gola nomome'o. Gula adalah manis. Sugar is sweet.
'O gagha nomo'agha. Garam adalah asin. Salt is salty.
Foooni dainoho nomo'olo. Mangga ini masih kecut. This mango is still sour.
3. Permintaan / requests Namembali apesua? Boleh saya masuk? May I come in?
Amemani tulungi. / Afefetulungi. Saya minta tolong. I'm asking for help.
No'ugha dhoi'u. Uang saya kurang. I don't have enough money.
Nomembali amedosa se'ide? Bisa saya meminjam sedikit? Can I borrow a little?
Nomembali, sama'a 'uje nobhaghi. Bisa, tetapi jangan banyak. That’s OK, but not much. 294
Naefii natefombule? / Naefii amombulee? Kapan mau dikembalikan? / Kapan saya akan mengembalikannya? When shall I return it?
Namembali ameada motoromu? Boleh saya meminjam motormu? May I borrow your motorbike?
Membali amangka? Boleh saya ikut? May I go along?
Dainoho dua nepemani'u. Ada lagi permintaan saya. I have another request.
Nopotughu hatomami. Atap kami bocor. Our roof is leaking.
Situ makida mefa'abhelo? Kamu pintar memperbaikinya? Can you fix it?
'Aeho pae namembali. Mungkin tidak bisa. Maybe it's not possible.
Tabeano natebholosi. Harus diganti. It has to be replaced.
Ghaghagaano hato nomohali jamaniini. Sekarang harga atap mahal. Roofing is expensive nowadays.
4. Membeli dan menjual / buying and selling Meholi fae? Anda mau membeli apa? What do you want to buy? 295
Ameholi 'inta te 'alei. Saya mau membeli ikan dan pisang. I want to buy fish and bananas.
Dainiu 'alei neaso? Ada pisang yang dijual? Have you any bananas to sell?
'Uumbe, dainiu. Ya, ada. Yes, I do / there are.
Motahamo bhagha? Apakah sudah masak? Are they ripe?
Sefae holino / ghaghagaano? Berapa harganya? How much does it cost?
Tolu ghewu. Tiga ribu. Three thousand (rupiah).
Mohali seehe. Terlalu mahal. That's too expensive.
Sefae 'intamu itu sehelu? Berapa harga ikanmu seekor? How much is one fish?
Lima ghewu. Lima ribu. Five thousand (rupiah).
Ameala lima hulu. Saya mau mengambil lima ekor. I'll take five. 296
Paghaaso'u miina namoala. Jualan saya tidak laku. My goods don't sell well.
Situ meholi dua bhae? Anda mau membeli juga beras? Do you want to buy rice too?
Nuni pae ameholi, dainoho we bhanua. Saya tidak akan beli, masih ada di rumah. I won't buy any, there is still some at home.
Hinteli mami notepadamo / nomopulimo. Telur kami sudah habis. Our eggs are all gone.
5. Perintah / commands Topesuaho! / Topesuamo! Silahkan masuk! Come in!
Foni! Naik! Come on in!
Tomengkoghamo / Mengkogha 'aintamo. Silahkan duduk. Sit down please.
Tofoghoghuho. / Tofoghoghu 'aintamo. Kita minum dulu. Let's have a drink first.
Antagiho. Tunggu dulu. Please wait.
Fa'asimba! Cepat! Be quick! 297
Mai we 'ainia. Mari ke sini. Come here.
Itae we 'aisoo. Lihat di sana. Look over there.
Telengaihe! Dengarlah! Listen!
Telengaihe fa'abhelo! Dengarlah baik-baik! Listen carefully!
'Uje moghobho! Jangan ribut! Be quiet!
'Ujemo! Tidak usah / Jangan! Don't!
Maliomo / Malionomo. Biarkan saja. Just leave it.
Fengkanaho / Fa'abhelo. Hati-hati / Awas. Be careful.
Coba ita we 'aisoo. Coba lihat di sana. Please take a look at that.
'Ujeho dadi! Jangan dulu! Wait a bit! 298
Antagiho sampe naale. Tunggu sampai besok. Wait until tomorrow.
Loumo alae. / Louho alae. Pergi ambillah. Go and get it.
Toghaho to nuni. / Toghai nuni. Berikan kepada saya. Give it to me.
Toghaho to anoa. Berikan kepada dia. Give it to him/her.
Owae we 'ainia. Bawa di sini. Bring it here.
Di'ae we lalono soghonga. Simpanlah dalam peti. Put it inside the box.
Di'ae we habu. Simpanlah di dapur. Put it in the kitchen.
Hela! Tarik! Pull it!
6. Tugas dalam rumah / household tasks Lengkasi 'anau folinto. Tolong bukakan pintu. Open the door, please.
Joli folinto. Tutup pintu. Shut the door, please. 299
Sambughe hodo. Sapu lantai. Sweep the floor, please.
Fobhomboe kanturuuni. Nyalakan lampu ini. Please light this lamp.
Mefundanga'anau jue. Masakkan air. Boil some water for me, please.
Bhambeghee / ghambeghee ghewuuni. Buang sampah ini. Throw away this rubbish.
Mewanuho. Cuci tangan dulu. Wash your hands first.
Meala 'anau 'apulu. Ambilkan parang. Please bring me a machete.
Nomotahamo nefumaaatu? Apakah makanan sudah masak? Is the food cooked?
Pakea notetofa. Pakaian dicuci. The clothes are washed.
Pighi padamo notewasoi. Piring sudah dicuci. The dishes have been cleaned.
Bhae notetepi. Beras ditampih. The rice is winnowed. 300
'Inta notehole. Ikan digoreng. The fish is fried.
Fopesuahe pakea we lalo, hulanomo na'ohusemo / na'ohisemo. Masukkan pakaian ke dalam, karena akan hujan. Bring the clothes in, it is going to rain.
7. Belajar bahasa Busoa / learning the Busoa language Gau'u ame'ampoinaho pugau Busoa Saya ingin belajar bahasa Busoa. I want to learn the Busoa language.
Pugau Busoa nomoghasai. Bahasa Busoa sulit. The Busoa language is difficult.
Pandemo buana situ pugau Busoa? Engkau sudah pintar bahasa Busoa? Do you already speak Busoa?
Miinaho amande mpuu, se'ide-se'idemo dua. Saya belum pintar betul, sedikit saja. Not too much, just a little.
Fae pugau Busoano kebun? Howuto. Apa bahasa Busoa kebun? Howuto. What is garden in Busoa? Howuto.
Fae ma'anano noabha? Apa artinya noabha? What is the meaning of noabha?
Ma'anano noabha bertanya. Arti noabha adalah bertanya. Noabha means to ask.
Coba fenduangiiho. Coba diulangi. Please repeat it. 301
Fae ne'owambahoono? Apa dikatakannya? What did he say?
Miina amandeene. Saya tidak tahu. I don't know.
Anoamootu? / 'Otuhumootu? Apakah itu benar? Is that correct?
'Ane adumosa, fo'oni'anau. Kalau saya salah, perbaiki saya. If I make a mistake, correct me.
Nomohali pugau Inggirisi te pugau Busoa. Bahasa Inggris lebih sulit dari bahasa Busoa. English is more difficult than Busoa.
We Busoa nobhaghimo mii miinamo namande pugau Busoa. Di Busoa banyak orang tidak tahu bahasa Busoa. Many people in Busoa do not speak Busoa.
8. Penyakit / illness Moda'i namisimu 'aintu? Apakah engkau sakit? Are you maybe sick?
'Uumbe, nomolala fotu'u. Ya, saya sakit kepala. Yes, I have a headache.
Fee holeomo nomoda'i namisimu? Sudah berapa hari engkau sakit? For how many days have you been sick?
Fepuhu naifuamo. Mulai kemarin dulu. It started the day before yesterday. 302
Amoghaghea dua. Saya juga panas/demam. I also have a fever.
Padamo awe we dotoro? Engkau sudah ke dokter? Have you seen a doctor yet?
'Uumbe, notoghai 'anau lancau. Ya, dia memberi saya obat. Yes, he gave me some medicine.
Situ dua moda'i namisimu? Engkau juga sakit? Are you also sick?
Sehulu-hulue 'anau nomolala. Seluruh badan rasanya sakit. My whole body aches.
Mohosa seehe akaghajaa. Saya terlalu keras bekerja. I've worked too hard.
Fumaa lancau maniini, sehelume maghadondo, sehelume manaholeo. Makan obat ini, satu biji pagi, satu biji malam. Take this medicine, one in the morning, one at night.
Nomobhela hahe'u. Kaki saya luka. My leg is wounded.
Nobhaghi ghea lumimbano / limimbano. Banyak darah yang keluar. Much blood is coming out.
Di'ahane lancau ampoho 'a'ompo. Taruhlah obat lalu balut. Put some medicine on it and bandage it. 303 9. Keluarga / family Padamo kawi situ? Apakah anda sudah kawin? Are you married yet?
'Uumbe, temo 'aindei'u. Ya, saya sudah punya anak. Yes, I already have children.
Fee mii 'aindeimu? Berapa anakmu? How many children do you have?
Ampoho semii. Baru satu orang. Just one.
Nuni ghua miimo. Saya sudah dua (anak). I have two (children).
'Aindeimu 'o mohane 'atawa ghobhine? Anakmu laki-laki atau perempuan? Is your child a boy or a girl?
Ghobhine. Perempuan. A girl.
Simintu fee mii sendaifutu? Anda bersaudara berapa orang? How many brothers and sisters do you have?
Incami talilima. Kami lima orang. We are five.
Nomoghughi dainoho mancuanamu? Apakah orang tuamu masih ada/hidup? Are your parents still alive? 304
Ama'u nomatemo, somo ina'u. Ayah saya sudah meninggal, tinggal ibu saya. My father has died, but my mother is still alive.
Mii manaini 'o witinaimu dua? Apakah orang ini juga keluargamu? Is he kin to you too?
'Uumbe, tolida'u. Ya, dia sepupu saya. Yes, he is my cousin.
10. Cuaca / weather Mopana holeo. Hari panas. It's hot.
Nomoolu. Berawan / mendung. It's cloudy.
'Aehomo na'ohise. Barangkali akan hujan. Maybe it will rain.
Hise waro-waro. Hujan gerimis. It's drizzling.
Nobughomo hise. Hujan sudah berhenti. The rain has stopped.
Te 'awea mohosa. Ada angin kencang. There's a strong wind.
Noteitamo wula. Bulan sudah kelihatan. The moon is visible. 305
'Ali-'alipopo we laiano. Bintang-bintang di langit. There are stars in the sky.
Ntoghoghe / ntoghoughe noteitamo. Pelangi kelihatan. There is a rainbow. Appendix C. Trilingual vocabulary
This trilingual vocabulary comes in three parts: the main section is Busoa-English- Indonesian, followed by English-Busoa and Indonesian-Busoa finderlists.
1. Busoa – English - Indonesian
Preliminary points: • This Busoa vocabulary contains 1,650 roots, some of which are variants. I estimate that this is about 20-25% of the total vocabulary of the language. • Example sentences that were obtained while working on the vocabulary have mostly been retained (around 150), of which some 30 are also used in the grammar sketch. • This vocabulary is root-based. In other words, verbal class affixes such as ma-, me- and mo- and nominal prefixes have been stripped off. That means that both motehi ‘afraid’ and 'atehi ‘fear’ must be found as subentries under the bound root tehi. • However, for transitive verbs (vt) the class affix me- is not consistently presented. The reason for this is that transitive verbs in the wordlists were inconsistently given with or without me-. Transitive verbs lose the prefix me- when the object is definite (see §4.4), and many verbs only rarely appear in the corpus. As a result, the corpus contains examples of transitive verbs in three configurations relating to me-. a) Transitive verbs that only have me-, e.g. me-gili ‘grind’, with two tokens: once in the wordlist, once (as no-me-gili) in t9:20. These are are listed under the root gili, with me-gili as subentry. b) Transitive verbs that have both me- and zero, e.g. me-aso (two tokens) and aso ‘sell’ (six tokens). These are also are listed under the root aso, with me-aso as subentry. c) Transitive verbs that are never found with me-, e.g.'adhili ‘to judge’ with one token (in the wordlist) and 'alo ‘tie, bind’ with six tokens (in two texts): three tokens of no-'alo-e(-mo) and three tokens of the passive te-'alo (te-'alo, no-te-'alo and te-'alo-no). These are listed as roots without a subentry with me-, as the forms me-'adhili and me-'alo are not attested. However, it can safely be assumed that these forms do in fact exist, as all transitive verbs have me- when the object is indefinite. The limited time did not allow me to check every single transitive verbs (over 300).
306 307
• Most loanwords are indicated as being borrowings from Indonesian or Wolio. Only in a few cases are further source languages given (Sanskrit, Arabic, Portuguese and Dutch).
A - a aa n. waist. pinggang. 'abua-bua n. young girl. gadis. 'aa conj. or (in questions). atau (dlm 'abumbu n. hill, mountain. bukit, pertanyaan). gunung. 'aahirino adv. finally, so then. akhirnya. 'abumbuno ewo; breaker, surf. From: Ind. gelombong. 'aalo-alo vi. shy; timid; ashamed. malu. ada 'aalu meada vt. borrow. pinjam. me'aalu vi. defecate. berak. mefoada vt. lend. pinjamkan. pa'aa-'aalu vi. diarrhoea. menceret, pofoadahoo; lend e.o. saling diare. pinjamkan. 'a'anda n. blue. biru. 'adandea See: 'adendea. 'aangka 'adendea Variant: 'adandea. n. butterfly. kupu-kupu. me'aangka vt. hunt. berburu. Indewi incami tandala 'adhati n. custom. adat. tame'aangka ghusa we buntou. 'o'adhati vs. polite, proper, well- Yesterday we went deer-hunting mannered. beradat, beradab, in the forest. Kemarin kami pergi sopan. From: Ind. berburu rusa di hutan. See: angka. 'adhili vt. judge. adili. Syn: timbangi. 'aape-apea From: Ind. me'aape-apea vi. have breakfast. 'adi'ahano See: di'a. sarapan. 'ado abha vt. ask. bertanya. mo'ado Variant: ma'ado. vs. 'abhale-bhale vi. stand. berdiri. 1) brave, courageous. berani. 'abhalongko n. hole (in the ground). 2) evil. jahat. lubang (dlm tanah). 'a'adono n. bravery, courage. 'abhanti n. poem, poetry. syair, sanjak. beraninya, keberanian. 'abheghe n. mud. lumpur, becek. 'adu n. bag. kantong. 'abheo-bheo vs. dumb, stupid. bodoh. 'aeho Variant: 'aehomo. adv. maybe, possibly. barangkali, mungkin. abhi n. nickname, title. julukan, nama panggilan, alias. 'aela n. trap. jerat. 'abhisu n. boil. bisul. Syn: soghogha. 'aenua n. bee sp. tawon. 'abhogho n. grasshopper. belalang. 'aepu n. youngest child. anak bungsu. 'abhola n. intestines and internal organs. 'afufu n. chicken coop. sangkar ayam. isi perut. 'agha n. palm brandy, palm wine. arak, 'abhonga n, vi-. joke, jest, humour. tuak. From: Ind (< Ar). bergurau, humor. 308 'agha laki. mo'agha Variant: ma'agha. vs. salty. 'ainia dem. asin. we 'ainia; here, hither. di sini, ke 'agha-'agha n. rib. rusuk. mari. 'aghada n; vt. spear. tombak. 'aintu part. particle in questions. partikel dalam kalimat tanya. 'aghambau n. buffalo. kerbau. From: Ind. 'aiseitu dem. there (far away). di sana (sangat jauh). See: seitu. aghataa n. goods, wealth. harta. From: Ind. 'aisoo dem. 'aghonta n. uproar, tumult. kerusuhan. we 'aisoo; there. di sana. aghu clf. classifier for any object 'aitaa dem. (without mentioning it). penggolong we 'aitaa; up there. di sana (jauh untuk barang apa saja. dan tinggi). seaghu; one (thing). satu (benda). 'aitua dem. 'aghu'u n. forest, wild. hutan, liar. we 'aitua; there (near you). di situ. manu 'aghu'u; wild chicken. ayam 'aiwaa dem. hutan. we 'aiwaa; down there. di sana agoghi vi. (do) hurriedly, (do) quickly. (jauh dan rendah). terburu-buru, dengan cepat. 'ajo n. shape, face. rupa, muka, wajah. fe'agoghi; Nomoda'i 'ajono. An ugly person. poagoghi; Buruk mukanya. Syn: hula.
'ahadhi n. week. minggu. ala1 se'ahadhi; one week. satu minggu. meala v. take, get. ambil. From: Ind. meala ghobhine; marry. kawin. 'ahakahaka vi. laugh loudly. terbahak- moala vi. in demand, sell well. laku. bahak. ala2 nm. room. kamar (dlm rumah). 'aherati n. afterlife, the hereafter. akhirat. From: Ind. 'alala n. spider. laba-laba. 'ahia n. bamboo sp. bambu. 'alambe n. young girl, virgin. gadis (yang sudah dipingit). See: 'ambe. 'aholeo n. small dried fish. ikan kering (yang kecil). See: holeo. 'alampa vi. step. melangkah. 'ahotu n. k.o. traditional trumpet. nm. step. langkah. terompet. 'alamu n. nature. alam. ai n. younger sibling. adik. se'alamue n. universe. alam semesta. 'ai From: Ind. te'ai vs. stuck. terkait. 'alangka n. basket. keranjang. 'aindai See: 'aindei. 'alei n. banana. pisang. 'aindei Variant: 'aindai. n. child, 'alei 'aghu'u; wild banana. pisang children. anak kecil. liar. 'aindei ghobhine; young girl. anak 'alelei n. infectious disease. penyakit perempuan. menular yang beredar. 'aindei mohane; boy, lad. anak laki- 309 'alembangu n. one-pole ladder. tangga 'uma. bambu (satu tiang). 'amagha vs. angry. marah. 'alibu n. circle. lingkaran. 'amali n. palace. istana, kediaman. vt. form a circle. buat lingkaran. 'amanda n. waist belt. tali pinggang. 'alima vt. nurse, treat, repair. rawat, amba kerjakan. maamba vs. tasteless, bland. tawar, 'alimbungo n. young coconut. kelapa hambar. muda. 'amba1 n. flower. bunga. 'aliminci n. ant sp. semut api. 'amba mpuu; jasmine flower. bunga 'alimua vs. pleasant, beautiful, melodious. melati. merdu, indah. 'ambano hahe; toe. jari kaki. Syn: alio intj. just let. biar. See: maliomo. sauno hahe, wungano hahe. 'alipopo n. star. bintang. 'ambano lima; finger. jari tangan. 'alipopo pondooti; firefly. kunang- Syn: sauno lima, wungano lima. kunang. 'ambano kapaea; papaya flower. alo1 n. commemoration night after s.o.'s bunga papaya. death. malam peringatan kematian 'amba2 orang. Naale 'oghondoa 'o padahano alono amano La mo'amba vs. greedy. rakus. Sarona. Tomorrow evening is the 'A'ambano! How greedy he is! last commemoration night for La Rakusnya! Sarona's father. Besok malam 'amba3 vs. swollen. bengkak. No'amba malam terakhir malam peringatan limano. His arm is swollen. ayah La Sarona. Tangannya bengkak. mealo vi. hold a commemoration 'ambaagha n. creek. kali kecil. night. adakan malan peringatan. 'ambabha n. cockroach. kecoak. alo2 n. dew. embun. 'ambaghi n. thread, yarn. benang. 'alo vt. tie, bind. ikat. 'ambalala n. shirt, blouse, coat. baju. te'alo vs. tied, bound. terikat. me'ambalala vi. wear a shirt. 'aloa n. bat, flying fox. kalong, berbaju. kelelawar. 'ambe n. girl (term of address). gadis 'alobu vi. sink. tenggelam. (kata sapaan). See: 'alambe. alu num. eight. delapan. 'ambeli-mbeli vi. go for a walk, take a alu fulu; eighty. delapan puluh. See: stroll. jalan-jalan. walu. 'ambisa n. small basket woven from 'alulu clf. classifier for round things palmyra leaves. keranjang (mango, coconuts), for large objects anyaman daun agel. and for abstract items. biji, ambisi vt. open, undo (rope). buka (tali, penggolong umum. Se'alulu 'unde benda), keluarkan. / bhanua / bhangka / wakutuu. A coconut / house / boat / time. 'ambotu See: mbotu. Sebuah kelapa / rumah / perahu / 'ambuse n. cooked maize. jagung rebus. waktu. 'amo'ele n. dry land. darat, tempat 'alulungi n. roll. gulungan. See: lulu. kering. ama n. father, dad. ayah, bapak. See: 'amolo n. ring finger. jari manis. 310 'amotuha n. forest, bush. hutan lebat. 'anda-'anda n. initial stages of scabies. kudis-kudis. ampoho conj. then, and then. lalu, baru. andea n. friend, comrade. teman, sahabat. Syn: sabhangka. See: ampohomo; just now. baru. ndea. Ampohomo aghato. I've just come. Saya baru tiba. 'andesa'a n. side dish (vegetables, fish, meat, eggs etc.). lauk pauk. 'ampoinaho ane vt. pick up. pungut. me'ampoinaho vt. learn. belajar. Anoa nome'ampoinaho pogau 'ane conj. if. kalau. Inggirisi. He is learning English. 'anginda-nginda vi. shine, glisten. Dia belajar bahasa Inggris. See: berkilau. foinaho. angka vi. go, follow. jalan, ikut. 'ampue n. sword. pedang. angka-angka mbonu; spy on (by 'ampuga n. palm fibre. ijuk. following stealthily). ikut-ikut di 'ampughui n. headcloth. destar, ikat belakang, intip. kepala. angkai vt. stop over at, visit. 'amumuli n. ant sp. (with a painful singgahi. sting). sej semut (sakit gigitannya). 'angka1 'amuntui vt. whisper. bisik. me'angka vt. climb (a tree). naik po'amuntui vi. whisper to e.o. pohon. berbisik-bisik. 'angka2 n. pest that destroys rice and ana1 n. child. anak. No'oanamo. He beans. hama padi dan kacang- already has a child/children. Dia kacangan. sudah beranak. 'angkanai vt. hit. kena. ana mohane; young man angkatulu vt. follow. ikut, susul. (unmarried). pemuda. angkefae Variant: angkifae. adv. how. anano manu; chick. anak ayam. bagaimana. anano nosu; pestle. alu. angkifae See: angkefae. anano pana; arrow. anak panah. 'angule-ngule n. wrist. pergelangan anano pulangku; rungs of a ladder tangan. or staircase. anak tangga. ani n. bee. lebah. ana2 num. six. enam. See: noo. From: anoa Variant: anua. pro. he, she, it. dia. Ind. anoamo pro. right. benar. anaa dem. that (referential). itu. antagi 'anabati n. k.o. flute (recorder). sej. seruling (ditiup lurus ke depan). meantagi vt. wait. tunggu. 'ananea n. custom, habit. kebiasaan. 'anteudania n. memory, souvenir. ingatan, kenang-kenangan. See: 'ancili n. little finger. kelingking. udani. 'ancodaha n. carrying chair or stretcher 'anti-'anti n. earring. anting-anting. (carried on the shoulder by several From: Ind. people). pikulan. See: soda. 'antido n. lower leg, calf. betis. ancogha vt. eat, wolf down (an impolite word). makan (kasar). 'anda n. scabies. kudis. 311 'antofi n. cassava cooked in a conical 'asanda n. k.o. toxic wild cassava. ubi steamer. ubi kayu masak yang gadung, ubi hutan. berbentuk kerucut. ase n. iron. besi. 'antugha n. ravine, cliff. jurang. 'ase n. k.o. children's game. nama 'antula n. cooked young maize. jagung permainan. muda yang direbus. asi 'antunu n. roasted young maize. jagung maasi vt-io. love, like. sayangi, cintai, muda yang dibakar. kasihani. Amaasiene me'antunu vt. roast (fish, meat etc.). mancuana'u. I love my parents. bakar (ikan, daging). Me'antunu Saya sayangi orang tuaku. 'anau 'intaatu. Please roast those 'aasi; love, pity. kasihan, fish for me. Bakarkan saya ikan pengasihan. itu. 'a'asi n. sadness. kesedihan. 'antununo 'inta n. roasted fish. ikan bakar. See: tunu. 'asitela n. maize, corn. jagung. From: Wolio (< Ternate Utara < 'anu Portuguese). ma'anu vi. prepare (to go), get ready aso (for a trip). berkemas, siap berangkat. measo vt. sell. jual. anua See: anoa. paghaaso vi. sell (habitually). berjualan. 'a'ompo vt. wrap, bandage. bungkus, balut. 'aso n. rafter. kasau. 'aompu n. thumb, big toe. ibu jari 'asola n. conical steamer (made of (tangan dan kaki). coconut or palmyra leaves). kukusan yang berbentuk kerucut 'aompuno lima; thumb. ibu jari (terbuat dari daun kelapa, agel tangan. dll). apa num. four. empat. See: paa1. me'asola vt. steam (food such as 'apa1 n. cotton. kapas. tubers). mengukus (ubi-ubian). 'apa jawa; kapok. kapuk. 'atagia vs. addicted. ketagihan. From: Ind. 'apa2 'atawa conj. or. atau. From: Ind. mo'apa vs. thick. tebal. 'atiho Variant: 'otiho. vi. sneeze. bersin. 'a'apano n. thickness. ketebalan, tebalnya. ato vt. carry, load. angkut. 'apadahano n. the last one. terakhir, 'atoghongku n. prison. penjara. From: yang terakhir. See: pada. Ind (< Portuguese). 'apandenga vt. scold, abuse (using 'atombogho n. piece of bamboo used to abusive and obscene language). blow at a fire. bambu untuk maki (dengan kata kotor). meniup api. 'apiso Variant: piso. n. knife. pisau. 'atongo-tongo vi. be quiet, remain silent. diam-diam. 'apolo'a n. tortoise. kura-kura. 'atu1 vt. send an envoy. utus. 'apulu n. machete, bushknife. parang. 'a'atu n. messenger, envoy. utusan. 'apusu n. pounded maize. jagung See: pa'atu. tumbuk. 'atu2 n. rhythm, accent. irama, logat. 'Araba'a n. Wednesday. Rabu. 312 'atune n. splinter. cotet (potongan kayu/ 'aungkono 'unde; coconut shell. duri dsb yang tertinggal dlm tempurung kelapa. daging). 'awali n. iron cooking pot. kuali. 'atuu n. signs on a path showing that awalino adv. first, initially. awalnya, s.o. has just passed. tanda pada pertama. jalan setapak bahwa ada orang yang baru lewat. awe vi. go (upwards). pergi (ke atas). 'atu'u n. walking stick. tongkat. awehi vt. go and call s.o. (at a higher location). pergi panggil (di atas). me'atu'u vi. use a walking stick. pakai tongkat. 'awea n. wind. angin. 'audawa n. merunggai tree (small tree 'aweo n. big boil. bisul yang besar. with edible leaves). kelor. awo n. step-. tiri. 'a'ula n. rung (of ladder). anak ana awo; stepchild. anak tiri. (tangga). 'awombo n. k.o. freshwater snail. sej 'a'ulano pulangku; rung of ladder. siput kali. anak tangga. 'awowo vi. whistle. bersiul. Aulata'ala n. God. Allah. n. conch shell; horn (of a ship). 'aungko n. shell (of coconut). terompet dari keong, stom. tempurung. 'awu n. term of address for young boys. 'aungkono fotu; skull. tengkorak. panggilan untuk anak laki-laki.
B - b baa n. liter. liter, takaran. From: Wol? bara n. goods, luggage, cargo. barang. baangkala See: baghangkala. bara-bara n. goods. barang-barang. From: Ind. baase intj. shoo! (exclamation to shoo away larger animals such as goats, beano See: tabeano. cows and monkeys). seruan untuk bebe n. duck. bebek. From: Ind. mengusir binatang seperti kambing, sapi, kera. bente1 n. fortification. benteng. From: Ind. vt. shoo away animals. usir hewan. bente2 vs. swollen. bengkak. badha n. body. badan. From: Ind (< Arabic). bhaa-bhaaghihe See: bhaghi. bagea n. roasted sago. sagu bakar. bhaa-bhaano adv. first. pertama, permulaan. baghangkala Variant: baghangkalano, baangkala. conj. 1) if. kalau. 2) if bhaanodadi n. kidney (?). buah ginjal that's the case. kalau begitu. (?). bagoya intj. just leave it. biar saja, tidak bhabhaghiihe See: bhaghi. usah lagi. bhadi n. dagger (kept as heirloom). balanga n. earthen cooking pot. badik (pusaka). From: Ind. belanga. From: Ind. bhadili n. gun, rifle. bedil. From: Ind. balasitee n. tax. pajak. From: Ind bhae n. rice (general term; either on the ( C - c cabo n. soap. sabun. colok. From: Ind. vt. wash with soap. sabuni. From: Ind coro n. 1) spout, funnel. corong. ( D - d daaniho See: dainoho. dainio See: dainiu. daanii See: dainiu. dainiu Variant: daaniu, daanii, dainio. vi. there is, there are. ada. daaniu See: dainiu. Dainiu te fae-fae. There is daanomo adv. later. kelak. something. Ada apa-apa. dadi intj. exclamation (meaning unclear). miina nadumainiu; there is/are not. kata seru. Ujeho dadi! Wait a bit! tidak ada. Variant: miina Jangan dulu! nadamainiu. daga n. stranger, newcomer, merchant. 'adainiu n. 1) existence, state, pendatang, orang asing, situation. keadaan. 2) property, pedagang. possessions. harta. podaga vi. trade. berdagang. miina na'o'adainiu; poor. tidak berada, miskin. da'i fodainiu vt. organise. adakan. moda'i vs. broken, bad, evil. rusak, jahat. sadaa-daaniu; there always is some (never a shortage). selalu saja ada 'ada'ino n. evil. jahatnya, rusaknya. (tidak pernah kurang). 317 dainoho Variant: daaniho. adv. still. santet. From: Wol (< Halmahera- masih (ada), sementara. Momata Utara). dainoho / Dainoho nomomata. dhughia n. upper part of buttocks. It's still unripe. Masih mentah. pinggang bagian bawah. Daaniho nomono'o. He is still asleep. Dia masih tidur. See: dhumba n. sheep. domba. From: Ind. dainiu. dhunia n. world. dunia. From: Ind. dali n. earring. anting-anting. di'a dali'a n. hearth (three stones). tungku medi'a vt. put, place, store. simpan, (tiga batu). taruh. dama n. small bamboo sp. buluh, 'adi'ahano n. storage place. tempat bambu kecil. menyimpan. damara n. resin. damar. From: Ind. nodi'ahane bu'uno lalo; have a damba grudge against. simpan perasaan dendam. medamba vt-io. look after, keep. pelihara. Medambahoo manu? Do dii you keep chickens? Apakah medii vt. cut (leaves etc.) in small engkau memelihara ayam? pieces, slice. iris (daun pisang, dana n. tall coarse grass. alang-alang. tembakau). danda n. metal rice cooker. dandang. dodo vt. cut (with knife). potong (ikan, From: Ind. daging, dng pisau, parang). daoa n. market. pasar. dola vi. crawl. merayap. dawu nm. part, share. bagian. doloma vs. pitch dark. gelap gulita. podawu vt. divide. bagi. dompa vi. jump. lompat. dea dongka vt. remove (a rock or s.t. that is stuck). buka (misalnya barang modea vs. red. merah. yang melekat). dempo vi. sit (with the knees bent to one dopi n. plank. papan. side). bersimpuh. dosa n. 1) debt. hutang. 2) mistake, deu n. needle. jarum. error. kesalahan. medeu vt. sew. jahit. vs. mistaken, wrong. salah. dhagi n. meat. daging. From: Ind. podosai vi. different. berbeda. dhasi n. tie. dasi. From: Ind ( E - e 'ebho n. 1) k.o. big beetle that ruins penyakit gigi (berlobang). coconut and rattan shoots. sej kumbang (yang merusak pucuk kelapa dan rotan). 2) toothache. 318 'egha-'egha Variant: 'igha-'igha. vt. kuat. estimate, guess at. perkirakan. 'a'engkuno n. hardness. kerasnya. From: Ind kira-kira. entu Variant: entuwihi. vt. touch, 'eghe n. eyebrow. alis, kening. nudge. sentuh. 'ele 'epe mo'ele vs. dry. kering. mo'epe vs. flat, deflated. kempes. mo'ele wuhu; thirsty. haus. 'esa 'a'eleno n. dryness. keringnya. mo'esa vs. beautiful, pretty. cantik, 'amo'ele n. dry ground, barren area. bagus. tempat yang kering. 'a'esa n. beauty, prettiness. 'a'elea vi. dried out, too dry. kecantikan. 'A'esa dua dadi! How kekeringan. pretty she is! Cantiknya juga dia! ele-ele vt. mock, tease, ridicule. olok- 'esi n. ice. es. From: Ind (< Dutch). olok. 'eto See: 'oto. 'ema n. left side. kiri. ewa1 vt. support, defend (in an argument, 'embere n. bucket. ember. From: Ind in a court case). dukung (dlm (< Dutch). perlawanan, perkara). embu n. giant squid (greatly feared). ewa2 gurita raksasa (yang sangat maewa vs. wide, spacious. lebar, ditakuti). luas. 'empa 'aewano n. width, size. luasnya. mo'empa vs. crippled. pincang. ewanga n. weapon. senjata. 'ende See: tende. ewo n. wave. ombak. 'engku me'engku vs. hard, strong. keras, F - f faa n. termite. rayap. falatea n. dwelling place, settlement. tempat tinggal, pemukiman. fae n. what, which. apa, mana. Miina te fae. There is nothing. Tidak ada falia n. taboo. pemali, pantangan. apa-apa. fana n. k.o. ginger. sej lengkuas. we fae; where, where to. di mana, ke fato num. four. empat. mana. Variant: wee fae. febunihi faha n. thigh. paha. mefebunihi vt. hide. sembunyikan. fahala n. merit, reward for moral conduct. pahala, imbalan fee Variant: fii. num. how many. perbuatan baik. From: Ind (< berapa. Fee 'alulu? How many Sanskrit). items? Berapa biji? Fee wulamo? How many months has it been? faho n. chisel. pahat. Sudah berapa bulan? mefaho vt. chisel. memahat. feetahi See: fetahi. falate Variant: felate. vi. live, dwell, fehenu stay. tinggal. 319 mefehenu vi. spit. meludah. mefewau vt. do, make. buat. 'afehenu n. spit, saliva. ludah. fewaua n. possession, property. kepunyaan, milik. felate See: falate. fighi'ondo Variant: fighi'undo. n. the felei vi. run away, flee. lari, melarikan last one (to do something). diri. penghabisan, terakhir, yang paling felemu n. film. film, pilem. From: Ind belakang. Syn: fitimbughi. See: (< Dutch). 'undo. fenami vt. taste. rasakan, cicipi. fighi'undo See: fighi'ondo. fende fii See: fee. 'afende-fende vs. amazed, surprised. fi'ili n. deed, behaviour, conduct. heran. perbuatan. fendua adv. again. sekali lagi. fiitahi See: fetahi. vi. repeat. berulang. fikighi vi. think. berpikir. From: Ind (< Arabic). fenduangi vt. repeat. ulangi. fio 'afenduangi n. second time, repetition. ulangan, tambahan (untuk kedua mefio vt. squeeze. peras. kalinya). fitahi See: fetahi. fenembula n. crops, vegetation. fitimbughi n. the last one (to do tanaman. See: fombula. something). penghabisan, terakhir. fengkanaho vi. be careful. hati-hati. Fitimbughi no'owua foomamiini. Our mango here was the last one fentii-ntii vi. drizzle. hujan gerimis. to bear fruit. Yang terakhir fepago vt. help quickly, go to meet. berbuah ialah mangga kami ini. cepat lihat untuk menolong Syn: fighi'ondo. (tamu, celaka). Fepagoeho fitu num. seven. tujuh. ghumatono watu. Quickly meet those people who have come. fitu fulu; seventy. tujuh puluh. Cepat jemput orang yang datang foele vt. view, look (sideways). tengok. sana. foghoghu vt. drink. minum. fepuhu vi. begin. mulai. foie vi. vomit. muntah. 'afepuhua n. beginning. permulaan. foinaho vt. teach, learn. ajar, ajari, fetahi Variant: feetahi, fitahi, fiitahi. belajar. O gughu nofoinaho vt. look for, search. cari. 'aindei 'abhongo-bhongo. Guru fetendengii vt. listen for, pay attention mengajar anak yang bodoh. The to. dengarkan, perhatikan. teacher is teaching a dull child. See: 'ampoinaho. fetila vi. glance. lihat (dng sekilas). fojeghe vt. force. paksa. feunga vi. 1) peep, take a look (through a hole or a window). lihat, tengok folinto n. 1) door. pintu. 2) front room. (lewat lubang atau jendela). ruang muka. 2) see/visit s.t. which has not been folo n. sap, latex, resin (of trees). getah. seen for a long time (e.g. a garden). lihat sesuatu yang lama tidak fomaa See: fumaa. dilihat (misalnya kebun). See: fomba See: foomba. unga. fombula fewau n. deed, action. perbuatan. mefombula vt. plant. tanam. See: 320 fenembula. fopitu See: pitu. fondasi n. foundation. dasar, fondasi. fotaa See: futaa. From: Ind (< Dutch). fotai Variant: futai. foni vi. go up, climb. naik, panjat. Foni mefotai vt. turn, twist. putar. we bhanua! Go up into the house! Naik rumah! fotu n. head. kepala. fofoni vt. bring up. naikkan. fugha n. penis. batang pelir. mefonihi vt. climb. panjat. -fulu n. unit of ten. puluh. Nomefonihi 'unde. He climbed a fumaa Variant: fomaa. vt. eat. makan. coconut tree. Dia memanjat kelapa. nefumaa n. food, rice (cooked). foo n. mango. mangga. makanan, nasi. fo'olo-'oloi vt. use, take advantage of. fundanga manfaatkan. mefundanga vt. cook. masak. Bhae foomba Variant: fomba. vt. 1) tell, padamo tefundanga. Rice that has report, inform. beritakan, beritahu, been cooked. Nasi yang sudah sampaikan. 2) show. perlihatkan. dimasak. See: umba. futaa Variant: fotaa. vi. laugh. tertawa. fo'oni futaangi vt. laugh at. tertawakan. mefo'oni vt. 1) correct. benarkan. 2) wear, put on (clothes). pakai, futai See: fotai. kenakan. fopaa See: paa1. G - g gaa vt. leave behind. tinggalkan. miinamo nateudani. The old counting system is no longer gaati Variant: gaatii. vi. part remembered. Hitungan lama tidak company, on one's own. pisahkan diingat lagi. diri (dari kumpulan banyak). gagha n. salt. garam. pogaa vi. separated. berpisah. 'agaghai n. salted fish. ikan garam. vt-io. separate, remove. pisahkan. From: Ind. Nopogaahane manu poburu. He separated the fighting cocks. Dia gaghaa Variant: gaghaana. part. but, memisahkan ayam yang bersabung. however (surprise particle). padahal. pogaati vi. separate (e.g. oil and water). berpisah, tidak menyatu gala n. shackle. pasung. (seperti air dan minyak). See: galapu vs. dark. gelap. From: Ind. segaa. galu gaba-gaba1 n. light wood (?). kayu ringan (?). megalu vt. dig (a hole). gali (lubang). gaba-gaba2 n. coins, metal money. uang gambusu n. k.o. lute, a six-stringed, logam. plucked instrument. gambus. From: Ind. gagaghi vt. count. hitung. ganda1 vt. cut (with machete). potong 'agagaghi n. counting (system). (dng parang). Sau nogandahane hitungan. 'Agagaghi molengo 'apulu. The wood is cut with a 321 machete. Kayu dipotong dengan ghabuta n. rope. tali. parang. ghagha1 n. branch. dahan, cabang. ganda2 n. drum. gendang. From: Ind. ghagha 'idi-'idi; twig. ranting, dahan garahana n. eclipse. gerhana. kecil. garahanano holeo; solar eclipse. ghagha2 vs. 1) vaguely visible. samar gerhana matahari. kelihatan. Noghaghamo pulo. The island is vaguely visible. Pulau garahano wula; lunar eclipse. samar-samar kelihatan. gerhana bulan. From: Ind. 2) transparent. terawang. gasia foghagha vt. show. perlihatkan. magasia vi. play. bermain. ghaghagaa n. price. harga. From: Ind. 'agasia n. game. permainan. ghaghea gata intj. exclamation at naughty moghaghea vs. 1) cold (causing children. kata seru untuk anak shivering). dingin (sehingga nakal. menggigil). 2) have a fever. gau1 n. speech, word. bicara, omongan. demam. megau-gau vi. lie, pretend. ghaghi n. k.o. spinach. bayam. berbohong, pura-pura. ghagho1 n. front. muka, depan, me'agau vi. cheat, deceive. menipu. hadapan. pogau Variant: pugau. n. speech; we ghagho; in front. di muka. language. kata, bahasa. poagho vi. face. menghadap. vi. speak, say. berbicara, berkata. fopoagho vt. bring face-to-face. pogau Busoa; the Busoa language. hadapkan. bahasa Busoa. ghagho2 gau2 n. wish, desire. mau, keinginan. moghagho vs. hungry. lapar. Gau'u amawe we daoa. I want (lit. my wish is) to go to the ghama market. Saya mau pergi ke pasar. moghama vs. wet. basah. gawu n. smoke. asap. ghambe geghisa n. k.o. palm tree. lontar. moghambe vs. long (of clothes, rope, geghu vt. stir. aduk. road). panjang (tentang pakaian, jalan, tali). 'ageghu n. mixer, stirring spoon. pengaduk. ghambeghe Variant: bhambeghe. vt. throw away. buang, lempar. gende vs. corpulent, swollen. gendut, bengkak. ghambegheli vt. throw away. buang. gende hulata; pot-bellied. gendut ghambi n. hour. jam. Ghambi sefae perut. naghumato? What time will he arrive? Jam berapa dia akan tiba? ghaba n. violin. rebab, biola. From: Ind. meghambi vt. hit, play (gong, ghabha n. splinter, sliver of wood, wood drum). pukul (gong, gendang). chips. potongan kayu, sisa kayu. ghambita vt. throw down. banting. ghabu vt. make (esp. craft items such as machetes, cooking pots, gold ghame vs. busy, full of people. ramai. ornaments). buat, bikin (khusus From: Ind. barang kerajinan, seperti parang, ghampa periuk, barang dari mas). 322 meghampa vt. touch, feel, hold. ghato vi. 1) arrive. tiba. 2) be born. raba, pegang. lahir. 3) enough. cukup. ghampano conj. because. karena, vt. meet, find. datangkan, jumpai. lantaran. Syn: hulanomo. Noghato-ghatoe nofumaa. They found him while he was eating. ghampe n. flotsam. kayu yang dibawa Dia dijumpai waktu makan. arus. conj. 1) when. waktu, tatkala. ghanca 2) whereas, as for. sedangkan. moghanca vs. heavy (of rain), fast- foghato vi. tell, report. sampaikan. flowing (of water running from a tap). deras (tentang hujan, air poghato-ghato vi. 1) meet. kran). bertemu. Nopoghato-ghatomo pada-pada mii mande. The wise ghanda n. breast. dada. people have already met. Orang ghandano hahe; sole of the foot. pandai sudah bertemu. 2) arrive (in telapak kaki. big numbers). berdatangan. ghandano lima; palm of the hand. ghaugho n. rattan. rotan. telapak tangan. ghawu ghaneo n. dawn, early morning. subuh. moghawu vs. blurred, unclear (of the ghangka n. bunch. ranting, tangkai. eyes). kabur (tentang mata). ghangkaea v. rich, wealthy. kaya. ghea n. blood. darah. n. rich person. orang kaya. From: Ind. gheghu gha'o megheghu vi. wash the face. cuci muka. megha'o vt. catch, embrace. peluk, tangkap. ghempa vs. paralysed, lame. lumpuh. pogha'o-gha'o vt-io. surround. ghewu1 kerumuni. Mii we wunta moghewu lalono vs. troubled, nopogha'o-gha'oenemo 'aindei worried. susah hati. bhaghi. The person in the middle is surrounded by many children. ghewu2 n. dirt, rubbish, garbage. Orang yang di tengah dikerumuni sampah, kotoran. anak-anak yang banyak. ghewu3 num. thousand. ribu. ghapi n. twins. kembar. seghewu; one thousand. seribu. ghapo-ghapo See: rapo-rapo. ghii1 n. thorn. duri. ghasa ghii2 v. numb, without feeling (of limbs). meghasa vt. tread, thresh by treading kesemutan. (rice). injaki (seperti padi). ghimba ghasai maghimba vs. fast, quick. cepat. moghasai vs. difficult, troublesome. ghimbiti n. a monetary fine. denda. susah, sulit. ghindi 'aghasaino n. difficulty, trouble. sulitnya. moghindi vs. cold. dingin. ghate n. flat land. tanah datar, tanah 'aghindino n. coldness. kedinginan, rata. dinginnya. meghate vs. finished (of work). selesai (tentang pekerjaan). 323 ghinggi n. old monetary unit (25 cents or ketajaman. 2.5 rupiah). ringgit (25 sen). From: ghope n. prow (of ship). haluan. Ind. vi. aim, head for, go towards. menuju. ghiti n. bronze. kuningan. ghua num. two. dua. ghobhine See: ghubhine. ghua fulu; twenty. dua puluh. ghobho Toghua mii. The two of us. Kita moghobho vs. noisy. ribut. berdua. 'aghobhono n. noise. keributan. ghubhine Variant: ghobhine. n. woman, lady, wife, female. ghobu perempuan, istri, betina. moghobu vs. dirty. kotor. ghubhineno sala; prostitute (lit. vt. hate. benci. Nomoghobu 'anaumo. woman of the road). pelacur. She hates me. Dia membenci saya. ghughi meghobu-ghobu vi. play with dirty moghughi Variant: mughughi. vi. things (e.g. soil). main kotor live, alive. hidup. (misalnya tanah). 'aghughi n. 1) life. kehidupan. ghofa nm. fathom. depah. 2) k.o. shrub. nama rumput. ghogha n. urine. air kencing. ghugi n. loss. rugi. meghogha vi. urinate. kencing. meghugi vi. suffer a loss. rugi. From: ghoghaeha n. festival day, festive day, Ind. feast day. hari raya. ghumbia n. sago palm. pohon sagu. ghoghaeha mpuu; Idul Fitri (Islamic ghumpi feast day at the end of the fasting month). Idul Fitri. meghumpi vs. stingy, miserly. kikir, pelit. ghoghaeha haji; Idul Adha (Islamic feast day, feast of the sacrifice). ghunga Idul Adha. From: Ind. moghunga vs. young (of children, ghogho vi. fly. terbang. maize). muda (tentang anak, buah jagung). ghoghowi vt. take or carry s.t. in a bag or a pocket. ambil/bawa sesuatu ghungga dalam karung atau kantong. meghungga vt. pull down, break ghompu vt. gather, collect, unite. down. bongkar. kumpulkan, satukan. meghungga 'amondo; break an poghompu vi. gather, meet, united. agreement. bubarkan kesepakatan. berkumpul, bersatu. ghupia n. rupiah (100 cents). rupiah ghompua n. collection, gathering. (100 sen). From: Ind. kumpulan. ghusa n. deer. rusa. From: Ind. ghondo See: moghondo. ghusau n. vegetables (lit. tree leaves). ghoo n. 1) leaf. daun. 2) betel leaf. sayur (harfiah: daun kayu). See: sirih. ghoo, sau. gho'o ghuta mogho'o vs. sharp (of knives, axes). meghuta vt. tear, tear off, rip. tajam (tentang pisau, kampak). menyobek. 'agho'ono n. sharpness. tajamnya, moghuta vs. torn. sobek. 324 gili1 gola-gola; sweets. gula-gula. From: Ind. megili vt. grind, turn. giling, putar. golo n. k.o. machete. golok. From: Ind 'agili n. grinder (for maize, coffee golok. etc.). penggiling (jagung). gomi gili2 n. betelnut leaf. daun sirih. megomi vt. suck, inhale. hisap. giu n. kind. macam, jenis. gonco n. neck, throat. leher. Syn: giu-giuno; all kinds of. macam- jongko. macam. Giu-giuno 'inta. All kinds of fish. macam-macam ikan. gonggo vi. be alight, burn (of a big fire). menyala (besar). giwu gughuda n. mythical female monster megiwu vt. ask for payment, collect bird. garuda. From: Ind. debts from. tagih. gugughu vs. troubled, worried. sukar, goba n. old monetary unit worth 2.5 susah. cents. gobang, benggol (2,5 sen). From: Ind. guluma n. group, herd, swarm. kawanan, kelompok. godhe-godhe n. bench, platform for sitting outside. bale-bale. gunti n. scissors. gunting, alat cukur. goga n. skin scab. keropeng, kulit luka megunti vt. cut (with scissors). kering yang terkelupas. gunting. From: Ind. gogoli vt. put a belt around the waist, guntu n. thunder. guntur. gird. ikat (pinggang). feguntu-guntu vi. thunder, howl (of 'agogoli n. waist belt, girdle. ikat the wind). gemuruh, jalan dng pinggang. bunyi. gola n. sugar. gula. gunu n. mountain. gunung. From: Ind. golano ani; honey. madu. gusi n. water barrel, water jar. guci, tempayan. golano 'aenua; honey. madu. H - h habu n. 1) ashes. abu. 2) kitchen. sehahe; once. sekali. dapur. sehahe-sehahe; now and then, hada occasionally. sekali-sekali, kadang- kadang. fa'ahada vt. do quickly (an archaic word). cepat-cepat (kata kuno). hahu n. attic. loteng. haejati n. purpose, plan. hajat, maksud. hakimu n. judge. hakim. From: Ind. From: Wolio (< Arabic). hali haga vi. deny. sangkal. Nohaga miina mohali vs. expensive. mahal. nameala dhoi. He denied that he had taken money. Dia menyangkal 'ahalino n. costliness. mahalnya. tidak mengambil uang. hamba vt. help. tolong, bantu. hahe1 n. foot, leg. kaki. Hamisi n. Thursday. Kamis. hahe2 nm. time. kali. 325 hampadea n. use, profit. guna, untung. was his/her time. Sudah Syn: laba. waktunya. hampo henggano fumaaha; time to eat. waktu makan. From: Ind. mehampo vt. close (a door), cover (food items). tutup (seperti pintu, heo n. charcoal. arang. gelas). hifi n. lime. kapur. 'ahampo n. cover(ing). penutup. hifii vt. whitewash, plaster. kapuri. hancu n. sabre, sword. klewang, pedang. Bhanuano nohifiihe. He has whitewashed his house. handa vi. increase, grow. bertambah. Rumahnya dikapuri. Nohanda 'abhaghino. It grew in numbers. Bertambah banyak. hii n. 1) flesh, meat. daging. 2) contents. isi. handa-handa vt. scold, be angry with. marahi. hiino bhanua; contents of the house. isi rumah. hanti n. sweat. keringat. hiino wua; flesh of the fruit. daging harapu buah. meharapu vt. hope, wish. harapkan. mehii vt. get water, fill, put inside (a From: Ind. container). mengisi. hase n. chin. dagu. 'ahiia n. utensil for getting water. hasili n. result, crop. hasil. From: Ind. tempat isi. hatamu n; vt. (carpenter's) plane. hilafu vs. mistaken, wrong, erroneous. ketam. salah, keliru, khilaf. From: Ind. hate n. liver. hati. himpooni Variant: hempooni, hipooni, hopooni. adv. just now, hato n. roof. atap. a moment ago. tadi. vt. give a roofing to. atapi. himpooni maghadondo; this hawi n. lap. pangkuan. morning. tadi pagi. mehawi vt. carry on the hip, hold in hingga adv. (not) even. biar. Hingga one's lap. gendong. Ainde'u semii miina te maino. Not even a afefehawi we situ. I'm asking you single person came. Biar satu to hold my child in your lap. Saya orang tidak ada yang datang. minta anak saya kamu gendongkan. hinggamo conj. although. walaupun. hea vt. slice, cut thinly. sayat. hinteli Variant: hunteli. n. egg. telur. he'a n. waste product, dregs, sediment. mehinteli vi. lay eggs. bertelur. ampas. Manumami mehintelimo. Our he'ano bhae; rice bran. ampas padi. chickens are already laying eggs. Ayam kami sudah bertelur. hela vi. sail. berlayar. hipooni See: himpooni. vt. pull. tarik. hise Variant: huse. n. rain. hujan. helu clf. classifier for animals (only with Na'ohisemo. It is about to rain. se- 'one'). ekor (kata penggolong Sudah mau hujan. untuk binatang). Sehelu mantoa. One dog. Seekor anjing. See: hulu. hito helume See: holume. mohito vs. black. hitam. hempooni See: himpooni. 'ahitono n. blackness. hitamnya. hengga n. time. waktu. Hengganomo. It hoda n. cough. batuk. 326 'ohoda vi. cough. batuk. He is watching the children for No'ohodaho ghea. She is coughing me. Dia menjaga anak-anak untuk up blood. Dia batuk darah. saya. hodo n. floor. lantai. hone n. sand. pasir. hofa n. k.o. yam. sej ubi. honto vt. block, thwart, close off. palang, halangi. hohae vi. cry, weep. menangis. 'ahonto n. boundary, partition (e.g. hohaefi vt. weep for (a deceased between rooms, between houses). person). menangisi (orang yang batas, pemisah (seperti antara mati). kamar, antara rumah). hoholu honua n. anoa, dwarf buffalo. anoa. mohoholu vs. overcast, cloudy. ho'o vi. hide o.s. bersembunyi. mendung. ho'owi vi. brood. mengeram. hole hopooni See: himpooni. mehole vt. bake (in oil), fry. goreng. horofu n. letter. huruf. From: Ind. hole-hole n. baked goods (biscuits, cakes, cookies). kue. hosa holeo n. 1) sun. matahari. 2) day. hari. mohosa vs. strong, healthy. kokoh, kuat, sehat. holeootu; today. hari ini. 'ahosano n. strength, health. kuatnya, holi kekuatan, kesehatan. meholi vt. buy. beli. hoso n. upper part. bagian atas, pucuk, holongi ujung. meholongi vt. dry (in the sun). hoti1 n. beach, shore. pantai, darat. jemur. Nofalate we wiwino hoti. He lives on the sea shore. Dia tinggal di holota n. space between earth and sky. pinggir pantai. Nosampu hoti. It is antara bumi dan langit. low tide. Air surut. holume Variant: helume, hulume. nm. vs. shallow. dangkal. kernel. biji. 'ahotia n. beach. pantai. holumeno bhae / 'asitela; rice / maize kernel. biji padi / jagung. hoti2 n. food for one meal. (satu) kali makan. Nefumaamami somo seholume; one seed. satu biji. sehoti. Our food is enough for one Variant: sehelume. meal. Makanan kami hanya untuk holumeno lehe; testicle. buah pelir. sekali makan. Padaho tolu hotiini natepadamo o bhae. After hombo1 vt. store (fruit) in a dark place three meals, the rice will be (to ripen off). peram. O 'alei finished. Setelah tiga kali makan, nohomboemo bhe nomotahahoo. beras akan habis. Nokarajaa, The bananas were stored in a dark sabutuno nopooli hotino place so that they would get ripe. maghadondo te manaholeo. He Pisang diperam supaya masak. only works to eat in the morning hombo2 See: humbo. and in the afternoon. Dia bekerja hanya untuk makan pagi dan sore. homu vi. dive, submerge. selam. hotu n. fart. kentut. hondoi mehotu vi. blow (on a fire). meniup mehondoi vt. guard, watch over. (api). jaga. Nomehondoi 'anau 'aindei. 327 mehohotu Variant: mehotu-hotu. hule n. snake. ular. vi. fart. berkentut. hule wasaga; k.o. worm that eats howea n. 1) shoulder. bahu. 2) stalk. maize. sej ulat (pemakan jagung). tangkai. hule-hule n. worm. ulat. howeano bhae; rice stalk. tangkai hulu n. body. badan, tubuh. padi. clf. classifier for animals. ekor howuto n. garden, field. kebun, ladang. (penggolong untuk binatang). See: mehowuto vi. have a garden, work helu. in the field. berkebun. hulume See: holume. hukum sagha n. village elders. orang humbo Variant: hombo. n. smoke. tua kampung. From: Ind. asap. hukumu vt. punish. hukum. From: Ind humbu n. basket (made from palmyra (< Arabic). leaves). keranjang (dari daun hula n. face. muka (bagian kepala). agel). See: 'ohula. humele n. river, stream. sungai, kali. hulampi n. mushroom (on logs and hundeletu n. worm. cacing. trees). jamur (pada batang kayu). hunteli See: hinteli. hulanomo conj. because. karena. huse See: hise. hulata n. belly, stomach. perut. huu n. mushroom (on the ground). 'ohulata vi. pregnant. mengandung, cendawan (pada tanah). hamil. I - i 'ibaghano n? for example. ibarat, 'ije misalnya. From: Ind. ka'ije-'ije vs. impolite, mischievous. 'ida vi. epilepsy, have convulsions. mati kurang ajar, nakal. ayan, epilepsi. 'Aindei masumaa ijo sadhia no'ida. That child always has epileptic fits. Anak itu selalu moijo vs. green. hijau. kena penyakit epilepsi. 'aijono n. greenness. hijaunya. From: idha n. father (only of nobility). ayah Ind. (bangsawan). ila vi. disappear, vanish. lenyap, 'idi-'idi vs. small, little. kecil. menghilang. Bhanuamami no'idi-'idi, tabeano 'ila vi. flash, lightning. kilat. tama'augeho. Our house is small, we must enlarge it. Rumah kami mefo'ila vt. light up, kindle. nyalakan kecil, harus diperbesar. (sinar). 'idi-'idino; the small one(s). yang ili vi. go down (of roots in the soil). kecil. Variant: di-'idino. turun (tentang akar, dlm tanah). 'ifi foili vt. lower (s.t. tied to a rope). turunkan (benda pada tali). me'ifi vt. clear away (undergrowth). tebas, bersihkan rumput. 'imamu n. Muslim religious leader, prayer leader. imam. From: Ind. 'igha-'igha See: 'egha-'egha. 328 'imani n. belief, faith. iman. From: Ind. 'ise num. one. satu. ina n. mother. ibu. 'isikadhi n. (evil) intent, determination. maksud, nekat. incami pro. we (exclusive). kami. Isinini n. Monday. Senin. indewi adv. yesterday. kemarin. isitu See: situ. 'ingki vi. clench the teeth in anger. geram. ita inomee intj. exclamation of surprise. meita vt. see. lihat. Miina amitae. I tanda heran. didn't see it. Saya tidak melihatnya. inta n. diamond. intan. From: Ind. poita n. vision. penglihatan. 'inta n. fish. ikan. vi. able to see. lihat. Mii mowilo intano pro. we (inclusive), you (polite). sumaa nopoitamo! That blind kita. man can see now! Orang buta itu intanooni; we here. kita ini. sudah melihat! inyawa n. spirit, soul. nyawa. From: Ind. 'ita n. body dirt. daki. isa n. older sibling. kakak. 'iwalu n. sleeping mat. tikar. J - j jaga vi. careful. jaga, awas. Jaga, From: Ind. naghumatomo! Careful, he is jambi See: 'uli. about to arrive! Awas, dia sudah mau tiba! jambu n. cashew (nut and tree). jambu. From: Ind. mejagai vt. guard, watch. jaga. jampu pojaga-jagahoo vi. be on guard toward e.o. saling menjaga diri. mejampu vt. rub, smear. gosok, From: Ind. lumas, lumuri. Pighindino nojampuene 'amalo. He smeared jagha-jagha n. pigeon. merpati. From: paint on his wall. Dindingnya Wol. dilumuri dengan cet. jala1 n. fishing net. jala. From: Ind. jangku n. beard. janggut. From: Ind. jala2 vi. run (of engines etc.). jalan (tt janji vi. promise. berjanji. mesin dll). From: Ind. 'ajanjino n. promise, agreement. jalo'i vt. mix. campur. O lawue perjanjian. From: Ind. nopojalo'iene te palola. She mixed the string beans with Japaa n. Japan. Jepang. From: Ind. eggplant. Kacang panjang jari n. dragnet, seine. jaring. From: Ind. dicampur dengan terong. jeghegeni See: ceghegeni. jamani n. time, era. zaman. jepe n. rice porridge. bubur (nasi). jamanimo; for years. bertahun- From: Makassar. tahun. jilo vs. squinting. juling. jamani molengo; formerly. dahulu kala. From: Ind (< Arabic). jina n. civet cat. musang (pemakan ayam). jamba n. toilet. jamban, wc. From: Ind. jo'a n. incantation, prayer. mantera, jambata n. bridge, jetty. jembatan. doa. From: Ind (< Arabic). 329 joli vt. lock (by turning a key or a jueno titi; breast milk. air susu. handle). tutup (dng cara memutar, jughubasa Variant: jurubahasa. n. seperti dengan kunci). spokesperson, interpreter. juru 'ajoli n. door. pintu. bicara. From: Ind. jongko n. neck, throat. leher, julu vi. move slowly, shift (forward, kerongkongan. Syn: gonco. sideways, backwards). bergeser (dng perlahan-lahan). jua num. two. dua. Jumaa n. Friday. Jumat. From: Ind (< jue n. water, sap. air. Arabic). jue fa'ampana; hot water. air panas. K - k kabasagha vs. mischievous, rough, kakobho bird). permainan anak impudent, insolent. nakal, kasar, (yang bersembunyi). tidak punya sopan-santun. kakubho See: kakobho. me'akaba-kabasagha vs. very kakuti n. part of the loom: heddle rod. mischievous. sangat nakal. From: alat tenun: kayu yang dipakai Ind. untuk mengangkat pakan. kabu vi. cough (badly). batuk (yang kalo n. necklace. kalung. From: Ind. keras). kalumiia n. k.o. resinous tree. sej. pohon kabuko n. k.o. tree with edible fruits (yang ada getahnya). resembling apples. sej pohon (dng buah yang bisa dimakan, seperti kamboi vi. smile. tersenyum. apel). kamboi kuku; bashful smile. senyum kacanggore n. fried peanuts. kacang sipu. goreng. From: Ind. kampo n. village. kampung. From: Ind. kadadi n. animal. binatang. kanda n. stable, sty. kandang, kurungan. kaghajaa n. work. pekerjaan. From: Ind. vi. work. bekerja. kangko n. k.o. leafy vegetable often grown in water. kangkung. mekaghajaa vt. work, do, make. kerjakan, buat. From: Ind. kangkuraa'o vi. crow (of roosters). berkokok. kahanda n. spirit that inhabits trees, caves etc. penghuni. kantori n. office. kantor. From: Ind (< Dutch). 'okahanda vi. haunted, occupied by a spirit. anker, keramat, ada kanturu n. lamp. lampu. penghuni. No'okahanda puhuno kaosu n. shoes. sepatu. From: Ind (< sau sumaa. That tree is occupied Farsi). by a spirit. Pohon itu ada penghuninya. kaowi-owi Variant: ngkaowi-owi. n. sweet potato. ubi jalar, batata. kahawa n. coffee. kopi. From: Ind. kapaea n. papaya. pepaya. From: Ind. kajadia n. event. peristiwa. From: Ind. kapala1 kakobho Variant: kakubho. n. 1) k.o. bird. sej burung. 2) children's game kapala kampo; village head. kepala (k.o. hide and seek or peekaboo, kampung. From: Ind. originating in the story of the 330 kapala2 n. boat, ship. kapal. kemba vt. call. panggil. kapala ghumogho; airplane. kapal kepe n. old monetary unit, 1/2 cent. terbang, pesawat. remis, mata uang zaman dulu (setengah sen). kapala lumanto; sea-going vessel. kapal laut. kida kapalano daga; trading vessel. kapal makida vs. able, clever. pandai, dagang. From: Ind. pintar. kapatuli vs. naughty, disobedient. nakal, 'akida n. knowledge (esp. in religious tidak mau ikut perintah. matters). kepintaran (terutama dlm bidang agama). kaporo n. chalk. kapur tulis. From: Ind. kija kapunda n. tree frog. katak pohon. sekija mata; in a moment, in a flash. karakaji n. saw. gergaji. seketika, sekejap mata. mekarakaji vt. saw. gergaji. From: kilo nm. kilo, measure. kilo, takaran, Ind. timbangan. karatasi n. paper. kertas. From: Ind. vt. weigh, measure. timbang. kasibu vs. greedy. rakus sekali. From: Ind. katabha n. roofing (on boat). atap kayu kintali n. piece of land, courtyard. (di perahu). kintal. From: Ind (< Portuguese). katapuli adv. almost. hampir. Katapuli kobughu Variant: koburu. n. grave. amondawu. I almost fell. Saya kuburan. hampir jatuh. vt. bury. kuburkan. katau n. black magic. guna-guna. From: Ind (< Arabic). kate koburu See: kobughu. makate vs. straight. lurus. koe-koe n. anchovies. ikan teri. 'akateno n. straightness. lurusnya. koi-koi n. buttocks. pantat. kawasa vi. rich. kaya. koja-koja vi. chat, talk. bercakap. 'Akawasano n. God, the Supreme koli-koli n. a small woorden rowing Being. Yang Maha Kuasa, Tuhan. boat. sampan. From: Ind. kororo vt. bring s.o. back to kawi vi. marry. kawin. consciousness, return s.o.'s soul after he/she has been startled or fainted. fokawi vt. give in marriage. panggil kembali jiwa orang yang kawinkan. terbang karena kaget, fokawia n. marriage. perkawinan. kursemangat. From: Ind. koroura n. a large sea shrimp. udang kei vi. shout. berteriak. besar di laut. kelu vs. bent (of wood, iron, limbs). kotika n. moment. saat. From: Ind. bengkok (tentang kayu, besi, tangan). L - l La art. male article. kata sandaran laa n. stem, stalk. batang. sebelum nama laki-laki. 331 laano bhae; rice stalk. batang padi. molala hulata; stomach ache. sakit perut. laahiri Variant: lahiri. vi. born. lahir. 'alala n. pain. rasa sakit. folaahiri vt. give birth to. lahirkan. From: Ind (< Arabic). 'olalaha n. illness, disease. penyakit. laba n. profit. laba, untung. From: Ind lalesa vs. wide, spacious. luas. (< Sanskrit). falalesa vt. allow. perbolehkan, labhanga n. space between, strait. izinkan. antara, selat. 'alalesa n. permission, opportunity. polabhangaha n. space between. keluasan, izin, kesempatan. antara. lalo1 n. inside. dalam. labhi n. rest, remainder. sisa. lalo-lalono; as hard/fast as possible. 'olabhi vi. more. lebih. sekuat-kuatnya. labu1 n. pumpkin, gourd. labu. From: we lalo; inside. di dalam. Ind (< Sanskrit). lalo2 vi. go past, pass. lewat. labu2 n. anchor. sauh, jangkar. lalosa'a Variant: laosa'a, lousa'a, vi. be anchored, docked. berlabuh. losa'a. adv. immediately. langsung. labusa n. harbour. pelabuhan. From: lalosagha vs. too much, excessive. Wolio. keterlaluan. Nolalosagha pogauno. His speech was too lafaa vt. do what to s.o., do what about much. Bicaranya keterlaluan. s.t. apakan. Nalumafaa 'anau buana? What is he going to do to lampu n. evil person. orang jahat. me? Saya mau diapakan? lancau n. medicine, medication. obat. lafae n. who. siapa. melancau vi. have treatment, take laga n. k.o. large biting red ant which is medicine. berobat. found on trees. kerengga (semut telancau vs. treated. terobati, merah pada pohon-pohon). diobati. lagu n. song. lagu. lando vi. stick out, bulge out. menonjol. vi. sing. menyanyi. landu lagu-lagu n. song. lagu, nyanyian. melandu vt. move crops (e.g. rice, From: Ind. maize, tomatoes, tobacco). lahiri See: laahiri. pindahkan tanaman (seperti padi, jagung, tomat, tembakau). lahoo-hoo n. heron. bangau. langu laiano n. sky. langit. molangu vs. drunk. mabuk. laja n. galingale (a kind of ginger). lengkuas. From: Wolio. 'alanguno n. drunkenness. kemabukan, mabuknya. lajagha n. horse. kuda. From: Wol (< Java Kuno). lanta lajima n. talisman, amulet. ajimat. melanta vs. light, dawn. siang, From: Ind (< Arabic). terang (pagi). lala lanto vi. float. terapung. molala vs. 1) painful. sakit. 2) hot, folanto vt. make s.t. float. apungkan. spicy. panas, pedis. laosa'a See: lalosa'a. molala fotu; headache. sakit kepala. 332 lasi n. sprouts, shoots (of rice, maize). lembo n. swamp. rawa. anakan dari bawah (tentang padi, vi. flooded, inundated. tergenang. jagung). lempagi vt. step across, cross. latotou n. k.o. xylophone; 3, 5 or 7 loose menyeberang, melangkahi, lewati. pieces of wood played with two sticks on the upper legs (while the lenci n. tail. ekor. player sits on the ground with lendu n. earthquake. gempa bumi. outstretched legs). sej. kolintang (3, 5 atau 7 potongan kayu tanpa lengkasi rangka, dimain pada paha). melengkasi vt. open. buka. lauta n. fried sago. sagu atau ubi kayu lengke n. whore. pelacur. yang digoreng (tanpa minyak). Syn: sinole. lengke pasunda; whore. pelacur. See: manu. lawani vi. answer. jawab. lengo 'alawani n. answer. jawaban. From: Ind? molengo vs. long (of time). lama. lawue n. long runner bean. kacang molengo alo; midnight (from 12-3). panjang. tengah malam, larut malam (jam 12-3). lawulu 'alengono n. length, duration. melawulu vs. almost ripe (of fruits). lamanya. mengkal, hampir masak (tentang buah-buahan). felengo-lengo vi. stay a long time. berlama-lama. Nofelengo-lengo lebe n. Islamic religious leader, mosque we Baubau, miinaho te mai. He official. lebai, pemimpin agama, has been in Baubau for a long pembaca doa. From: Ind (< time and he still hasn't come. Dia Tamil). berlama-lama di Baubau, belum lee n. offspring. keturunan. juga datang. lehe n. male genitals, testicle. buah pelir. lenta vs. light, morning (or dark?). terang, siang (atau gelap?). lela n. tongue. lidah. lente vi. suddenly appear (of signs of an lele1 n. news, information. berita, kabar. illness, a boil). muncul dng tiba- See: pulele. tiba (tanda-tanda penyakit, bisul). lele2 vi. cross a log bridge. menyeberang lentu vt. reckon, count, think. hitung, pada batang kayu. pikir. lelei vi. go from place to place. pergi 'alentuno n. thought, reckoning, dari tempat ke tempat. counting. pikiran, hitungan. 'alelea n. footbridge. titian, leo vi. about to fall down (of a tree). jembatan sepotong kayu. mau rebah (tentang pohon). lelemi vt. step gently on s.o. (in order to lepe n. slope, side (of mountain). lereng. cure their back pain). injak secara halus di atas orang (untuk lewe menyembuhkan rasa sakit pada molewe vs. wide. lebar. tulang). Afefelelemi 'undo'u we aindei'u. I asked my child to 'aleweno n. width. lebarnya. gently step on my back. Saya melewehi vt. spread out, roll out, minta anak saya menginjak unfurl. bentangkan. belakang saya. lewi vi. overflow. meluap. lelo n. fly. lalat. 333 lewu See: liwu. logo vt. overtake, precede. lumba, dahului. libu vt. gang up on, surround. keroyok, kerumuni. vs. arrogant, haughty. takabur. polibu vi. eat together (from one lohia n. ginger. jahe. dish). makan bersama (dari satu lolai n. umbilical cord. tali pusat. tempat). lolosua n. joint. persendian. polibu-libu vi. gather. berkumpul. lolosuano lima; wrist. pergelangan liga n. tangan. ligano tuli; ear pus. nanah telinga. lombule See: loumbule. li'i lomi meli'i vt. skin (an animal), peel off molomi vs. sharp, pointed. runcing. (tree bark). kuliti (binatang), kupas (kayu). 'alomino n. sharpness. runcingnya. lima num. five. lima. lompa n. hand, arm. tangan. molompa vs. long (of wood, poles). panjang (tentang kayu, tiang). lima fulu; fifty. lima puluh. 'alompano n. length. panjangnya. lilima vi. five. lima. lonco n. hole (in wood). lubang (dlm 'alima-lima vi. prone to pilfering, be kayu). a petty thief. panjang tangan, suka mencuri. longa n. valley. lembah. limba vi. go out, go outside. keluar. longko vi. lie prone, lie facing down. tiarap. mefolimba vt. remove, move outside. keluarkan. loo limbu moloo vs. loose, slack. longgar, kendur. molimbu vs. short. pendek. lo'o n. stone. batu. 'alimbuno n. shortness. pendeknya. melo'o vi. become hard like a rock. limpo n. tooth. gigi. membatu. limpu loohi vt. call, summon. pergi panggil. molimpu vt-io. forget. lupa. losa vi. emerge, break through. tembus. Amolimpuenemo. I've forgotten it. Saya sudah lupa. Amolimpua'omo. polosa vi. emerge at the other end I've forgotten you. Saya sudah (e.g. of a cave). tembus (misalnya lupa akan kamu. gua). 'alimpu-limpu vi. forgetful. sering losa'a See: lalosa'a. lupa. lou vi. go (downwards). pergi (ke lingkutu bawah). molingkutu vs. difficult, slow. sulit, loumbule Variant: lombule. vi. go lambat. back and forth, come and go. pulang pergi, pulang balik. liwu Variant: lewu. n. village. kampung, desa. lousa'a See: lalosa'a. mangaliwu n. people, nation. rakyat, lukuti bangsa. melukuti vt. peep, spy, peek at. lobu n. bamboo shoot. rebung. intip, intai. 334 lulu n. rice storage drum (made from moluntu vs. weary, tired. lesu, bamboo and stored inside the capek. house). lumbung padi (dibuat dari lute bambu kecil, berbentuk bundar seperti drom, disimpan dlm molute vs. weak, tired, languid. rumah). lemah, lelah, letih. vt. roll up. gulung. 'aluteno n. weakness. lemahnya. luluta n. rice cooked in bamboo. nasi luu n. bambu. luuno mata; tear (of the eyes). air lumpa vi. jump, leap. lompat, loncat. mata. lumu n. moss. lumut. luntu M - m ma'a part. intensifier. alangkah. manaholeo n. late afternoon (from 5-6). 'Asosono ma'a! How sorry he was! sore (jam 5-6). Alangkah menyesal! manangi vi. win, be victorious. menang, maahi vt. come to. datang kepada. See: kalahkan. mai. 'amanangi n. victory. kemenangan. maeati n. corpse. mayat. From: Ind. From: Ind. maghadondo n. morning. pagi. mananiini adv. now. sekarang ini. maghi n. spleen. limpa. manari vi. dance. menari. From: Ind. mai vi. come. datang. See: maahi. mancuana n. older person, parent. orang tua. maju vi. go forward. maju. From: Ind. vs. old (of people). tua. malasi vs. lazy. malas. From: Ind. manga mancu-mancuana; the male (village) elders. orang tua-tua. momale vs. tired, weary. lelah, mancuana ghobhine; wife. istri. capek. mancuana mohane; husband. 'amaleno n. tiredness, fatigue. suami. From: Wolio. kelelahan, kecapekan. manda vi. remorseful of a bad habit, 'amalea n. the fruit of one's labours, decide not to repeat bad behaviour. salary, pay. hasil kecapekan, tobat, jera. imbalan. manga part. plural marker. pemarkah mali n. scorpion. kalajengking. jamak. malingu quan. all, every, any. segala, mangaanoa Variant: mangaanua, semua, tiap. manganua. pro. they. mereka. maliomo Variant: malionomo. intj. just mangaku vi. confess. mengaku. Syn: let, never mind. biarkan saja. ungka. From: Ind. Maliomo nopakee 'ambalalamu. Just let him wear your shirt. manganua See: mangaanoa. Biarkan saja dia memakai bajumu. mangka n. k.o. palmyra tree (the leaves See: alio. are made into bags). agel (daunnya mama vt. chew. kunyah. dijadikan karung). 335 mangkai n. centipede. lipan. mate-mate adv. with all effort, as hard as possible. mati-matian. mania n. child-in-law, parent-in-law (reciprocal terms). menantu, mefa'amate vt. kill, extinguish (fire). mertua. bunuh, matikan, padamkan (api). mania mohane; son-in-law, father- mawisau n. cassava. ubi kayu. in-law. menantu laki-laki, mertua mbolode n. mouse, rat. tikus. laki-laki. mbololo n. gong. gong. mante n. cuscus (a small arboreal marsupial). kuskus. mbonu See: angka. mantiri n. village health worker. mantri. mbotu From: Ind. membotu vt. break (a rope). mantoa n. dog. anjing. From: Wolio. putuskan (tali). manu n. chicken. ayam. mombotu vs. broken. putus. manu lengke; effeminate rooster or mbotusi vi. decide, make a decision. unfeminine chicken. ayam banci. putuskan, ambil keputusan. manu nesawu; fighting cock. ayam 'ambotu n. decision, agreement. sabungan. keputusan, perjanjian. manu-manu; bird. burung. mbula'u manusia n. man, mankind. manusia. membula'u vt. steal. curi. From: Ind. 'ambula-mbula'u n. thief. pencuri. masagala vs. rare. jarang. mbule vi. return, go back. pulang, masangia adv. hopefully. mudah- kembali. mudahan, semoga. membulesi vt. go back to get s.t. masigi n. mosque. mesjid. From: Ind. kembali untuk ambil. Mbulesi 'anauho 'apulu'u. Go back and get mata1 n, clf. 1) eye. mata. 2) classifier me my machete. Pulang dan for sharp objects. penggolong ambilkan saya parangku. untuk barang tajam. 3) cluster (of bananas). tandan (pisang). mbuta n. cat. kucing. 4) direction. arah. mbuta lampu; feral cat. kucing liar. mata bhagha; west. barat. From: Wolio. mata holeo; east. timur. mee intj. sound of goats bleating. tiruan bunyi kambing. mata Laompo; south. selatan. 'omee vi. bleat. mengembik. mata Wolio; north. utara. Syn: napa. me'eto See: 'oto. mata tonde; glasses, spectacles. kaca meiti vi. circumcised (of girls). disunat mata. (tentang perempuan). matano jue; well, spring. mata air. melama n. shrimp. udang. pomata vi. wake, watch. berjaga. memani See: pemani. mata2 membali vi. 1) can, may, allowed. boleh, bisa. Miinaho namembali. momata vs. raw, unripe. mentah It cannot yet be done. Belum bisa. (tentang makanan, buah-buahan). 2) finished, completed. klar, selesai. mate vs. die, dead, extinguished. mati, 3) miraculous. ajaib. meninggal, padam. mii membali; person with 336 supernatural powers, extraordinary (datang) dari, (dibuat) dari. person. orang yang gaib. Aminahoo we Wolio. I come from Buton. Saya datang dari Buton. O fomembalii vt. allow. perbolehkan. bhalase nominahoo we ghoono 'amembali n. event, happening. mangka. A bhalase basket is kejadian, peristiwa. made from palmyra leaves. Keranjang bhalase dibuat dari mencana vs. light, clear. terang. daun agel. mencuano See: mincuano. mincuano Variant: mencuano, mente vs. amazed, surprised. heran. muncuano. adv. no, not (followed by a noun). bukan. Mincuano mente'alulu vs. round. bulat. witunai'u. Not my family. Bukan menteno quant. various, all kinds of. keluarga saya. macam-macam. mingku n. 1) movement. gerak. mentimu vi. chew betelnut. makan 2) work. pekerjaan. sirih. 'amingku-mingku vi. move. me'o bergerak. mome'o vs. sweet. manis. 'omingku vi. move. bergerak. 'ame'ono n. sweetness. manisnya, miina na'omingku; silent, not move. kemanisan. diam, tidak bergerak. mie See: mii. misikini vs. poor. miskin. From: Ind. mii Variant: mie. n, clf. person, people. mo'ahi n. sea. laut. orang. mofae adv. why. mengapa. See: fae. mii ghumato; guest, newly arrived moghabu n. k.o. sea shell. siput laut. person. pendatang, tamu. Variant: mii umba. moghondo vs. dark. malam. mii mate; dead person, deceased. adv. last night. tadi malam. orang mati. See: 'oghondo, 'oghondoa. mii moda'i; criminal. penjahat. mohane n. man, male, husband. laki- laki, suami, jantan. semii'u; I by myself. saya sendiri. 'omohane vi. have a husband. miina Variant: mina. adv. no, not. bersuami. tidak. mohono num. hundred, one hundred. miinaho Variant: minaho. adv. not yet. ratus, seratus. belum. mohono ghewu; one hundred mina n. oil. minyak. thousand. seratus ribu. mina gasi; petroleum, kerosene. mondo vi. finished, completed. selesai, minyak tanah. klar. minano 'unde; coconut oil. minyak vt. finish. selesaikan. kelapa. 'amondo; agreement, decision. mina-mina; oils, perfumery. minyak, kesepakatan, keputusan. wangi-wangian. 'amondono n; conj. after. setelah. 'omina vi. fat, oily. berminyak. From: Ind. mongawa vi. yawn. menguap. minaho See: miinaho, minahoo. monifi vi. dream. bermimpi. See: 'onifi. minahoo Variant: minaho. v; adv. mono'o Variant: muno'o. vi. sleep, (come) from, (made) from. asleep. tidur. 337 fomono'o vt. put to sleep. tidurkan. kepenuhan. mooghu mpuu adv. really, truly. sungguh, betul. memooghu vt. weave. tenun. muda 'amooghu n. s.t. woven. tenunan. mamuda vs. easy, cheap. muda, murah. mpana muncu n. snout, muzzle, mouth. mompana vs. hot. panas. moncong, mulut. fa'ampana vt. heat. panasi. muncuno titi; nipple (of a breast). mpana-mpanangku'u vs. lukewarm. puting susu. panas-panas kuku, suam-suam muncuano See: mincuano. kuku, hangat-hangat. muno'o See: mono'o. mpau munte n. citrus fruit, lemon. jeruk. mompau vs. sleepy, drowsy. mengantuk. munte patani; k.o. orange. jeruk manis, jeruk Siompu. 'ampauno n. sleepiness. rasa kantuk. musiraha n. friend, comrade. teman, mpono sahabat, kerabat. From: Wolio (< mompono vs. full. penuh. Arabic). 'amponono n. fullness. penuhnya, N - n naale adv. tomorrow. besok. From: naifuamo; the day before yesterday. Wolio. kemarin dulu. Variant: naefuamo. naapou See: naopou. nalumafaahe See: lafaa. naefii Variant: naifii. adv. when? nami n. taste. rasa. (future). kapan? (masa depan). namisi n. feeling. perasaan. naefiimo Variant: naifiimo, vt. feel. merasa(i). nefiimo. adv. when? (past). kapan? (masa lalu). moda'i namisi; feel pain, be ill. merasa sakit. naefuamo See: naifua. namu-namu n. purpose, plan. cita-cita, naghakaa Variant: narakaa. n. hell. angan-angan, keinginan. Namu- neraka. namu'u amekaghajaa bhanua. I vi. suffer. sengsara. plan to build a house. Saya ingin From: Ind (< Sanskrit). membangun rumah. nahasi n. moment or day of bad luck, nana n. pus. nanah. ill-omened time. nahas. From: Ind. nanasi n. pineapple. nenas. From: Ind. naifii Variant: naefii. adv. when? naopou Variant: naapou, naupou. adv. (future). kapan? (masa depan). in a while. nanti, sebentar. naifiimootu; formerly, in the past. naopou 'oghondoa; tonight. dahulu kala, tempo hari. Variant: sebentar malam. naifiimoitu, naifiinomootu. napa n. north (rarely used). utara (kata naifua adv. the day after tomorrow. yang jarang dipakai). Syn: mata lusa. Wolio. 338 narakaa See: naghakaa. on, friends, let's go! Mari teman, kita pergi! See: andea. naupou See: naopou. ndeli ndaifotu See: ndaifutu. mondeli vs. slippery. licin. ndaifutu Variant: ndaifotu. n. sibling (brother or sister, of the same father ndengu-ndengu n. small gong. gong and mother). saudara kandung. yang kecil. isa ndaifotu; older sibling (of the ndeu same mother). kakak kandung. mendeu vi. refuse, not want. tidak pondaifutu Variant: sendaifutu. vi. mau, menolak. be related as siblings. bersaudara. ndo'e n. monkey. monyet, kera. Intano topondaifutu. We are siblings. Kita bersaudara. ndole vi. lie, lie down. berbaring. ndala1 vi. go, walk, depart. pergi, ndole-ndole vi. lie, lie down. berjalan, berangkat. berbaring. mendala-ndala vi. go for a stroll. 'andolea n. bed. tempat tidur. jalan-jalan. Amendala-ndalahoo fondole vt. lay down. baringkan. hahe. I go by foot. Saya jalan kaki. nduu n. sound. bunyi. fendala-ndala vi. wander aimlessly. nea jalan terus (tanpa tujuan). monea vs. tame. jinak. fondala vt. carry out, operate. ne'e n. gums. gusi. jalankan. nefiimo See: naefii. 'andala-ndala vi. often go. sering jalan. nekele nm. old monetary unit (5 cents). nikel (5 sen). From: Ind (< ndala2 vs. sell well, be in demand (?). Dutch). laku (?). neo ndamu n. axe. kapak, kampak. moneo vs. slow. lambat. vt. cut (with an axe), chop down. potong dng kampak, tebang. ngadha Sauuni andumamue. I will cut mangadha Variant: mongadha. vs. this tree down with an axe. Pohon pretty, handsome, beautiful. cantik, ini akan saya potong dng kampak. gagah (secara keseluruhan), ndanga n. jackfruit. nangka. indah, tampan ; ganteng. Syn: 'esa. ndawu 'angadhano; beauty. cantiknya, mondawu vi. fall. jatuh. gagahnya. fa'andawu vt. drop. jatuhkan. See: ngagha n. palate. langit-langit (di ndawuti. mulut). ndawuti ngaji vi. recite the Quran. mengaji. mendawuti vt. sow seeds (by putting From: Ind. the seeds in a hole, as with rice and ngee n. nose. hidung. maize). tabur benih, tanam (biji dlm lubang, seperti biji beras, ngeo n. miaow. bunyi kucing, ngeong. jagung). See: ndawu. 'ongeo vi. miaow, roar. mengeong, ndea n. friend(s)! (only as vocative). mengaum. teman! (hanya dalam sapaan). nggilo Maimo ndea, tondalaana! Come 339 monggilo vs. 1) clean. bersih. 'angouno n. the reason it is burnt. 2) holy, sacred. suci, kudus. sebab terbakarnya. menggilo vi. circumcised (of boys, nifi around the age of 7). disunat monifi Variant: munifi. vs. thin. (tentang laki-laki). tipis. fo'onggilo vt. circumcise. sunat. 'anifino n. thinness. tipisnya. ngila nini mongila vs. wild. liar. monini vs. sharp-pointed. runcing 'angilano n. wildness. liarnya, sekali (seperti jarum, mata keliaran. tombak). ngkalamata vs. raw (of meat, fish). 'anini n. bamboo knife. sembilu. mentah (tentang daging, ikan). noo num. six. enam. ngkalu-ngkalu n. intestines, guts. usus. nonoo num. six. enam. See: ana2. ngkana nopu n. stonefish. ikan lepu. mongkana vs. tight (e.g. of belt), nosu n. mortar. lesung. taut. kencang (tentang tali pinggang). ntaa-ntaa vt. wait for. menunggu. Nomolengomo nontaa-ntaa 'angkanano n. tightness. kencangnya. 'anau. He has been waiting for me ngkaowi-owi See: kaowi-owi. for a long time. Sudah lama dia menunggu saya. ngkogha 'antaa-ntaa vi. wait. menunggu. mengkoha vi. sit (down). duduk. fontaa-ntaa vt. prepare, make ready. 'angkoghaha n. seat, chair. tempat sediakan, siapkan. duduk. ntai 'angkogha-ngkogha vi. be seated, sit. duduk-dukuk. 'antai vt. hang. gantungkan. ngkoi n. term of address for a young girl. 'antai-ntai vs. hang. tergantung. panggilan untuk anak perempuan. ntale ngkuni mantale vs. scattered around. mongkuni vs. yellow. kuning. terhambur. 'angkuni n. yellow. kekuningan. ntimu n. melon. semangka. ngkuru ntoghoghe Variant: ntoghoughe. n. rainbow. pelangi. mongkuru vs. skinny, meagre. kurus. nuhua n. cooking pot. periuk. 'angkuruno n. skinniness. kurusnya. nuni pro. I. saya. ngou nuni semii'u; I myself. saya sendiri. mongou vi. burnt, scorched. terbakar, hangus. O - o 'o art. article before common nouns 'o'abhi n. fish hook. mata kail. (without meaning). kata sandaran 'oboro n. torch. obor, suluh. From: Ind. (tanpa arti). 340 oda-oda n. stilts. jangkungan. tengah. 'odhepa vi. fall (with a thud). jatuh 'ola'ino liwu; king, village chief. raja, (dng bunyi). kepala kampung. 'odoho See: 'udoho. 'olambu See: 'ulambu. 'oe intj. yes (answering a call). ya 'oleeo n. fallen leaves. daun (yang telah (menjawab panggilan). gugur). 'o'e n. 1) waste, dregs. ampas, dedak, oli n. rudder. kemudi. sisa-sisa tapisan. 2) soil with many 'oli1 n. engine oil. oli (motor). From: Ind pebbles. tanah yang ada kerikilnya. (< Dutch). ofi See: oofi. 'oli2 See: 'uli. oge See: uge. 'olo 'ogha vt. sharpen. asah. 'Ogha 'anauho mo'olo vs. sour, tart. asam, kecut. 'apisooni! Please sharpen my knife first! Asahkan dulu pisau ini! 'a'olono n. sourness, tartness. asamnya, kecutnya. 'a'ogha n. grindstone. batu asah. olu n. cloud. awan. 'ogho n. lower part, bottom. bagian bawah, pantat. moolu vs. cloudy, overcast. berawan, mendung. 'ogho'a n. woven coconut leaves (for mats, walls etc). anyaman daun 'olungku n. 1) knee cap. penutup lutut. kelapa (untuk tikar, dinding dsb). 2) little bronze box for keeping betelnut ingredients. tempat kapur 'oghondo nm. night. malam. sirih (dari kuningan). se'oghondo; one night. satu malam. 'ombohu See: 'umbohu. See: moghondo, 'oghondoa. ompu1 n. 1) Lord. Tuhan. 2) lord, 'oghondoa n. night. malam. Noghato owner. tuan, pemilik. 'oghondoa. Night has fallen. 3) grandchild. cucu. Malam tiba. See: moghondo. ompu we 'ahawi; grandchild (lit. 'oghontungu n. heel. tumit. grandchild on the lap). cucu. 'ogho-'ogho'a n. fern. tumbuhan paku. ompu we tuu; great-grandchild (lit. 'oghopunda n. squid. gurita. grandchild at/on the knee). cicit. 'ohula adv. maybe, perhaps, seemingly. ompu we bhi'u-bhi'u; great-great- barangkali, mungkin, sepertinya. grandchild (lit. grandchild at the See: hula. ankle). buyut. 'oila n. light-coloured turtle. penyu sisik. ompuno lima; thumb. ibu jari, jempol. Variant: 'aompuno lima. 'oito1 n. brain. otak. ompuno wungano hahe; big toe. hiino 'oito n. brains. isi otak. ibu jari kaki. 'oito2 meompu vi. make o.s. a slave to s.o. mo'oito vs. itchy. gatal. menghambakan diri pada seorang, mengabdikan. See: waopu. 'a'oitono n. itch, itchiness. gatalnya. ompu2 vt. connect, extend. sambung. 'oitu n. k.o. catfish. sej ikan (seperti ikan lele). 'aompu n. veranda, addition to house, connection. serambi, tambahan 'ola'i Variant: 'ula'i. n. nobility, chief. rumah, persambungan. bangsawan. me'aompu vi. make a verandah as an 'ola'ino lima; middle finger. jari 341 extension to a house. membuat meopi vt. pinch, squeeze, clip, press serambi pada sebuah rumah. down, jam. jepit, tindis. ompulu num. ten. sepuluh. 'aopi n. 1) tongs, clasp, clip. sepit, tang, penjepit. 2) grated cassava ompulu ghewu; ten thousand. (of which the water has been sepuluh ribu. See: sapulu. removed), and wrapped in a banana 'ona n. name. nama. leaf. ubi kayu yang diparut yang sudah dikeluarkan airnya lalu 'ondahi See: 'undahi. dibungkus dlm daun pisang. onde-onde n. k.o. round fried cake teopi vs. caught, jammed. terjepit. made of rice or cassava flour with a sweet filling and sprinkled with 'osi sesame seeds. onde-onde, sej kue mo'osi vs. very small, stunted, yang bulat yang terbuat dari dwarfish. kerdil. tepung beras atau tepung ubi. 'osipu 'ondo See: 'undo. mo'osipu vs. dark. gelap. 'A'osipuno 'ondowua n. squid. cumi-cumi. bhanuaani! What a dark house ondu this is! Gelapnya rumah ini! Syn: poposa. moondu vs. wet. lembab. 'osisi Variant: 'usisi. n. nail, claw, hoof. 'aonduno n. wetness. lembabnya. kuku. 'ondu vs. crazy. gila. Mii 'umondu. A 'osumaa dem. that. itu (di sana). See: crazy person. Orang gila. sumaa. ongka n. k.o. small bee. sej lebah kecil. 'otiho See: 'atiho. 'ongkodu vi. hiccup, belch. tersedu, 'oto beserdawa. me'oto Variant: me'eto. vt. pick 'oni vi. 1)get struck by, hit. kena. (fruits). petik (buah). 2) caught (in a trap). terjerat. 'otuhu vs. true, right. benar, betul. po'oni vi. same, identical. sama. fo'otuhu vt. approve, agree with. po'oni-'oniho vi. agree, reach a benarkan, setujui. consensus. sepakat. 'o'umbu n. mast. tiang perahu. 'onifi n. dream. mimpi. See: monifi. owa See: uwa3. 'onti nm. bunch, hand (of bananas). sisir (pisang). 'owatu dem. that (below), down there. itu (tempat di bawah), sana. oofi Variant: ofi. n. fire. api. No'oofi. It is burning; it is on fire. Berapi. 'owi vt. touch s.o. lightly with the fingertips (to get their attention). 'ooni dem. this. ini. colek, korek kulit orang (dng satu 'ootu dem. that. itu. jari, untuk mendapat perhatian). opi P - p pa See: pae. (orang). paa1 num. four. empat. ompulu fopaa; fourteen. empat belas. See: apa. fopaa num. four (people). empat 342 paa2 n. armpit. ketiak. pagala n. wooden fence. pagar (dari kayu yang berdiri). pa'aa-'aalu See: 'aalu. pagampa vt. chase. kejar. pa'ande vt. feed. beri makan. paghacaea vi. believe. percaya. From: pa'atimbule vi. back and forth, come Ind. and go. pulang pergi. paghadami vi. do s.th. on purpose. pa'atu vt. send. kirim. sengaja. Nopaghadami miina 'apa'atu n. package, parcel. kiriman. naumba. He did not arrive on purpose. Sengaja dia tidak datang. pada vi. finished, done. selesai. Apadamo afumaa. I have already paghakisaa eaten. Saya sudah makan. mepaghakisaa vt. examine. periksa. vt. finish, complete. selesaikan. From: Ind. conj. after. sesudah. Pada paghawata n. bamboo. bambu. ma(na)sumaa. After that. Sesudah paghintangi vt. order, command. itu. perintahkan. From: Ind. 'opadahano adv. in the end, finally. pagi1 n. ray. ikan pari. akhirnya, sesudahnya. pagi2 vt. scrape. parut. padahanomo n. that was it, the end. selesai, habis. 'apagia n. scraper. alat parut. padaho adv. not yet, later. jangan pahi dulu, nanti. mopahi vs. bitter. pahit. padamo adv. already. sudah. 'apahino n. bitterness. pahitnya. fa'apadai vt. use completely, use up. pahindulu vi. precede, go first. duluan. habiskan. pakato n. harvesting knife. ani-ani. padamaniini adv. now (lit. after this). sekarang (harf. sesudah ini). pake padangku'u n. plain, desert. padang mepake vi. wear, use. pakai. rumput, padang pasir. fopake vt. dress s.o., put (clothes, padasee n. corrugated iron roof. atap shoes) on for s.o. kenakan pakaian seng. orang. From: Ind. padhamagha n. lamp, light. pelita, pakea n. clothes. pakaian. From: Ind. lampu tembok. Syn: sulu. From: palangga n. wash basin. waskom. Wolio. palasa n. groin. pangkal paha, celah pae Variant: pa, po. adv. will not. tidak paha. akan. pali1 n. turn. giliran. Pali lafae naale? paeho; will not yet. belum (akan). Whose turn is it tomorrow? paemo adv. (will) not again. tidak Giliran siapa besok? (akan) lagi. vi. turn around, go around. bergilir, paeasa n. mirror. cermin. keliling. pae-paemo conj. if it's not the case. pali'i vt. go around s.t. kelilingi. kalau tidak. Pae-paemo te anoa, popali'i vt. announce. umumkan. dainiu dua te 'abholosino. If he is not there, we still have a sepalia n. going around once. satu replacement. Kalau tidak ada dia, kali keliling. masih ada penggantinya. 343 pali2 n. k.o. fish with a foul smell. sej pani n. wing. sayap. ikan (berbau amis). panombo n. rice bowl. tempat nasi. palola n. eggplant. terung. panta vt. collide. tabrak. pambagha vi. fall over backwards. popanta vi. arm-wrestle. saling (jatuh) tertelentang. mendorong dng tangan (untuk pana n. bow. busur. mengetahui siapa yang terkuat). mepana vi. shoot with an arrow. pantasa n. bed. ranjang. memanah. papa panamba n. covering for food dishes. mopapa vs. blunt. tumpul. penutup makanan. 'apapano n. bluntness. tumpulnya. panasa n. palm tree (the leaves are used for making roofs). nipah (untuk papa'i vt. bite. gigit. atap). papara n. the lowest estate in traditional panata n. 1) measuring ruler. mistar. Buton society. golongan 2) weaver's sword. belebas: alat masyarakat yang terbawah (pada tenun berupa mistar untuk zaman kerajaan Buton dulu). merapatkan benang pada waktu From: Wolio. menenun. papeda n. sago porridge. bubur sagu. panda pasande vi. lean (against). bersandar. mopanda vs. low, short (of people). paseba vi. sit (with the legs crossed). rendah, pendek (tentang bersila. manusia). pasi n. coral reef. karang. fa'apanda Variant: fe'apanda. vt. make low, make short. rendahkan, pasila pendekkan. tepasila vi. thrown back, thrown we panda; under. di bawah. away (by external force). terlempar. pandanga n. spear. tombak. paso n. nail. paku. pande n. craftsman, carpenter. tukang (kayu). patani See: munte. vi. clever, able, competent. pintar, bisa. patawala n. kite. layang-layang. vt; vt-io. know. tahu, kenal. patida n. k.o. tool used for weeding (a broad flat piece of iron with a pande ase; smith. tukang besi. handle). tembilang (alat pande dhoti; sorcerer. tukang sihir. menyiangi). pande gau; good talker, talkative patida ase; crowbar. linggis. person. pintar bicara, tukang peanda vt. light (a fire) by blowing. bicara. pasang (api) dng meniup. pande howuto; farmer. petani. pedempe vi. have sexual intercourse. pande manari; dancer. tukang bersetubuh. From: Wolio. menari. pe'e n. 1) female genitals. kemaluan 'apande n. skill, knowledge, perempuan. 2) term of address for cleverness. kepintaran, kepandaian. young girls. panggilan untuk anak perempuan kecil. pangana n. areca nut. pinang. peelu n. wish, desire. kehendak. Peelu pangulu vi. precede, go before. duluan. wuto'u. My own desire. Syn: pahindulu. Keinginanku sendiri. 344 mepeelu; want, like, desire, love. podada vi. bargain. tawar. mau, hendak, suka, ingin, cintai. podadai vi. bargain for prices. tawar- Syn: asi. menawar. We daoa manga mii peelua n. wish, desire. keinginan. nopopodadai. At the market people are bargaining. Di pasar pemani orang tawar-menawar. mepemani Variant: memani. vt. pogau See: pugau, pugou. vi. speak, ask for, request. minta. say. berbicara. 'apemani n. request. permintaan. n. language, speech. bahasa. See: gau. pente-pente vi. squat. berjongkok. poghae n. boyfriend, girlfriend, pepe'i vt. hit (e.g. to open a fruit). pukul sweetheart. pacar. (supaya terbelah). popoghae vi. have a boyfriend or pera n. silver. perak. From: Ind. girlfriend, date. berpacaran. pesua vi. enter, go in. masuk. poghatoa n. border, boundary. perbatasan. See: ghato. pesuawihii vt. enter s.t. masuki. poghosewa n. measles. campak. fopesua vt. enter. masukkan. poloana n. adopted child. anak pungut. pighi n. plate. piring. From: Ind. vt. adopt (a child). pungut (anak), pighindi n. wall. dinding. angkat (anak). pighindi dopi; wall (of planks). polontai n. hanging rack for storing food dinding papan. (out of reach for animals). tempat pigho gantungan menyimpan makanan (yang tidak terjangkau oleh fepigho-pigho vi. blink repeatedly. binatang). berkedip-kedip. polopa n. midrib of palm and banana fopigho vt. shut (the eyes). leaves. pelepah. pejamkan (mata). pombala pinoama n. uncle. paman, om. See: ama. mepombala vt. make (beams or rough planks) from wood (with axe pinoana n. nephew, niece. kemenakan. or machete). kerjakan kayu (dng See: ana1. golok atau parang). pinoina n. aunt. bibi, tante. See: ina. pombeoghi vi. twinkle, shine. berkedip- pio1 n. gall, bile. empedu. kedip. pio2 n. trachoma. trahom (penyakit pomea mata). mepomea vt. pay. bayar. pisi vt. pinch, massage. pijit. pomenge vs. open (of eyes). terbuka piso See: 'apiso. (tentang mata). Miinaho napomenge matano. His eyes pitu num. seven. tujuh. weren't open yet. Matanya belum fopitu num. seven (people). tujuh terbuka. (orang). ponambo n. salary, fee, wages, cost. po See: pae. upah, gaji, ongkos. po'a'au vi. have sexual intercourse. ponda n. 1) pandanus tree. pohon bersetubuh. pandan. 2) mat made from pandanus leaves. tikar dari daun poagho See: ghagho. pandan. 345 pondooti See: 'alipopo. pecahan. pongano vi. swim. berenang. From: pugou See: pogau. Wolio. puhe n. navel. pusat. ponte n. scar. bekas luka. puhu n. tree, tree trunk. pohon, batang. ponu n. turtle. penyu. puhuno sau; tree. pohon. pooli vi. able, capable. sanggup, bisa. puhuno 'unau; sugar palm tree. vt. catch (e.g. wild chickens). tangkap pohon aren. (seperti ayam hutan). Miina pui n. tailbone, coccyx. tulang natepooli. It could not be tungging. got/caught. Tidak terdapat. puji vt. praise. puji. po'oni See: 'oni. fepuji vi. haughty, looking for praise. popolo n. bride price. emas kawin, minta dipuji, sombong. From: Ind. mahar. pula poposa vs. pitch dark. gelap gulita. mopula vi. fall down (of trees etc.). posaghona vt-io. hope, wish. harapkan. rebah (tentang pohon dsb). posanga Variant: pusanga. vi. ask mepula'i vt. fell. rebahkan. permission (to leave), say goodbye. minta izin, minta diri. From: pulangku n. ladder, staircase, steps. Wolio. tangga. posiingi vs. similar. mirip. pulangu n. pillow. bantal. potagho vi. gamble. main judi. pulele vi. tell news, announce. beritakan, sampaikan. See: lele1. potalaha See: tala1. puli potibha vt-io. meet. bertemu. Apotibhahane we sala. I met mopuli vs. finished, gone. habis. him/her on the road. Saya pulo n. island. pulau. ketemukan di salan. puluu conj. that (a rarely used word). potibahoono lalo; by accident, bahwa (kata yang jarang dipakai). happen to do s.th. secara kebetulan. punda vi. jump (far). lompat (jauh). potimbe n. war. perang. puntasu vt. plant (rice). tanam (padi). vi. wage war. berperang. punto vt. use a blowpipe at. sumpit. powogha See: wugha. me'apunto vi. use a blowpipe. bersumpit. pugau See: pogau. 'apunto n. blowpipe. sumpitan. pugha'a'a n. frog. katak, kodok. 'apuntono kaosu; sock. kaos kaki. pugho pusu vt. pull out (dagger). tarik, cabut mopugho vs. shattered, crushed. (keris). hancur. pute pughoti vt. shatter, crush. hancurkan. mopute vs. white. putih. fa'apugho vt. shatter, crush. 'aputeno n. whiteness. putihnya. hancurkan. 'apugho n. fragment, broken piece. 346 R - r raba See: ghaba. rohi n. spirit. roh. rambuta n. rambutan. rambutan. From: rohi bhelono; good spirit. roh baik. Ind. rohi moda'i; evil spirit. roh jahat. rapo-rapo Variant: ghapo-ghapo. n. From: Ind. peanuts. kacang tanah. S - s saaghuno adv. finally. akhirnya. sahingga Variant: sahengga. conj. even though. biarpun, walaupun. sababu conj. because. sebab. From: Ind. Sahingga nomowehimo, dainoho sabhagha quan. all, all kinds of. segala, nofumaa dua. Even though he sembarangan. was full, he kept eating. Biarpun sudah kenyang, dia masih makan sabhangka n. friend, companion. juga. teman, kawan. sa'i n. sudden illness. penyakit yang sabu vi. jump down. terjun, lompat (ke tiba-tiba. bawah). sakusii vt-io. witness. saksikan. From: sabutuno conj. then, so, finally, in the Ind. end. kemudian, akhirnya. sala1 n. road, path, way. jalan, jalanan. sabutonomo adv. only. hanya, cuma. sala2 n. trousers. celana. From: Ind. sadaa-daa Variant: sadaa-daano. adv? sala3 n. error, mistake. kesalahan. still the same, still there. tetap ada vi. mistaken, wrong. salah, keliru. (tidak berubah). sala'a n. silver. perak. Syn: pera. sadhea Variant: sadhia. adv. always. selalu. salaamati vi. safe. selamat. From: Ind (< Arabic). sadhia See: sadhea. salaho vi. wrong, trespass, veer from the sagasino vs. exact, fitting (a literary truth (?). menyimpang dari yang word). persis (kata sastra). sebenarnya. sagha n. common law. hukum adat. salamata n. orange. jingga. From: Ind. Salasa n. Tuesday. Selasa. saghimbanua n. side of the house, neighbour. pinggir rumah, salata n. south. selatan. From: Ind. tetangga. salenda n. shawl. selendang. From: sagu n. sago. sagu. From: Ind. Ind. saha n. red pepper, chili. lombok, cabe. sama'a conj. but. tetapi. sahadha n. index finger. jari telunjuk. samba conj. until (it was) almost. sampai hampir. vi. pronounce the Islamic confession. mengucapkan kalimat syahadat. sambo1 vi. shout (for joy). berteriak From: Ind. karena gembira. sahengga See: sahingga. sambo2 vt. spoonfeed. suap. 347 sambughe serambi di samping (dengan lantai yang lebih rendah). From: Wolio. mesambughe vt. sweep. sapu. sau n. wood, tree. kayu. 'asambughe n. broom. sapu. sau netampo; firefood. kayu bakar. sampa vi. land, perch. hinggap. sauno hahe; toe. jari kaki. Syn: sampalu n. tamarind tree, tamarind 'ambano hahe, wungano hahe. (used in flavouring meat and fish). pohon asam, asam. sauno lima; finger. jari tangan. Syn: 'ambano lima, wungano lima. sampe conj. until. sampai, hingga. sauwa vi. fit (of clothes). pas (untuk sampela vt. lean s.t. against, rest s.t. on pakaian). Salano miina (cloth a stick, an arm on a table). nasumauwa we nuni. His trousers sandarkan (kain di kayu, lengan di don't fit me. Celananya tidak pas atas meja). pada saya. sampu vi. go down. turun. sawu vt. fight (of cocks). adukan, fosampu vt. bring down. turunkan. sabungkan (ayam). Syn: po-buru. sanda vs. near-sighted. kabur. sea n. ant. semut. sandali n. sandal. sandal. From: Ind (< se'alamii Dutch). se'alamii'omiu n. all of you. kamu sangia n. sacred and mysterious place. orang semua, kalian. (tempat) keramat. se'alamiimami; all of us (exclusive). no'osangia vi. sacred and mysterious. kami semua. berkeramat. se'alamiihe manga; all of them. sangka vs. complete, perfect. lengkap. mereka semua. sangke vt. lift, raise. angkat. se'alamii'ainta; all of us (inclusive). kita semua. sangkobhi se'alu-'aluluno n. alone, by itself. mesangkobhi vt. cover (food, tersendiri, hanya satu saja. chickens). tutup (makanan, ayam). seba vi. sit cross-legged. duduk bersila. 'asangkobhi n. covering. penutup. sebantagha adv. in a moment, soon. santa n. quail. puyuh. sebentar. sapati n. chief minister to the sultan. sebantaghaatu; shortly, in a while. patih, pejabat yang paling tinggi sebentar lagi. From: Ind. di bawah sultan. From: Wolio. sebha sape mesebha vt. chip, cut, make a cut. mosape vs. light (in weight). ringan. menetak. 'asapeno n. lightness. ringannya, 'asebhaha n. cut or notch in a keringanan. coconut (for climbing). tempat sapi n. cow. sapi. From: Ind. injak (dlm pohon kelapa), sigai. sapulu num. ten. sepuluh. See: see n. old monetary unit of 10 cents. ompulu. ketip (10 sen). From: Ind (< Dutch). Saputu n. Saturday. Sabtu. se'e sasa n. gecko, house lizard. cecak. mase'e vs. 1) close, near. dekat. sasambighi n. side-wing or veranda of 2) narrow. sempit. the house with a lower floor. 348 seehe See: siahe. sibulu vi. slide down, glide. meluncur, menurun ke bawah. seetani n. ghost, evil spirit. setan. From: Ind (< Arabic). siehe See: siahe. sefae num. how many. berapa. sika intj. call to shoo away cats and dogs. seruan untuk mengusir sefae-sefae quant. some, a few. anjing dan kucing. beberapa. silala n. divination. nujum. segaa Variant: segaano, semegaano. quant. another (one), the others. mesilala vt-io. divine, find out about yang lain. See: gaa. s.t. lost or the cause of misfortune (by supernatural means). menujum. sei intj. chase (people) away in a rude way. usir (orang) secara kasar. simba se'ide quant. few, a little. sedikit. masimba vs. fast, quick. cepat. seitu dem. there (far away). sana (sangat fa'asimba Variant: fe'asimba. vt. do jauh). Nofalate we Walanda s.t. quickly, hurriedly. cepat-cepat, seitu. He lives far away in the segera. Netherlands. Dia tinggal di Belanda simbi n. bracelet. gelang. sana. simbo Variant: sombo. prep. like, as. seli vt. dig. gali. seperti. Sombo sumaa! That's how sembali n. one side. sebelah. it is! Begitulah! we sembali; outside (of). di luar. simbooni; like this. begini. semegaano See: segaa. simbootu; like that. begitu. Variant: sombootu, sombo itu. sencabhi n. a piece (e.g. of bread). sepecahan (misalnya roti). simintu pro. you (plural). kalian, kamu orang. sendaifutu See: pondaifutu. simpi vt. slip into, insert. selipkan. setanga n. half. setengah. Syn: wunta. From: Ind. tesimpi vs. inserted, stuck. terselip. sewa n. payment (e.g. of the electricity sinaa n. breath, soul. napas, nyawa. bill). pembayaran (misalnya fesinaa Variant: 'osinaa. vi. breathe, listrik). From: Ind. sigh. bernapas, tarik napas. sia vi. be alight, burn (of a small fire). sinapa n. rifle. senapan. From: Ind (< menyala (kecil). Dutch). si'a n. comb. sisir. singkaghu n. ring. cincin. si'a ghampe; fine comb for lice. sisir singku n. corner. sudut. kutu (dari bambu). sinole n. fried sago. sagu atau ubi kayu mesi'a vi. comb one's hair. sisir yang digoreng (tanpa minyak). rambut. Syn: lauta. siahe Variant: siehe, seehe. adv. sio1 num. nine. sembilan. See: siua. 1) too, very. terlalu, sekali. Nomosodo siahe. It is too hot. sio2 intj. call to shoo away chickens. Terlalu panas. 2) immediately. seruan untuk mengusir ayam. langsung, satu kali. Nohohae situ Variant: isitu. pro. you (sg). kamu, siahe. Immediately he cried. Dia engkau. langsung menangis. si'u n. elbow. siku. sia-sia adv. in vain, for nothing. sia-sia, percuma. From: Ind. siua n. nine. sembilan. See: sio1. 349 siwighi Variant: siwighii. n. side, edge. semii. She has only one child left. samping, pinggir. Anaknya tinggal satu orang. we siwighi; close to, near. dekat. sompu Variant: sompuu. prep. as, like. 'Ootu we siwighiimu. That (thing) seperti. near you. Itu dekatmu. sompu 'ooni; like this. seperti ini, siwulu vi. go down (of water). turun begini. (tentang air). Nosiwulu ughe. The sompu 'ootu; like that. seperti itu, tide is going out. Air surut. begitu. siwulua n. offspring. keturunan. sonde vt. drink or slurp from a plate or soda bowl (with vegetable or fish broth). hirup dari piring atau mangkok mesoda vt. carry on shoulders. pikul. (air sayur, air ikan). See: 'ancodaha. sondea n. bowl. mangkok. sodia vs. ready. sedia. songko n. black velvet hat. songkok, fosodia vt. prepare. sediakan. From: kopiah. From: Ind. Ind. soo1 vi. set (of sun). terbenam. Holeo sodo vs. sick with fever, feverish. sakit nosoomo. The sun has set. (demam). Matahari terbenam. mesodo-sodo vs. sickly. sakit-sakit. soo2 Variant: suo. mosodo vs. hot (of water, the sun). we soo n. inside, in the furthest room. panas (tentang air, matahari). di dalam, di kamar paling ujung. mosodo-sodo vs. warm. hangat, mesoo vi. undergo the seclusion panas-panas. ritual for girls (girls aged 13-17 are soghogha n. boil. bisul. Syn: 'abhisu. secluded in a closed room for 2-8 nights). pingit (acara masuk soghonga n. box, chest. peti. ambang kedewasaan: selama 2-8 soghongano pakea; wardrobe, case malam anak perempuan yang for clothes. peti pakaian. berumur 13-17 ditempatkan dalam kamar yang tertutup). sola vi. walk hesitantly (as if afraid). Naale 'aindeimami namesoomo. jalan seperti orang takut. Tomorrow our children will sola-solai vt. spy on, peep at. intip- undergo the seclusion ceremony. intip. Besok anak-anak kami mau dipingit. 'asola-sola vi. often visit people. sering berkunjung ke rumah fo'osoo vt. make (young girls) orang. undergo the seclusion ceremony. pingit. solo1 vt. visit. kunjungi. so'o solo2 vt. carry (a child) on the shoulders. jinjing. moso'o vs. greedy. rakus. somba vt. pay respect, worship. sembah, sorogaa n. heaven. surga. From: Ind. hormati. soso1 vi; vt-io. regret, be sorry. sesali, sombo See: simbo. kesal. Nososomo. He is sorry. Dia menyesal. Asosoene. I regret it. sombu vi. enter (a hole) or go under s.t. Saya sesalkan. masuk ke dalam (lubang) atau di bawah. 'asosono n. regret, remorse. kesalan. somo adv. only, what is left. tinggal, soso2 hanya, saja. 'Aindeino somo mesoso vi. suck, smoke. isap, rokok. 350 soumo prep. like, as. sama seperti. from candlenuts mixed with kapok, Jangkuno soumo jangkuno coiled around a piece of wood or bhembe. His beard is like a goat's bamboo). suluh (lampu tradisional beard. Janggutnya sama seperti dari kemiri dicampur dng kapuk, janggut kambing. dililit di kayu atau bambu). sowo vi. go back, retreat. mundur. sumaa dem. that. itu. suagha n. voice. suara. From: Ind. 'osumaa; that. itu. suana n. right side. kanan. miina sumaano; extraordinary. bukan main. Miina sumaano suanaa part. attitudinal particle in a 'a'esano. (She is) the most question which signals irritation or beautiful! Paling cantik! unbelief. seruan dalam kalimat tanya yang menandai kejengkelan sumbele atau ketidakpercayaan. Angkefae mesumbele vt. slaughter. sembelih. suanaa? Well, what about it? From: Ind. Bagaimanakah? Miina paghacaea 'anau suanaa? You don't you sumboghi vt. stab or jab from below. believe me eh? Kamu tidak tusuk dari bawah. percaya saya kok? sumbughi sube n. k.o. ladle, spatula. sudip, sutil. mefa'asumbughi vt. scold, abuse. sudi vt. ladle up. sendok, sudip. memaki. 'asudi n. spoon. sendok. From: Ind. sumeni n. cement. semen. From: Ind (< Dutch). sugha n. letter. surat. From: Ind. suncu n. layer, storey. susun, tingkat. sukagha vs. unhappy, sad. sedih. vt. arrange, stack, pile up. susun. vi. ask for help or advice (in difficult times). minta pertolongan (dlm suni n. turmeric. kunyit. keadaan susah). From: Ind. mesuni vi. use turmeric powder on the suku nm. old monetary unit (50 cents). skin (to ward off insects). pakai suku (50 sen). From: Ind. kunyit pada kulit (spy tidak digigit serangga). sulepe n. ornamental belt clasp (made from metal with large ornaments). suo See: soo2. ikat pinggang (dari logam, dng su'u hiasan yang besar). From: Wolio. mesu'u vt. carry on the head. suli n. flute. suling (dari bambu). junjung. From: Ind. sulu n. torch (traditional lamp made T - t taangi vt. hold (fast). pegang. tabha2 clf. classifier for roofing. bengkawan (untuk atap). Hato taa-taangke n. riddle. teka-teki. setabha. A piece of roofing. metaa-taangke vi. ask a riddle. Sebuah atap. berteka-teki. tabhagho n. sago flour. tepung sagu. tabeano Variant: beano. conj. only if, tabhako n. tobacco. tembakau. From: except when. kecuali. Ind (< Portuguese). tabha1 n. fat. lemak. tabugha vt. drop. jatuhkan. 351 tabughi vt. press down. tindis. taji n. artificial cock spur. taji (ayam). From: Ind. tade vi. stand, stand up. berdiri. tala1 vi. arranged, in line. teratur, taga vi. go up (on a slope). mendaki berbaris. (gunung). vt. arrange (in a row). susun, jejerkan. fotaga vt. bring up. naikkan. potala vi. in a row. berjejer. tagalaea n. tomato. tomat. potalaha n. (place) opposite to or tagali vt. refuse, object, say in aligned with. tentangan, sejajar. disagreement. tolak, bantah. tala2 n. copper dish. talang. From: Ind. potagali vi. quarrel. bertengkar. talanga vt. arrange, line up. susun, tagambighi n. gambier. gambir. From: jejerkan. Ind. tetalanga vs. arranged. tersusun. tagha vi. endure, stand. tahan. Miina tatumagha. We can't stand it. It's talangai See: telangai. unbearable. Kita tidak tahan. talati vi. late. telat, terlambat. From: taghai vt. endure. tahan. Ind (< Dutch). taghima tali nm. old monetary unit (25 cents). tali (25 sen). metaghima vt. accept, receive. terima. From: Ind. talo vt. defeat s.o. kalahkan. tagho vt-io. just leave. biarkan. 'Uje motalo vs. defeated, lose. kalah. taghoene. Don't just leave it. tamaa dem. that (high), up there. itu Jangan biarkan. (yang jauh dan tinggi). taha tambaga n. copper. tembaga. From: Ind. motaha Variant: montaha. vs. ripe, tambughu n. tambourine. tambur. From: done. masak. 'Aleimamiini Ind. nomotahamo. Our bananas are already ripe. Pisang kami ini sudah tambuni vt. bury, cover with dirt. masak. kuburkan, timbuni. Syn: koburu. tahi n. excrement, faeces. tahi. tambusisi n. storm, tornado. badai, angin topan. tahino tuli; earwax. tahi telinga. tampa n. place. tempat. From: Ind. me'atahi-tahi vi. have diarrhoea. menceret. Syn: pa'aa-'aalu. tampesa vt. scatter, spread. hambur. taho1 nm. year. tahun. nome'atampesa vs. scattered, spread. terhambur. taho2 vt. install, set (a trap), activate, collect (liquids). tadah, pasang. potampesa vi. scattered, spread Notahoe manuno nopoburuene. around. berhamburan. He put the spurs on his cock in tampo preparation for the cockfight. Dia pasang ayamnya untuk bersabung. metampo vt. make (a fire). tiup (api). tai vi. turn, spin. putar. Bhangku'u miina natumai. My top is not tanda n. sign, mark, spot. tanda, bintik. spinning. Gasing saya tidak tandai vt. remember. ingat. berputar. 'atandai n. sign, omen. tanda, me'atai-tai vi. spin, go around. pertanda. berputar, keliling. tandagha n. trace, print. bekas, jejak. fotai vt. turn, twist. putarkan. 352 tandaghano hahe; footprint. jejak teheli n. floor tile. tehel. Bhanuano kaki. nohodoenemo teheli. The floor of his house is tiled. Rumahnya tandu n. horn. tanduk. diberikan lantai tehel. From: Ind (< tanempe Dutch). metanempe vt. collect (liquids, in tehi open hands or in a container). motehi vs. afraid. takut. tadah (dlm tangan atau ember). 'atehi n. fear. rasa takut. tangasahano Variant: tangasano. conj. while, meanwhile. sementara, tampano 'atehia; sacred/mysterious sedang. place (lit. terrifying place). tempat keramat. tangka telangai Variant: talangai, telengai. motangka vs. strong. kuat. vt. hear. dengar. tangkanomo adv. 1) only. hanya, telengai See: telangai. cuma. Tangkanomo semii. Only one person. Hanya satu orang. temba vt. shoot. tembak. From: Ind. 2) yet, nevertheless. namun, toh. tembe tapai motembe vs. plain, tasteless. tawar. metapai vt. roast (over a fire). Fa'atembeeho, noma'agha seehe. panggang, asar. Make it plainer, it's too salty. Tawarkan dulu, terlalu asin. 'atapai n. s.t. roasted. sesuatu yang dipanggang. tende Variant: 'ende. vi. leap, jump. loncat. tapi nm. layer. lapisan. tente vi. swell, swollen. bengkak. tasi n. bag. tas. From: Ind (< Dutch). tepi vt. winnow. tapis. tatangkighi n. cup. cangkir. From: Ind. 'atepi n. winnowing tray. nyiru. taugha1 vt. store away, put away. taruh, simpan. Syn: di'a. tete1 intj. sound of weaving. bunyi orang menenun. taugha2 n. dowry, bride price. mahar, emas kawin. Syn: popolo. tete2 vt. flatten (a tree stump). ratakan (tunggul pohon yang ditebang) ta'ulela n. k.o. carambola (Averrhoa dng tanah. blimbi). belimbing wuluh (untuk mengasamkan). tetengkala n. plank before door opening (of about 20-30 cm in height; only tawa-tawa n. gong. gong. found on houses on stilts, to prevent te Variant: tee. prep. 1) and, with. toddlers from falling to the ground). dan, dengan. Nondala te nuni. He ambang pintu (setinggi 20-30 cm). went with me. Dia jalan dengan tetewei vt. keep (animals), care for. saya. 2) there is. ada. Te hule! pelihara (binatang). There is a snake! Ada ular! Te we fae dua. What's more. Apalagi. tibha clf. classifier for boards, pieces of glass, tiles etc. lembar (penggolong conj. while, and at the same. sambil. untuk papan, kaca, tehel dll). tee vt. block (from view). halangi, pele. Dopi / paeasa / teheli setibha. Bhanuamu miina amitae, noteehe One plank / mirror / tile. Papan / puhuno sau. I can't see your kaca / tehel selembar. house, it is blocked by trees. Saya tighi n. drop. tetesan. Tighino ghea. tidak melihat rumahnya, dipele oleh Drop of blood. Tetesan darah. pohon. vi. drip. menetes. 353 tighia n. drip. tetesan. patahkan (kayu), potong. 2) harvest (rice). panen (padi). ti'i vt. flick or hit (with the fingers). jentik. motobhe vs. broken (of sticks, bones etc.). patah (seperti kayu, tulang). tiine n. border, boundary (of garden or yard). batas (kebun, kintal). 'atobhe n. piece (broken off). potongan. tiki tobhele vs. metiki vt. hit. pukul. tobhele holeo; just after noon timagha n. tin, lead. timah. (around 1-2 p.m.). siang hari (jam timbangi vt. weigh. timbangi. 1-2). See: bhele. 'atimbangi n. pair of scales. tobho n. dagger. keris. timbangan, daci. From: Ind. vt. stab. tikam. timbughi vi. will come (?). akan todu'u n. greater galingale; a root plant datang (?). resembling ginger and used as timbughu n. east, eastern monsoon. medicine. kencur, cekur (umbinya timur, musim timur (kemarau). dijadikan obat). timpa n. canine tooth. gigi taring. to'enda vi. startled. terkejut, kaget. tinda tofa metinda vt. wound (a plant, to metofa vt. 1) wash (clothes). cuci obtain water or sap). cetus (spy (pakaian). Metofa pakea. Wash keluar air/getah). clothes. Mencuci pakaian. 2) slap, hit. tempeleng, tampar. Metofa tinggi mii. Hit/slap people. Menempeleng motinggi vs. high. tinggi. From: Ind. orang. titi n. breast (female). susu, buah 'atofa n. slap, hit. penamparan. dada. 'atofaha n. clothes, laundry. (kain) vi. suckle. menyusu, menetek. cucian. 'Aindeiitu notiti we inano. That potofa vi. hit/slap e.o. saling child is suckling at his mother's menampar. breast. Anak itu menyusu pada ibunya. togha vt. give. berikan. fotiti vt. breastfeed. menyusui. metoghai vt. give. berikan. Toghaiho nuni! Give it to me! metiti vt. breastfeed. menyusui. Berikan saya! to prep. 1) for, to. untuk. Ameholi to togho vi. stand upright. berdiri tegak. anua. I bought it for him/her. Notoghomo bhanuaatu. That Saya membeli untuk dia. To house is standing now. Rumah itu nefumaa. To be eaten. Untuk sudah berdiri. dimakan. 2) who will. yang akan. Mii to maweno we daoa People toghoholeo n. noontime. siang (jam who will go to the market. Orang 12). yang akan ke pasar. toghu'u n. 1) upper back (of men, tomo; indeed for. sudah untuk. animals). punggung. 2) top (of a Dhoiini tomo situ. This money is mountain). puncak (gunung). indeed for you. Uang ini (sudah) tolando n. cape. tanjung. untuk kamu. toli n. mucus, snot. ingus. tobhe 'otoli Variant: 'otoli-toli. vi. have a metobhe vt. 1) break (a stick). 354 snotty nose, have a cold. beringus. terbang). tolida n. cousin. sepupu (satu kali). tonde n. glass (for drinking). gelas. tolu num. three. tiga. tondo n. fence (made from rocks or from horizontal sticks). pagar (batu atau tolu fulu; thirty. tiga puluh. kayu melintang). Sau to tondo. tombi1 n. flag. bendera. Wood for a fence. Kayu untuk pagar. tombi2 n. young banana stalk. rias, bagian batang pisang yang muda. tondu vi. sink. tenggelam. tombi'i fotondu vt. sink, lower (in the water). tenggelamkan, turunkan metombi'i vt. pound (rice, tubers, (dlm air). maize). tumbuk (padi, ubi, jagung). tonea n. taro. ubi talas, keladi. 'atombi'i n. s.th. pounded (esp. tongagha vi. look upward, gaze upward. maize). sesuatu yang ditumbuk tengadah. (khususnya jagung). tongaghafi vt. visit (with bad tombosi intentions), attack. kunjungi (dng maksud tidak baik), serang. metombosi vt. dibble, plant (maize). tugal, tanam (jagung). tongka tombu n. place, gathering. tempat, metongka vt. harvest (maize). panen kumpulan. (jagung). tombuno mii bhaghi; a gathering of motongka vs. missing teeth, dented many people. kumpulan orang (of machete). tercabut (tentang banyak. gigi), pongkah (tentang parang). tombuno 'inta; place/gathering of tongkaa n. crow. burung gagak. fish. tempat/kumpulan ikan. tongke vi. stuck, embedded (of dart, tombula n. bamboo. bambu. arrow, knife). tertancap (tentang anak panah, pisau). tompa n. 1) end, tip. ujung. 2) area behind a house or behind a garden. tongku1 clf. classifier for leaves, papers. belakang rumah atau belakang helai (penggolong untuk daun, kebun. Tompano 'amisikini. kertas). Ghoo / karatasi Utterly poor (lit. the tip of setongku. One leaf / one piece of poverty). Paling miskin (harf. ujung paper. Daun / kertas sehelai. kemiskinan) tongku2 vt. carry on shoulders. pikul tompo Variant: tumpo. (anak, barang) di atas kedua bahu. metompo vt. break, cut (wood, fish). potong (kayu, ikan). tongo vi. keep quiet, be silent. diam. motompo vs. broken, cut, severed. 'atongo-tongo vs. have a quiet terpotong, putus. disposition, usually be silent. bersifat pendiam, tidak banyak tetompo vs. broken, cut. dipotong, bicara. terpotong. toni vi. stop by. singgah. tonaana n. soul, spirit (of deceased person). jiwa, arwah. Noghogho tonia n. path, track. jalanan. tonaanano noita hule ugeno. He startled when he saw a big snake (and it was as if his spirit flew away). Dia kaget sekali melihat ular besar (sehingga jiwanya seperti 355 toniwihi vt. stop by for s.o. singgahi. tula n. mole. tahi lalat. Naale natumoniwihi 'anau we tula-tula n. story, tale, fable. cerita, 'ainia. Tomorrow he will stop by kisah, dongeng. here to pick me up. Besok dia akan singgahi saya di sini. metula-tula vi. tell a story. ceritakan. to'o n. shop, store. toko. From: Ind. tuli n. ear. telinga. toofi tuli-tuli n. k.o. cake (made from grated cassava, shaped like the number 8). metoofi vt. cook (fruits, tubers). sej kue (dibuat dari ubi kayu yang rebus (buah-buahan, ubi-ubian). diparut, dibentuk seperti angka topa n. dried meat. dendeng. 8). topendua n. second cousin. sepupu dua tulo n. bamboo spikes. ranjau bambu. kali. See: ghua. tulungi vt. help. tolong. topentolu n. third cousin. sepupu tiga tuma1 n. clothes louse. tuma. kali. See: tolu. tuma2 n. sago flour container (made topi1 from sago leaves). tempat tepung metopi vt. break off (e.g. banana sagu (dibuat dari daun sagu). from a bunch). petik (pisang dari tumbasa vt-io. just leave. biarkan. sisirnya). Tumbasahanemo. Just leave it. motopi vs. broken (of a rope). putus Biarkan saja. (tentang tali). tumbi n. shoot, sapling (of bananas and topi2 n. hat. topi, songkok. From: Ind. tubers). tunas (pisang, ubi-ubian). toto1 vt. stack (maize) in the attic. susun tumbu vi. grow. tumbuh. (jagung) di loteng. tumpe n. oldest child. anak sulung. toto2 vs. straight, right. lurus, benar. tumpo See: tompo. Miina natumoto pugauno. His words were not right. tumpu1 vt. order. suruh. Pembicaranya tidak benar. tumpua n. delegate. utusan, fototo vt. 1) straighten. luruskan. suruhan. 2) make right, correct. benarkan. tumpu2 vi. land, fall (of things that are toto3 n. direction, place. arah, tempat. thrown), perch. mendarat, jatuh We totono bhanuamami. In the (seperti barang yang dilempar), direction of / somewhere around hinggap. our house. Di tentangan / sekitar tumpu3 n. remains of firewood. sisa kayu rumah kami. bakar. towu n. sugarcane. tebu. tumpu lalo; feel happy about, be tubhaghi thankful for. rasa senang, rasa terima kasih. 'Atumpuno metubhaghi vt. add, increase. lalomami. Thank you. Terima tambah. kasih. tubho vt. support. tongkat. tuna n. sprout. tunas. tuda nm. span. jengkal. tungku1 vi. bow. tunduk. tuhu vt. chop down (trees). tebang. 'atungku-tungku vi. with bowed 'atuhuano sau n. place where (or head. dlm keadaan tunduk. instrument with which) trees are tungku2 vt. skewer. tusuk. 'Inta chopped down. alat/tempat 'atungku. Fish that is skewered on penebang kayu. bamboo and roasted. Ikan yang 356 ditusuk pada bambu dan dibakar. tuu-tuu vt. arrange an order. susun urutannya. tunu vt. burn, bake, roast. bakar. See: 'antunu. 'atuuno n. the next-born child (in a family). berikutnya, yang berikut. tutu n. louse. kutu (kepala). tuwu nm. classifier for clothes. helai, tutubhi penggolong untuk pakaian. metutubhi vt. close. tutup. tuwula vt. throw away. buang. tuu1 n. knee. lutut. tuu2 U - u udani 'ulino sau; bark (of tree). kulit kayu. meudani vt. remember. ingat, 'ulidaa n. leprosy. kusta. kenang. See: 'anteudania. 'ululi n. parrot. burung nuri. 'udoho Variant: 'odoho. vs. far. jauh. 'ulusi vt. skin, peel. kupas. uge vs. big, great, large. besar. 'uma n. father (term of address). ayah, uge lalo; desire, wish. besar hati, bapak (panggilan). Mai sangat ingin. tofumaaho, 'uma. Let's eat first, father. Mari kita makan dulu, 'ugha vs. not enough. kurang. ayah. See: ama. 'ughame n. tentacles (of octopus, squid umba vi. come. datang. etc.). belalai (tangan gurita, cumi- cumi dll). umbano n. guest. yang datang, tamu. See: foomba. ughe n. tide, high tide. air pasang. Nofonimo ughe. It is high tide. 'umba n. lungs. paru-paru. Air pasang. Nosampumo ughe. It is 'umbe See: 'uumbe. low tide. Air surut. 'umbohu1 Variant: 'ombohu. n. iguana, 'ughughi n. post, pole. tiang. monitor lizard. biawak. 'ughughino bhanua; house post. 'umbohu2 Variant: 'ombohu. n. ridge tiang rumah. beam. balok pada bubungan 'uje See: 'uuje. rumah. uju n. tip (of knife), cape, promontory. 'umbu nm. handful. genggam. ujung (pisau), tanjung. From: Ind. bhae se'umbu; a handful of rice. nasi 'ula'i See: 'ola'i. segenggam. 'ulambu Variant: 'olambu. n. mosquito 'a'umbu-'umbu vi. sit or lie in a net. kelambu. folded-up position, crouch (?). berada dlm posisi terlipat. ulea n. load, cargo. muatan. 'umundi n. candlenut. kemiri. meulea vt. take cargo. memuat. 'unau n. 1) sugar palm. enau, aren. 'ulengke n. skull. tengkorak. 2) palm wine. nira, tuak. 'ulese n. root. akar. 'uncia n. coconut pulp. ampas (kelapa). 'uli Variant: 'oli. n. skin. kulit. 'undahi Variant: 'ondahi. n. forehead. 'uli jambi; scabies. kurap. dahi. 357 'undalo vs. deep. dalam. Sumu watu 'uujeho; don't yet, not right now. no'undalo. That well is deep. jangan dulu. Variant: 'ujeho. Sumur itu dalam. 'ujehoana; don't yet, not right now. 'undaloano n. deep open sea. laut jangan dulu. dalam. 'uujemo; do not, there is no need. unde vs. happy, glad. senang, gembira. jangan, tidak usah. 'unde n. coconut. kelapa. 'uumbe Variant: 'umbe, 'umbee, mbee. intj. yes. ya. me'unde vt. wash the hair (with coconut milk). keramas, cuci uwa1 rambut (pakai santan kelapa). meuwa vt. take, bring, carry. bawa. 'undo Variant: 'ondo. n. back, backside. te neuwa-uwano; pregnant (lit. there punggung, belakang. is something that is carried around). vi. leave, go away. berangkat, pergi. hamil, mengandung (harf. ada yang dibawa-bawa). we 'undo; behind. di belakang. pouwa-uwa vi. together. bersama- unga vt. see, view, watch. tengok, lihat. sama. See: feunga. pouwahane vt. accompany. sertai, ungka vi; vt-io. agree, confess. mau, iringi. mengaku. Ungkamo! Agree! (a command to agree or obey) Mau! seuwa-uwaha vi. together. bersama- (suruh orang untuk ikut) sama. foungka vt. nod. mengangguk. uwa2 n. vein, tendon. urat. 'ungka n. k.o. small bee. lebah kecil. uwa3 Variant: owa. n. grandparent. nenek, kakek. untagha manga uwa-uwanto; our ancestors. meuntagha vt. hold. pegang. nenek moyang kita. See: 'uwa. meuntaghano oli; helmsman. 'uwa n. grandparent (term of address). pengemudi (perahu). kakek, nenek (istilah sapaan). See: pountagha lima; shake hands. jabat uwa3. tangan. uwalu See: walu. unto vi. stop, rest. berhenti, istirahat. uwei vt. make sour, flavour a dish with 'usisi See: 'osisi. s.t. sour. asam. Amuweihene sampalu. I flavoured (the dish) 'usoli n. bobbin, spool (piece of wood or with tamarind. Saya asami dengan bamboo to wind yarn on). spul, sampalu. tangkai torak, likas: alat untuk menggulung benang yang baru 'auwei n. sour flavouring. asam. dipintal. 'uuje Variant: 'uje. adv. do not. jangan. W - w Wa art. female article. kata sandaran waagha n. lower course (of a river). sebelum nama perempuan. sungai bagian bawah. waa n. flood. banjir. No'owaa we waarisi n. inheritance. warisan. From: habu. The kitchen is flooding. Ind. Ada banjir di dapur. wagho-wagho Variant: waro-waro. n. 358 drizzle. rintik-rintik, gerimis. (tempat di bawah), sana. See: Hiseeni miina namoghanca, 'owatu. tangkanomo no'owagho-wagho. wawa See: wowa. n. space under a This is not a heavy rain, it is just house. kolong. drizzling. Hujan ini tidak deras, hanya gerimis. wawo n. above. atas. wa'ii n. sparrow. burung pipit (yang we wawo; on top of, above. di atas. makan padi). Minahoo we wawo. From above. Dari atas. Variant: wewono. wakutuu n. time. waktu. From: Ind (< Arabic). we Variant: wee. prep. at, on, in. di. Wee sala On the road Di jalan wale n. hut, shelter. pondok. wea n. glowing coals. bara. wale-wale n. small hut. pondok yang kecil. weano oofi; cinders. bara api. walegha n. sulphur. belerang. From: wegho Ind. 'awegho-wegho vi. wave, fly in the walu num. eight. delapan. See: alu. wind (of a flag). berkibar (tentang bendera). wamba Variant: womba. n. word. kata. fowegho-wegho vt. wave (the hand). 'owamba Variant: 'owomba. vi. lambaikan (tangan). speak. berkata. wehi wangka n. molar tooth. geraham. mowehi vs. satisfied, full (after wangku eating). kenyang. mewangka vt. hit, beat (with a 'awehi n. state of being full. stick). pukul (dng alat). kenyangnya, kekenyangan. 'awangku n. s.t. to hit with, a club. weli vt. cut down (weeds, shrubs), clear alat pemukul. away. babat, tebas. wanu 'aweli n. main road. jalan raya. mewanu vi. wash the hands. cuci 'aweliano wolii n. knife for cutting tangan. grass. alat babat rumput. 'awanua n. finger bowl. tempat cuci wengka tangan. mewengka vt. break, shatter. waopu n. 1) Lord. Tuhan. 2) lord, pecahkan. sultan. tuan, sultan. 3) smallpox. cacar. See: ompu1. mowengka vs. broken (of plates, glasses, eggs). pecah (seperti waro-waro See: wagho-wagho. piring, gelas, telur). waru n. stall. warung. From: Ind. sewengka n. a broken piece, a wasa fragment. satu pecahan. mewasa vt. plait, weave (baskets wengke n. lower part (of a tree). etc.). anyam (keranjang dll). bagian bawah (dari pohon). wasaga See: hule. wesi vt. hit, beat (people, mattress) with an instrument. pukul (orang, kasur) waso'i dng alat. mewaso'i vt. wash (plates and other 'awesi n. instrument for hitting, beater. hard objects). cuci (piring dan alat pemukul. benda lain). watu dem. that (below), down there. itu 359 weta nm. part, half. belah, bagian, bamboo, pith (not used). bagian pihak. lembek di dalam batang bambu dan rotan (tidak digunakan). weta we 'ema; the left side. bagian kiri. womba2 See: wamba. weta we lalo; the inside. bagian wonca n. sound of barking. gonggong. dalam. Woncano mantoa. The barking of a dog. Gonggong anjing. weta we sembali; the outside. bagian luar. vi. bark (of dogs). menyalak, menggonggong. weta we mohane; the relatives on the groom's side. pihak laki-laki. wonco n. deep spot in a river. tempat yang dalam di kali. meweta vt. split, chop up. belah. wondu moweta vs. split, chopped up. terbelah. mewondu vt. smell (at the nose), kiss. cium. seweta n. one side. sebelah. mowondu vs. fragrant. harum. wewi n. pig. babi. powondu vi. kiss e.o. berciuman. wewono See: wawo. wono n. smell. bau. wia n. k.o. taro with broad leaves (eating the tubers gives an itch in wono-wono vi. smell like s.t. berbau the throat). sej keladi (daunnya seperti. lebar, rasanya gatal di leher). mefewono vt. smell (things). cium wiga n. mucus (in the eye). tahi mata. (barang). wilo 'owono vs. have a smell. berbau. Bhangkeno wewi no'owono mowilo vs. blind. buta. mobuto. The dead pig gave off a wine n. seed, seedling. benih, bibit. rotten smell. Bangkai babi berbau busuk. wingku n. hoe. pacul. wowa See: wawa. mewingku vi. hoe. memacul. wua n. 1) fruit. buah. 2) classifier for witinai n. family, relatives. famili, fruits. penggolong untuk buah- keluarga, saudara. buahan. wiwi n. 1) lip. bibir. 2) side, edge. 'owua vi. bear fruit. berbuah. pinggir. wugha Variant: wogha. vt. find, meet. wogha See: wugha. dapat, temukan. woghe powugha vt-io. meet, meet up with, mewoghe vt. crack, break (bamboo). find. bertemu, dapatkan, retakkan (bambu yang kecil). berjumpa. Apowoghahane we Busoa. I met him/her in Busoa. mowoghe vs. 1) hoarse. parau. Saya ketemukan dia di Busoa. 2) cracked, broken. retak-retak (tentang bambu). wughagha n. banyan tree. beringin. wohou Variant: wohuu. vs. new. baru. vt. untie and disentangle (hair that is tied up, like the roots of a banyan wohuu See: wohou. tree). lepaskan dan uraikan wolii n. grass, weeds. rumput. (rambut yang terikat, seperti akar pohon beringin). mewolii vi. weed. cabut rumput. wula nm. 1) moon, month. bulan. womba1 n. soft core of rattan and 2) season. musim. 360 wulano 'ampano holeo; dry season. wulu muncu; moustache. kumis. musim kering / kemarau. wuluno mata; eye lashes. bulu mata. wulano hise; rainy season. musim wulu2 n. bamboo. bambu. hujan. wunga n. flower. bunga. wulano bhagha; season of westerly rains. musim hujan barat. wungano hahe; toe. jari kaki. Syn: 'ambano hahe, sauno hahe. wulano timbughu; season of easternly rains. musim hujan wungano lima; finger. jari tangan. timur. Syn: 'ambano lima, sauno lima. sewula n. one month. satu bulan. wungu n. purple. ungu. Ambule we ghua wulano. I will wunta n. middle, the middle one (e.g. come back in two months. Saya the middle child). tengah. pulang dua bulan yang datang. sewuntano n. half. setengah. wulelu n. eel. ikan belut. wute n. earth, ground. tanah. wulihi vt. rinse. sepul. wuto n. self. diri. wulu1 n. hair, fur, feathers. bulu. wulu fotu; head hair. rambut. Variant: wuluno fotu. Y - y yakini vs. certain of, convinced. yakin. From: Ind (< Arabic). 361 2. English – Busoa finderlist This finderlist is a simple and rough tool to find lexical equivalents. In order to find a wider range of meanings of a word, as well as its part of speech, the reader is encouraged to look up the word in the Busoa-English section. Note, however, that the Busoa-English vocabulary in part 1 is root-based and that many words contain derivational prefixes. Words therefore need to be found under their roots. For example, the equivalent of ‘afraid’ is given as motehi, which can be found under the root tehi. ‘Agreement’ is given as 'ambotu, which is found under the root mbotu. For a list of common derivational prefixes see §10.1. English homonyms are not distinguished in this finderlist. Hence the four terms given for ‘shoot’ (lasi, mepana, temba, tumbi) either refer to the act of shooting (mepana, temba), or to vegetation (lasi, tumbi). Other examples are ‘plain’ and ‘wave’. If there is more than one equivalent, these are provided in alphabetical order. In a number of cases that means that the most natural equivalent is not listed first. For example, for ‘eat’ ancogha and fumaa are given in that order. Of these fumaa is the normal word for ‘eat’; ancogha is a rude equivalent, something like ‘wolf down’ or ‘gobble up’. A - a able makida, pande, pooli all kinds of menteno, sabhagha above wawo, we wawo allow falalesa, fomembalii abuse 'apandenga, allowed membali mefa'asumbughi almost katapuli accent 'atu2 alone se'alu-'aluluno accept metaghima already padamo accompany pouwahane also dua action fewau although hinggamo add metubhaghi always sadhea addicted 'atagia amazed 'afende-fende, mente adopt poloana amulet lajima afraid motehi ancestors manga uwa-uwanto after 'amondono, pada anchor labu2 afterlife 'aherati anchovies koe-koe afternoon manaholeo and te again dua, fendua and then ampoho agree po'oni-'oniho, ungka angry 'amagha agree with fo'otuhu animal binata, kadadi agreement 'ambotu, 'amondo ankle bhi'u-bhi'u aim ghope announce popali'i, pulele airplane kapala ghumogho anoa honua alive moghughi another segaa all bhaa-bhaghihe, answer lawani malingu, sabhagha, ant laga, sea se'alamii'omiu ant sp 'aliminci, 'amumuli 362 anus bhalono buli-buli as for ghato any malingu ashamed 'aalo-alo appear lente ashes habu approve fo'otuhu ask abha areca nut pangana ask for mepemani arm bu'u, lima ask help sukagha armpit paa2 ask permission posanga arm-wrestle popanta asleep mono'o arrange suncu, tala1, talanga, at we tuu-tuu attack tongaghafi arrive ghato attic hahu arrogant logo aunt pinoina arrow anano pana axe ndamu as simbo, sompu, soumo B - b back toghu'u, 'undo bed 'andolea, pantasa back and forth pa'atimbule bee ani, 'ungka backbone bu'uno toghu'u bee sp 'aenua, ongka backside 'undo beetle 'ebho bad moda'i begin fepuhu bag 'adu, tasi beginning 'afepuhua bake mehole, tunu behaviour fi'ili baked goods hole-hole behind we 'undo bamboo 'atombogho, dama, belch 'ongkodu paghawata, tombula, belief 'imani wulu2 believe paghacaea bamboo shoot lobu belly hulata bamboo sp 'ahia belt 'amanda, 'abho'eno aa bamboo spikes tulo bench bhangko, godhe-godhe banana 'alei bent kelu bandage 'a'ompo betel leaf ghoo banyan wughagha betelnut leaf gili2 bargain podada big uge bark 'ulino sau, wonca big toe 'aompu, ompuno barrel gusi wungano hahe bashful smile kamboi kuku bile pio1 basin palangga bind 'alo, mebho'e basket 'alangka, 'ambisa, bird manu-manu bhalase, humbu bite bhangkali, papa'i bat 'aloa bitter mopahi bathe mebhaho black mohito beach hoti1 black magic dhoti, katau bean lawue bland maamba beard camba, jangku bleat 'omee beat mebusu, mewangka, blind mowilo wesi blink fepigho-pigho beautiful 'alimua, bhelo, mo'esa, block honto, tee mangadha blood ghea beauty 'a'esa blouse 'ambalala because ghampano, hulanomo, blow mehotu sababu blowpipe 'apunto 363 blue 'a'anda breastfeed metiti blunt mopapa breath sinaa blurred moghawu breathe fesinaa boat bhangka, boti, kapala2, bride price popolo, taugha2 koli-koli bridge jambata bobbin 'usoli bring meuwa body badha, hulu bring down fosampu boil 'abhisu, 'aweo, bring up fofoni, fotaga soghogha broken moda'i, mombotu, bone bu'u motobhe, motompo, book boku motopi, mowengka, border poghatoa, tiine mowoghe born ghato, laahiri bronze ghiti borrow meada brood ho'owi bottle butolo broom 'asambughe bottom buli-buli, 'ogho bucket 'embere boundary 'ahonto, tiine buffalo 'aghambau bow pana, tungku1 build bhangu bowl sondea bulge out lando box mebusu, soghonga bullet bhatu1 boy 'aindei mohane bunch ghangka, 'onti boyfriend poghae burn bhombo, gonggo, sia, bracelet simbi tunu brain 'oito1 burnt mongou branch ghagha1 bury kobughu, tambuni brave mo'ado bush 'amotuha break bhoha, membotu, bushes buntou metobhe, metompo, bushknife 'apulu metopi, mewengka, busy ghame mewoghe but sama'a break down meghungga butterfly 'adendea break through losa buttocks buli-buli, dhughia, breaker 'abumbuno ewo koi-koi breakfast me'aape-apea buy meholi breast bhaghagha, ghanda, titi C - c cake cucughu, cughabi, carpenter pande onde-onde, tuli-tuli carry ato, mehawi, mesoda, calf 'antido solo2, mesu'u, tongku2, call awehi, kemba, loohi meuwa can membali carry out fondala candlenut 'umundi case for clothes soghongano pakea canine tooth timpa cashew jambu canoe bhangka cassava 'asanda, mawisau capable pooli cat mbuta cape tolando, uju catch megha'o, pooli capsize bhancule caught 'oni carambola bhalumbi cement sumeni careful fengkanaho, jaga cent dhoi cargo bara, ulea centipede mangkai 364 chair 'angkoghaha coconut 'unde chalk kaporo coffee kahawa change clothes pobholosi coin gaba-gaba2 charcoal heo cold moghaghea, moghindi chase pagampa collect ghompu, taho2, chat koja-koja metanempe cheap mamuda collect debts megiwu cheat me'agau collide panta cheek bhaga comb si'a chest bhaghagha, soghonga come mai, umba chew mama come and go loumbule, pa'atimbule chew betelnut mentimu come to maahi chick anano manu command paghintangi chicken manu commemoration night alo1 chief 'ola'i common law sagha child 'aindei, ana1 companion sabhangka children 'aindei competent pande chili saha complete pada, sangka chin hase completed membali, mondo chip mesebha comrade andea, musiraha chisel faho, mefaho conch shell 'awowo chop tuhu conduct fi'ili chop up meweta confess mangaku, ungka cinders weano oofi connect ompu2 circle 'alibu connection 'aompu circumcise fo'onggilo container tuma2 circumcised meiti, menggilo contents hii citrus fruit munte convinced yakini civet cat jina convulsions 'ida clasp 'aopi, sulepe cook mefundanga, metoofi claw 'osisi coop 'afufu clean monggilo copper tambaga clear mencana, weli coral pasi clench teeth 'ingki cord 'abho'e clever makida, pande corn 'asitela cliff 'antugha corner singku climb me'angka, foni, corpse bhangke, maeati mefonihi corpulent gende clip meopi, 'aopi correct mefo'oni, fototo close mehampo, mase'e, cost ponambo metutubhi cotton 'apa1 close off honto cough hoda, 'ohoda, kabu close to we siwighi count gagaghi, lentu cloth bhita courageous mo'ado clothes pakea course waagha cloud olu courtyard kintali cloudy mohoholu, moolu cousin tolida, topendua, cluster mata1 topentolu coagulate bhatu2 cover mehampo, coals wea mesangkobhi coat 'ambalala covering panamba, 'asangkobhi coccyx pui cow sapi cock spur taji crab bungka1 cockfight bho'eno manu, sawu crack mewoghe cockfighting buru cracked mowoghe cockroach 'ambabha craftsman pande 365 crawl dola crush pughoti, fa'apugho crazy 'ondu cry hohae creek 'ambaagha cucumber bhalongka criminal mii moda'i cup tatangkighi crippled mo'empa curtain coro-coro crocodile buea cuscus mante crop hasili custom 'adhati, 'ananea crops fenembula cut medii, dodo, ganda1, cross lele2, lempagi megunti, hea, ndamu, cross-legged seba mesebha, metompo crow kangkuraa'o, tongkaa cut down weli crowbar patida ase D - d dad ama difficult moghasai, molingkutu dagger bhadi, tobho dig megalu, seli dance manari direction mata1, toto3 dancer pande manari dirt ghewu2, 'ita dark doloma, galapu, dirty moghobu moghondo, mo'osipu, disappear ila poposa disease 'olalaha dawn ghaneo, melanta dish bhalobu, tala2 day holeo disobedient kapatuli day after tomorrow naifua dive homu day before yesterday naifuamo divide podawu dead mate divination silala deaf mobhongo divine mesilala debt dosa divorce bhoholi deceive me'agau do mefewau, mekaghajaa decision 'ambotu, 'amondo do not 'uuje deed fewau, fi'ili do what lafaa deep 'undalo dog mantoa deer ghusa done pada, motaha defeat talo door folinto, 'ajoli defeated motalo down there we 'aiwaa, 'owatu, defecate me'aalu watu defend ewa1 dowry taugha2 deflated mo'epe dragnet jari delegate tumpua draw lines bhoghi dented motongka dream monifi, 'onifi deny haga dregs he'a, 'o'e depart ndala1 dress fopake desert padangku'u dried fish 'aholeo desire gau2, peelu, mepeelu, dried meat topa uge lalo drill boro dew alo2 drink foghoghu diamond inta drip tighi diarrhoea pa'aa-'aalu, me'atahi- drizzle fentii-ntii, tahi wagho-wagho dibble metombosi drop fa'andawu, tabugha, die mate tighi different podosai drowsy mompau 366 drum ganda2 dumb 'abheo-bheo drunk molangu duration 'alengono drunkenness 'alanguno dwarfish mo'osi dry mo'ele, meholongi dwell falate dry land 'amo'ele dwelling place falatea dryness 'a'eleno duck bebe E - e ear tuli envoy 'a'atu early morning ghaneo epilepsy 'ida earring 'anti-'anti, dali era jamani earth wute erroneous hilafu earthquake lendu error dosa, sala3 earwax tahino tuli estimate 'egha-'egha east mata holeo, timbughu even though sahingga easy mamuda event kajadia, 'amembali eat ancogha, fumaa every malingu eat together polibu evil mo'ado, moda'i, lampu eclipse garahana evil spirit seetani edge siwighi, wiwi examine mepaghakisaa eel wulelu except when tabeano egg hinteli excessive lalosagha eggplant palola exchange mebholosi eight alu, walu excrement tahi eighty alu fulu existence 'adainiu elbow si'u expensive mohali elders manga mancu- explode bhete1 mancuana extend ompu2 embrace megha'o extinguish mefa'amate emerge losa extinguished mate end tompa extraordinary miina sumaano endure tagha eye mata1 enemy bhali eye lashes wuluno mata enough ghato eyebrow 'eghe enter pesua, sombu F - f fable tula-tula far 'udoho face 'ajo, poagho, hula farmer pande howuto face powder bugha1 fart hotu faeces tahi fast maghimba, masimba fairy budhiadhaghi fat 'omina, tabha1 faith 'imani father ama, idha, 'uma fall mondawu, 'odhepa, fathom ghofa pambagha fear 'atehi fall down mopula feast ghoghaeha family witinai feathers wulu1 367 fee ponambo flooded lembo feed pa'ande floor hodo feel meghampa, namisi flotsam ghampe feeling namisi flour tabhagho fell mepula'i flower 'amba1, wunga female ghubhine flute 'anabati, suli fence pagala, tondo fly ghogho, lelo feral cat mbuta lampu flying fox 'aloa fern 'ogho-'ogho'a foam bugha2 festival ghoghaeha follow angka, angkatulu fever moghaghea food nefumaa feverish sodo food provisions bha'u few sefae-sefae, se'ide foot hahe1 fibre 'ampuga footbridge 'alelea field howuto footprint tandaghano hahe fifty lima fulu for to fighting cock manu nesawu for example 'ibaghano fill mehii force fojeghe film felemu foreboding febho'u-bho'u we finally 'aahirino, 'opadahano, lalono saaghuno, sabutuno forehead 'undahi find ghato, wugha forest 'aghu'u, 'amotuha fine ghimbiti forget molimpu finger 'ambano lima, sauno forgetful 'alimpu-limpu lima, wungano lima formerly jamani molengo, finish mondo, pada naifiimootu finished meghate, membali, fortification bente1 mondo, pada, mopuli fortune-teller bhisano silala fire oofi foundation fondasi firefly 'alipopo pondooti four apa, fato, paa1 firefood sau netampo fourteen ompulu fopaa first awalino, bhaa-bhaano fragment 'apugho, sewengka fish 'inta fragrant mowondu fish sp bhete2, buntiti, pali2 freeze bhatu2 fishing net jala1 Friday Jumaa fit sauwa friend andea, musiraha, five lima sabhangka flag bondera, tombi1 frog pugha'a'a flash 'ila frog sp kapunda flat mo'epe from minahoo flat land ghate front ghagho1 flatten tete2 front room folinto flavour uwei fruit wua flee felei fry mehole flesh hii full ghame, mompono flick ti'i funnel coro float lanto fur wulu1 flood waa G - g galingale laja, todu'u gambier tagambighi gall pio1 gamble potagho 368 game 'ase, 'agasia goat bhembe gang up on libu God Aulata'ala, 'Akawasano garbage ghewu2 goitre bha'u garden howuto gold bulawa gather ghompu, poghompu, gone mopuli polibu-libu gong mbololo, gathering tombu ndengu-ndengu, gecko sasa tawa-tawa genitals bungka2 good bhelo get meala goodness 'abhelo get up bhangu goods aghataa, bara, bara- ghost seetani bara ginger fana, laja, lohia gourd labu1 gird gogoli grandchild ompu1 girdle 'agogoli grandparent uwa3 girl 'abua-bua grass dana, wolii girlfriend poghae grasshopper 'abhogho give togha, metoghai grave kobughu give birth to folaahiri great uge glad unde greedy mo'amba, kasibu, glance fetila moso'o glass tonde green moijo glasses mata tonde grind megili glide sibulu grinder 'agili glisten 'anginda-nginda grindstone 'a'ogha go angka, awe, lou, ndala1 groin palasa go around pali1 ground wute go away 'undo group guluma go back mbule, sowo grow handa, tumbu go back and forth loumbule grudge nodi'ahane bu'uno lalo go before pangulu guard mehondoi, mejagai go down ili, lou, sampu guava bulamalaka go first pahindulu guess bhoto go forward maju guess at 'egha-'egha go in pesua guest mii ghumato, umbano go out limba gums ne'e go outside limba gun bhadili go past lalo2 guts ngkalu-ngkalu go towards ghope go up awe, foni, taga H - h habit 'ananea happiness 'abhelo hair wulu1 happy tumpu lalo, unde half setanga, weta, harbour labusa sewuntano hard me'engku hand lima harvest metobhe, metongka handful 'umbu hat songko, topi2 handsome mangadha hate moghobu hang 'antai haughty logo, fepuji happen to potibahoono lalo haunted 'okahanda happening 'amembali hawk bunia 369 he anoa hither we 'ainia head fotu hoarse mowoghe head for ghope hoe wingku headache molala fotu hold meghampa, mehawi, headcloth 'ampughui, 'abho'eno taangi, meuntagha fotu hole 'abhalongko, bhalo, health 'ahosano lonco health worker mantiri holy monggilo healthy bhelo, mohosa honey golano ani, golano hear telangai 'aenua heart bha'e hoof 'osisi hearth dali'a hook 'o'abhi heat fa'ampana hop bhatanda heaven sorogaa hope meharapu, posaghona heavy mobhii hopefully masangia heavy, fast moghanca horn tandu heddle rod kakuti horse lajagha heel 'oghontungu hot bhangasa, molala, hell naghakaa mompana, mosodo helmsman meuntaghano oli hour ghambi help hamba, tulungi house bhanua herd guluma how angkefae here we 'ainia how many fee, sefae hereafter 'aherati howl feguntu-guntu heron lahoo-hoo humour 'abhonga hiccup 'ongkodu hundred mohono hide mefebunihi, ho'o hungry moghagho high motinggi hunt me'aangka high tide ughe hurriedly agoghi hill 'abumbu husband mancuana mohane, hit 'angkanai, meghambi, mohane 'oni, pepe'i, metiki, hut wale metofa, mewangka, wesi I - i I nuni in front we ghagho ice 'esi in order that bhe identical po'oni in the end 'opadahano if 'ane, baghangkala in the past naifiimootu if not pae-paemo in vain sia-sia ignorant bhagha3 incantation jo'a iguana 'umbohu1 incense dupa ill moda'i namisi increase handa, metubhaghi illness 'olalaha, sa'i index finger sahadha immediately lalosa'a, siahe infectious disease 'alelei impolite ka'ije-'ije inform foomba improve fa'abhelo information lele1 impudent kabasagha inhale megomi in we inheritance waarisi in a while naopou, initially awalino sebantaghaatu in-law mania 370 insert simpi intestines 'abhola, ngkalu-ngkalu inserted tesimpi inundated lembo inside lalo1, we soo iron ase insolent kabasagha island pulo install taho2 it anoa intensifier ma'a itchy mo'oito intent 'isikadhi interpreter jughubasa J - j jackfruit ndanga joist bulusi jam meopi joke 'abhonga Japan Japaa judge 'adhili, hakimu jar gusi jump bhesi, dompa, lumpa, jasmine flower 'amba mpuu punda, tende jerrycan ceghegeni jump down sabu jest 'abhonga just leave tagho jetty jambata just let alio Job's tears bhataghi just now ampohomo, himpooni joint lolosua K - k kapok 'apa jawa king 'ola'ino liwu keep medamba, tetewei kiss bhobho, mewondu kernel holume kitchen habu kerosene mina gasi kite patawala kettle ceghe knee tuu1 kidney bhaanodadi knee cap 'olungku kill mefa'amate knife 'apiso, 'anini, pakato kilo kilo know pande kind giu knowledge 'apande kindle mefo'ila L - l lad 'aindei mohane language pogau ladder 'alembangu, pulangku languid molute ladle sube lap hawi ladle up sudi large uge lady ghubhine last 'apadahano, fighi'ondo, lame ghempa fitimbughi lamp kanturu, padhamagha last night moghondo land sampa, tumpu2 late talati lansium bhobuno later daanomo, padaho 371 latex folo lime hifi laugh futaa limestone bhatuawu laugh loudly 'ahakahaka line up talanga laundry 'atofaha lip wiwi lay down fondole listen for fetendengii layer suncu, tapi liter baa lazy malasi little 'idi-'idi, se'ide lead timagha little finger 'ancili leader 'imamu, lebe live falate, moghughi leaf ghoo, 'oleeo liver hate lean pasande, sampela lizard sasa leap bhesi, lumpa, tende load ato, ulea learn me'ampoinaho, lock joli foinaho long moghambe, molengo, leave tumbasa, 'undo molompa leave behind gaa look feunga, foele left side 'ema look after medamba leftovers bhilaha look for fetahi leg hahe1 look up tongagha lemon munte loose tebhosa, moloo lend mefoada loosen bhosa length 'alengono, 'alompano lord ompu1, waopu leprosy 'ulidaa lose motalo let go bhosa loss ghugi letter horofu, sugha louse tuma1, tutu lie megau-gau, longko, love maasi, 'aasi, mepeelu ndole low mopanda life 'aghughi lower foili, fotondu lift sangke lower leg 'antido light cahea, melanta, lower part 'ogho, wengke mencana, luggage bara padhamagha, mosape lukewarm mpana-mpanangku'u light fire peanda lungs 'umba light up mefo'ila lust birahi lightning bhibhito, 'ila lute gambusu like maasi, mepeelu, simbo, sompu, soumo M - m machete 'apulu, golo market daoa maize 'ambuse, 'antula, marriage fokawia 'antunu, 'apusu, 'asitela marry meala ghobhine, kawi make mefewau, ghabu, massage pisi mekaghajaa mast 'o'umbu make fire metampo mat 'iwalu, ponda make noise bungke matches colo make right fototo may membali male mohane maybe 'aeho, bhagha2, 'ohula man manusia, mohane meagre mongkuru mango foo measles poghosewa many bhaghi measure kilo mark tanda meat dhagi, hii 372 medicine lancau money dhoi meet ghato, poghompu, monitor lizard 'umbohu1 potibha, wugha monkey ndo'e melodious 'alimua month wula melon ntimu moon wula memory 'anteudania more 'olabhi merchant daga morning maghadondo merit fahala mortar nosu merunggai 'audawa mosque masigi messenger 'a'atu mosquito bughuto miaow ngeo, 'ongeo mosquito net 'ulambu microphone coro moss lumu middle wunta mother ina middle finger 'ola'ino lima mountain 'abumbu, gunu midnight molengo alo mouse mbolode midwife bhisa moustache wulu muncu milk jueno titi mouth bhobha, muncu miraculous membali move julu, melandu, mirror paeasa 'amingku-mingku mischievous ka'ije-'ije, kabasagha move outside mefolimba miserly meghumpi movement mingku mistake dosa, sala3 much bhaghi mistaken hilafu, sala3 mucus toli, wiga mix jalo'i mud 'abheghe mock ele-ele mushroom hulampi, huu molar wangka mute bhea mole tula muzzle muncu moment kotika Monday Isinini N - n nail 'osisi, paso night 'oghondo, 'oghondoa name 'ona nine sio1, siua narrow mase'e nipple muncuno titi nation mangaliwu no miina, mincuano native healer bhisa nobility 'ola'i nature 'alamu nod foungka naughty kapatuli noisy moghobho navel puhe noon toghoholeo near mase'e, we siwighi north mata Wolio, napa near-sighted sanda nose ngee neck gonco, jongko nostril bhalono ngee necklace kalo not miina, mincuano, pae needle deu (not) even hingga neighbour saghimbanua not want mendeu nephew pinoana not yet miinaho, padaho nevertheless tangkanomo now mananiini, new wohou padamaniini newcomer daga now and then sehahe-sehahe news lele1 nudge entu nickname abhi numb ghii2 niece pinoana number 'abhaghi 373 nurse 'alima O - o oar bhose1 only if tabeano object tagali open ambisi, melengkasi, occasionally sehahe-sehahe pomenge office kantori operate fondala offspring lee, siwulua opportunity 'alalesa oil mina, 'oli1 or 'aa, 'atawa oily 'omina orange munte patani, old mancuana salamata older person mancuana orchid bungaeja older sibling isa order paghintangi, tumpu1 oldest tumpe organise fodainiu omen 'atandai other segaa on we outside we sembali on purpose paghadami overcast mohoholu, moolu on top of we wawo overflow lewi once sehahe overtake logo one seaghu, 'ise owl bhoa onion bhawa owner ompu1 only sabutonomo, somo, tangkanomo P - p package 'apa'atu pay 'amalea, mepomea paddle bhose1 pay attention to fetendengii pain 'alala, moda'i namisi peanuts kacanggore, rapo-rapo painful molala peek at melukuti palace 'amali peel 'ulusi palate ngagha peel off meli'i palm ghandano lima peep melukuti, sola-solai palm brandy 'agha penis fugha palm tree geghisa, panasa people mangaliwu, mii palm tree sp mangka perch sampa, tumpu2 palm wine 'agha, 'unau perfect sangka pandanus tree ponda perfumery mina-mina papaya kapaea perhaps 'ohula paper karatasi permission 'alalesa paralysed ghempa person mii parcel 'apa'atu pest 'angka2 parent mancuana pestle anano nosu parrot 'ululi petroleum mina gasi part bhoha, dawu, gaati, pick me'oto weta pick up ane partition 'ahonto piece bhoha, sencabhi, pass lalo2 'atobhe, sewengka path sala1, tonia piece of land kintali 374 pig wewi pour out bholonga, bubusa pigeon jagha-jagha praise puji pile up suncu prayer jo'a pillow pulangu precede logo, pahindulu, pinch meopi, pisi pangulu pineapple nanasi pregnant 'ohulata, te neuwa- pith womba1 uwano pity 'aasi prepare ma'anu, fontaa-ntaa, place medi'a, tampa, tombu, fosodia toto3 press down meopi, tabughi plain padangku'u, motembe pretend megau-gau plait mewasa prettiness 'a'esa plan namu-namu pretty mo'esa, mangadha plane hatamu price ghaghagaa plank dopi print tandagha plant mefombula, puntasu, prison 'atoghongku metombosi profit hampadea, laba plaster hifii promise janji plate pighi prone longko play magasia, meghambi proper 'o'adhati playing top bhangku property 'adainiu, fewaua pleasant 'alimua prostitute ghubhineno sala poem 'abhanti prow ghope poetry 'abhanti pull hela pointed molomi pull down meghungga poison bisa pull out pusu pole 'ughughi pulp 'uncia polite 'o'adhati pumpkin labu1 poor miina na'o'adainiu, punish hukumu misikini purple wungu populace bhaghino purpose namu-namu porridge jepe purpose, plan haejati possession fewaua pus ligano tuli, nana possessions 'adainiu put medi'a possibly 'aeho, bhagha2 put away taugha1 post 'ughughi put on mefo'oni pot 'awali, balanga, nuhua pound mebusu, metombi'i Q - q quail santa quickly agoghi, fa'ahada quarrel potagali quiet 'atongo-tongo, tongo quick maghimba, masimba R - r rack polontai rainbow ntoghoghe rafter 'aso raise sangke rain hise rambutan rambuta 375 rare masagala rice (cooked) nefumaa rat mbolode rice drum lulu rattan ghaugho rich ghangkaea, kawasa ravine 'antugha riddle taa-taangke raw momata, ngkalamata ridge beam 'umbohu2 ray pagi1 ridicule ele-ele ready ma'anu, sodia rifle bhadili, sinapa really mpuu right anoamo, 'otuhu, suana, receive metaghima toto2 recite ngaji ring singkaghu reckon lentu ring finger 'amolo red modea rinse wulihi red pepper saha rip meghuta reef pasi ripe motaha refuse mendeu, tagali rise bhete1 regret soso1, 'asosono river humele, waagha relatives witinai road sala1, 'aweli remainder labhi roar 'ongeo remainders bhilaha roast me'antunu, metapai, remains tumpu3 tunu remember tandai, meudani roll 'alulungi remorse 'asosono roll out melewehi remove dongka, pogaa, roll up lulu mefolimba roof hato, katabha, padasee repair 'alima, fa'abhelo roof ridge bumbunga repeat fendua, fenduangi room ala2 repetition 'afenduangi root 'ulese replace mebholosi rope 'abho'e, ghabuta report foomba, foghato rotten mobuto request mepemani rough kabasagha resin damara, folo round mente'alulu respect somba rub mejampu rest labhi, sampela, unto rubbish ghewu2 result hasili rudder oli retreat sowo ruler panata return mbule run buntuli, jala2 rhythm 'atu2 run away felei rib 'agha-'agha rung anano pulangku, 'a'ula rice bhae rupiah ghupia rice bowl panombo S - s sabre hancu salary 'amalea, ponambo sacred monggilo, sangia saliva 'afehenu sad sukagha salt gagha sadness 'a'asi salted fish 'agaghai safe salaamati salty mo'agha sago bagea, lauta, sagu, same po'oni sinole sand hone sago palm ghumbia sandal sandali sago porridge papeda sap folo, jue sail bhose1, hela sapling tumbi 376 sarong bhita sheep dhumba satisfied mowehi shell 'aungko, moghabu Saturday Saputu shelter wale saw karakaji shift julu say pogau, pogau shine 'anginda-nginda, scab goga pombeoghi scabies 'anda, 'uli jambi ship kapala2 scales 'atimbangi shirt 'ambalala scar ponte shiver bhibhi scatter tampesa shoes kaosu scattered mantale shoo baase scissors gunti shoot lasi, mepana, temba, scold 'apandenga, tumbi handa-handa, shop to'o mefa'asumbughi shore hoti1 scorched mongou short molimbu, mopanda scorpion mali shortly sebantaghaatu scrape pagi2 shoulder bhose2, howea scratch bhoghi shout bungke, kei, sambo1 sea mo'ahi, 'undaloano show foomba, foghagha search fetahi shrimp koroura, melama season wula shrubs buntou seat bhangko, 'angkoghaha shut eyes fopigho seclusion ritual mesoo shy 'aalo-alo second time 'afenduangi sibling ndaifutu see meita, unga sickly mesodo-sodo seed wine side lepe, sembali, siwighi, seedling wine wiwi seemingly 'ohula side dish 'andesa'a seine jari sigh fesinaa self semii'u, wuto sign tanda, 'atandai sell measo silent 'atongo-tongo, miina send 'atu1, pa'atu na'omingku, tongo separate pogaa silver pera, sala'a servant bhatua similar posiingi set soo1 sin dhosa settlement falatea sing lagu seven fitu, pitu sink 'alobu, tondu seventy fitu fulu sit dempo, mengkoha, severed motompo paseba, seba sew medeu situation 'adainiu sex pedempe, po'a'au six ana2, noo, nonoo sexual desire birahi size 'aewano shackle gala skewer tungku2 shake bhibhi skill 'apande shake hands pountagha lima skin meli'i, 'uli, 'ulusi shallow hoti1 skin fungus bhai'i shape 'ajo skinny mongkuru share dawu skull 'aungkono fotu, sharp mogho'o, molomi, 'ulengke monini sky laiano sharpen 'ogha slack moloo shatter pughoti, fa'apugho, slanted bhele mewengka slap metofa shawl salenda slaughter mesumbele she anoa slave bhatua 377 sleep mono'o spirit inyawa, kahanda, rohi, sleepy mompau tonaana slice medii, hea spit mefehenu, 'afehenu slide sibulu spleen maghi slip into simpi splinter 'atune slippery mondeli split bhoha, meweta slope lepe spokesperson jughubasa slow molingkutu, moneo spoon 'asudi slurp sonde spoonfeed sambo2 small 'idi-'idi spot tanda smallpox waopu spout coro smear mejampu spray bubusi smell mewondu, wono, spread tampesa mefewono spread out melewehi smile kamboi spring matano jue smith pande ase sprinkle bubusi smithy busoa sprout lasi, tuna smoke gawu, humbo, mesoso spy angka-angka mbonu, snail 'awombo, bhi'u melukuti, sola-solai snake hule squat pente-pente sneeze 'atiho squeeze mefio, meopi snot toli squid embu, 'oghopunda, snout muncu 'ondowua so sabutuno squinting jilo so then 'aahirino stab sumboghi, tobho soap cabo stable kanda sock 'apuntono kaosu stack suncu, toto1 sole ghandano hahe staircase pulangku some sefae-sefae stalk howea, laa song lagu stall waru soon sebantagha stand 'abhale-bhale, tade, sorcerer pande dhoti tagha, togho sorcery dhoti star 'alipopo sorry soso1 star fruit bhalumbi soul inyawa, sinaa, tonaana startled to'enda sound nduu state 'adainiu sour mo'olo stay falate south mata Laompo, salata steal membula'u souvenir 'anteudania steam me'asola sow mendawuti steamer 'asola space between labhanga stem laa spacious maewa, lalesa step 'alampa, 'alampa span tuda step- awo sparrow wa'ii step gently on lelemi spatula sube stepchild ana awo speak bicagha, pogau, pogau, steps pulangku 'owamba stick 'atu'u spear 'aghada, pandanga stick out lando spectacles mata tonde still dainoho, sadaa-daa speech gau1, pogau stilts oda-oda spicy molala stingy meghumpi spider 'alala stink mobuto spilled tebholonga stir geghu spin tai stomach hulata spinach ghaghi stone lo'o spine bu'uno toghu'u stonefish nopu 378 stop bugho, unto sugar gola stop by toni sugar palm 'unau stop over at angkai sugarcane towu store medi'a, hombo1, to'o sulphur walegha store away taugha1 sultan waopu storey suncu summon loohi storm tambusisi sun holeo story tula-tula support ewa1, tubho straight makate, toto2 surf 'abumbuno ewo straighten fototo surprised 'afende-fende, mente strait labhanga surround pogha'o-gha'o, libu stranger daga swallow do'u stream humele swamp lembo strength 'ahosano swarm guluma stroll 'ambeli-mbeli, sweat hanti mendala-ndala sweep mesambughe strong me'engku, mohosa, sweet mome'o motangka sweet potato kaowi-owi struck 'oni sweetheart poghae stuck te'ai, tesimpi, tongke sweetness 'ame'ono stunted mo'osi sweets gola-gola stupid 'abheo-bheo, 'abhongo- sweetsop cughukaya bhongo swell tente sty kanda swim pongano submerge homu swollen 'amba3, bente2, gende, suck megomi, mesoso tente suckle titi sword 'ampue, hancu suffer naghakaa T - t taboo falia tell foomba, foghato, tail lenci metula-tula tailbone pui tell news pulele take meala, meuwa ten ompulu, sapulu take care fa'abhelo tendon uwa2 tale tula-tula tentacle 'ughame talisman lajima termite faa talk bicagha, koja-koja testicle holumeno lehe, lehe tambourine tambughu thankful tumpu lalo tame monea that anaa, 'ootu, 'osumaa, taro tonea, wia 'owatu, puluu, sumaa, tart mo'olo tamaa, watu taste fenami, nami then ampoho, sabutuno tasteless maamba, motembe there we 'aisoo, we 'aitua, taut mongkana seitu tax balasitee there is dainiu, te tea pot ceghe they mangaanoa teach foinaho thick mo'apa tear bhenci, meghuta, thickness 'a'apano luuno mata thief 'alima-lima, 'ambula- tease ele-ele mbula'u thigh faha 379 thin monifi tooth limpo think fikighi, lentu toothache 'ebho thirsty mo'ele wuhu top toghu'u thirty tolu fulu torch 'oboro, sulu this 'ooni torn mobhenci, moghuta thorn ghii1 tornado tambusisi thousand ghewu3 tortoise 'apolo'a thread 'ambaghi touch entu, meghampa, 'owi three tolu trace tandagha thresh meghasa trachoma pio2 throat gonco, jongko track tonia throw bhalasi trade podaga throw away bhanona, ghambeghe, transparent ghagha2 tuwula trap 'aela, bubu throw down ghambita tread meghasa thrown tepasila treat 'alima thumb 'aompu, ompuno lima tree puhu, sau thunder bheghese, guntu tree sp bhangkudu, buli, Thursday Hamisi kalumiia thwart honto trespass salaho tide ughe troubled moghewu lalono, tie 'alo, mebho'e, dhasi gugughu tight mongkana troublesome moghasai tile teheli trousers sala2 time hahe2, hengga, jamani, true 'otuhu wakutuu truly mpuu tin timagha trumpet 'ahotu tip tompa, uju trunk puhu tired moluntu, molute, try coba momale Tuesday Salasa title abhi tumult 'aghonta to to turmeric suni tobacco tabhako turn mefotai, megili, pali1, today holeootu tai toe 'ambano hahe, sauno turn around pali1 hahe, wungano hahe turn inside out bhancule together pouwa-uwa, seuwa- turn upside down bhancule uwaha turtle 'oila, ponu toilet jamba twenty ghua fulu tomato tagalaea twig ghagha 'idi-'idi tomorrow naale twinkle pombeoghi tongs 'aopi twins ghapi tongue lela twist mefotai, fotai tonight naopou 'oghondoa two ghua, jua too dua, siahe tyre bani too much lalosagha tool patida U - u umbilical cord lolai under we panda uncertain bhagha3 undergrowth buntou uncle pinoama undo ambisi 380 unfurl melewehi up there we 'aitaa, tamaa unhappy sukagha upper part hoso unit of ten -fulu uproar 'aghonta unite ghompu urinate meghogha united poghompu urine ghogha universe se'alamue use fo'olo-'oloi, hampadea, unripe melawulu, momata mepake untie wughagha until sampe V - v vaguely visible ghagha2 victory 'amanangi valley longa view unga vanish ila village kampo, liwu various menteno violin ghaba vegetable kangko virgin 'alambe vegetables ghusau virtue 'abhelo vegetation fenembula vision poita vein uwa2 visit angkai, solo1 veranda 'aompu, sasambighi voice suagha very siahe vomit foie very small mo'osi W - w wages ponambo wave ewo, 'awegho-wegho, waist aa fowegho-wegho waist belt 'agogoli way sala1 wait meantagi, 'antaa-ntaa we incami, intano wait for ntaa-ntaa weak molute wake pomata weakness 'aluteno wake up bhangu wealth aghataa walk 'ambeli-mbeli, ndala1, wealthy ghangkaea sola weapon ewanga wall pighindi wear mefo'oni, mepake wander fendala-ndala weary moluntu, momale want mepeelu weave memooghu, mewasa war potimbe weaver's sword panata wardrobe soghongano pakea Wednesday 'Araba'a warm mosodo-sodo weed mewolii wash metofa, mewaso'i weeds wolii wash face megheghu week 'ahadhi wash hair me'unde weep hohae wash hands mewanu weigh kilo, timbangi waste 'o'e weight 'abhiino watch mehondoi, mejagai, well matano jue pomata, unga well-mannered 'o'adhati water jue west bhagha1, mata bhagha wet moghama, moondu 381 wetness 'aonduno winnowing tray 'atepi what fae wish 'obho'u lalono, gau2, when ghato, naefii, naefiimo, meharapu, peelu, naifii posaghona, uge lalo where we fae with te whereas ghato witness sakusii which fae woman ghubhine while tangasahano, te wood buntou, sau whisper 'amuntui wood chips ghabha whistle 'awowo word gau1, wamba white mopute work kaghajaa, kaghajaa, whitewash hifii mingku who lafae world dhunia whore lengke worm hule-hule, hundeletu why mofae worried moghewu lalono, wide maewa, lalesa, molewe gugughu width 'aewano, 'aleweno worship somba wife ghubhine, mancuana wound 'abhela ghobhine wounded mobhela wild 'aghu'u, mongila woven leaves 'ogho'a wild chicken manu 'aghu'u wrap 'a'ompo win manangi wrist 'angule-ngule, wind 'awea lolosuano lima window bhalo-bhalo write bughi wing pani wrong dosa, hilafu, sala3 winnow tepi X - x xylophone latotou Y - y yam sp hofa yarn 'ambaghi yawn mongawa year taho1 yellow mongkuni yes 'oe, 'uumbe yesterday indewi yet tangkanomo you intano, simintu, situ young moghunga young banana stalk tombi2 young coconut 'alimbungo young girl 'aindei ghobhine, 'alambe young man ana mohane younger sibling ai youngest child 'aepu 382 3. Indonesian – Busoa finderlist A - a abdikan meompu anak tangga anano pulangku, abu habu 'a'ulano pulangku ada dainiu, te anak tiri ana awo adakan fodainiu anakan lasi adat 'adhati angan- angan namu-namu adik ai anggrek bungaeja adili 'adhili angin 'awea aduk geghu angin topan tambusisi agel mangka angkat sangke ahli nujum bhisano silala angkut ato air jue ani- ani pakato air kencing ghogha anjing mantoa air mata luuno mata anker 'okahanda air pasang ughe anoa honua ajaib membali antara labhanga ajar foinaho anting- anting 'anti-'anti, dali ajimat lajima anyam mewasa akar 'ulese anyaman 'ogho'a akhirat 'aherati apa fae akhirnya 'aahirino, 'opadahano, api oofi saaghuno, sabutuno arah mata1, toto3 alam 'alamu arak 'agha alam semesta se'alamue arang heo alang- alang dana aren 'unau alangkah ma'a arwah tonaana alias abhi asah 'ogha alis 'eghe asam mo'olo, uwei Allah Aulata'ala asap gawu, humbo alu anano nosu asar metapai ambang tetengkala asin mo'agha ambil meala atap hato ampas he'a, 'o'e, 'uncia atap seng padasee ampas padi he'ano bhae atapi hato anak ana1 atas wawo anak ayam anano manu atau 'aa, 'atawa anak bungsu 'aepu awalnya awalino anak kecil 'aindei awan olu anak laki- laki 'aindei mohane awas jaga anak panah anano pana ayah ama, idha, 'uma anak perempuan 'aindei ghobhine ayam manu anak pungut poloana ayam hutan manu 'aghu'u 383 B - b babat weli batata kaowi-owi babi wewi batu lo'o badai tambusisi batu kapur bhatuawu badan badha, hulu batuk hoda, 'ohoda, kabu badik bhadi bau wono bagaimana angkefae bawa meuwa bagi podawu bawang bhawa bagian dawu, weta bayam ghaghi bagian atas hoso bayar mepomea bagian bawah 'ogho, wengke bebek bebe bagus bhelo, mo'esa beberapa sefae-sefae bahasa pogau, pogau becek 'abheghe bahu bhose2, howea bedak bugha1 bahwa puluu bedil bhadili baik bhelo begini simbooni, sompu 'ooni baju 'ambalala begitu simbootu, sompu 'ootu bakar me'antunu, tunu bekal bha'u bakau buli bekas tandagha bale- bale godhe-godhe bekas luka ponte balikkan bhancule bekerja kaghajaa balok 'umbohu2 beku bhatu2 balut 'a'ompo belah bhoha, weta, meweta bambu 'ahia, 'atombogho, belajar me'ampoinaho, dama, paghawata, foinaho tombula, wulu2 belakang 'undo ban bani belalai 'ughame bangau lahoo-hoo belalang 'abhogho bangkai bhangke belanga balanga bangku bhangko belebas panata bangsa mangaliwu belerang walegha bangsawan 'ola'i beli meholi bangun bhangu belimbing bhalumbi, ta'ulela bangunkan bhangu belum miinaho, paeho banjir waa belut wulelu bantah tagali benang 'ambaghi bantal pulangu benar anoamo, 'otuhu, toto2 banting ghambita benarkan mefo'oni, fototo bantu hamba benci moghobu banyak bhaghi bendera bondera, tombi1 bapak ama, 'uma bengkak 'amba3, bente2, gende, bara wea tente bara api weano oofi bengkawan tabha2 barang bara bengkok kelu barangkali 'aeho, 'ohula benih wine barat bhagha1, mata bhagha bentangkan melewehi baring ndole benteng bente1 baru ampoho, ampohomo, beradab 'o'adhati wohou beradat 'o'adhati basah moghama berak me'aalu batang laa, puhu berangkat ndala1, 'undo batas 'ahonto, tiine berani mo'ado 384 berapa fee, sefae bisa membali, pande, pooli beras bhae bisik 'amuntui berat mobhii bisu bhea berawan moolu bisul 'abhisu, 'aweo, berbaris tala1 soghogha berbeda podosai bodoh 'abheo-bheo berbicara pogau bodoh- bodoh 'abhongo-bhongo berburu me'aangka bohong megau-gau bercakap koja-koja boleh membali berdiri 'abhale-bhale, tade, bongkar meghungga togho bor boro berenang pongano botol butolo bergantian pobholosi buah wua bergilir pali1 buah dada titi berhenti bugho, unto buah pelir holumeno lehe, lehe berikan togha, metoghai buang bhanona, ghambeghe, berikut 'atuuno tuwula beringin wughagha buat mefewau, ghabu, berita lele1 mekaghajaa beritahu foomba buaya buea beritakan foomba, pulele bubu bubu berkata pogau, 'owamba bubungan bumbunga bersih monggilo bubur jepe bersila paseba bubur sagu papeda bersin 'atiho budak bhatua bersiul 'awowo buka ambisi, dongka, besar uge melengkasi, pomenge besi ase bukan mincuano besok naale bukan main miina sumaano betina ghubhine bukit 'abumbu betis 'antido buku boku betul mpuu, 'otuhu bulan wula biar alio, bagoya, hingga bulat mente'alulu biarkan maliomo, tagho, bulu wulu1 tumbasa bulu mata wuluno mata biarpun sahingga buluh dama biawak 'umbohu1 bunga 'amba1, wunga bibi pinoina bunga melati 'amba mpuu bibir wiwi bungkus 'a'ompo bibit wine bungsu 'aepu bicara bicagha, gau1, pogau bunuh mefa'amate bidadari budhiadhaghi bunyi nduu bidan bhisa burung manu-manu biji 'alulu, holume burung hantu bhoa bikin ghabu busa bugha2 binatang binata, kadadi busuk mobuto bintang 'alipopo busur pana bintik tanda buta mowilo biola ghaba buyut ompu we bhi'u-bhi'u biru 'a'anda 385 C - c cabang ghagha1 cermin paeasa cabe saha cetus metinda cabut pusu cicipi fenami cabut rumput mewolii cicit ompu we tuu cacar waopu cincin singkaghu cacing hundeletu cintai maasi, mepeelu cahaya cahea cita- cita namu-namu cambang camba cium bhobho, mewondu, campak poghosewa mefewono campur jalo'i coba coba cangkir tatangkighi colek 'owi cantik mo'esa, mangadha colok colo capek moluntu, momale corong coro cari fetahi cotet 'atune cawan bhalobu cuci metofa, me'unde, cecak sasa mewaso'i celah paha palasa cuci muka megheghu celana sala2 cuci tangan mewanu cendawan huu cucu ompu1 cepat agoghi, maghimba, cucur cucughu masimba cukup ghato cepat- cepat fa'ahada cuma sabutonomo, ceraikan bhoholi tangkanomo cerek ceghe cumi- cumi 'ondowua cerita tula-tula curi membula'u ceritakan metula-tula D - d daci 'atimbangi darah ghea dada bhaghagha, ghanda darat 'amo'ele, hoti1, tumpu2 dagang podaga dari minahoo daging dhagi, hii dasar fondasi dagu hase dasi dhasi dahan ghagha1 datang mai, umba dahi 'undahi datangkan ghato dahulu kala jamani molengo, datar ghate naifiimootu daun ghoo, 'oleeo dahului logo daun sirih gili2 daki 'ita dayung bhose1 dalam lalo1, we soo, 'undalo dedak 'o'e damar damara dekat mase'e, we siwighi dan te delapan alu, walu dandang danda delapan puluh alu fulu dangkal hoti1 demam moghaghea, sodo dapat wugha denda ghimbiti dapur habu dendeng topa 386 dengan te diam- diam 'atongo-tongo dengar telangai diare pa'aa-'aalu dengarkan fetendengii dinding pighindi depah ghofa dingin moghaghea, moghindi depan ghagho1 diri wuto deras moghanca doa jo'a desa liwu domba dhumba destar 'ampughui dongeng tula-tula di we dosa dhosa di atas we wawo dua ghua, jua di bawah we panda dua puluh ghua fulu di mana we fae dubur bhalono buli-buli di muka we ghagho duduk mengkoha di sana we 'aisoo, we 'aitaa, we dukun bhisa 'aiwaa dukung ewa1 di sini we 'ainia duluan pahindulu, pangulu di situ we 'aitua dunia dhunia dia anoa dupa dupa diam miina na'omingku, duri ghii1 tongo E - e ekor helu, hulu, lenci empedu pio1 elang bunia enam ana2, noo, nonoo emas bulawa enau 'unau emas kawin popolo, taugha2 engkau situ ember 'embere enjelai bhataghi embun alo2 epilepsi 'ida empat apa, fato, paa1 es 'esi empat belas ompulu fopaa F - f famili witinai fondasi fondasi film felemu firasat febho'u-bho'u we lalono G - g gadis 'abua-bua, 'alambe gali megalu, seli gagah mangadha gambir tagambighi gagak tongkaa gambus gambusu gaib mii membali ganteng mangadha gaji ponambo ganti mebholosi 387 ganti pakaian pobholosi gigi limpo gantungkan 'antai gigi taring timpa garam gagha gigil bhibhi garis bhoghi gigit bhangkali, papa'i garuda gughuda gila 'ondu gasing bhangku giling megili gatal mo'oito giliran pali1 gelang simbi ginjal bhaanodadi gelap galapu, mo'osipu gobang goba gelap gulita doloma, poposa golok golo gelas tonde gondong bha'u gelegar bulusi gong mbololo, gelombong 'abumbuno ewo ndengu-ndengu, gembira unde tawa-tawa gemetar bhibhi gonggong wonca gempa bumi lendu gorden coro-coro gemuruh feguntu-guntu goreng mehole gendang ganda2 gosok mejampu gendong mehawi guci gusi gendut gende gula gola genggam 'umbu gula- gula gola-gola gerah bhangasa gulung lulu geraham wangka gulungan 'alulungi gerak mingku, 'amingku- guna hampadea mingku guna- guna katau geram 'ingki gunting gunti gerangan bhagha2 guntur guntu gergaji karakaji gunung 'abumbu, gunu gerhana garahana gurau 'abhonga gerimis fentii-ntii, gurita embu, 'oghopunda wagho-wagho guruh bheghese geser julu gusi ne'e getah folo H - h habis padahanomo, mopuli hangat mosodo-sodo hadap poagho hangat- hangat mpana-mpanangku'u hadapan ghagho1 hangus mongou hadapkan fopoagho hanya sabutonomo, somo, hajat haejati tangkanomo hakim hakimu harapkan meharapu, posaghona halangi honto, tee harga ghaghagaa haluan ghope hari holeo hama 'angka2 hari ini holeootu hamba bhatua hari raya ghoghaeha hambakan meompu harta aghataa, 'adainiu hambar maamba harum mowondu hambur mantale, tampesa hasil hasili hamil 'ohulata, te neuwa- hati hate uwano hati- hati fa'abhelo, fengkanaho hampir katapuli haus mo'ele wuhu hancur mopugho helai tongku1, tuwu 388 hendak mepeelu hormati somba heran 'afende-fende, mente hujan hise hidung ngee hukum hukumu hidup moghughi hukum adat sagha hijau moijo humor 'abhonga hingga sampe huruf horofu hinggap sampa, tumpu2 hutan 'aghu'u, 'amotuha, hirup sonde buntou hisap megomi hutang dosa hitam mohito hitung gagaghi, lentu I - i ibarat 'ibaghano ingatan 'anteudania ibu ina ingin 'obho'u lalono, ibu jari 'aompu, ompuno lima mepeelu, uge lalo ibu jari kaki ompuno wungano ingus toli hahe ini 'ooni Idul Adha ghoghaeha haji injak lelemi Idul Fitri ghoghaeha mpuu injaki meghasa ijuk 'ampuga intai melukuti ikan 'inta intan inta ikan bakar 'antununo 'inta intip angka-angka mbonu, ikan garam 'agaghai melukuti, sola-solai ikan kering 'aholeo irama 'atu2 ikan lepu nopu iringi pouwahane ikan pari pagi1 iris medii ikan teri koe-koe isap mesoso ikat 'alo, mebho'e, gogoli isi hii, mehii ikat kepala 'ampughui, 'abho'eno isi perut 'abhola fotu istana 'amali ikat pinggang 'abho'eno aa, 'agogoli, istirahat unto sulepe istri ghubhine, mancuana ikut angka, angkatulu ghobhine imam 'imamu itu anaa, 'ootu, 'osumaa, iman 'imani 'owatu, sumaa, tamaa imbalan 'amalea izin 'alalesa indah 'alimua, mangadha izinkan falalesa ingat tandai, meudani J - j jabat tangan pountagha lima jahit medeu jaga mehondoi, jaga, jala jala1 mejagai, pomata jalan angka, jala2, ndala1, jagung 'ambuse, 'antula, sala1, sola 'antunu, 'apusu, 'asitela jalan raya 'aweli jahat mo'ado, moda'i, lampu jalanan tonia jahe lohia 389 jalan- jalan 'ambeli-mbeli, jejak tandagha mendala-ndala jejerkan tala1, talanga jalankan fondala jembatan jambata, 'alelea jam ghambi jempol ompuno lima jamban jamba jemur meholongi jambu jambu jendela bhalo-bhalo jambu batu bulamalaka jengkal tuda jamur hulampi jenis giu jangan 'uuje, 'uujemo jentik ti'i jangan dulu padaho, 'ujehoana Jepang Japaa janggut jangku jepit meopi jangkar labu2 jera manda jangkungan oda-oda jerat 'aela janji janji jeriken ceghegeni jantan mohane jeruk munte jantung bha'e jinak monea jarang masagala jingga salamata jari kaki 'ambano hahe, sauno jinjing solo2 hahe, wungano hahe jiwa tonaana jari manis 'amolo jongkok pente-pente jari tangan 'ambano lima, sauno jual measo lima, wungano lima juga dua jari telunjuk sahadha juling jilo jari tengah 'ola'ino lima julukan abhi jaring jari Jumat Jumaa jarum deu jumlah 'abhaghi jatuh mondawu, 'odhepa, jumpai ghato tumpu2 junjung mesu'u jatuhkan fa'andawu, tabugha jurang 'antugha jauh 'udoho juru bicara jughubasa jawab lawani K - k kabar lele1 kali hahe2, humele kabur moghawu, sanda kali kecil 'ambaagha kaca mata mata tonde kalian simintu kacang goreng kacanggore kalong 'aloa kacang panjang lawue kalung kalo kacang tanah rapo-rapo kamar ala2 kadang- kadang sehahe-sehahe kambing bhembe kaget to'enda kami incami kain bhita Kamis Hamisi kain pintu coro-coro kampak ndamu kakak isa kampung kampo, liwu kakek uwa3 kamu situ kaki hahe1 kanan suana kalah motalo kandang kanda kalahkan manangi, talo kangkung kangko kalajengking mali kantong 'adu kalau 'ane, baghangkala kantor kantori kalau begitu baghangkala kantuk mompau kalau tidak pae-paemo kaos kaki 'apuntono kaosu 390 kapak ndamu keluasan 'alalesa kapal kapala2 kemaluan bungka2 kapal terbang kapala ghumogho kemarin indewi kapan naefii, naefiimo, naifii kemarin dulu naifuamo kapas 'apa1 kemas ma'anu kapuk 'apa jawa kembali mbule kapur hifi kembar ghapi kapur tulis kaporo kemenakan pinoana karang pasi kemenyan dupa karena ghampano, hulanomo kemiri 'umundi kasar kabasagha kempes mo'epe kasau 'aso kemudi oli kasihan 'aasi kemudian sabutuno kasihani maasi kena 'angkanai, 'oni kata pogau, wamba kenakan mefo'oni katak kapunda, pugha'a'a kenal pande kawan sabhangka kenang meudani kawanan guluma kenang- kenangan 'anteudania kawin meala ghobhine, kawi kencang mongkana kawinkan fokawi kencing meghogha kaya ghangkaea, kawasa kencur todu'u kayu sau kendur moloo kayu bakar sau netampo kening 'eghe ke mana we fae kentut hotu ke mari we 'ainia kenyang mowehi keadaan 'adainiu kepala fotu kebetulan potibahoono lalo kepala kampung kapala kampo, 'ola'ino kebiasaan 'ananea liwu kebun howuto kepanasan bhangasa kecil 'idi-'idi kepiting bungka1 kecoak 'ambabha kepunyaan fewaua kecuali tabeano keputusan 'ambotu, 'amondo kecut mo'olo kera ndo'e kediaman 'amali kerabat musiraha kedip fepigho-pigho, keramas me'unde pombeoghi keramat 'okahanda, sangia kehendak peelu keranjang 'alangka, 'ambisa, keinginan gau2, namu-namu bhalase, humbu kejadian 'amembali keras me'engku kejar pagampa kerbau 'aghambau kekuningan 'angkuni kerdil mo'osi keladi tonea, wia kering mo'ele kelak daanomo keringat hanti kelambu 'ulambu keris tobho kelapa 'unde kerjakan 'alima kelapa muda 'alimbungo kerongkongan jongko kelelawar 'aloa keropeng goga keliling pali1, me'atai-tai keroyok libu kelilingi pali'i kertas karatasi kelingking 'ancili kerumuni pogha'o-gha'o, libu keliru hilafu, sala3 kerusuhan 'aghonta kelompok guluma kesal soso1 kelor 'audawa kesalahan dosa keluar limba kesedihan 'a'asi keluarga witinai kesempatan 'alalesa keluarkan ambisi, mefolimba kesemutan ghii2 391 kesepakatan 'amondo kuda lajagha ketagihan 'atagia kudis 'anda ketam hatamu kudus monggilo keterlaluan lalosagha kue cughabi, hole-hole, ketiak paa2 onde-onde, tuli-tuli ketimun bhalongka kuku 'osisi ketip see kukus me'asola keturunan lee, siwulua kukusan 'asola khilaf hilafu kulit 'uli kibar 'awegho-wegho kuliti meli'i kikir meghumpi kumbang 'ebho kilat bhibhito, 'ila kumis wulu muncu kilau 'anginda-nginda kumpul poghompu, polibu-libu kilo kilo kumpulan ghompua, tombu kintal kintali kumpulan orang banyak tombuno mii kiri 'ema bhaghi kirim pa'atu kumpulkan ghompu kiriman 'apa'atu kunang- kunang 'alipopo pondooti kisah tula-tula kuning mongkuni kita intano kuningan ghiti klar membali, mondo kunjungi solo1 klewang hancu kunyah mama kodok pugha'a'a kunyit suni kokoh mohosa kupas meli'i, 'ulusi kokok kangkuraa'o kupu- kupu 'adendea kolintang latotou kura- kura 'apolo'a kolong wawa kurang 'ugha kopi kahawa kurang ajar ka'ije-'ije kopiah songko kurang tahu bhagha3 korek api colo kurap 'uli jambi kotor moghobu kursemangat kororo kotoran ghewu2 kurungan kanda kuali 'awali kurus mongkuru kuat me'engku, mohosa, kuskus mante motangka kusta 'ulidaa kuburan kobughu kutu tutu kuburkan kobughu, tambuni kucing mbuta L - l laba laba lalu ampoho laba- laba 'alala lama molengo labu labu1 lambaikan fowegho-wegho ladang howuto lambat molingkutu, moneo lagi dua lampu kanturu lagu lagu lampu tembok padhamagha lahir ghato, laahiri langit laiano lahirkan folaahiri langit- langit ngagha lain segaa langkah 'alampa laki- laki mohane langkahi lempagi laku moala langsat bhobuno lalat lelo langsung lalosa'a, siahe 392 lantai hodo lima lima lantaran ghampano lima puluh lima fulu lapar moghagho limpa maghi lapisan tapi linggis patida ase lari buntuli, felei lingkaran 'alibu lauk pauk 'andesa'a lipan mangkai laut mo'ahi, 'undaloano lirik fetila layang- layang patawala liter baa layar hela logam gaba-gaba2 lebah ani, ongka logat 'atu2 lebah kecil 'ungka lombok saha lebai lebe lompat bhesi, dompa, lumpa, lebar maewa, molewe punda, sabu lebih 'olabhi loncat bhesi, lumpa, tende leher gonco, jongko loncat- loncat bhatanda lelah molute, momale longgar moloo lemah molute lontar geghisa lemak tabha1 loteng hahu lembab moondu luar we sembali lembah longa luas maewa, lalesa lembar tibha lubang 'abhalongko, bhalo, lempar bhalasi, ghambeghe lonco lengan bu'u ludah mefehenu lengkap sangka luka 'abhela lengkuas fana, laja lukai mefa'abhela lenyap ila lumas mejampu lepaskan bhosa, wughagha lumba logo lereng lepe lumbung lulu lesu moluntu lumpuh ghempa lesung nosu lumpur 'abheghe letih molute lumuri mejampu letus bhete1 lumut lumu lewat lalo2 luncur sibulu lewati lempagi lupa molimpu liar 'aghu'u, mongila lurus makate, toto2 licin mondeli luruskan fototo lidah lela lusa naifua lihat fetila, feunga, meita, lutut tuu1 unga likas 'usoli M - m mabuk molangu makan fumaa macam giu makan bersama polibu macam- macam giu-giuno, menteno makan sirih mentimu madu golano ani, golano makanan nefumaa 'aenua maki 'apandenga mahal mohali maksud haejati, 'isikadhi mahar popolo, taugha2 malam moghondo, 'oghondo, main magasia 'oghondoa main judi potagho malam peringatan alo1 maju maju malas malasi 393 malu 'aalo-alo mengkal melawulu mana fae menguap mongawa mandi mebhaho meninggal mate mandikan mebhaho menonjol lando manfaatkan fo'olo-'oloi mentah momata, ngkalamata mangga foo menuju ghope mangkok bhalobu, sondea menyala bhombo, gonggo, sia mangkudu bhangkudu merah modea manis mome'o merayap dola mantera jo'a merdu 'alimua mantri mantiri mereka mangaanoa manusia manusia merpati jagha-jagha marah 'amagha mertua mania marahi handa-handa mesjid masigi masak mefundanga, motaha milik fewaua masih dainoho mimpi monifi, 'onifi masuk pesua, sombu minggu 'ahadhi mata mata1 minta mepemani mata air matano jue minta izin posanga mata kail 'o'abhi minta tolong sukagha mata kaki bhi'u-bhi'u minum foghoghu matahari holeo minyak mina mati mate miring bhele mati ayan 'ida mirip posiingi matikan mefa'amate misalnya 'ibaghano mau gau2, mepeelu, ungka miskin miina na'o'adainiu, mayat maeati misikini melangkah 'alampa mistar panata meluap lewi moncong muncu memaki mefa'asumbughi monyet ndo'e menang manangi muat meulea menangis hohae muatan ulea menantu mania muda moghunga, mamuda menari manari mudah- mudahan masangia menceret pa'aa-'aalu, me'atahi- muka 'ajo, ghagho1, hula tahi mulai fepuhu mendaki taga mulut bhobha, muncu mendung mohoholu, moolu muncul lente mengaji ngaji mundur sowo mengaku mangaku, ungka mungkin 'aeho, 'ohula mengandung 'ohulata muntah foie mengangguk foungka murah mamuda mengantuk mompau musang jina mengapa mofae musim wula mengaum 'ongeo musim barat bhagha1 mengembik 'omee musim timur timbughu mengeong 'ongeo musuh bhali mengeram ho'owi menghilang ila N - n nafsu birahi nahas nahasi 394 naik foni nenek uwa3 naik pohon me'angka nenek moyang manga uwa-uwanto naikkan fofoni, fotaga neraka naghakaa nakal ka'ije-'ije, kabasagha, ngeong ngeo kapatuli nikel nekele nama 'ona nipah panasa nama panggilan abhi nira 'unau namun tangkanomo nujum silala nanah ligano tuli, nana nuri 'ululi nangka ndanga nyalakan mefo'ila nanti naopou, padaho nyamuk bughuto napas sinaa nyanyi lagu nasi bhae, nefumaa nyawa inyawa, sinaa nasi bambu luluta nyiru 'atepi nekat 'isikadhi nenas nanasi O - o obat lancau ongkos ponambo obor 'oboro orang mii oli 'oli1 orang asing daga olok- olok ele-ele orang tua mancuana om pinoama otak 'oito1 ombak ewo omongan gau1 P - p pacar poghae panas molala, mompana, pacul wingku mosodo padahal gaghaa panasi fa'ampana padam mate panas- panas kuku padamkan mefa'amate mpana-mpanangku'u padang pasir padangku'u panau bhai'i padang rumput padangku'u pandai makida padi bhae pandan ponda pagar pagala, tondo panen metobhe, metongka pagi maghadondo panggang metapai paha faha panggil kemba pahala fahala pangkal paha palasa pahat faho pangkuan hawi pahit mopahi panjang moghambe, molompa pajak balasitee panjat foni, mefonihi pakai mefo'oni, mepake pantai hoti1 pakaian pakea pantangan falia paksa fojeghe pantat buli-buli, koi-koi, paku 'ogho-'ogho'a, paso 'ogho palang honto papan dopi paman pinoama parang 'apulu 395 parau mowoghe penyakit menular 'alelei paru- paru 'umba penyu ponu parut pagi2 penyu sisik 'oila pas sauwa pepaya kapaea pasang taho2 perahu bhangka pasang api peanda perahu layar boti pasar daoa perak pera, sala'a pasir hone peram hombo1 pasung gala perang potimbe patah motobhe peras mefio patih sapati perasaan namisi pecah bhoha, mowengka perbaiki fa'abhelo pecahan 'apugho, sencabhi perbatasan poghatoa pecahkan mewengka perbolehkan falalesa, fomembalii pedagang daga perbuatan fewau, fi'ili pedang 'ampue, hancu percaya paghacaea pedis molala percuma sia-sia pegang meghampa, taangi, perempuan ghubhine meuntagha pergelangan tangan 'angule-ngule, pejamkan fopigho lolosuano lima pekerjaan kaghajaa, mingku pergi awe, lou, ndala1, 'undo pelabuhan labusa pergi panggil loohi pelacur ghubhineno sala, perhatikan fetendengii lengke, lengke periksa mepaghakisaa pasunda perintahkan paghintangi pelangi ntoghoghe peristiwa kajadia, 'amembali pele tee periuk nuhua pelepah polopa perjanjian 'ambotu pelihara medamba, tetewei perkawinan fokawia pelir fugha perkirakan 'egha-'egha pelit meghumpi perlihatkan foomba, foghagha pelita padhamagha permainan 'ase, 'agasia peluk megha'o permulaan bhaa-bhaano, peluru bhatu1 'afepuhua pemali falia persambungan 'aompu pembesar suara coro persendian lolosua pemilik ompu1 pertama awalino, bhaa-bhaano pemisah 'ahonto perut hulata pemuda ana mohane pesawat kapala ghumogho pemukiman falatea petani pande howuto pencuri 'ambula-mbula'u peti soghonga pendatang daga, mii ghumato petik me'oto, metopi pendek molimbu, mopanda pihak weta pengasihan 'aasi pijit pisi pengemudi meuntaghano oli pikir fikighi, lentu penggiling 'agili pikul mesoda, tongku2 penghabisan fighi'ondo, fitimbughi pikulan 'ancodaha penghuni kahanda pilem felemu pengikat 'abho'e pinang pangana penglihatan poita pincang mo'empa penjara 'atoghongku pindahkan melandu penjepit 'aopi pinggang aa penuh mompono pinggir siwighi, wiwi penutup panamba, 'asangkobhi pingit mesoo penutup lutut 'olungku pinjam meada penyakit 'olalaha, sa'i pinjamkan mefoada 396 pintar makida, pande pulang mbule pintu folinto, 'ajoli pulang pergi loumbule, pa'atimbule pipi bhaga pulau pulo pipit wa'ii puluh -fulu piring pighi puncak toghu'u pisah pogaa punggung toghu'u, 'undo pisahkan gaati pungut ane pisang 'alei pura- pura megau-gau pisau 'apiso pusat puhe pohon puhu putar mefotai, megili, tai pondok wale putarkan fotai pongkah motongka putih mopute potong dodo, ganda1, ndamu, puting muncuno titi metompo putus mombotu, motompo, pucuk hoso motopi puji puji puyuh santa pukul mebusu, meghambi, pepe'i, metiki, mewangka, wesi R - r raba meghampa remis kepe Rabu 'Araba'a rendah mopanda racun bisa retak mowoghe ragu- ragu bhagha3 retakkan mewoghe raja 'ola'ino liwu rias tombi2 rakus mo'amba, kasibu, ribu ghewu3 moso'o ribut bungke, moghobho rakyat bhaghino, mangaliwu ringan mosape ramai ghame ringgit ghinggi rambut wulu fotu rintik- rintik wagho-wagho rambutan rambuta robek mobhenci ranjang pantasa robekan 'abhenci ranjau bambu tulo robekkan bhenci ranting ghagha 'idi-'idi, roh rohi ghangka rokok mesoso rasa nami, namisi rotan ghaugho rasa dendam nodi'ahane bu'uno lalo ruang muka folinto rasa sakit 'alala rugi ghugi rasakan fenami rumah bhanua ratakan tete2 rumput wolii ratus mohono runcing molomi, monini rawa lembo runcingnya 'alomino rawat 'alima rupa 'ajo rayap faa rupiah ghupia rebab ghaba rusa ghusa rebah mopula rusak moda'i rebung lobu rusuk 'agha-'agha rebus metoofi reda bugho 397 S - s saat kotika sebelah sembali, seweta Sabtu Saputu sebentar naopou, sebantagha sabun cabo seberang lele2, lempagi sabung buru, sawu sedang tangasahano sabung ayam bho'eno manu sedangkan ghato sagu bagea, ghumbia, lauta, sedia sodia sagu, sinole sediakan fontaa-ntaa sahabat andea, musiraha sedih sukagha saja somo sedikit se'ide sakit molala, moda'i namisi, sedu 'ongkodu sodo segala malingu, sabhagha sakit kepala molala fotu segera fa'asimba sakit perut molala hulata sehat bhelo, mohosa saksikan sakusii sejajar potalaha salah dosa, hilafu, sala3 sekali sehahe, siahe sama po'oni sekali lagi fendua sama seperti soumo sekali- sekali sehahe-sehahe samar ghagha2 sekarang mananiini, sama- sama pouwa-uwa, seuwa- padamaniini uwaha sekejap mata sekija mata sambil te seketika sekija mata sambung ompu2 selalu sadhea sampah ghewu2 selam homu sampai sampe selamat salaamati sampaikan foomba, foghato, Selasa Salasa pulele selat labhanga sampan koli-koli selatan mata Laompo, salata samping siwighi selendang salenda sana 'owatu, seitu selesai meghate, membali, sandal sandali mondo, pada, sandar pasande padahanomo sandarkan sampela selesaikan pada sanggup pooli selipkan simpi sangkal haga semak buntou sangkar ayam 'afufu semangka ntimu sanjak 'abhanti sembah somba santet dhoti sembarangan sabhagha sapi sapi sembelih mesumbele sapu mesambughe sembilan sio1, siua sarapan me'aape-apea sembilu 'anini sarung bhita sembunyi ho'o satu seaghu, 'ise sembunyikan mefebunihi satukan ghompu semen sumeni saudara ndaifutu, witinai sementara dainoho, tangasahano sauh labu2 semoga masangia saya nuni sempit mase'e sayangi maasi semua bhaa-bhaghihe, sayap pani malingu, sayat hea se'alamii'omiu sayur ghusau semut 'amumuli, laga, sea sebab sababu semut api 'aliminci 398 sen dhoi siput darat bhi'u senang unde siput laut moghabu senapan sinapa sirami bubusi sendiri semii'u, se'alu-'aluluno sirih ghoo sendok sudi sirsak cughukaya sengaja paghadami sisa bhilaha, labhi, 'o'e, sengsara naghakaa tumpu3 Senin Isinini sisir 'onti, si'a senjata ewanga sobek meghuta, moghuta sentuh entu sombong fepuji senyum kamboi songkok songko, topi2 senyum sipu kamboi kuku sopan 'o'adhati sepakat po'oni-'oniho sore manaholeo sepatu kaosu spul 'usoli seperti simbo, sompu stom 'awowo sepertinya 'ohula suami mancuana mohane, sepit 'aopi mohane sepul wulihi suam- suam kuku sepuluh ompulu, sapulu mpana-mpanangku'u sepupu tolida, topendua, suap sambo2 topentolu suara suagha serambi 'aompu, sasambighi subuh ghaneo serang tongaghafi suci monggilo seratus mohono sudah padamo serdawa 'ongkodu sudip sube, sudi seribu seghewu sudut singku serikaya cughukaya suka mepeelu sertai pouwahane sukar gugughu seruling 'anabati suling suli sesali soso1 sulit moghasai, molingkutu sesudah pada sultan waopu sesudahnya 'opadahano suluh 'oboro, sulu setan seetani sulung tumpe setelah 'amondono sumpit punto setengah setanga, sewuntano sumpitan 'apunto setujui fo'otuhu sunat meiti, menggilo, siang tobhele holeo, fo'onggilo toghoholeo sungai humele, waagha siap ma'anu sungguh mpuu siapa lafae supaya bhe siapkan fontaa-ntaa surat sugha sia- sia sia-sia surga sorogaa sigai 'asebhaha suruh tumpu1 sihir dhoti susah moghasai, gugughu siku si'u susah hati moghewu lalono sila seba susu titi simpan medi'a, taugha1 susul angkatulu simpang salaho susun suncu, tala1, talanga, simpuh dempo toto1, tuu-tuu sinar cahea sutil sube singgah toni syahadat sahadha singgahi angkai syair 'abhanti siput 'awombo 399 T - t tabrak panta tawon 'aenua tabur mendawuti tebak bhoto tadah taho2, metanempe tebal mo'apa tadi himpooni tebang tuhu tadi malam moghondo tebas me'ifi, weli tadi pagi himpooni tebu towu maghadondo tehel teheli tagih megiwu teka- teki taa-taangke tahan tagha telan do'u tahi tahi telapak kaki ghandano hahe tahi lalat tula telapak tangan ghandano lima tahi mata wiga telat talati tahu pande telentang pambagha tahun taho1 telinga tuli tajam mogho'o telur hinteli taji taji teman andea, musiraha, takabur logo sabhangka takaran baa, kilo tembaga tambaga takut motehi tembak temba talang tala2 tembakau tabhako tali 'abho'e, ghabuta tembilang patida tali pinggang 'amanda tembus losa tali pusat lolai tempat tampa, tombu, toto3 tambah handa, metubhaghi tempat duduk 'angkoghaha tambur tambughu tempat kering 'amo'ele tampan mangadha tempat nasi panombo tampar metofa tempat tidur 'andolea tamu mii ghumato, umbano tempat tinggal falatea tanah wute tempayan gusi tanam mefombula, tempeleng metofa mendawuti, puntasu, tempo hari naifiimootu metombosi tempurung 'aungko tanaman fenembula temu poghato-ghato, tanda tanda potibha tandan mata1 temukan wugha tanduk tandu tengadah tongagha tang 'aopi tengah wunta tangan lima tenggelam 'alobu, tondu tangga 'alembangu, pulangku tengkar potagali tangkai ghangka, howea tengkorak 'aungkono fotu, tangkap megha'o, pooli 'ulengke tanjung tolando, uju tengok feunga, foele, unga tante pinoina tentangan potalaha tanya abha tenun memooghu tapis tepi tepung sagu tabhagho tarik hela, pusu terakhir 'apadahano, fighi'ondo, taruh medi'a, taugha1 fitimbughi tas tasi terang melanta, mencana tatkala ghato terapung lanto tawar maamba, podada, teratur tala1 motembe terawang ghagha2 400 terbahak- bahak 'ahakahaka tindis meopi, tabughi terbakar mongou tinggal falate, somo terbalik tebhancule tinggalkan bhoholi, gaa terbang ghogho tinggi motinggi terbelah moweta tingkat suncu terbenam soo1 tinju mebusu terbit bhete1 tipis monifi terburu- buru agoghi tipu me'agau tergantung 'antai-ntai tirai coro-coro tergenang lembo tiri awo teriak bungke, kei, sambo1 titian 'alelea terikat te'alo tiup mehotu, metampo terima metaghima tobat manda terima kasih tumpu lalo toh tangkanomo terjerat 'oni toko to'o terjun sabu tolak mendeu, tagali terkait te'ai tolong hamba, tulungi terkejut to'enda tomat tagalaea terlalu siahe tombak 'aghada, pandanga terlambat talati tongkat 'atu'u, tubho terlempar tepasila topi topi2 terlepas tebhosa trahom pio2 terluka mobhela tua mancuana terompet 'ahotu, 'awowo tuak 'agha, 'unau terselip tesimpi tuan ompu1, waopu tertancap tongke tubuh hulu tertawa futaa tugal metombosi tertumpah tebholonga Tuhan 'Akawasano, ompu1, terung palola waopu tetak mesebha tujuh fitu, pitu tetangga saghimbanua tujuh puluh fitu fulu tetap sadaa-daa tukang pande tetapi sama'a tukang besi pande ase tetek titi, metiti tukang sihir pande dhoti tetes tighi tukar mebholosi tetesan tighi tulang bu'u tiang 'ughughi tulang tungging pui tiang perahu 'o'umbu tuli mobhongo tiap malingu tulis bughi tiarap longko tuma tuma1 tiba ghato tumbuh tumbu tidak miina tumbuk metombi'i tidak akan pae tumit 'oghontungu tidak usah 'uujemo tumpahkan bholonga, bubusa tidur mono'o tumpul mopapa tiga tolu tunas tumbi, tuna tiga puluh tolu fulu tunduk tungku1 tikam tobho tunggu meantagi, ntaa-ntaa tikar 'iwalu, ponda tungku dali'a tikus mbolode turun ili, sampu, siwulu timah timagha turunkan foili, fosampu timbang kilo tusuk sumboghi, tungku2 timbangan kilo tutup mehampo, joli, timbangi timbangi mesangkobhi, timbuni tambuni metutubhi timur mata holeo, timbughu 401 U - u uang dhoi umumkan popali'i ubi hofa ungu wungu ubi gadung 'asanda untuk to ubi jalar kaowi-owi untung hampadea, laba ubi kayu mawisau upah ponambo ubi talas tonea urat uwa2 udang koroura, melama usir baase ujung hoso, tompa, uju usus ngkalu-ngkalu ulangan 'afenduangi utara mata Wolio, napa ulangi fenduangi utus 'atu1 ular hule utusan 'a'atu, tumpua ulat hule-hule W - w wajah 'ajo warisan waarisi waktu ghato, hengga, warung waru wakutuu waskom palangga walaupun hinggamo, sahingga wc jamba wangi- wangian mina-mina Y - y ya 'oe, 'uumbe yang paling belakang fighi'ondo yakin yakini Yang Maha Kuasa 'Akawasano Z - z zaman jamani References Alberth. 2000. 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