ZAMBEZIA a journal of social studies in Southern and Central

Vol. 3 Nci. 1, December, 1973

UNIVERSITY OF RHODESIA CONTENTS

SYMPOSIUM ON RACE IN (held at the Fourth Vacation School of the University of Rhodesia in 1972).

Introduction: Race in Southern Africa...... M. W. Murphree 1-3 The History of Race Relations in T. R. H. Davenport 5-14 The History of Race Relations in Rhodesia ... P. R. Warhurst 15-19 South African Racial Policy ...... N. J. J. Olivier 21-30 Race Policies in Rhodesia ...... W. R. Whaley 31-37 Race Relations in Mofambique...... J. L. Ribeiro Torres 39-52 ‘Non-Racialism’ : , and Swaziland S. Ngcobo 53-60 The Multiracial Myth ...... A. J. Dixon 61-65 Race and International Politics...... H. H. Patel 67-74

E s s a y R e v ie w s Persistence and Change in South African Society...... C. M. Brand 75-81 Dialogue and Closer Association in Southern Africa ...... M. C. Steele 83-87 South Africa’s Foreign Policy and the World ...... A. M. Chambati 89-93 Flame or Lily? Revisited: A Response and Elaboration of Rhodesian Racial Attitudes ...... G. C. Kinloch 95-101

B o o k R e v ie w s 102-109 Essay Review

South Africa’s Foreign Policy and the World

A. M. Chambati

Department of Political Science, University of Rhodesia

South Africa’s relations with the rest of defensive foreign policy. the world have been a subject of more intense Nevertheless, Cockram’s discussion of debate at the and the O.A.U. Israel and America are of interest. South Afri­ than any other international problem; but the ca’s special relationship with Israel is partly continuing debate is also about the ’s based upon the fact that South Africa has the internal race policies subsumed in the term ninth largest Jewish community in the world . Recent works on the subject* agree and several former South Africans hold or have that South Africa’s foreign policy is the direct held prominent positions in Israel, such as Mr. product of the Republic’s internal race policies. Eban, the former Israeli Foreign Minister who The least satisfactory of these is Cockram’s was born in Cape Town. South Africa has examination of Vorster’s foreign policy. Unlike always taken great interest in Israel and she Barber and Vandenbosch, who analyse South has likened her own position in Southern Africa’s foreign policy in the context of the Africa to that of Israel in the Middle East. world at large, Cockram does attempt to give South Africa has always supported Israel, both a comprehensive outline of South Africa’s con­ in and outside the U.N. Cockram points out cern with its immediate neighbours in Southern how this special link between South Africa and Africa and other black African states in the Israel has been complicated by the fact that continent at large. This, however, is done rather Israel has worked hard to have good relations superficially and in a somewhat disjointed way; with black African states, which South Africa after a discussion of South West Africa, she regards as her enemies. deals with Israel, and when she returns to South In order to improve its image in black Africa’s relationships with neighbouring states, Africa Israel withdrew its diplomatic repre­ Rhodesia and Portugal are kept separate. The sentation in South Africa, an action which result is a series of essays hardly linked to­ was considered ‘a slap in the face of South gether; indeed there is little real discussion of Africa’. Reacting to Israel’s withdrawal of its apartheid which, after all, is the cause of the representatives from the Republic, the South unifying element in South Africa’s rather African Prime Minister, Dr Verwoerd, pointed * J. Barber, South Africa’s Foreign Policy 1945- out that in the past, ‘South Africa and parti­ 1970, London, Oxford Univ. Press, 1973, 325 pp. cularly the Jews of South Africa had done R.10,20. G. M. Cockram, Vorster’s Foreign Policy, much for Israel as a young state’. Verwoerd Pretoria, Academica, 1970, 222 pp. R3,75. A Van­ accused Israel of attacking South Africa in denbosch, South Africa and the World: The Foreign Policy of Apartheid, Lexington, Univ. Press of Ken­ the hope of currying favour with the non-white tucky, 1970, 303 pp. no price indicated. states in Africa. Cockram tries to show how

89 difficult it was for Israel to seek to spread her trying desperately to get out of isolation. Thus influence in black Africa without showing her Malawi’s role and her persistent call for a disapproval of apartheid. Thus in the United dialogue with South Africa was seen as that Nations Special Political Committee on Apar­ of the ‘Devil’s Disciple’. Indeed, the Republic’s theid in October 1967, the Israeli representative, breakthrough in Malawi was by the establish­ Mr. Barromi, spoke of ‘the suffering and ment of contact between the Republic and martyrdom of the people of South Africa’, and Madagascar and Mauritius. Cockram’s conten­ appealed to the U.N. to stop the strife. Israel tion that the Republic’s success in establishing has repeatedly supported the U.N. on South contact with Madagascar and Mauritius can West Africa. The point that Cockram brings be attributed to Malawi’s positive response, is out in this brief chapter is an illustration of of considerable doubt. These two countries how the Republic’s race policies summarized had their own reasons for seeking to establish as apartheid, have been a source of embarrass­ good relations with the Republic. South African ment and discomfort to even those countries hopes that were raised as a result of these that have certain admiration for South Africa’s successes were soon to fade as a result of achievements. O.A.U.’s rejection of establishing contact with South Africa’s relations with the United South Africa before she showed signs of chang­ States are traced through a long history of ing her internal policy. The relations between friendship which was ‘forged in battle’ in the the Republic and Madagascar were short-lived days of ‘the military alliance during World as they were brought to an abrupt end in 1972 War I, followed by the cooperation of Presid­ when the army took over in that country. ent Wilson and General Smuts in drafting the Cockram also discusses other aspects of Covenant of the League of Nations. During the South Africa’s foreign policy such as ‘The Second World War the two countries were once Defence of the Cape Sea Route’, and the again allies and at the conclusion of the War, ‘Manufacturing of Weapons by South Africa’. ‘General Smuts once again took part with the She points out, and rightly so, how such matters leaders in the drafting of the play an important role in South African foreign Charter of the United Nations’. To illustrate the development of good relations between policy and indeed constitute one of the major the two countries, Cockram refers to General sources of the Republic’s strength vis-a-viii Smuts’ statement in which he said, ‘The United outside pressures. It is because of its gold that States is rapidly becoming the hub of general South Africa continues to defy the world and world interests, and our relations with the it is also through its gold that the economy United States are increasing on a tremendous continues to boom and attract large numbers scale’. Cockram illustrates how this relationship, of immigrants from Western Europe. Geo­ too, began to change with the independence of politics has always been an important aspect Ghana and other black African states, and with of foreign policy, and the defence of the Cape growing American criticism of apartheid at Sea route has helped to draw South Africa the U.N. closer to Britain. The Nevertheless America has maintained econo­ is an example of the importance to South Afri­ mic and cultural links and also generally sup­ ca of her geographical position, and the grow­ ports the Republic’s attitude towards Commu­ ing presence of the Russians in the Indian nism. Cockram sees this as a contradiction in has greatly enhanced this. American policy, but this is perhaps because Barber and Vandenbosch examine South she underestimates the role played by American Africa’s foreign policy in a world-wide context. Negroes in exerting pressure upon their Both authors present a historical background to condemn apartheid as a policy to the Republic’s present policy and trace the which violated the Charter of the U.N. on country’s foreign policy showing how it has Human Rights. been shaped in recent years by the need to Cockram pays special attention to South explain apartheid to the world at large. Barber Africa’s relations with Malawi which was the covers the period between 1945 and 1970, and first black African country to establish formal demonstrates how, because of apartheid, South diplomatic relations with the Republic; and Africa became a victim of the U.N. which this came at a time when South Africa was it helped to create. He analyses South Africa’s

90 foreign policy by using a chronological frame­ ca and the rest of the world were operating work consisting of four periods. In the author’s on entirely different cognitive maps. South view each of these periods has distinct charac­ Africa saw the world in terms of anti­ teristics based on the ‘changing circumstances communist and communist blocs. She failed faced by policy-makers and their perception of to recognize the realities which characterized and response to these circumstances’. He the world after the Second World War. The also shows the relationship between internal first of these realities was the establishment of and external developments; and in this the the United Nations as an international forum, period between 1948 and 1959 is seen as the dedicated to the safeguarding of humanity most important in South Africa’s international throughout the world, which inevitably included relations. Before the Nationalists came to self-determination to nationhood for all peoples power in 1948 they had been extremely critical and the restoration of human rights. that Smuts was concentrating too much of his South Africa also failed to grasp the nature attention on international affairs, but in 1955 of the Afro-Asian bloc which was dismissed they established the Ministry of External as but part of the communist bloc. South Africa Affairs, which had hitherto been part of the did not seem to appreciate the fact that the pro­ Prime Minister’s Office; this was an admission cess of decolonization resulting in the emergence on their part that South Africa could not afford of new nations was a response, on the part of to ignore the impact of foreign affairs on its the colonial powers, to the principle of self- society. South Africa faced a rapidly changing determination and the granting of full human world, as decolonization in Africa was in the rights as dictated by the Charter of the United process of being effected. Barber clearly traces Nations. The new nations which constituted the origins of South Africa’s dilemma and the Afro-Asian bloc were products of the direct shows its failure to come to grips with the application by the colonial powers of the prin­ realities of the world situation after the Second ciple of self-determination, and by the very World War. Both Barber and Vandenbosch nature of their birth, these nations were bound make the point that South African Nationalist to oppose any resistance to the granting of free­ leaders were convinced that their country’s dom and independence. South Africa’s foreign anti-communist stand and its subscription to policy was, therefore, based on wrong premises Western values, would automatically attract and an erroneous interpretation of the U.N. support from the Western world. In a chapter Charter and what it implied. The result is that dealing with South Africa and ‘a Divided despite South Africa’s efforts, exercised through World’, Barber maintains that ‘the South Afri­ the Ministry of External Affairs, the Republic’s can Government was prone to interpret inter­ foreign policy has failed to change the attitude national politics as a simplistic power-cum- of the world towards apartheid. ideological struggle between communism and In 1960 the British Prime Minister, Macmil­ anti-communism’. Dealing with the same sub­ lan, warned in his speech to the members of the ject, Vandenbosch discusses how the South South African Parliament in Cape Town that African Prime Ministers have all held the view South Africa and the West in general had to that their country’s anti-communist stand come to grips with ‘the wind of change’ which should influence the attitude and the thinking was blowing throughout the continent of Africa. of the West towards South Africa. Nationalist In his reply to Mr. Macmillan’s speech, Dr leaders have viewed their country’s objectives Verwoerd said that his country shared common in the world as being the same as those of the objectives with Britain: ‘peace and the conti­ rest of the Western World. Not only did South nued existence of Western ideas and Western Africa regard itself as the bastion of western civilization’. The South African Prime Minister civilization in Africa, but, as Vandenbosch made it clear that his country ‘wanted to be points out, also ‘as indispensable to the white on the side of the West in the tense division world’. which existed in the world’. Verwoerd missed All three authors fail, however, to emphasise the point. The question was not on which side the fact that South Africa’s view of the world South Africa stood, but whether South Africa was quite different from that of the rest of the was prepared to accept the realities of the international community which had emerged ‘wind of change’. The extent to which South after the Second World War. Thus, South Afri­ Africa misunderstood the West was underlined

91 when Verwoerd went on to point out that ‘it the world conscience to the test’, for its failure was easy to understand why South Africa was to condemn political oppression in countries condemned by the Communist countries’, be­ like Ghana, Ethiopia and others: cause South Africa was ‘unequivocally the When freedom was mutilated in Ghana symbol of anti-Communism in Africa’. He or remained illusory as in Liberia and added that it was more difficult to understand Ethiopia, these conditions were tolerated why the Western countries, ‘from whom we or ignored, but when aggression against are descended and with whom we share such South Africa was planned openly, it was close cultural ties, turn against us’. The im­ not condemned. The United Nations did plication of Verwoerd’s statement was that the nothing to stop these hostile manoeuvres West should support South Africa on racial and even associated itself with attacks and cultural grounds’; in fact he was calling for on South Africa. international racism — a point that all three But this misses the point. Under South Africa’s authors should have emphasised. apartheid, all non-white people are refused all Both Barber and Vandenbosch agree that human rights in white areas. In Ghana under at the heart of the difficulties between South Nkrumah, to which Vandenbosch makes refer­ Africa and the United Nations and the world ence as a country where political freedom was was the race policy pursued by the Government mutilated, any citizen had human rights which of the Republic of South Africa; and Vanden­ guaranteed him social justice, to ensure that bosch, more than Barber, presents a critical an individual could live where he or she chose analysis of apartheid, enumerating a multitude to live, could enter any hotel for a meal pro­ of segregatory laws which characterize this vided he could pay for it. policy. Both authors deal with the United The main difference is that political dis­ Nations’ attack on apartheid, and with South crimination is based on ideology and not on the Africa’s defence of her policy, which in short, colour of one’s skin. One can change one’s is that the question of its race policies was a political ideologies and indeed political ideo­ domestic matter and therefore outside the logies change very fast, particularly in Africa. jurisdiction of the United Nations in accordance The Ghana that Vandenbosch described no with Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter. longer exists because, with the emergence of Although Vandenbosch discusses the treat­ new leadership, a new Ghana where political ment of Indians in South Africa to illustrate rights have been restored has also emerged. the international implications of apartheid, all The pigmentation of one’s skin does not change the three authors fail to examine in detail the and to condemn a man because of the colour international dimensions of South Africa’s race of skin is to condemn his creation. That is how policies. They ought to have devoted at least the Afro-Asian views apartheid. But this is a chapter to this question as the centre of not to suggest that political oppression is argument in the United Nations is that apar­ acceptable. The question of comparing apar­ theid has extra-territorial implications. Apar­ theid to a political system that enforces regi­ theid does not affect only those 600 000 alien mentation of political thought deserves a de­ Africans in South Africa, but all non-white tailed examination. Also discussion of South people throughout the world. A book is yet to Africa’s foreign policy must include a careful be written on the international dimensions of analysis of what apartheid is in practical terms South Africa’s race policies. However, given and how it is viewed by the non-white people, the present trend in the Republic towards re­ inside and outside South Africa. For it is im­ laxation of rigid application of apartheid, such portant, to remember that Separate Develop­ a book may be a reflection of the past by the ment and the Bantustan policy means that ‘the time it is written. Africans were never to have South African Similarly all three authors ought to have citizenship but were to be assumed to have the devoted a chapter to analyzing the difference nationality of their ‘homelands’ and the Bantu- between apartheid and political oppression in stans were not to have independence at least a number of countries in the world, including for a considerable number of years’. some new nations of the Afro-Asian bloc. In­ Vandenbosch rightly concludes that the stead, Vandenbosch, for example, defends Republic had clearly become a colonial power South Africa by arguing that ‘Verwoerd put and placed itself subject to the provisions of

92 Articles 73 and 74 of the Charter, which lay Foreign Minister said that South Africa’s race down the obligations of members with respect policies were ethically ‘against the universal to non-self-governing territories; and this made values of human conscience’. On the other it increasingly difficult for a number of western hand South Africa has argued that the world countries to accept South Africa’s argument body applies a double standard in its handling that apartheid was an internal matter. Previous­ of the issue of apartheid at the United Nations; ly the western great powers had maintained and this too, is an aspect of the problem that that Chapter VII of the Charter did not apply to these three authors neglect. the situation in South Africa as it did not Another question which deserves more threaten ‘any foreign state or government with attention than it received in these books is that hostile action’. But, the African States argued of South Africa’s Outward Movement and that if their pressures did not succeed, then Dialogue as part of its foreign policy, designed they would fight. It is in this context that the to explain to the world, particularly the Third African states in particular see the relevance of World, apartheid in favourable terms. In re­ Chapter VII of the Charter to the situation in cent years, particularly between 1966 and 1971, South Africa. This point, an important one, is there was a great deal of interest among politi­ not discussed fully; it is barely mentioned by cal observers about South Africa’s desire to Vandenbosch in passing. have dialogue with black African States. Barber Another problem that formulators of the in a couple of pages, deals with the subject Republic’s foreign policy have had to face has superficially. Vandenbosch devotes several been the question of South West Africa (Nami­ pages to the discussion of the subject and his bia) which the South African Government has analysis is more detailed; but even his fuller refused to hand over to the United Nations’ analysis does not seem to do justice to the Commission for . Cockram and Van­ subject which for several years provoked great denbosch devote a chapter in their respective debate among the African states at O.A.U. books to this question and analyse how the Conferences, and even threatened to split the South West African issue has been a source O.A.U. between those for and those against of confrontation between the Republic and Dialogue. It is true that since 1971 Dialogue the United Nations, with the result that South has ceased to be an issue at O.A.U. Confer­ Africa has increasingly embarassed some of its ences, but the subject is by no means dead. sympathisers in the west. South Africa is merely assuming a low profile The whole question of South Africa’s while thinking deeply about the best way to foreign policy as a subject of intense study in promote Dialogue. The Outward-Looking international politics, reveals as these three Policy, as an aspect of South Africa’s overall authors demonstrate, the complexities of the foreign policy, demonstrates clearly that coun­ Republic’s race policies. It also illustrates that try’s efforts to present an intellectual ration­ in this century, more than in the past, events alization of its apartheid policy. in one part of the world can easily involve All three authors in their analysis of South other parts of the world. But the three authors Africa’s foreign policy show that the Republic, under review have failed to enlighten their in spite of rigid race policies, is a dynamic readers on the question why the world, through nation which responds to world pressures. That the U.N., has become increasingly critical of its positive response to those pressures falls far South Africa’s apartheid policy. Even countries short of the expectations of the international like France, which is generally regarded as community on the principle of self-determina­ a friend of South Africa, has said some harsh tion and the concept of full human rights, things about South Africa’s race policies. cannot be doubted. Both the Outward-Looking Speaking in the United Nations General As­ Policy and Dialogue as its appendage, are a sembly recently, the French Foreign Minister, manifestation of the Republic’s effort to im­ Sanvagnargues said: ‘The situation in Africa prove South Africa’s image abroad. These three remains troubled by tensions and the injustices books are therefore, despite their short-comings, which persist in the Southern part’. The French an important contribution towards an attempt Foreign Minister recorded once again France’s to analyse South Africa’s foreign policy, which ‘complete disapproval of the policy of apar­ is largely a reflection of that country’s domestic theid’. During the same debate the Brazilian policy, apartheid.

93 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution - Noncommercial - NoDerivs 3.0 License.

To view a copy of the license please see: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/

This is a download from the BLDS Digital Library on OpenDocs http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/

Institute of Development Studies