Institution of archaeology & ancient history
A trip down grainy lane Retracing socio-economic structures in Gamla Uppsala
Ida Åhlin
Master’s thesis 45 hp archaeology VT 2020 Supervisor: Anneli Ekblom Campus Engelska Parken Abstract
Åhlin, Ida. 2020. A trip down grainy lane – Retracing socio-economic structures in Gamla Uppsala.
Archaeological records show radical changes in socio-economic structures during the Iron Age in Scandinavia. Some settlements were concentrated around centres that show social status and abundance in economic resources that differ significantly from the rest of the population in the area. By performing a metric analysis of barley-grains, the aim with this thesis is to contribute to research on proto-urban societies and the centralisation processes. As this is the first metric analysis of archaeobotanical material from Gamla Uppsala, the size-variations are compared to Mikael Larsson’s results of his metric analysis of barley-grains in Uppåkra. Gamla Uppsala show a continuous human activity stretching over about a millennium, which makes it an important source of information when trying to understand the processes preceding our modern societies. Uppåkra is an accurate parallel to Gamla Uppsala as the two pre-historical settlements show similar contemporary socio-economic patterns. The archaeobotanical remains from both places are dominated by carbonised hulled barley with small proportions of weed seeds. Larsson’s (2015) metric analysis revealed that larger barley- grains were more frequent in the most central places in Uppåkra than in the vicinities. With the hypothesis that there would be a similar result in Gamla Uppsala, my analysis is based on both settlements’ roles as centralised places during the Iron Age, however with extra focus on Gamla Uppsala. Although the grains are generally smaller than in Uppåkra, large prime-grains seem concentrated to the very centre of Gamla Uppsala (The Royal Manor) and the average grain- size in the surrounding settlements is significantly smaller. Based on these results, the conclusion made here is that the plant-based economy was an important part of the urbanisation and centralisation of Gamla Uppsala during the Iron Age.
Keywords: Hulled barley, Iron Age, centralisation, Gamla Uppsala, proto-town, metric analysis, archaeobotany, macrofossil, Hordeum vulgare, Hordeum vulgare sp., plant-based economy, socio-economics, agriculture
Master thesis in Archaeology 45 hp. Supervisor: Anneli Ekblom. Defended and passed 2020- 06-15 © Ida Åhlin Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, Box 626, 75126 Uppsala, Sweden.
Abstrakt
Åhlin, Ida. 2020. Att få korn på det förflutna – En återblick på socio-ekonomiska strukturer i Gamla Uppsala.
Arkeologiska undersökningar och dokumentationer visar på radikala socioekonomiska förändringar under järnåldern i Skandinavien. Vissa bosättningar koncentrerades kring ett centrum, som uppvisade en högre social status och verkade ha haft tillgång till ett ekonomiskt överflöd, till skillnad från den resterande befolkningen i samhället. Genom utförandet av en metrisk analys av korn, är syftet med denna uppsats att bidra till forskningen kring tidigurbana samhällen och centraliseringsprocesser. Eftersom detta är den första metriska analysen av arkeobotaniskt material från Gamla Uppsala, jämförs storleksvariationerna med Mikael Larssons resultat från hans metriska analys av korn från Uppåkra. Gamla Uppsala visar en kontinuerlig mänsklig aktivitet som sträcker sig över ungefär ett millennium, vilket gör platsen till en viktig informationskälla när vi vill förstå de processer som ligger till grund för våra moderna samhällen. Uppåkra är en lämplig parallell till Gamla Uppsala då de båda förhistoriska bosättningarna uppvisar liknande, samtida socioekonomiska mönster. De arkeobotaniska lämningarna från järnåldern i både Gamla Uppsala och Uppåkra domineras av förkolnade skalkorn med små andelar ogräsfrön. Larssons (2015) metriska analys avslöjade att större korn förekom mer frekvent i de mest centrala delarna av Uppåkra, jämfört med bebyggelsens utkanter. Med hypotesen att ett liknande mönster återfinns i Gamla Uppsala, baseras min analys på de båda nämnda bosättningarnas Uppåkras roller som centraliserade platser under järnåldern, dock med särskilt fokus på Gamla Uppsala. Fastän kornen generellt är mindre än i Uppåkra, verkar det som att de större kornen i Gamla Uppsala är koncentrerade till de centrala delarna (Kungsgårdskomplexet) och de korn som återfunnits i omkringliggande gårdar är betydligt mindre i både längd och bredd. Baserat på detta resultat, dras slutsatsen att den växtbaserade ekonomin var en viktig del av urbaniseringen och centraliseringen av Gamla Uppsala under järnåldern.
Nyckelord: Skalkorn, järnålder, centralisering, Gamla Uppsala, tidigurban, metrisk analys, arkeobotanik, makrofossil, Hordeum vulgare, Hordeum vulgare sp., växtbaserad ekonomi, socioekonomi, jordbruk
Acknowledgements
First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor Anneli Ekblom for giving me the opportunity to work practically with archaeobotanical material, for inspiring me as a researcher, and of course for the support throughout the writing-process. I also want to thank my mother and grandmother, for being sources of positive energy – and for their unlimited support in everything I do.
Contents
1. Introduction ...... 1 1.1. Aims & questions ...... 1 2. Gamla Uppsala and Mälardalen ...... 4 2.1. Landscape history ...... 4 2.2. Excavations in Mälardalen ...... 7 2.3. Gamla Uppsala: a centre of attention ...... 9 2.3.1. Berget and Bredåker ...... 12 2.4. Iron Age settlements and farming landscapes ...... 13 2.4.1. Settlement patterns ...... 13 2.4.2. Pit-houses: functions and definitions ...... 14 2.4.3. Agricultural change and land use...... 16 2.5. Plant-based economy ...... 18 2.5.1. Cultivating and using cereals ...... 18 2.5.2. Crop cleaning ...... 20 2.5.3. Horticulture ...... 21 3. Uppåkra: a proto town ...... 23 3.1. Excavations and archaeological background ...... 24 3.2. Size-variation of barley-grains ...... 26 4. Method ...... 28 4.1. Species determination ...... 28 4.2. Metric analysis ...... 31 4.3. Sample treatment ...... 32 4.4. Detailed presentation of sampling and excavations ...... 32 4.4.1. OKB ...... 32 4.4.2. Matsgården ...... 35 4.4.3. Kungsgården ...... 35 5. Results ...... 37 5.1. Pit-houses ...... 37 5.2. Posthole-houses ...... 47 5.3. Graves ...... 48 5.4. Other areas of activity ...... 50 5.5. Summary of results ...... 55 6. Discussion ...... 59 6.1. Difference in grain-size ...... 60 6.2. Gamla Uppsala vs Uppåkra ...... 61 6.2.1. Comparing numbers ...... 62 6.2.2. Surrounding settlements ...... 63 6.2.3. The biggest of them all ...... 63 7. Conclusion ...... 66 References ...... 68 Figures ...... 73 Tables ...... 74
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1. Introduction
1.1. Aims & questions
Gamla Uppsala was probably the most important central place in Svealand during the Iron Age (1050–1100 AD), especially in the latter period (from circa 500 AD) (Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015; Göthberg et al 2017; Lindkvist et al 2017: 105). The pre-historical settlement is situated in Mälardalen in the mid-east of Sweden (Fig. 2 & 3). The place has a reputation of being one of the more eminent pre-historical societies in Sweden, with great influential power over religion, economy and politics. This interpretation is strongly supported by many monumental graves, the large hall-buildings of the Royal Manor (Kungsgården) and the mid-12th century cathedral from (Ekblom & Ljungkvist 2018). These features are probably the first things that come to mind when thinking of Gamla Uppsala, whilst the rest of the settlement is forgotten. This is probably due to research focusing on aristocrats for a long time, up until this very decennium (Ljungkvist 2000:63). This means that the interpretations of the entire settlement (i.e. all sites in Gamla Uppsala, see Fig. 1) could potentially be based on just a fraction of the area (i.e. Kungsgården). Centralisation of Iron Age settlements became a new subject of interest in archaeological research in the 1990’s (Jørgensen 2001; Helgesson 2002; Näsman 2011; Göthberg et al 2017) and sheds new light on settlements like Gamla Uppsala. Research about centralisation largely means identifying and analysing patterns in the settlement structures based on findings related to functions (Fabech & Ringtved 1995; Fabech 2000; Skre 2010: Göthberg et al 2017:359;), and how these patterns have changed over time in terms of location and relations between and within populations (Fabech 1994a, 1994b; Lundqvist 2000; Gansum 2009; Göthberg et al 2017:359). One of the most important functions in Gamla Uppsala used to be the plant-based economy which, figuratively speaking, has left a trail of grains for us to follow when retracing the centralisation process of the settlement during the Iron Age. Hulled barley used to be the staple food in Scandinavia during the Iron Age and Gamla Uppsala was no exception. The maintenance of a plant-based economy over a long time-span and a relatively large population, leaves rich archaeobotanical remains, such as cereal grains or weed seeds. The long settlement-history of Gamla Uppsala therefore makes it an important 2 place to study shifts in resource-use and social organisation. However, organic material is easily decomposed, unless it is carbonized or deposited in anaerobic conditions (Bergman et al 2017: 132). Charred cereal grains are therefore one of the most relevant sources available for answering questions about pre-historical agriculture, exchange and organisation of resources. Recent excavations of Gamla Uppsala have revealed several Iron Age settlements, in which pit- houses (and other contexts) with large amounts of carbonised cereal grains were found (e.g. Bergman et al 2017). Assuming that cereals were handled in pit-houses, cereals (mostly barley) from mainly pit-houses could be helpful when trying to understand socio-economic structures in Gamla Uppsala. The PhD thesis of Mikael Larsson (2015) is the main inspiration for this master’s thesis. Larsson carried out a metric analysis of the Iron Age hulled barley-grains in Uppåkra, Lund. He found that there is a size-variation and sorting pattern in the grain assemblages that is tied to certain contexts. Larger grain assemblages, relatively free from weed seeds, seem to appear more frequently at the smaller farms in the vicinities of Uppåkra. Larsson suggests that the pattern of sorting at large or prestigious farms is evidence for selection and trade in grain imported to Uppåkra, which he links to an economic and social centralisation. Considering the dating of the material at the larger settlements in Uppåkra, which stretches over circa a millennium (Larsson 2015:1), it seems that the handling of the grains has been a part of an organised and socially structured function. With the archaeological record of Uppåkra as a starting point it may be possible to detect a radical change in the societal structure during the Iron Age, especially in the latter part. The archaeological findings bear witness to an increasing trade market, urbanisation, changing religion and politics, all factors tied to centralisation (Larsson 2015). As a similar pattern is also found in Gamla Uppsala (e.g. Ekblom & Bergman 2018), these two settlements probably had a similar role as a so-called proto-town. The question is as important for Gamla Uppsala as for Uppåkra, as it is key for understanding the early formation of proto-urban or centralised settlements with some of the functions of later towns emerging in the late Iron Age. Like Larsson’s study, this thesis also relates to the broader question of the early urbanisation-process, and the definition of these emerging centres in terms of functions and role. In Gamla Uppsala so far, the research has been focused on the proportions of weed seeds and cereal grains, but no metric analyses have been made before (Ekblom et al 2017; Bergman et al 2017: 122). Since very few weeds are found in the material (idem), the preliminary suggestions are that there will be a similar pattern in Gamla Uppsala as in Uppåkra, regarding size as well. With that said, I will in this thesis attempt to test this hypothesis using metric 3 analyses of cereal grains from a variety of contexts in Gamla Uppsala. Here I have not been able to do a comparison of other sites in the vicinities of Gamla Uppsala as in the study presented by Larsson. Therefore, I will use his measurements as a “standard” here, and his results will be a part of my analysis for comparative reasons. I will also look deeper into possible differences between different contexts in Gamla Uppsala. By identifying, measuring and comparing cereal grains, the intention of this survey is to contribute to the research about the socio-economic situation(s) of the locals in Gamla Uppsala, and to explore the relationship between central Gamla Uppsala, surrounding settlements and landscape during the Iron Age. In order to give this thesis a structure and to make my objective as clear as possible, I have narrowed my aims down to following questions:
1. How do the pre-historical settlements in Gamla Uppsala and Uppåkra compare in general, but also in terms of the centralisation-process during the Iron Age, based on what is already known about the two settlements?
2. What does the size-variation within and between certain contexts or sites look like in Gamla Uppsala, and how do they compare to the contexts in Uppåkra with surrounding area?
3. Based on grain-size, what can be said about the socio-economic situation in Gamla Uppsala in the Iron Age? Does the archaeobotanical material reflect a social organisation around the plant-based economy and if so, how was this function arranged?
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2. Gamla Uppsala and Mälardalen
The primary material that will be analysed in this thesis comes from several different excavations in Gamla Uppsala. These are contract archaeology excavations that were carried out in 1994-1998 of Matsgården by John Ljungkvist and Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis (SAU) (Ljungkvist et al 2000), the research archaeology excavations carried out by Ljungkvist and the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History in 2012 (Ekblom & Ljungkvist 2018:91ff) and the excavations conducted in 2012-2013 in connection with the construction of the railway tunnel as a part of Ostkustbanan (OKB) (Jörpeland et al 2017). The excavations of Matsgården and the OKB-project were mainly focused on the old village and the others were focusing on the Royal Manor area.
In this thesis, I will compare this material with previous macrofossil studies (based on the relationship between weeds and cereals) carried out in the region of Mälardalen and with the metric study of archaeobotanical material from Uppåkra, carried out by Larsson (2015). Therefore, I will here begin with a landscape background to Mälardalen and the excavations carried out here. I will then zoom in to Gamla Uppsala and describe the site. Thereafter I will review the broader landscape changes in Gamla Uppsala based on the new findings. I will then go on and briefly introduce Uppåkra, the excavations and broader landscape changes as a background to the reader. I am also discussing the organisation of buildings and settlements in Scandinavia during the Iron Age and specifically how this applies to Gamla Uppsala and the archaeological contexts that have been analysed in this thesis. Lastly in this chapter, I will also review existing knowledge of the cultivation, the use of cereals and a brief introduction to horticulture in Scandinavia, mainly during the Viking Age–Medieval.
2.1. Landscape history
Mälardalen forms a circa 1000 km² hydrological basin that surrounds the Lake Mälaren. It presently lies circa 24 metres above the sea level. The landscape of Uppsala was shaped by geo- glacial processes, where eskers shaped by sand and gravel from the glacial rivers were already exposed in the Neolithic (Ekblom & Ljungkvist 2018: 92). The plains were covered by glacial 5 clay and the lower parts of the landscape were additionally covered by post-glacial clay. Eventually, the area of Gamla Uppsala started to rise above the sea level in the Late Stone Age (Frölund et al 2017). As the land kept rising, the shoreline regressed, and what is today known as Gamla Uppsala was then situated in the inner part of an archipelago landscape. By the time of 1100–500 BC (Late Bronze Age), most of Gamla Uppsala was exposed, although the ridges in the western parts were still under the marine archipelago. The eastern parts were exposed and likely already inhabited by humans to some extent. In fact, there are several traces of Bronze Age settlements in the eastern and northern parts of Gamla Uppsala whereas in the western part there are basically no signs of habitation until the Iron Age. However, it is important to keep in mind that a lot of the archaeological remains from the Bronze Age probably are overshadowed by Iron Age settlements (Frölund 2009; Ekblom & Ljungkvist 2018: 92). According to pollen analyses from Sjödyn (Qviström 2007) and the Myrby (Ranheden 2007) marshlands, the landscape during the Bronze Age was covered in dense deciduous forest. The flora was dominated by alder, birch, oak and hazel. Elm, rowan, lime-tree, beech and pine also occurred in a smaller scale. Pollen from wheat, barley and plants that favour from grazing (i.e. Plantago lanceolate) were also discovered in the samples, which indicate cultivation and live-stock keeping. The land exploitation around Gamla Uppsala as suggested from the analysis of Sjödyn sediments, seems to have increased during 500–1 BC, as increasing amounts of charcoal particles are showing up in sediment samples from this period. At this time, the number of deciduous trees decreased, whereas light-loving herbs and juniper became more common elements in the landscape, as well as evergreen trees (Frölund 2019:58). Frölund (idem) suggests that the vegetation changed as a result of grazing, pollarding and clearing of forest. However, Ekblom (2018) argues that the vegetation changed mainly because of the climate change that occurred during said period. The colder climate might have forced the locals to adjust to the changing ecology and modified their way of exploiting the landscape (Birks 1986; Ekblom 2018:93). According to Frölund (2019), land use and vegetation in Sjödyn and Berget went through several alterations during the Bronze Age. Grazing lands and cultivation expanded heavily during the period of 499–1 BC. With the following period, 1–650 AD, came yet another expansion of cultivation (idem). Frölund (2019:58ff) further suggests that the changes regarding land use during this period, is connected to changes in settlement patterns and that the unique expansion of cultivation in Gamla Uppsala occurred due to the rapid regression in the area which constantly exposed new plains to colonise. The landscape has not only been shaped by nature, but also by human hands. Gathering 6 stones for different reasons seems to have been an activity already during the Bronze Age. Stones were collected from the landscape for cooking activities but also in order to build cairns of different kinds. Several hundred square metres of stone were collected in Gamla Uppsala during the Iron Age, in order to build grave cairns that in some cases needed hundreds of cubic metres of stones (e.g. Östhögen). The mounds and terraces built during the Vendel Period (circa 500-700 AD) in Gamla Uppsala are made of soil, gravel and other different materials that were moved from the surrounding landscape. As the settlements around the Royal Manor become more concentrated around this time, there is also a discussion about a large scale social and political reorganisation in the landscape starting around 500 AD (Ljungkvist 2008b; Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015:9). Each of the royal mounds is made of more than 10 000 cubic metres of varying materials and were placed next to each other in a strategic way to make a grand appearance. Some of them, including some of the artificial terraces, show signs in the stratigraphy that they have been enlarged at some point (Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015:10). Large amounts of stones from the ridge that the graves are placed on top of, were collected as well, which is apparent up until this day in the form of pits in the sides of the ridge. The collected material was used not only to build burial mounds and artificial terraces but also for constructions of roads, streets and stone revetments and foundations for houses (Ekblom & Ljungkvist 2018:100ff). Following the Iron Age, the Medieval took off with further landscape changes. The building of the Romanesque church required enormous amounts of stone which was probably collected from the elevations nearby or already existing stone constructions. The ridge continued to be exploited for building material during the Medieval, especially from the 1800’s. This meant a radical change of the valley in which the Fyris river flows. The people of Gamla Uppsala manipulated the hydrological elements in the landscape as well, by using the ditching technique. Some of the first ditches might have been dug out already in the 700’s and are found between and/or on courtyards. The most extensive ditching processes occurred during the 1700’s. The ditching were made to drain cultivation fields and is one of the most important technical changes in the farming landscape in the Medieval. The iron ferruled shovel, which was introduced to eastern mid-Sweden in the 1200’s, is thought to be related to this type of technique (Myrdal 1999; Ljungkvist & Kjellberg 2018:124ff). This means that the ditching probably started long before the 1700’s.
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2.2. Excavations in Mälardalen
The first large-scale excavations in Mälardalen, Uppland, took place during 1986–1991 in conjunction with the construction of road E18 between Enköping and Bålsta. Several settlements were uncovered in these archaeological investigations, but very few of them have been researched, individually and in relation to each other and other elements in the cultural landscape they have been a part of. Until the 1990s, researching settlements used to be more of a secondary priority, and grave fields were stealing all focus (Göthberg 2007: 11). After 1991, the interest in pre-historical houses increased and the number of researched houses has been rapidly growing. However, Göthberg points out that the research often orbits around the larger houses (i.e. at the Royal Manor), whereas the smaller houses are still treated with neglect. This is an issue he is trying to amend in his dissertation, where smaller buildings are also included and further defined (Göthberg 2007:154f). As the number of excavated settlements have increased, the knowledge about functions of houses naturally extended. This led the way for further research of the settlements with socio-economic approaches (Göthberg 2007:12). In conjunction with the construction of road E4, between Uppsala and Mehedeby, further archaeological excavations begun in 1990. The rescue archaeological project was an extensive collaborative survey by The Swedish National Heritage Board (Riksantikvarieämbetet (RAÄ)), Societas Archaeologicas Upsaliensis (SAU) and Upplandsmuseet. Interesting archaeological records from excavations in the decades before showed that it could be worth to focus on settlements and buildings, which resulted in findings of settlement remains from the Stone Age to the Medieval. The final investigations of this project took place between 2000–2006 (Göthberg 2007:11). As a result of these excavations we now have a better understanding of the socio-economic structures and patterns in Gamla Uppsala. Gamla Uppsala itself has been excavated several times, starting 1994–1998 when Matsgården was excavated, resulting in the identification of six pit-houses. The Royal Manor (Kungsgården) was excavated in 2010–2011 and the OKB-project is the name of the most extensive excavations in Gamla Uppsala, lasting from 2012–2017 (Göthberg et al 2017). Most of the material analysed in this thesis come from these excavations. The OKB-excavations were conducted because of Trafikverket’s decision to extend the already existing railway through Gamla Uppsala, called Ostkustbanan (short OKB), Swedish for the east-coast railway. The extensive survey was a collaboration between the companies Arkeologerna, Upplandsmuseet and SAU (Bergman et al 2017:120). The intention with the archaeobotanical analyses during the excavations was to find out more about the landscape transformation over time regarding 8 land use such as plant cultivation and animal husbandry. The results of the OKB-project are compared to average settlements and other expanding settlements similar to Gamla Uppsala in Scandinavia, in the timespan from Roman Iron Age to the 1500’s AD. The major part of the analysed material in this thesis come from these excavations. During the excavations a total of 46 pit-houses of varying size and design (Lindkvist 2017), which will be further discussed in this thesis. As these house categories have not been well explored previously to the same extent as longhouses, these contexts were prioritised during the OKB excavations. From an archaeobotanical perspective these pit-houses were of high interest as some of them contained large amounts of cereal grains (Lindkvist 2017). These deposits will be discussed below in more detail. Osteological and archaeobotanical remains from a continuous human activity over a long time enables analyses and therefore an understanding of the change in local/regional land-use from Early Iron Age to the Late Medieval (Bergman et al 2017:120f). Of relevance here is the nearby settlement Bredåker, which as Kungsgården has contexts with rich grain-depositions concentrated in pits. It has been suggested that the assemblages of grains could have been found in storages, rest products of rituals or roasting (Ranheden 2007; Bergman et al 2017:138). Although barley is generally dominant in Mälardalen (Eriksson 1997; Ranheden 2007; Bergman et al 2017:140) – and the rest of Scandinavia during the Iron Age – (Welinder 1998; Pedersen & Widgren 1998, 2012; Bergman et al 2017:140) the proportions of wheat discovered in eastern Gamla Uppsala are higher than other regions nearby. Interestingly, wheat has been suggested to be an indication of urbanisation and wealth during the Iron Age (von Hofsten 1957:53; Hansson 1997; Bergström 2007; Grabowski 2011:491; Bergman et al 2017:140).
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Figure 1. Map over the excavated pit-houses at different sites in Gamla Uppsala (Lindkvist 2017:110), until 2014. Norra and Östra gärdet are not included in the analysis of this thesis.
2.3. Gamla Uppsala: a centre of attention
Gamla Uppsala is well known as a place of pre-historical and cultural significance in Sweden. It was already in the Viking Age perceived as a mythical place according to Norse tales from this period (Gräslund 1993; Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015). The physical landscape where Gamla Uppsala is situated started to rise above the sea level in the Late Stone Age, however, there are traces from human activity from the Bronze Age (Frölund et al 2017:8). Fertile plains were gradually exposed from the sea and acted as a cradle for a growing population, and for the changes that would eventually create what is now called a central place. A central place denotes 10 an area with many functions such as politics, religion, military, specialised production and trading (Näsman 1998; Jørgensen 2002; Söderberg 2005; cf. Göthberg et al 2017:360). The human activity expands and intensifies especially during the Early Iron Age. In the middle of the first millennium AD (circa 1500 years ago), the sea level was about eight metres. Lake Mälaren was much larger and connected to the sea at this time, and a long time forward. As the river mouth of the Fyris river is not far from Gamla Uppsala, the locals had easy access to the Baltic Sea, i.e. a world-wide contact network. The river mouth of the Fyris river (which is located about one hour of walking from Gamla Uppsala) used to be the final destination for large ships that were sailing the Baltic Sea. The ships were too large to travel any further, however, boats with a dimension of 13 metres seem to have been “small” enough to travel deeper into the land, according to archaeological records from both Valsgärde and Gamla Uppsala. Findings from the Viking Age, such as Arabic coins and Asian pearls, support the assumption that Gamla Uppsala had a well-established trading network, stretching overseas far beyond Sweden (Ekblom & Ljungkvist 2018: 98f). The Fyris river that is running right through Gamla Uppsala was, naturally, broader during the Iron Age as well. A delta of seven valleys which branches into – except routes to Lake Mälaren and the Baltic Sea – travelling routes, were connected to Gästrikland, Västmanland and Dalarna. The physical landscape of Gamla Uppsala would, in other words, have been very beneficial for a growing population (Ekblom & Ljungkvist 2018: 98f). Kungsgården is thought to have been the very centre of Gamla Uppsala at some point or period. This place consists of several different farms and features that together make a complex, placed on top of a ridge. Three of these features are artificial terraces built that served as a monumental house foundation, which all have been partly excavated. All of them are thought to have been constructed around the time of 500 AD, when major changes in the political landscape was happening (Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015:9f; Göthberg et al 2017:363). There is a fourth terrace recently discovered that is dated to the Migration Period (circa 400-450 AD) (Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015:9f). There is also a construction looking like a wall or a road with terraces, which seem to be built around the centre to some extent (Beronius et al 2011; Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015:10). It is located north of the manor. Behind the wall we have the Southern and Northern terraces. The Southern terrace is placed on the highest ground in the area and the hall-building was built on top, whereas the Northern terrace is placed much lower and presumably held the ground for workshops. One of the workshop buildings dated to 500- 600 AD show signs of bead production, smith- and antler-work. A total of 600 garnets were found as well and interpreted as waste from production. Furthermore, the large royal mounds 11
are placed in the south of the manor and the Thing mound [Tingshögen] in the east (Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015:11; Ljungkvist, Frölund & Sarén-Lundahl 2015). All of these constructions were not built at the same time; however, they were all built within a relatively short time-span (Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015). The population of Gamla Uppsala shows a pattern of an emerging gap in the Late Iron Age in terms of socio-economy (Frölund et al 2017:10). The kind of monumentalising the people of Kungsgården made, created a physical difference within the population which was a way of manifesting power. These types of relics have been the focal point in research, however, there were of course other types of settlements surrounding this great gathering of monuments. Twelve areas that are interpreted as more average settlements have been discovered in the OKB-project and dated to the Late Iron Age (Göthberg et al 2017:350f). The people at Kungsgården is thought to have had certain relations with some of the farms in the area surrounding the complex, before the Medieval came with new boundary systems that fragmented the entire settlement (Frölund et al 2017:8). Helgesson (2003:327) suggested that instead of prestige objects, land became the new “currency” as the Iron Age came to its end
Figure 2. (Gamla) Uppsala is situated in the middle of the Figure 3. (Gamla) Uppsala is situated in the middle of the red red circle. Data from SLU & SGU. Map produced by the circle. Data from SL & SGU. Map produced by the author, author, 2020. 2020. . Figure 2. (Gamla) Uppsala is situated in the middle of the red circle. Data from SLU & SGU. Map produced by the author.
Figure 3. (Gamla) Uppsala is situated in the middle of the red circle. Data from SLU & SGU. Map produced by the author.
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2.3.1. Berget and Bredåker
Two sites in the vicinity of Gamla Uppsala that are important to consider are Berget and Bredåker, because the two sites could potentially have had important roles for the development of the centre that was emerging during the Iron Age. The settlement is found circa 400 metres southwest of the historical known farm and a stone’s throw from Gamla Uppsala. The landscape used to be made up by arable fields of glacial and postglacial clay with woodlands and moraine in the eastern part, with Samnan and the Fyris-river flowing right through (Frölund 2019:91). Bredåker is one of the more thoroughly studied areas in Gamla Uppsala. Frölund (2019) has in his dissertation Bosättningar och jordbruk i Gamla Uppsala treated issues related to settlements and agriculture within a limited period during the Iron Age, focusing on Berget and Bredåker. According to Frölund’s research, both settlements were active throughout 200 BC–600 AD, but with fluctuating supporting systems. The settlements were expanding in Bredåker during 200 BC up until 200 AD, when it started to wane for circa 200 years. The expansion in Berget took place around 200 BC-400 AD. However, in the 400–600s AD, the settlement in Bredåker started to expand again, whereas Berget’s population and settlement extent rapidly decreased. The retention and cultivation follow the same patterns at both settlement-areas, according to the osteological and botanical record. Wheat (Triticum spp.), barley (Hordeum spp.) and oat (Avena sativa) were cultivated in both Bredåker and Berget, with a clear dominance of barley in Bredåker. During the periods when the settlements were at their largest, all three of the different cereal species were grown simultaneously (Frölund 2019:133). Berget and Bredåker seem to have had similar prerequisites in terms of economy, but it is found that the people of Bredåker were keeping a broader variety of species of both live-stock and cereals throughout the entire active period of the settlements. Frölund therefore suggests that the dynamic supporting systems of Berget and Bredåker depended on social rather than economic resources (Frölund 2019:136). Furthermore, Frölund argues that Berget was managing excess production (meat and tar) whereas Bredåker focused on cereal production (mostly barley) throughout the entire active time. Several researchers have suggestions as to why excess production would be necessary. Two motivations could have been trade and to provide an elite with produce that would have been redistributed at feasts held wherever the elite had their centre, which was a way of reinforcing social status and power (deFrance 2009:124; Groot & Lentjes 2013:11f; Frölund 2019:137). As Berget show strong signs of specialisation and production, Frölund suggests a relation with the central place, i.e. Gamla Uppsala. In the light of Myhre’s (1978) redistribution system and Jørgensen’s (1996, 2001, 2002, 2009, 2010, 2011) tributary system, 13
Frölund argues that Berget most likely had been a part of a tributary system for a long time. As for Bredåker, prestige items were found at the settlement for the first time in about 1000 years, somewhere between 450–600 AD, which are most likely not produced locally. This might be a potential sign of Bredåker forming a relation to Gamla Uppsala, like the one Berget already had established (Frölund 2019:139ff). These localities would have been good as a reference point here in terms of grain-size; however, I have not been able to measure any material from either Berget or Bredåker.
2.4. Iron Age settlements and farming landscapes
As mentioned before, the Iron Age is associated with great changes in both cultural and ecological aspects of the landscape in Mälardalen. Studying not only the settlement patterns, but also the dynamic agriculture during the Iron Age is therefore fundamental if we are to try and understand the role of Gamla Uppsala during this time and forward. Since I will discuss the results from particular contexts, primarily pit-houses, but also longhouses, it is important to introduce briefly the settlement and building patterns during the Iron Age as well.
2.4.1. Settlement patterns
During the Early Iron Age, the differences from one farm to another varied greatly. A common structure at average Iron Age farms was a large wooden house with three sections, usually there was also another parallel house, a smaller three-section house, and sometimes there was an additional post-house in a bit further away on the farm. In front of the houses there would be a courtyard with hearths in the outskirt, a well and a tumulus field about 500 meters from the houses (Göthberg 2007:155f). The three-section houses were at least 15 meters long and the most fundamental houses on a property around 200 AD. The houses were held up by posts and divided in at least three sections, as suggested by the name. With the help of macrofossil remains such as weeds, it is possible to figure out the function of each section. The general idea is that bigger proportions of weed seeds in the archaeobotanical material indicate the presence of live-stock, as weeds would have been used as fodder. With that in consideration, it seems that the longhouses used to be a home for not only people, but also their live-stock. The third section might have been used as space for storage. However, it is unclear whether people shared living space with cattle in Mälardalen or not, since the remains of weeds are relatively absent compared to Iron Age buildings in northern Sweden. The postholes are sometimes found 14 irregularly placed, which could mean that the buildings had more than three rooms and therefore have been even more multifunctional than assumed. Larger properties seem to have had more buildings – possibly to avoid sharing space with animals (Frölund 2019:140). In the 600–800s AD, the trend was several shorter houses, possibly to organise and let each house have its own function. The longhouses were no longer the head buildings of the farms but were used as feast locals at larger courtyards instead. Storby Backe is one of the settlements that had more and larger houses than some of the other farms. The buildings from Late Iron Age are significantly smaller than those from the Early Iron Age. Houses in Gamla Uppsala during the Viking Age, however, were many in numbers, but much smaller than at farms in the surrounding area. Even though the Viking Age settlements in Gamla Uppsala might have kept some features from an earlier era (Frölund 2019:140), the farms seem to have been smaller in area and more concentrated during this time (Ljungkvist & Frölund 2015:9). The farmyards of both GUSK and Veterinärvillan were however larger than the ones at Storgården. The Viking Age did not only come with new building-structures, but it seems that the farms had separate functions and purposes. It is suggested that smaller so-called economy-buildings (which will be discussed in the following section) on a farm would have been a new way of claiming a property without having to be present, as a consequence of the changing ideological ideas during the 400-600s (Herschend 2015; Frölund 2019:140). This might have been the case in Berget (see 2.3.1.), where the owner of the settlement seems to have left but the farm continued producing. However, Frölund suggests that it also could mean that the farm was changing area of specialisation (2019:140).
2.4.2. Pit-houses: functions and definitions
Pit-houses are frequently found at Iron Age settlements in Sweden. These buildings seem to have begun appearing on farms during the transition from Roman Iron Age (0–400 AD) to the Migration Period (circa 400–550 AD). The number of pit-houses peaked during the Viking Age (circa 700–1100 AD) and thereafter decreased rapidly. There are now about 100+ defined pit- houses in Mälardalen area, but the established definitions of pit-houses are based on those from Skåne and a few other European countries, as the pit-houses in Mälardalen are lacking analogy. The function(s) of pit-houses in general is still debated (Göthberg 2007; Milek 2012: 85; Lindkvist et al 2017). Some researchers argue that the pit-houses have served as seasonal residences given that there has been a hearth in the building. Others suggest that they were used as food storages, drying houses or smokeries – as drying houses where low-temperature kilns 15 were used for drying the cereal grains (which was also part of the brewing process for mead) (Larsson et al 2019). Either way, pit-houses are generally interpreted as buildings of financial significance (Göthberg 2007:158). Furthermore, there are suggestions that pit-houses might have been workshops belonging to farms that are connected to trade and royal power (Norr 1997:16; Ljungkvist 2000: 82). For instance, a pit-house area was found in Själland, situated right next to a large farm with a hall-building (Christensen 1991; Ljungkvist 2000). However, Ljungkvist (2000) argues that many pit-houses are found in areas that are not associated with any type of elite, so a more accurate interpretation would be that pit-houses might have been workshops belonging to farms in general – not necessarily large farms. Another parallel to the interpretation of pit-houses in Sweden is the Icelandic variation of the pit-house which is called jarðhús (earth house). The most common shape of these pit-houses is square or rectangular and are usually equipped with an oven or hearth of stone, placed in one of the corners (Milek 2012: 85). The pit-houses are dated to the 10th-11th century and were probably abandoned in the 12th century. Interpretations of these houses have been disputed, much like the definitions concerning pit-houses in general as discussed here. However, Milek suggests, based on her multimethod approach, that the pit-houses in Iceland were non- temporary and of social and economic significance, like the ones found on the mainland in Scandinavia based on material evidence. Milek further suggests that the pit-houses in Iceland were used for textile production, considering frequent textile findings and artefacts such as stones that are thought to have been used for heating liquids1 used in textile production. Remains from textile crafts and tools are found in many of the pit-houses in Skåne in southern Sweden as well, which indicates that those buildings might have been textile workshops (Andersson 1996, 1999, 2000; Lindkvist et al 2017). Sometimes material or artefacts of foreign influence appear in pit-houses, why it has been suggested that foreign specialists have been hired to work in the pit-houses (Lindqvist 2017:06). Sewing tools have been found in 20 of the pit-houses in the OKB-project, but most of the textile-related artefacts are found in other contexts than pit-houses, at Groaplan and Storgården for instance. At Veterinärvillan however, most of the textile-artefacts are found in the pit-houses. A large amount of the textile-findings is found at GUSK as well. Although Groaplan and Storgården seem to have been populated more intensively and during a longer time than Veterinärvillan and GUSK, the two latter sites seem to have been producing more textile than the other sites (Lindkvist et al 2017:118f).
1Although the pit-houses may have been buildings of economic significance, they might have had a symbolic value too. Milek is, in her article about gender-roles of Icelandic pit-houses, discussing how recent research is pointing to practices within textile management, being connected to “women-magic” (Milek 2012). 16
The pit-houses in Gamla Uppsala, from the OKB-project, are found in many different designs and constructions (Lindkvist et al 2017). The sizes of the houses vary between 3,2–21,4 square metres. Thirty-four of the houses were placed within 4–8,2 metres from each other and most of them have a rectangular or square shape, except from a few rounded ones. Many of the roofs were interpreted as saddle-roofs and some of them have had two or more posts holding it up. The roof has probably been resting directly on the ground in many of the cases, except house 1126, which seems to have had a plank wall supporting the roof. There are also some houses that have been supported by posts placed outside the construction under the ground, or with posts placed in three of the corners. Most of the houses do not have any walls left but circa a third of them had wattle walls. Some walls have been insulated with material such as peat or clay. Some floor-layers were covering the foundation constructions of the houses, but in some cases, there was nothing left, which could mean that the floors were made of wood and built directly on the foundations. Nine of the pit-houses included in the OKB-project were equipped with hearths and/or ovens, which were also of different designs. House 1126 is interpreted as a metal-workshop, with two stone furnaces. Some of the hearths are not interpreted yet and some of them are interpreted as cooking hearths. In some of the houses, stone blocks were found in the corners, interpreted as door-steps. In four of the houses, benches made of soil were found, whereas one of them are thought to be a bed or bench (house 4075), and one as a working bench (house 1126) (Lindkvist et al 2017:106ff). There is also one house (A227) with benches made of clay at Matsgården (Ljungkvist et al 2000). In Gamla Uppsala many of the pit-houses seem to have been actively closed in some way (Ekblom and Bergman 2018; Bergman et al 2017). Closing of the pit-houses sometimes included filling them up with soil and/or burning them down, which is assumed to be a kind of pagan ritual (Milek 2012: 122f). Remains from these types of rituals are also found at other sites than Gamla Uppsala in Mälardalen (Lindkvist et al 2017).
2.4.3. Agricultural change and land use
During 200–600 AD the Swedish agriculture consisted of cultivation and live-stock farming. At least half of the human population’s diet consisted of crops (Welinder 1998:270). Agriculture was developing regionally all over the country depending on the varying soil quality which was crucial for crop farming and settling (Welinder 1998:273, 276f). During 300– 400 AD, a protecting system [hägnadssystem] was prevailing in Uppland. The purpose of the enclosure system was to keep live-stock from the crops by building fences around the 17 cultivation areas (Welinder 1998:276). The farming landscape in Sweden was changing locally during the transition from Early to Late Iron Age and the manifestations of power started to become more prominent and obvious (restructured settlements, prestige items in graves, monumental graves and other constructions etc.). Welinder further argues that archaeological records from around 500 AD indicate that Öland, Gotland, Östergötland, North Hälsingland/Medelpad and Uppland developed into smaller central places. Power would be expressed through control over people and production, rather than large land estates. To maintain the status, a special trading-system between these separate regions was established. (Welinder 1998:312). By the time of the Late Iron Age (500–1050 AD), features such as tumulus fields were emerging and placed in distinct correlations to the farms and villages that were expanding. This would be the new way of expressing ownership of land and the previous farming boundary system was no longer needed (Welinder 1998:328ff).
Increasing cultivation and gradual deforestation led the way for an open landscape in Gamla Uppsala and Uppåkra during the Roman Iron Age. Osteological material from the vicinities of Gamla Uppsala show a lower proportion of pigs than other animals, whereas the pigs seem to have dominated the livestock farming in Gamla Uppsala. Pigs can eat waste from processing cereals, so Bergman et al suggest that pigs would have been more frequent on farms that focus mainly on cultivation (Granstedt et al 1998:133; Bergman et al 2017:149). Both the number of pigs and cultivation were increasing during 400–650 AD, which Bergman et al suggest could be a consequence of increasing focus on local cultivation (Bergman et al 2018:149). There are increasing remains from cattle and horses and a decreasing proportion of weed seeds among cereal grains in eastern Gamla Uppsala during 400–900 AD. In the same period, western Gamla Uppsala seem to have been focusing on cultivation, as pollen samples from Myrby swamp contain both barley and wheat. Grazing animals like horses require large areas because of the damage they inflict on the ground. This could mean that there was no space for cultivation in the east, so the locals might have imported grain from the western Gamla Uppsala. The overall cultivation patterns in Mälardalen seem stable until the Medieval, as mostly barley and wheat was cultivated in a two-field system (Bergman et al 2017:149ff). The readjustment to animal husbandry, that was most likely taking place during the Migration Age, is traceable thanks to the increasing concentration of pollen culture visible in the pollen analyses from Myrby marshlands around Uppsala. Even though an accurate chronology is not possible to determine, it seems that an increasing monumentalising in Gamla Uppsala was taking place during early Vendel, which is later than the animal husbandry 18 transformation. There is a possibility that the increasing crop cultivation was one of the direct factors that acted as a basis for the expansion of the population of Gamla Uppsala and its status development. However, it is also possible that Gamla Uppsala was restructured during the Migration Age, which could have been caused by the urbanisation of the smaller communities from the outskirts. As said, an exact chronology is not possible to calculate due to the lack of 14C-dating at the moment, but changes in land use and settlement-rearrangements, for instance, seem to be related in some respects. When it comes to the transition from cultivation to animal husbandry, factors such as increasing population, dropping groundwater levels, competition, social networks, climate changes, and a growing stratified society, could be some of the underlying causes (Göthberg & Sundkvist 2017).
2.5. Plant-based economy
2.5.1. Cultivating and using cereals
Cereal cultivation in southern Scandinavia has, as far as we know, been practiced since the early Neolithic (about 3900 B.C.) (Welinder 1998). Most of the cultivated plants used to be emmer wheat (Triticum dicoccum), einkorn (Triticum monococcum), naked barley (Hordeum vulgare nudum) and in the later Neolithic (circa 2200 B.C.), spelt (Triticum spelta) was introduced (Grabowski 2011:480f). A new type of agriculture emerged in southern Sweden the second half of the Bronze Age (Welinder 1998:61), where fields were permanently used, and the crops were grown with the help of intensive use of manure (Engelmark 1992, 1993; Gustafsson 1995; Grabowski 2011:481). This seems to have resulted in a reduction of the number of crop species and instead favoured nitrophilous weeds, goosefoot (Chenopodium spp.) for instance. This transition seems to have been completed by the time of Pre-Roman Iron Age (circa 400 B.C.– 1 AD). Hulled barley became the main crop, which may be explained by the plant’s ability to resist cold. However, Grabowski (2011) suggests based on recent research, that hulled barley could have become the staple crop because of its positive response to manure. Hulled barley and its by-products can also be used as food for live-stock and stays relatively intact after harvesting (Grabowski 2011:480f). Flax and rye have been discovered in archaeobotanical records, from Pre-Roman Iron Age, respectively Roman Iron Age (circa 1–400 AD). Grabowski argues that neither of these crops are suitable for the kind of agriculture system that was occurring, since flax is sensitive to competition from weeds and rye cannot handle the amount of nutrition that the manure would 19 give. However, referring to Engelmark (1992), Grabowski suggests that the Iron Age farmers could have sowed flax on fresh fields free from weeds, and rye was sowed lastly, on fields that had almost no nutrition left after the harvest of the season. Hulled barley stayed fundamental in the later Iron Age however, even when rye and oat (Avena sativa) also started to become more important. The rye seems to have gained importance in Skåne, where larger depositions have been found in relation to winter weeds (Grabowski 2011: 481). Engelmark suggests that it indicates another type of cultivation system, that is more significant for the Medieval Age in Scandinavia. According to Grabowski’s research, the type of agriculture that was practiced in southern Sweden over time (Skåne, Halland, etc.), was most likely a local adaption to the occurring ecology and other circumstances (Grabowski 2011:491). Cereals are found as whole grains but also in modified forms such as porridge and bread from Late Iron Age. Grains have been used to make bread of many different shapes and forms and with varying ingredients depending on region and culture. Bread has been a basic part of peoples’ diet over a long period of time (Brothwell 1969:95; Hansson 1995:38; Schierman 2005/2006:4); however, the oldest archaeological remains of carbonized bread in Scandinavia are dated to Roman Iron Age. The largest concentration of burnt bread-finds from other contexts than graves in Sweden are found in Helgö (context hgr 2: IV). These bread-finds are dated to Late Roman Iron Age. Most likely, this is where and when baking bread started to become a part of the culture in the region of Mälardalen (Bergström 2007:69). Most of the pre-historic bread finds in Sweden are encountered in Birka, Uppsala. Barley seems to be a very frequent main ingredient, though bread made of wheat, oat and peas are occurring as well (Hjelmqvist 1984:271; Viklund 1998:144f; Schierman 2005/2006:5). Burial customs of cremation graves in Mälardalen appear to change during the transition from Early to Late Iron Age. The number of personal belongings and animal bones in graves increase, along with gifts such as bread. This is a practice that is thought to have begun in Helgö during the Late Migration Age. Bread in graves is during the Vendel Period increasing in number and area of dispersion. Bread with influences from Mälardalen is found even in a few graves in Åland, Russia and Balticum during this time. Finally, during the Viking Age, grave bread was concentrated to Birka (Bergström 2007:70). It is thought that bread was given to the deceased as a grave gift or sacrifice (Näsström 2002:178; Schierman 2005/2006:6). Another interpretation is that bread was given to the deceased as food for the journey to the afterlife, or that it was a way of showing reverence to deceased people of higher social status (Hansson 1997:27; Schierman 2005/2006:6). Rituals connected to sacrificing bread to the dead are suggested to be a symbolic action representing fertility and rebirth (Viklund 1997:123; Hansson 20
& Bergström 2002:54; Schierman 2005/2006:6). The interpretation varies depending on the bread’s ingredients, shape and other symbolic items in the grave, but also where in the grave the bread is placed. Flour was a valuable resource, so it is suggested that bread was most likely deposited in graves for wealthier people of the contemporary society. Bread is more frequent in graves of women than those of men (Hansson 1996b:66; Hansson 1996c:9; Hansson 1997:58; Schierman 2005/2006:6f). Bread finds are less frequent in settlement contexts as bread easily degrade unless it is burnt, so the bread is usually interpreted as a baking failure (burnt) or that the house burned down (Gräslund 1967:258; Schierman 2005/2006: 7). Bread found in Vendel, Uppland, are found except in cremation graves, in a hearth and a waste pit. Bread was also found in 48 cremation graves in Birka. Amorphous material that can possibly be burnt bread is found in two cremation graves in Gamla Uppsala. In one of the cases (grave 6017) the six bread-like fragments are found along with a few cereals, one flax seed and a relatively large amount of seeds from goose foot (Chenopodium). The assemblage of the goose foot in this grave is interpreted as an active deposition, considering the amount, the other finds and the fact that goose foot have long been used as an ingredient in bread and porridge- like meals (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:12). In grave 6027, nine fragments of potential bread are found and are also interpreted as actively deposited (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:14).
2.5.2. Crop cleaning To be able to understand the material and the results of the survey, it is necessary to understand how the material has been handled, from harvesting to contamination. The harvesting of grain in the pre-industrial agriculture included threshing, raking, winnowing, pouring, flinging, sieving and hand-picking. The handling of the grain may have affected the size, fragmentation and the amounts of weeds that come with the final harvest. Cereals were probably separated from by-products and sorted in assemblages based on size and depending on purpose. Understanding these steps also makes it possible to identify in which stadium of the process the grains were deposited. That knowledge can help with further interpretation about whether the grain was locally produced, or if it was found in a consumer’s household, for instance. If the grains are found in a household, weeds should be relatively absent, as the harvest gets sorted before it is distributed. The producer, on the other hand, handles the sorting and crop cleaning. Therefore, it is more likely that all the by-products such as chaffs and weeds are found among the cereal grains (Larsson 2015:3f). When it comes to interpreting grain assemblages, there are several different theories to consider. Larsson brings a few of these to a short discussion, although some of them are rather 21 old (2015:4). Jones (1985) is suggesting that grain assemblages at a producer-site would be rich, since grains would be abundant and could be wasted with less severe consequences. At non-production sites, grains should then be found in low quantities, with a larger number of weeds and other by-products. However, Campbell (2000) argues that the absence of weeds and chaff in large grain assemblages could indicate that the by-products were sorted out and used as fodder for livestock. This was also how the material in Gamla Uppsala was interpreted, having only a small amount of weed seeds in comparison to other sites (Bergman et al 2017). Stevens (2003) proposes that the variation between grain assemblages could be depending on which stage of the cleaning process the grains were stored, and whether the grains were kept in communal or private storages. However, chaff is rarely found in any larger proportions at any Swedish archaeological site as discussed by Larsson (2015). Larsson means that we must keep the taphonomical issues in mind, when interpreting archaeobotanical assemblages. The preservation of seeds and chaff differs from grains, especially counting with carbonisation, which means that the proportions of grains, weed seeds and chaff should not be the only reliable source when interpreting post-harvest processing (Larsson 2015:4).
2.5.3. Horticulture As far as known, cultivation of garden plants has been a common activity since the Stone Age and seems to have been a widespread practice during the Viking Age. As operating of field crops has been the focus in Scandinavian research, garden activities and horticulture history have been generally overlooked and not included in the agrarian history (Rodhe et al 2012), despite the undeniable civilisation symbol horticulture is (Heimdahl 2010:265). Horticulture is cultivation of plants within a defined space, popularly called a garden. Hedgerows, stonewalls, roads, terraces, buildings, banks and wooden fences are examples of elements that can identify a garden at an archaeological site, as they may have been used as delimitation in order to protect and claim the small-scale cultivation. The definition of a garden can be different depending on culture, however, several species in smaller numbers are cultivated in a garden and some of them needs a more intensive and customized care than a large-scale cultivation of a single crop – cereals for instance. Vegetables, spices, herbs, medicinal plants and fruits are usually considered to be garden plants. Although oil and fibre plants usually grow on fields, there are evidence of cultivation of flax and gold of pleasure in the Early Iron Age in Skåne. However, it is important to keep in mind that not all these garden plants have necessarily been cultivated. Some plants were gathered from their natural habitat. Furthermore, Rodhe et al (2012) mentions early written sources that tells us about how gardens 22 with sweet gale, naturally growing in heathlands or bogs, might have served as a manifestation of claiming wild-growing plants that were not necessarily growing close to the settlement area (Rodhe et al 2012: 27f). The horticulture prevailing in Sweden and the rest of Europe during the Iron Age, seems to be rooted in the Roman and Pre-Roman traditions and was a common part of agrarian societies. For a long time, horticulture was thought to have been heavily influenced, or even introduced by monks in conjunction with the Medieval. Heimdahl (2010) suggests that the overrepresented urban archaeobotanical material from the Medieval could be one reason for this interpretation. However, contract archaeology from the last decennium has uncovered new material such as fossils and stratigraphic remains that show indications of much older roots in the Nordic European civilisation than previously anticipated, connected to the roman occupation. Rather than the monasteries, Lindeblad (2006) and Tollin (2005) suggest that the horticultural trends and dispersion of new garden crops were stimulated by the city centres, due to the excess of manure production. However, gardening was not exclusive for the centres, but was practiced in the country sides as well (Heimdahl 2010: 265ff). Some of the earliest finds in Sweden are peas and beans from the Early Neolithic and one opium poppy (Papaver somniferum) seed from Late Neolithic. Henbane seems to have been spread during the Pre-Roman Iron Age. In what extension the crops were cultivated cannot be known unless actual garden constructions can be found. Common crops in the Scandinavian horticulture used to be opium poppy, bishop’s weed (Aegopodium podagraria), henbane (Hyoscyamus niger) and hop (Humulus lupulus). In the Late Iron Age kale (Brassica sp.) and mustard (Sinapis sp.) became more widespread. The plant material from almost any archaeological excavation in Sweden consists of mainly cereals. However, one single seed of mallow (Malva neglecta) was found in a well during the OKB-excavations (context 5207), which is also one of the earliest finds of mallow in Sweden, with a dating to 640–770 AD. Mallow was used as a medicinal plant all over Europe. Although there is only one seed, it could be an indication that mallow was grown and used by Nordic pre- monastic medics in Gamla Uppsala during the Iron Age. Pollen from kale (Brassica spp.) are found in eleven cases, which indicate operating of kale gardens. However, there are no other signs of garden activities, which can be found in contemporary central societies in Scandinavia (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:32ff).
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3. Uppåkra: a proto town
Uppåkra is known as a place of political, religious and administrative significance with a strong local-based economy and a well-established craftmanship, much like Gamla Uppsala (Larsson 2015:21f). The site of Uppåkra is located in the south of Sweden, about six kilometres south of Lund (see Fig. 4 and 5). During the Iron Age, the settlement of Uppåkra was situated seven kilometres from the coast on an elevation of the plain, covering about 40 hectares. As far as known, it is the largest Iron Age settlement site in the south of Sweden. The settlement is placed strategically considering the easy access to the Sege river via the Öresund Strait in the south direction and a travelling route on land between Trelleborg and Helsingborg in the north-south (Larsson 2015:21).
Figure 4. Map of Uppåkra’s position in Sweden. Data from Figure 5. Zoomed. Uppåkra is located within the red circle. SLU and Lantmäteriet. Map produced by the author in 2020. Data from SLU and Lantmäteriet. Map produced by the author in 2020. 24
3.1. Excavations and archaeological background
The very first archaeological finds in Uppåkra was discovered due to the construction of a farmhouse in 1934. Sooty organic layers identified as floor-layers were uncovered, containing pottery, daub, metal objects, rich amounts of charred cereal-grains and bone. The construction of a mortuary building (Bårhuset) in 1968 about 100 metres from the farmhouse construction revealed further similar archaeological remains. Both areas are dated to the Migration Period (circa 400 AD), which is around the time when luxury-items start appearing in the archaeological record (Helgesson 2002:45 pp; Helgesson 2003:324; Hårdh 2003). Small-scale archaeological excavations started in 1996 as a part of a research programme, and with the help of metal-detecting, finds from 100 B.C. to Late Viking Period (circa 1000 AD) were uncovered (Larsson 2015:20). In 2000, archaeological investigations begun as part of research projects but also field school programmes held by the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History at Lund University. The excavations were focused on the central part of the site, which resulted in discovering several structures such as hall-buildings and houses connected to ceremonial practices, as well as burial mounds and workshop-areas. Investigations concerning the landscape of the site started in 2010 (Larsson 2015:21). The extensive finds from archaeological excavations suggest an occupational history stretching over about a millennium (circa 100 BC-1000 AD). The finds represent a wealthy settlement with connections to far reaching origins which makes Uppåkra distinct from other Iron Age settlements in Skåne. The locals of Uppåkra seem to have been specialised in productions of bone and antler work, metallurgy, ceramics and textile. The amounts of by- products found give an indication of an abundant production intended not only for supplying the locals of the settlement, but also a well-established trading network. Long distance trade is suggested, especially considering finds of gold foil figures discovered in different locations in Denmark, (Zealand, Bornholm and Funen) identical to those thought to have been produced in Uppåkra (Helgesson 2003, Larsson 2015). Additionally, large amounts of weight scales, hacksilver, artworks made of bronze, silver and gold together with imported objects such as Roman coins, glasswork, board game pieces, Arabic silver coins and glass from south-eastern Europe attest to a socially stratified society with arms reaching across long distances (Larsson 2015:22). Around 600 AD however, the archaeological record is changing. The prestige items are decreasing, and it seems that more effort is put into domestic production, especially bronze fibulae. The same type of production is found at three other settlements not too far from 25
Uppåkra. Helgesson (2003) suggests that this might be an indication that all production-sites had the same craftsmen, and that they were supplied with bronze from the customers. He also presents a theory that Uppåkra was trying to establish a monopoly on both the material supply and the production, however, they might have not succeeded as three of these producers were not situated in Uppåkra itself – unless Uppåkra was controlling the production from distance. Furthermore, he connects this pattern to a possible transition to the management of estates that signifies the Viking Age and Early Medieval (Randsborg 1980:25 pp. and 126 pp; Harrison 1999:443; Helgesson 2003:327). As mentioned before, Larsson (2015) carried out a metric analysis of barley-grains in Uppåkra as a part of his dissertation Agrarian plant economy at Uppåkra and the surrounding area. The material consisted of whole hulled barley-grains sampled at Uppåkra and six other settlements in the vicinities (in Fig. 6 we can see the areas in which these settlements are located). Archaeobotanical samples were collected in Uppåkra during archaeological excavations taking place in 2010–2013. One of the focal points during the excavations was a house-sequence in the middle of the site that showed a stratigraphy that spans over one millennium of activity (Larsson 2003). Four profiles of this sequence were sampled at first in order to study the handling of plants over time. Three other samples were collected from layers in three different houses (house 23, 24 and 22, referred to as the “hall-buildings”) included in the same sequence. Other sampled contexts are a house layer (context 9), a hearth area (context 14) and a stratigraphic profile at another house-sequence (context 11). All these are outside the central area but still in Uppåkra. The surrounding sites are interpreted as farm-based settlements of no particular status and were excavated during 2010-2013 as well. The samples from those sites were taken from mostly post-holes of longhouses, pits and hearth-areas. Larsson included four other samples in his analysis as well, which come from an oven (context 8) and house- layers from Bårhuset (context 10), Pit-house 1 (context 12) and House 11 (context 13) (Larsson, paper II, 2015:4ff). The archaeobotanical material from Uppåkra and the surrounding settlements is dominated by hulled barley with low proportions of emmer-wheat, bread-wheat, oat, rye, naked barley and broomcorn millet. Almost no weed seeds and/or by-products of cereal plants are found amongst the grain-populations at all sites (Larsson 2015:10) 26
Figure 6. Map over sampled sites included in Larsson’s Paper II. The Uppåkra regional centre is located within the rectangle. The circles represent the sites in the surrounding area. Data from SLU and Lantmäteriet. Map produced by the author in 2020.
3.2. Size-variation of barley-grains
To answer questions about the plant economy in Uppåkra and the surrounding areas during the Iron Age, Larsson (2015) measured barley-grains from the different sites and contexts. The results show that similar size-ranges appear in both Uppåkra and the settlements in the vicinities. A few contexts, however, in central Uppåkra, contained much larger grains than the others. The contexts with larger grains are the hall-buildings and house-contexts 10, 12 and 13. 27
Interestingly, there are several contexts (including the workshop-area) in Uppåkra with smaller grains like the contexts in the vicinities. However, one of the sites (Hjärup 9:8) had a few samples from hearth and oven features with larger grain than any context at the other surrounding sites. Comparing central Uppåkra with the surrounding areas, the grain- populations appear to be smaller in the latter. The average grain in central Uppåkra has a length of 5,83 mm and a breadth of 2,83 mm. This size-range is tentatively treated here as a “standard” to which the material, especially the barley, in Gamla Uppsala is compared. In the surrounding areas, the mean value of length is 5,22 mm and breadth 2,66 mm (Larsson 2015:11). In other words, the contexts in which larger grains were found, are also contexts interpreted as communal spaces and areas of the social elite. However, the grains have probably been imported to Uppåkra which means that the grains were sorted from weeds prior to the grain- handling in Uppåkra. This would have been taking place somewhere in the surrounding area. Larsson’s conclusion is that his results indicate that some of the contexts in central Uppåkra served as designated spaces for handling high-quality grains, and socio-economic relations between Uppåkra and surrounding settlements involved grains. These activities seem to have been established already in the first phase (circa 100 BC) of the area (Larsson 2015:15).
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4. Method
4.1. Species determination
A grain is only a small part of a cereal plant. The inflorescence that is most common is called “ear”, which consists of a rachis, which is structured as segments. The rachis can be brittle and break easily into segments, which is a typical characteristic of wild grasses including barley and wheat (sub-family Triticinae). A tougher rachis is typical for the domesticated plants. Spikelets are growing in rows on the rachis and each of them contains florets enclosed in two glumes. A floret consists of a lemma and a palea that are enclosing the anthers and the ovary that eventually develops into the grain. The grain is built up by different layers, starting from the outer surface: pericarp, testa, aleurone layer, and of course the embryo, appearing a bit sunken in at the base of the grain. These parts are basically made of vitamins, minerals, protein and starch. When analysing the grains, sometimes the lemma and palea are still tightly attached to them and that is what is called a hulled grain (both wheat and barley have hulled variations). The glumes are usually removed by grinding. Naked grains do not have any glumes wrapped around them because they are held very loosely by the lemma and palea (both wheat and barley have naked variants as well) (Jacomet 2006). In the process of determination of different cereal-species, it is important to have in mind the factors that can possibly have inflicted any damage or deformation on the grain. The entire process of grain-handling from harvesting to consuming can leave the grains fragmented which is important in the context of measuring length and width of grains. In addition to that, all grains in this study have gone through charring, which means that actual parts of the grains have been burnt (see Fig. 7a, 7b, 8a and 8b). After the use “life” of a grain, e.g. as it gets deposited and preserved it will keep getting exposed to several taphonomy-related factors for a long period of time before they are found in excavation samples. In order to determine the species, the morphological and anatomical characters of the grain itself are of crucial importance. Despite the age of the charred cereals in this study, they can usually be determined to species, or variation in this case, since only whole grains are included, which means that anatomical characteristics are sufficiently preserved. Most of the material in this thesis consists of barley (Hordeum vulgare sp.), wheat in smaller proportions (Triticum 29 spp.) and a few oat and rye. Though all seeds had been determined prior to my analyses I verified the determination before measurement and in discussion with my supervisor. A normal flora is of no use since it only presents fully intact and fresh seeds, so I turned to Identification of cereal remains from archaeological sites by Jacomet (2nd edition 2006) and my supervisor Anneli Ekblom for practical help. The unidentified grains are labelled as sp. (species) or spp. (species in plural), (Hordeum vulgare sp., for instance). Both barley and wheat have different varieties, but the grains are generally similar for respective genera. The barley- and wheat-grains have in common that they are often in about the same size-range, however, looking at the shape is a good start when you want to separate the two. Barley-grains are spindle-shaped with the widest point is in the middle of the grain, whereas wheat has one flat side (ventral side) and one convex (dorsal side), looking like a little hump on the lower part of the dorsal side of the grain. The outline of a wheat-grain is often drop-shaped or oval. Both grains also have an embryo at the base and if you look at them from the side, the embryo angle is slightly sharper and more abrupt on wheat than barley. The latter has a softer embryo angle according to my own observations. There are some distinctions between the varieties of the same species. Wheat can be classified according to ploidy level (number of chromosomes) and type of glume attachment (hulled and naked). The category hulled wheats include einkorn (Triticum monococcum), emmer (Triticum dicoccum) and spelt (Triticum spelta). Naked wheats are maccaroni (Triticum durum), rivet (Triticum turgidum) and bread-wheats (Triticum aestivum). Most of the wheat-grains in this thesis were not possible to determine further than to wheat, however, the ones that can be determined are club- and/or bread-wheat and two possible emmer. There are also a few hulled wheats. Club- and/or bread-wheat is treated here as one group, but these could possibly be separated based on size-classes (club-wheat being generally smaller than bread-wheat) – a matter which is here treated as a side question. When it comes to differentiating varieties of barley, Jacomet (2006) separates two-row (Hordeum distochon) barley from multi-rowed (Hordeum vulgare). In the category of multi-rowed barley there are two additional characteristics to consider – is the grain lax-eared or dense-eared and is it hulled or naked? Two-rowed barley-grains are straight and generally symmetrical, whereas the multi-rowed barley is straight but twisted and gives a more asymmetrical appearance. Only six-rowed barley have dense ears, the others have lax ears. However, ears are completely absent in my material. Here I have only separated between naked (Hordeum vulgare nudum) and hulled barley (Hordeum vulgare vulgare) and barley lacking characteristics to be grouped (e.g. Hordeum vulgare spp.). When distinguishing naked from hulled barley, the rachilla along with the lemma and palea remains are normally present on 30
hulled but absent on naked grains. Also, the contours of the naked grain are more rounded with a wide ventral furrow, whereas the hulled grain looks flatter with a shallow V-shaped furrow. Although some of the barley-grains in my material are determined as naked and hulled, barley (Hordeum vulgare) is the closest identification that is possible for most of the barley. Other cereals that have shown up in the samples are rye (Secale cereale) and oat (Avena sativa), but they are very few. The oat grain is considerably thinner than wheat and barley, relative to its length, which is about the same as the other species. These grains were measured but they are not included here in the discussion or in the graphs.
Figure 7. a): two hulled barley, the lower one still has Figure 8. a): one hulled barley (dorsal side) below two glumes. b): two oat, dorsal vs ventral side. Pictures (fragmented) bread-wheat. b): two hulled barley, ventral vs produced by the author in 2020. dorsal side. Pictures produced by the author in 2020.
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4.2. Metric analysis
The metric analysis of the cereal grains is inspired by Mikael Larsson’s paper “Barley grain at Uppåkra, Sweden – evidence for selection and centralization in the Iron Age”, which is discussed in previous chapters in this thesis (1., 2., 3.). The length and breadth of charred cereal grains were determined with the help of a stereomicroscope with camera, connected to a computer and were measured digitally using the program Infinity Analyze. In this survey, the grains are measured according to the anatomy described by Jacomet (2006) (see section 4.1. above). The anatomical context of the different species must be relatively intact in order to be measured correctly. If the grains are fragmented – and the length and/or breadth cannot be estimated – they have not been included in this survey, since the original shape is deformed and is therefore not able to contribute with legitimate information. For that reason, the material used for measurements is significantly lower than the total numbers of encountered cereal grains. Relatively few grains are completely intact, and where it has been possible to estimate length and breadth, I have done so. Since I have not had the possibility to measure grains from sites surrounding Gamla Uppsala, Larsson’s measurements will be used in this survey as a “normal” proxy size-variation to enable a comparison between my results on the material from Gamla Uppsala and his from Uppåkra. The median value for the grain length and breadth of the material from central Uppåkra is calculated to 5,83 mm respectively 2,83 mm. I will here refer to these contexts as “central”, whereas grains from the surrounding sites have a length of 5,22 mm and breadth 2,66 mm (Larsson 2015:11). I will here refer to these contexts as “non-central” or “artisan-areas” when comparing the measurements from Gamla Uppsala to the ones of Uppåkra. Here, a median value of the grains’ average length and breadth is calculated separately for each context. A mean value is also calculated for separate samples if they contain large amounts (at least circa 20–30 grains) of sufficiently intact grains. This separation has been made to be able to compare contexts within Gamla Uppsala. I have measured 799 grains in total and these are not only barley but wheat and a few oat and rye as well. Only barley-grains will be included when calculating the average grain-size from all locations, however, all of them will not be used as a part of the concluding metric analysis, since many of the samples contain very few grains that could be measured. I will primarily discuss barley grain-size. In a few cases the contexts were unknown or there was too little information about the context to associate the cereals. These samples are not presented in detail. All contexts and samples here are, however, included in the general background statistics from Gamla Uppsala. 32
4.3. Sample treatment
The samples from the OKB-project consisted of 1-2 litres of soil and were taken by archaeologists in field. Before bringing the material in for a proper analysis they were briefly examined in field by archaeobotanists and sieved through a 2-millimetre screen to determine the potential for further analyses. The samples consisted of mainly clay, why caustic soda was used for dissolution in order to enable flotation of samples. To separate the minerogenic material from the organic material, the solution was stirred up with a strong water stream and sieved through a 0,5 mm mesh, which catches the organic material. The process is repeated until no more organic material can be observed. The material from area DY 12 S contained considerably more cereals than other areas, hence more samples were taken from that site. For the OKB samples, the macrofossil was then analysed under a stereomicroscope with a 10-40 x zoom by Anneli Ekblom, Jonas Bergman and Håkan Ranheden (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:5ff). Samples from the research excavations at Kungsgården and excavations of Matsgården were prepared in the same way, however the volume of soil varied between 1,8-2 litres and were sieved through a 0,25-millimetre mesh. The original analyses were here carried out by Ekblom (2017:2). In some very few cases cereal-grains were also collected directly from the sieves used to wet-sieve soil during excavations, but in general these samples have been avoided for metric analyses as they are not representative.
4.4. Detailed presentation of sampling and excavations
In conjunction with archaeological excavations at different sites in Gamla Uppsala, as mentioned before, soil samples were taken from various contexts for macrofossil analyses. The aim of sampling was to hopefully reconstruct environmental changes, agricultural practices, food management and consumption. Samples included in this thesis were excavated in 2010- 2011 and 2012-2013, however, four samples from 2010 and three from 1998 are also included. The contexts analysed and presented in this survey come from pit-houses, post-houses, graves, hearths, wells and other areas of activity. Below, the most grain rich sites and contexts from all excavations are presented, however, not all of these will be included in the metric analysis.
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4.4.1. OKB
The OKB-excavations in Gamla Uppsala took place 2012 (pre-disturbance excavations) and in 2013 (final excavations). A total of 944 soil samples were collected by archaeologists, of which 880 were chosen for total analysis. These were in some cases examined in situ by archaeobotanists. The samples contained around 1000 ml soil each and come from well-defined contexts around the sites Veterinärvillan (S and N), Storgården, GUSK and Storby Backe in East Gamla Uppsala (see Fig. 9). Sampled contexts are dated to circa 650-1050 AD (Bergman et al 2017:132). As already mentioned, and discussed, a total of 46 pit-houses were discovered in the OKB- project and sampling focused on these contexts. The samples are mainly taken from floor- and hearth-layers. These samples are rather poor regarding charred cereals, but the material we have at hand and can identify, is clearly dominated by barley (Hordeum vulgare spp.). In the contexts 1128, 1129, 1172 and 1130, the amount of grains was relatively large, but 25 % of the material are weeds, which is a big proportion compared to those of other contexts in Gamla Uppsala. Bergman et al (2017:16) suggest that amounts around 10-30 charred grains can be interpreted as rest products from cooking activities. There is also a possibility that the cooking-area has been accumulating larger amounts of grain if the hearth has not been cleaned over time, when it was still in use, which means that not all grains are contemporary even though they were found together. Samples with 50 or more charred grains can be interpreted as an active deposition or as a result due to the houses being burned down. Depositions with these amounts might also have been sacrifices as a part of a ritual when a house has been taken out of use, either by burning down the entire house with the sacrificial grains inside, or just burning the grain and then filling the house up with soil and/or waste. Burning grain-assemblages in houses as a part of an initiation ritual seems to have occurred as well (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:16). As discussed in the introduction, based on the analyses of cereal grains in relation to weed seeds, Ekblom and Bergman and Bergman et al suggested that the material most likely only represents the local consumption, rather than production in general, because of the lack of any other material than charred seeds. In addition to pit-houses, several other types of contexts were also sampled, including post- houses, graves, wells, pits and other occupational areas. Of these it is primarily cereals from pit-houses that have been measured here, because of the fact that very few of the cereals found were sufficiently intact for measuring.
34
Figure 9. Map over all excavated pit-houses in the OKB-project (Lindkvist et al 2017:108). 35
4.4.2. Matsgården
When the excavations of Matsgården were initiated in 1994, traces from a pre-historic settlement were concentrated in the north part of the site (Ljungkvist 2000:63; Alström & Duczko 1996). Six houses, dated to Vendel Period-Viking Age (circa 680–800 AD), have been discovered and excavated at Matsgården. The excavations were finished in 1998, but the 25 samples that were taken from the houses were prepared and analysed relatively recently (Ekblom 2017) and therefore represent new data. Three contexts (A224, A227, A290) are included in this thesis, but the majority of the grains included here come from A224. Most of the grains were found in what is interpreted as a broken ceramic vessel in a pit, which indicates that the grains have been kept in storage here. Like in the case for the OKB-samples, the cereals seem to have been cleaned, considering the absence of weed seeds (Ekblom 2017:5).
4.4.3. Kungsgården
The macrofossil material from Kungsgården has been analysed by Ekblom. In total there are 81 analysed samples (including four samples analysed by Stefan Gustafsson’s in 2009). These come from contexts that are dated to circa 500-800 AD (Ekblom 2017:1, Ljungkvist et al 2017). Most of the material is identified as cereals and a very low proportion of weeds (as seems to be the general pattern in Gamla Uppsala). The contexts that were sampled at Kungsgården are pits and post-holes, some of them were richer in grains than others. Contexts A2, A3, A5, 73 and A651 contained archaeobotanical macrofossil material (Ekblom 2017:2ff), but only A2, 73 and A651 are included in my thesis as they contained large amounts of mainly hulled barley. However, as these are singular depositions, Ekblom suggests that these cereals do not reflect on the general cultivation patterns in Gamla Uppsala. The pits and the content are more likely remains from single events – roasting grains for mead production, for instance. Since weed seeds are few among the grains it is suggested that they might have been cleaned and possibly imported from the wider region (Ekblom & Ljungkvist 2018:102f). In order to gather as much information as possible that enables comparisons, which can be helpful for interpretations, I will also include results from a research excavation from 1990-1992. Those samples are not in my metric analysis but are analysed in Ekblom’s (2017) macrofossil report on the excavations at Kungsgården, and they appear to contain surprisingly little macrofossil. In fact, there are almost only charcoal and burnt clay, which is a strong indication that the house burned down. However, there is one seed from kale (Brassica spp.), which is interesting from a broader perspective of the site and relating to gardening (as discussed in Chapter 2.5.). Even though 36 there is only one of these seeds, the presence of gardening is supported by other finds from Gamla Uppsala (idem) (see chapter 6.).
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5. Results
A total of 799 cereal grains from different contexts have been measured for this analysis, however, as already mentioned, not all of these will be presented. Contexts containing relatively large amounts of intact grains will be prioritised. As most of the grains are fragmented, I will also include contexts particularly rich in grains although not many could be measured. These contexts will be described in more detail, including the details of location, dating, constructions, other finds and relations to other constructions or locations. The measured cereal-grains from each context will be presented in graphs showing length and breadth and in most cases type of grain. The category “barley” includes unidentifiable variations of barley whereas identified variations will be separate series. “Wheat” includes all variations of wheat except bread/club- wheat, which will be presented in separate series. Median values of length and breadth divided by site are compared in graphs in the last section of this chapter. Mean values and standard deviations are also calculated for each site for a more accurate result for the following discussion about size-variation based on context and area. The results will be compared to Larsson’s results in the discussion (chapter 6.)
5.1. Pit-houses
670 (OKB, DY 1) This house is situated at Groaplan and is dated to circa 500–600 AD. It is a rectangular 2,1 m long house with a breadth of 1,6 m. Only the southern part of the house has been excavated since the rest of the house was outside the trench and a part of it was damaged due to modern construction work. The finds are very sparse, so the function is currently unknown. No traces of wall constructions or floors were found which could mean that the floors were covered with planks. Another suggestion is that the house had a pent roof held by posts on the north side and lies on the ground in the south. If this is true, the house could hypothetically be interpreted in the light of activities that once took place on the north side of the trench (Jörpeland 2017:28ff) Three samples were taken from house 670, in which 76 cereal grains were found. Barley is represented by 21 of these and 15 are wheat. Not many weed seeds. This deposition is also 38 interpreted as an active deposition (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:19). Two samples from this house provided with 17 cereal grains for measurement. In sample 306563, ten cereals were measured whereof two are oat, three bread-wheat, three hulled barley and two barley (sp.). Seven grains from 306564 have been identified as four barley (sp.) and three bread-wheat.
Pit-house 670 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50 Barley
B (mm) B Bread wheat 2,00 Hulled barley 1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 10. All measured barley- and wheat-grains from context 670.
.
As we can see in Fig. 10 above, barley measures from 4,37-5,51 mm in length and 2,22-2,93 mm in breadth, whereas the size of wheat varies between 2,75-4,19 mm in length and 2,05- 3,46 mm in breadth. Barley and wheat show relative differences here especially in length. The size-range for barley leans more towards homogenous than heterogenous.
686 (OKB, DY 1) House 686 is dated to 550–650 AD and located next to 670 at Groaplan. This house is 1,9 m long and 0,7 m broad. There is only a destruction layer and possibly one floor layer, but no signs of walls or posts. It seems that the house has been in use for a short time and then filled up. In the middle of the house there is a slightly concave spot which could have been used as a fireplace at one point. Otherwise, there are not enough finds for determining the previous function of the house (Jörpeland 2017:32ff). I have measured grains from two samples from this house, which is a total of 19 grains (Fig. 11). In 307231 there are two hulled barley and one wheat (Triticum aestivum). Sample 39
307538 contributes with five undetermined barley, three undetermined wheat, two wheat (sp.), one oat, one unidentified cereal and four bread-wheat (Triticum aestivum compactum).
Pit-house 686 4,00
3,50
3,00 Wheat 2,50
Bread wheat B (mm) B 2,00 Barley
1,50 Hulled barley
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 11. All measured wheat- and barley-grains from context 686.
In this house the size-variation of barley is quite heterogenous. The length of barley falls within the range of 3,57-5,97 mm and 1,63-2,73 mm in breadth. Wheat ranges from 2,73–5,15 mm in length and 1,41–2,73 mm in breadth.
1125 (OKB, DY 12 S) Pit-house 1125 is located at south Veterinärvillan (along with 1128 and 1129) and dated to 890– 1030 AD. It is 2,55 m long and 2,2 m broad. The current interpretations lean towards it being used as a dwelling and/or cooking area, rather than a storage, for example. The house is slightly damaged from agricultural activities and the construction of a former shop from modern time. This house might have been used in more than one phase considering the repairing traces that are apparent here. It is also one of the few houses found with a hearth and the one here seems to have been used in cooking activities during the second phase. Activities from the first and the last phases left no traces for us to interpret (Lindkvist 2017:42ff). There are no other signs of cooking (Lindkvist 2017: 117f) except from animal bones (Lindkvist 2017:42). Most of the grains from house 1125 are bread-wheat (Triticum aestivum/compactum), which also differs from the other houses, in which mostly barley was found. Nine samples, each containing one litre, were taken from the floor layer in pit-house 1125. Bread-wheat represented 39 % of the 40 material, 26 % barley (Hordeum vulgare sp.) and 35 % unidentified cereal grains (Cerealia ind.). A total of 116 cereal grains were discovered. The amount of wheat-grains is distinct for this house. Besides wheat, 1125 contained such a big amount of cereals in general, so it is likely that the grains were deposited as a part of a particular activity (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:16), however, Lindkvist (2017) points out that cooking activities should not be left out of the question. Four samples contained in total 15 grains that could be measured. In sample 218532, four barley (Hordeum vulgare sp.) and four wheat (Triticum ind.) were measured. Only one barley and one wheat (Triticum aestivum) were measurable from sample 218531. In 218530 only one wheat was found. PM 218528 contained one barley and three bread-wheat (Triticum aestivum compactum).
Pit-house 1125 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50
Barley B (mm) B 2,00 Bread wheat
1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 12. Measured barley- and wheat-grains from context 1125.
The graph above (Fig. 12) shows a different pattern than the ones above, as the size-range is more heterogenous. The barley-grains vary between 4,33-5,88 mm in length and 2,02-3,16 mm in breadth, while wheat has a length range of 2,82-3,87 mm and 1,9-3,02 mm in breadth. The size difference between the two species is very clear in this graph, which also illustrates a good example of why wheat and barley need to be separated.
1128 (OKB, DY 12 S) House 1128 is dated to 700–1050 AD. This house is 2,42 m long and broad. The remains from walls and roof indicate that the house might have had a saddle roof (Lindkvist 2017:73). No 41 floor layer was preserved here. In the destruction-layers, however, bones from goshawk were found. Lindkvist (2017:125) suggests that this could be an indication that birds of prey were kept in the house or in adjacent houses. Furthermore, Lindkvist mentions that keeping birds like goshawks could indicate wealth. The finds that could tell us about function are sparse here as well, but there is a possibility that it might have served as storage or dwelling, which does not always leave clear traces. The samples from house 1128 were taken from the upper and lower filling-layers, except from one, which came from a gutter. In total, 17 samples were analysed except from sifted material in field. This resulted in 255 cereal grains, of which the majority came from the lower layer. Hulled barley (Hordeum vulgare vulgare) represent 52 % of the grains, 12 % are wheat and there are a very few oat and rye. Only two weed seeds showed up in 14 samples. Because of the large amount of charred cereal grains found here, the material is thought to have had a sacrificial role in the closing of the house (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:16ff), just like the bones from several different species, such as horse- and pig-mandibles (Lindkvist 2017:73). Four samples contained altogether 13 grains that were intact enough to measure. In sample 219569 seven grains were measured and five of these are identified as barley and the remaining two are wheat (Triticum ind.). One wheat (Triticum aestivum) and one barley were measured from sample 219568. Both samples 219640 and 219643 contained one intact hulled barley each (Hordeum vulgare vulgare). Barley has a quite large size range in this house (see Fig. 13), with a length of 3,41-5,47 mm and a breadth of 1,72-3,1 mm. The length for wheat varies between 3,32-5,26 mm and the breadth 1,82-2,43 mm. The size range here for barley is relatively heterogenous. 42
Pit-house 1128 4,00
3,50
3,00 Hulled barley 2,50
Barley B (mm) B 2,00 Bread wheat
1,50 Wheat
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 13. All measured barley- and wheat-grains from context 1128.
1129 (OKB, DY 12 S) House 1129 is dated to 700–850 AD. This house is 3,1 m long and 2,9 m broad. Its function is unknown but considering the finds (e.g. ceramics, animal bones, slag) food has probably been handled and consumed in the house. Other activities that may have occurred in the house have left no traces. No roof or walls are preserved, however, there are remains that indicate that there has been a ladder in the house (Lindkvist 2017:78f). 1129 was included in a pre-investigation (pit-house 525) where two samples were taken. These two samples resulted in 221 cereal grains. Additionally, 696 grains were discovered in the final investigation, in a total of six samples. The samples were taken from one upper and one lower filling layer, but 98 % of the grains were found in the lower one. Most of the grains are identified as barley (spp.) with an almost non-existent proportion of weed seeds (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:18). It has been suggested that the grains have been deposited intentionally due to a ritual context (Lindkvist 2017: 79). Except from the large amounts of grains in this house, flax was also found which is interesting, since this is an oil plant and is rarely preserved. Lindkvist (2017:120) therefore suggests that flax could have been more common than what is thought despite the few finds. A needle case and other items made of bone were also found in this house. Four samples contained 84 cereal grains in total that were intact enough for measuring. In sample 221889 two hulled barley-grains were measured. In sample 221415 seven grains were measured, whereof five are barley and two are oat (Avena sativa). From sample 221889 two hulled barley were measured. The fourth sample, 221836, five wheat, seven hulled barley and 43
62 undetermined barley-grains were measured.
Pit-house 1129 4,00
3,50
3,00 Barley 2,50
Hulled barley B (mm) B 2,00 Bread wheat
1,50 Wheat
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 14. All measured wheat and barley-grains from context 1129.
The length variation for barley here is 3,55-6,46 mm and the breadth vary between 1,72-3,75 mm. For wheat the length varies between 2,96-5,74 and breadth between 1,79-3,36 mm. As the graph (Fig. 14) shows, all categories follow a common pattern however, barley dominates the upper part of the size range. Since this was one of the richest contexts, I chose to calculate a standard deviation for 1129. L: 0,59, B: 0,4. See discussion about this below (5.5.). The size-range for barley is not very homogenous, however, it is not as heterogenous as several other contexts presented here.
1170 (OKB, DY 12 S) The dating of this house is set to circa 780–950 and is located at north Veterinärvillan. It is 2,68 m long and 2,47 m broad (Lindkvist 2017:88). There is no hearth in 1170, so the charred grains found are hard to explain as there are also no signs of the house burning. However, since the grains are found along with ceramics and animal bones, Göthberg (2017:120, 127) suggests that it might be residues from a ritual meal. A needle of bone and iron scissors were found in this house as well (Lindkvist 2017:123). Walls and roof are not preserved but the post-hole constructions indicate that the house had a saddle roof. The walls were possibly made of organic materials (Lindkvist 2017:88, 92). Three samples were taken from house 1170, one from a floor layer, one from a culture layer 44 and the third one was taken from a pit belonging to the destruction layer. In the culture layer, 41 cereal grains identified as barley (spp.) were found, whereas the pit contained 73 grains. Bread-wheat represent 37 % of the grains from the pit, which distinguishes this sample from the others. It is suggested that these the two layers are from activities in different time-periods (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:18f). A total of 36 grains were measured from this house. From sample 238813, 30 grains are identified as 21 wheat and nine undetermined barley (Hordeum vulgare vulgare & nudum). Four undetermined barley were measured from sample 240392. From the fourth sample, 240455, two undetermined barley were measured.
Pit-house 1170 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50 Bread wheat
B (mm) B Naked & hulled barley 2,00 Barley 1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 15. Measured bread-wheat and different variations of barley-grains from context 1170.
This house contained a higher percentage of wheat than the other contexts, so naturally the graph (Fig. 15) shows a bigger proportion of wheat than the others. In fact, this graph is dominated by wheat, with a length ranging between 4,03-6,01 mm and breadth between 2,36- 3,38 mm. The length of barley varies between 4,47-5,91 mm and the breadth 2,63-3,51 mm. The size pattern is quite homogenous here, but the barley-grains tend to be just slightly longer and broader than the wheat-grains. The size of both wheat and barley is here very inconsistent.
A651 (KG 11) This is a pit from a pit-house at Kungsgården (area N), dated to circa 700–800 AD, like the other houses at Kungsgården and Matsgården. The pit was about 1,5 m in diameter and 0,37 m 45 deep and contained a large amount of charred grains (Frölund et al 2017: 32). This pit is located close to the hall-building of the Royal Manor and the grains in it were carbonized in such a way, so it is not suitable for consumption. It might have been a sacrifice due to beer making or something similar. A total of 471 cereals were found in A651 and 59 % of these are determined as barley, whereof 156 hulled. A few wheat and oats were also identified. Ekblom (2017:5) noted that the cereals from this pit are generally big. Again, not many weed seeds. One sample (PM 25386) from a pit in this house contained a large amount of grains, whereof 181 of them were measured. Two grains are undetermined wheat, five undetermined cereal grains (Cerealia ind.), 20 barley and a total of 154 grains are hulled barley.
Pit 651 4,50
4,00
3,50
3,00 Hulled barley 2,50 B (mm) B Barley 2,00 Wheat 1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 16. Length and breadth for all measured barley- and wheat-grains from context 651.
This context contained a large amount of grains, so the size-variation covers a wide range (see Fig. 16). Barley clearly dominates in this pit and vary in length between 3,16-6,6 mm and between 3,67-3,98 mm in breadth. The two wheat-grains are 4,42 and 5,69 mm long and 2,89 and 2,71 mm broad. There are also a few unidentified grains with a length varying between 3,64-5,97 mm and breadth 1,61-2,73 mm. The barley-grains from this contexts are large and even though there are many of them, the majority seems to be rather homogenous.
Matsgården 1998 Matsgården is located right next to the royal mounds in Gamla Uppsala, about 50 metres from the Thing mound (Christiansson, Nordahl 1989; Ljungkvist 2000:63). Six excavated houses at Matsgården resulted in one context representing most of the macrofossil material – pit-house 46
A227. It measures 2,73 metres long and 2,6 metres broad. It is dated to 680-800 AD (Ljungkvist et al 2000:67). The house is rectangular to the shape and had two benches in both north and south directions and other signs of constructions such as post-holes and other pits. In the middle of the house in a dark spot two ceramic vessels were found along with a knife, a weaving gadget, bones, other ceramics and a large amount of charred big cereals. Most of the cereals cannot be determined but the ones that can be are identified as barley. The grains from this house were found under the vessels and was probably in storage. The house has probably burned (Ljungkvist et al 2000:68ff; Ekblom 2017:4). Ljungkvist (2000:82) suggests that house A227 used to serve as a ceramics produce. The other pit-houses at Matsgården also show signs of specialised crafting, which seem to increase as the population in Gamla Uppsala expands. The site is not necessarily of royal status, however, considering the placement (next to monuments), Matsgården was probably not completely ordinary (Ljungkvist 2000:102). I have measured grains from three contexts (see Fig. 17) at Matsgården, which altogether contained a total of 48 measurable grains. From A224 there are 42 measured grains, whereof four undetermined wheat, one emmer wheat (Triticum dicoccum), six hulled barley and ten oats. A227 provided with four intact undetermined barley and A290 with two undetermined barley.
Matsgården 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50 A224
B (mm) B A227 2,00 A290 1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 17. Barley-grains from all contexts (included in this thesis) at Matsgården.
In the graph above (Fig. 17) we can see that most of the measured grains from Matsgården come from house A224. The grains represented in the graph are only barley, which vary between 4,09-6,97 mm in length and 2,23-3,87 mm in breadth. Wheat-grains from Matsgården 47 vary between 4,09-5,37 mm in length and 2,23-3,07 mm in breadth, but are not included in this graph. The size-pattern of barley is relatively homogenous and keeps within relatively high numbers.
5.2. Posthole-houses
5011 (OKB, DY 2 S) House 5011 is located at north Veterinärvillan, the dating is not exact but estimated to somewhere between 940-1030 AD (Viking Age) (Göthberg & Sundkvist 2017:24). The house is a six-metre one-section post-house of circa 25 square metres. The function of the house is unknown, however, based on the similarities to an established smithy and many finds of whetstones, there are speculations that it might have served as a smithy. No other signs of metal processing are found in 5011 though (Ardakani 2016:8; Göthberg 2017:156). A total of 21 samples were taken from the post-holes of house 5011. Macrofossil were found in all post-holes but one. In total 109 cereal grains were found, whereof five were identified as wheat, one oat and the rest barley. Only a few weed seeds were discovered among the cereals. What is assumed to be remains from bread or other food were also found in a smaller amount (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:20). Three samples from this house contributed with nine grains. Four of them come from sample 220412 and are identified as two undetermined barley and two undetermined wheat. In 219544 there are one undetermined wheat and one undetermined barley. The last three grains are undetermined barley and come from sample 219560.
48
Post-house 5011 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50
Barley B (mm) B 2,00 Wheat
1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 18. Measured cereal grains from context 5011.
Barley and wheat follow a similar pattern in this graph (Fig. 18). The barley-grains vary between 3,89-5,79 mm in length and 2,07-3,31 mm in breadth. The length of wheat falls between 4,41-5,25 mm and breadth 2,16-3.08 mm. The size of barley is not so consistent in this context.
5.3. Graves
Samples from seven graves are included in this analysis. The graves are located at DY 3 and DY 4 at Storby Backe (OKB). All samples contained very small amounts of measurable grains, which is why I will present them in the same graphs below (Fig. 19 and 20). Sample 111944 is the only one included in this analysis from grave 6001. Two grains were measured from 6001, and both are identified as wheat. Sample 106522 come from grave 6032 and contained one measurable grain that cannot be determined. Two grains from sample 110406, grave 6007, were measured. One is barley and the other one cannot be determined. One wheat and one barley were measured from sample 109364, grave 6028. One barley was measured from sample 110078 taken from grave 6005. From grave 6017 I have measured two barley in sample 1002361. In sample 124918 from grave 6072, four grains have been measured and identified as two bread-wheat, one barley and one oat. The cereal grains discovered in graves are thought to have had a sole sacrificial purpose (Bergman et al 2017:127). Grave 6001 and 6007 are both dated to 900-950 AD. Both are also interpreted as graves of someone wealthy. Pearls were found in both graves and 6001 is a possible boat grave. They 49 also contained horse-equipment and bones from 3-4 animals. Grave 6007 also contained bones from a bird of prey. Grave 6032 is dated to 550-750 AD and is thought to have belonged to a wealthy person as well. This grave contained one arrowhead, bones from a bird of prey and seven animal individuals. Grave 6072 is interpreted as wealthy but it is not dated. Grave 6005 is dated to 850-950 AD and probably belonged to an armed person. An arrowhead and bones from three different animal individuals were found here. Grave 6017 is dated to 800-850 AD and belonged to an armed person as it contained a sword. A bird of prey and four animals were also found in this grave. Last but not least, grave 6028 belonged to an aristocrat and is dated to 660-750 AD. This person was buried with 22 pearls, one glass vessel, a back-button buckle, horse equipment, precious metals/gilding, enamelled jewellery, figurines, horse bones and remains from eight animal individuals (Lucas & Seiler 2017:60).
Graves 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50
B (mm) B 2,00
1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
DY 3 DY 4
Figure 19. Size-variation of all measured cereal grains from DY 3 vs DY 4. 50
Graves 4,00
3,50 6001 3,00 6005 2,50 6007
L L (mm) 6017 2,00 6028 1,50 6032 1,00 6072 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 B (mm)
Figure 20. All measured cereal grains from graves, divided by context.
5.4. Other areas of activity
2965 (KG 11) This is a post-hole that was found on top of pit A651 (Frölund et al 2017:32), from which sample P22 (PM 3253) is taken. There are 16 grains whereof five are undetermined barley and eleven are hulled barley.
Post-hole 2965 4,50
4,00
3,50
3,00 Barley 2,50 B (mm) B Naked barley 2,00 Hulled barley 1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 21. All measured cereal grains from context 2965.
51
All grains in the graph above (Fig. 21) are barley and vary between 4,71-6,58 mm in length and 2,82-3,98 mm in breadth, which is relatively large. This assemblage is quite homogenous compared to some of the other contexts in this study.
5288 (OKB, DY 12 S) This is a hearth-area located at Veterinärvillan, dated to 770–975 AD. There are ten hearths within this area, which is 16 x 8 metres. The size of the hearths varies between 0,35 x 0,35-1,3 x 1,2 metres, and most of them are rounded to the form. The depth varies between 0,03 x 0,27 metres down to a flat bottom. These hearths are currently interpreted as cooking hearths (Göthberg et al 2017:348f). There are two samples from here, from which I was able to measure 51 grains. Of all grains, 50 were found in 207292. Two of the grains are rye (Secale cereale), 14 are wheat (four undetermined/10 aestivum), five oat and the rest are barley, of which three are hulled and the others are undetermined. From sample 205047 there was only one undetermined barley grain.
Hearth-area 5288 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50 Barley
B (mm) B Bread wheat 2,00 Wheat 1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 22. Length and breadth for two wheat-categories and barley-grains from 5288.
Barley-grains tend to be significantly longer than wheat here (see Fig. 22), like we have seen in most of the graphs in this chapter (5.). The length of barley varies between 3,46-6,6 mm and 1,8-3,43 mm in breadth. Wheat falls within 3,16-5,12 mm in length and 2,07-3,21 mm in breadth. There are two rye grains here as well, but they do not show any cohesive pattern as there are only two and they differ greatly in both length and breadth. The composition of barley is here relatively heterogenous in terms of size. 52
6388 (OKB, DY 5) This context is a pit and was a part of the pre-investigation of the OKB-project and was interpreted as a possible layer in a pit-house, but I will treat it as a stand-alone area of activity. The filling of this pit was dated to Vendel/Viking Age (Göthberg et al 2017:404). Grains from two samples have been measured. In sample 258964 there was only one undetermined barley grain to be measured. The remaining 20 grains come from sample 258965 and are identified as four oats, five wheat and eleven barley (spp.).
Context 6388 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50
Barley B (mm) B 2,00 Wheat
1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 23. Length and breadth for barley- and wheat-grains from context 6388.
Barley varies between 3,26-5,5 mm in length here and 1,46-3,43 mm in breadth. Wheat stays within 3,23-3,87 mm in length and 2,16-2,86 mm in breadth. This graph (Fig. 23) shows, like many others above, a clear difference between barley and wheat in length, however, the size for barley is rather dispersed.
508 (OKB, DY 1, 5, 12 S) This is a cohesive layer covering 30 x 13 metres, dated to Late Iron Age to the Medieval (500- 1650 AD). The layer is a little stirred around, but based on the finds, it seems that this is a waste layer close to the households (Seiler 2017:18) that sometime long ago were active. Fourteen samples were taken from various areas of this layer (14 litres soil) containing 69 cereal grains whereof 13 were determined as barley and ten as wheat. The rest cannot be identified. There was close to no weed seeds at all (four goosefoots and one unidentified seed), however, 25 juniper berries were found and two bromes (Bromus sp.) (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:24). 53
Five samples are included in this thesis which together contains 24 cereal grains that have been measured. In sample 300335 there are three oats, two hulled wheat (Triticum vulgare), five barley and four bread-wheat. Sample 300347 had one bread-wheat (Triticum aestivum compactum) and two barley. One bread-wheat and one barley were measured from sample 305924. In sample 300357 two barley were measured and lastly three barley from sample 305920.
Layer 508 4,00
3,50
3,00 Barley 2,50
Wheat B (mm) B 2,00 Bread wheat
1,50 Hulled wheat
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 24. Length and breadth for barley and different variations of wheat, from context 508.
Barley-grains vary between 2,77-5,88 mm in length and 1,31-2,96 mm in breadth. For wheat, the length varies between 2,98-5,09 mm and 1,83-3,15 mm in breadth. The grains from layer 508 show a relatively homogenous size pattern as far as breadth goes (see Fig. 24), however, barley still dominates the upper size range, though they are very dispersed in size here as well.
5272 (OKB, DY 4) This is an occupational layer covering grave 5271 in Storby Backe, dated to circa 550-660 AD (Göthberg 2017:338). Three samples were taken here, of which one of them contained a total of 72 cereal grains. Fifty of these could not be identified, however, 15 of them are determined to barley and seven are wheat. A fragment of a glume was also found (Ekblom & Bergman 2017:25). One sample – 130222 – is included here, which is the same sample that contained 72 cereals presented in Ekblom & Bergman’s report on botanical remains. Only nine cereal grains from 54 this sample were sufficiently intact to be measured and all of these are identified as barley.
Layer 5272 4,00
3,50
3,00
2,50
B (mm) B Barley 2,00
1,50
1,00 2,00 3,00 4,00 5,00 6,00 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 25. Length and breadth for barley-grains from context 5272.
Length varies between 4,59-6,3 mm and breadth 2,36-3,29 mm. The size pattern for length here is relatively concentrated, except from one single grain that is significantly longer than the others (see Fig. 25). The breadth however is not that consistent.
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5.5. Summary of results
There are size differences between the contexts but also within assemblages. Some of the contexts had a more homogenous composition whereas some others were more heterogenous. In Table 1. below, all of the measurements from each presented context are concluded.
Table 1. Size-ranges for length and breadth of cereal-grains from each presented context in this chapter (5.).
Context L (mm) B (mm) 670 4,37–5,51 2,22–2,93 686 3,57–5,97 1,63–2,73 1125 4,33–5,88 2,02–3,16 1128 3,41–5,47 1,72–3,10 1129 3,55–6,46 1,72–3,75 1170 4,47–5,91 2,63–3,51 5288 3,46–6,60 1,8–3,43 A651 3,16–6,60 3,67–3,98 A224 3,82–6,97 1,45–3,87 5011 3,89–5,79 2,07–3,31 2965 4,71–6,58 2,82–3,98 6388 3,26–5,50 1,46–3,43 508 2,77–5,88 1,31–2,96 5272 4,59–6,30 2,36–3,29
A total of 799 cereal grains have been measured for this thesis. Most of these are barley but as the results show, smaller proportions of wheat, oat and one rye are showed up as well. All of the cereal grains have been measured however not all of them are used for the concluding results, as barley is in the focus of this thesis. Median values of length and breadth for each site have been calculated, in which all measured grains from all pit-houses are included, not just the ones presented in the results-section. In the following section, sites will be compared in graphs based on median values. 56
Size-distribution in pit-houses
3,40
3,20 Kungsgården 3,00 Mattsgården 2,80 Veterinärvillan N
B (mm) B 2,60 Villan S 2,40 GUSK
2,20 Groaplan Storgården 2,00 4,50 4,70 4,90 5,10 5,30 5,50 L (mm)
Figure 26. Median values of all barley-grains from all pit-houses separated by site.
Variations within GUSK & Veterinärvillan 3,5
3 GUSK pit-houses GUSK post-houses
B (mm) B Villan N pit-houses 2,5 Villan S pit-houses Villan post-houses 2 4,5 4,7 4,9 5,1 5,3 5,5 L (mm)
Figure 27. Comparison of median values of all barley-grains from pit- and post-houses within GUSK. 57
Variations within Villan S 4,00
3,50
3,00 Conc 1
B (mm) B 2,50 Conc 2 Conc 3 2,00
1,50 3,00 3,50 4,00 4,50 5,00 5,50 6,00 6,50 7,00 L (mm)
Figure 28. Size-variation between barley-grains from pit-house concentrations within Veterinärvillan S. Concentration 1: 1128, 1125. Concentration 2: 1364, 1129. Concentration 3: 4039, 1375, 1127, 1378, 1377. These are not all houses included in the concentrations; however, these are all houses from each concentration that contained intact grains.
In the first graph of this section (Fig. 26), the size of barley grain from pit-houses at each site are compared. As all of these contexts are dated to approximately the same period, I will not discuss the grain size-variation based on chronology in detail. So, what do the numbers say? We can see that Matsgården (5,42 mm), followed by Kungsgården (5,32 mm), have the highest median value for length. Kungsgården has the highest median value for breadth (3,08 mm), followed by Matsgården and Veterinärvillan N (both 3,03 mm). I have measured grains from samples from some of the sites in the graph, which come from different places and/or contexts within the same site. These are GUSK and Veterinärvillan (see Fig. 27). Pit-houses and post- houses within GUSK are compared, and it seems that pit-houses have longer, but thinner grains than post-houses. At Veterinärvillan, the smallest grains are found at post-houses as well (L:5,1, B:2,76 mm). Villan N has relatively large grains (L:5,27, B:3,03 mm) compared to both post- houses and the pit-houses at Villan S (L:5,17, B:2,82 mm). Comparing the grains from GUSK’s pit-houses with those from Villan N, GUSK has slightly longer grains than Villan N. There is however a relatively large difference in breadth between the two sites (GUSK vs entire Veterinärvillan). Some of the pit-houses at Villan S were divided into concentrations (Lindkvist 2017:112) as there are some groups in which the houses are placed within a certain (short) distance to each other. I have measured grains from a few of these houses from three different concentrations, 58 as we can see in Fig. 28. House 1129 (concentration 2) is one of very few contexts with a large amount of grains, so naturally concentration 2 has most of the grain. The length within concentration 2 varies between 3,55–6,46 mm and 1,72–3,75 mm in breadth. The other two concentrations (1 and 3) are very homogenous and much less in numbers than concentration 2, especially concentration 3 that is represented by four grains only. The length and breadth in concentration 1 varies between 3,41–5,88 mm respectively 1,72–3,10 mm. The length varies between 4,37–6,03 mm in concentration 3 and 2,11–3,18 mm in breadth. As the graphs for each context in the results-section show, there is a wide size-dispersion in the samples. We can in other words find grains in the same size in Kungsgården and Groaplan, for instance, even though there is a big difference in the median/mean values between the two sites. The mean value of all barley-grains in Gamla Uppsala is for length 5,19 mm and for breadth 2,87 mm. The standard deviation for length is 0,6, and for breadth it is 0,41. Below, each area is presented in Table 2 and 3, along with mean values and standard deviations. These numbers include all contexts at respective area, except Storgården and Storby backe, since the grains from these sites are very few and dispersed. The mean values are not too different from the median values that are presented in the graphs, however, with a standard deviation we can see that Kungsgården has the lowest deviation for both length and breadth. This means that even though Matsgården has higher mean and median values than Kungsgården for length, the grains at Kungsgården are more consistent in size. The median value is probably also higher for B in Matsgården because there are less grains compared to the assemblage at Kungsgården. If we look at the graphs of A651 (KG 11) and A224 (Matsgården) and also Table 2, the L for A224 is larger than for A651, the median value of Kungsgården also includes the grains from 2965 which are smaller. However, this does not change the fact that the size-range of L at Matsgården is higher than both contexts at Kungsgården.
59
Table 2. Mean value for length (mm) and Table 3. Mean value for breadth (mm) and standard deviation for each grain-population at standard deviation for each grain-population at all sites all sites but Storgården and Storby backe. but Storgården and Storby backe.
Area Mean value L STDAV Area Mean value B STDAV Groaplan 4,95 0,61 Groaplan 2,6 0,4 GUSK 5,24 0,61 GUSK 2,64 0,34 Matsgården 5,44 0,71 Matsgården 3,01 0,37 Kungsgården 5,35 0,48 Kungsgården 3,09 0,31 Villan N 5,2 0,56 Villan N 2,99 0,54 Villan S 5,16 0,62 Villan S 2,76 0,41
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6. Discussion
6.1. Difference in grain-size
Grains from different contexts in Gamla Uppsala have been measured and analysed for this thesis, with the aim to relate the size of the grains to function and socio-economy during the Iron Age. Most of the material analysed here is dated to the Vendel Period-Viking Age. The results show size-variations within samples, within and between sites. The central question here is; what does it mean in terms of socio-economy and social and political organisation? This question is not by any means easy to answer as the interpretations can be many, but the analyses presented here have contributed to additional knowledge about resource-use in Gamla Uppsala. Let me start the discussion here from an ecological and agroecological perspective. Hulled barley was, as we now know, a staple food in Scandinavia during the Iron Age and thus in Gamla Uppsala. It is a multifunctional and resistant plant and works well in an agricultural context as it benefits from relatively large amounts of manure. The size of the plant and therefore the grains can vary in size depending on the circumstances in which it was cultivated. Factors such as temperature and nutrition play fundamental roles in a plant’s life. Since all contexts and sites discussed here existed within the same time span, the climate was the same at every farm, so temperature changes is not a factor considered here as it most likely did not affect the differing size in grains at different sites. Nutrition (i.e. manure) however, is more likely to have differed from farm to farm, depending on the extent of live-stock keeping that produces manure. We could assume that Kungsgården and Matsgården have had more access to manure because of the larger grains. The lack of weed seeds amongst the cereals from all sites indicates that the production was not actually taking place at the sites, especially not at Kungsgården, which is thought to have been used as a locale for feasting and as a ceremonial political center. However, the residences at Kungsgården might have been able to afford ownership of larger farms which produce more manure to use as nutrition for a good harvest. I cannot possibly know for sure, if and how these particular circumstances have affected the size of grains, but I will treat these factors as negligible here. Moving on to a more practice-based perspective, I will discuss how the grain assemblages 61 have been affected by crop processing. The process of harvesting and, as explained in section 2.5.2., include several steps of handling grain that have the potential to damage the grain populations. Handling of grain sometimes include grinding to remove the glumes from the grains, which most definitely has the potential to impact the size or the shape of the grain but more in terms of breakage than size. Moreover, the cereal plants produce grains of different size so unless the grains are sorted into assemblages with similar size ranges, there will be a natural heterogenous composition of cereals. Different sizes of barley might have been desired for different purposes. Large prime grain might have been selected for beer making for instance, and the remaining smaller or unsorted grains would have gone to the households as food. Grains are relatively easy to separate on the basis of size either by sieving or by throwing grains and let them fall. The weight of the grain (which I here assume is related to size) will then determine the groupings. The fact that there is very little weed seeds found amongst the grains in Gamla Uppsala indicate that some form of sorting already have taken place. From the analyses presented here, we know that there is a difference in the size of the grains in Gamla Uppsala, and we know what the size-variations look like in the various contexts. Now, the socio- economic perspective is of importance when trying to understand why there are certain size- variations tied to certain contexts and/or sites, as the climate prerequisites was the same for them all. This will be discussed in the following section, along with Gamla Uppsala and Uppåkra as central places.
6.2. Gamla Uppsala vs Uppåkra
A wide range of evidence suggest that Gamla Uppsala was a central place in mid-eastern Sweden during the Iron Age. The closest parallel we know about today is located in the south- west of Sweden – Uppåkra – as discussed in the introduction. Both of these pre-historical settlements seem to have had a similar structure, specifically in the Iron Age: a very dynamic and long period. The settlement patterns were changing rapidly and eventually became more concentrated. Both settlements show many signs of a centralised place in terms of politics, religion, trade and with a growing but socially stratified population. Centralised areas like these belong to the rarities in Scandinavia, which is what makes Gamla Uppsala and Uppåkra important in terms of research about the urbanisation-process that preceded our modern societies. Two settlements that have several functions in common and existed during the same time, are not unlikely to have more similar traits. The settlements were depending on grain, especially barley. Macrofossil studies of both Gamla Uppsala and Uppåkra show the same 62 pattern in the grain assemblages, with similar proportions of cereals and weed seeds. A small proportion of weed seeds amongst the grain indicates that the assemblage has been sorted as already suggested, so already at the start of this project it was possible to hypothesise that both settlements were importing grain from farms in the vicinities. In Uppåkra this hypothesis was also confirmed through the metric analyses by Larsson (see section 3.2.). Here I carried out a similar metric analysis of the cereals in Gamla Uppsala, and a pattern of size-variation between different contexts was revealed. Larger grain are more frequently found in areas that are associated with some sort of social elite. The large hall-building is one of the areas with the largest grains, whereas smaller tail grain tend to be found at artisan contexts, such as pit-houses. The grains with the highest median values in Gamla Uppsala come from Kungsgården and Matsgården. At first glance the pattern of cereal size-variation in Gamla Uppsala show a similar pattern as the one in Uppåkra, since especially Kungsgården is connected to aristocrats in the Iron Age and has a big hall-building from the Vendel Period similar to Uppåkra and with similar variations in cereal grain (e.g. barley grain-size). My material is still more limited than the Uppåkra material and I have not been able to make a similar comparison as Larsson with the surrounding sites. However, by comparing Larsson’s results to mine, and Uppåkra itself as a central place to Gamla Uppsala, I might be able to give suggestions about the relation between grain size and the centralisation process in Gamla Uppsala. I will start off by comparing my results more closely with Larsson’s.
6.2.1. Comparing numbers
The mean value of the length of barley-grains in Uppåkra (5,83) is slightly higher than in Gamla Uppsala (5,19). When it comes to breadth, Gamla Uppsala (2,87) has a slightly broader barley grain-population than Uppåkra. The mean value of all the grains from all of the contexts in the surrounding area of Uppåkra, is much lower than the ones in Uppåkra itself. However, the average length (5,22) in the surrounding areas is still higher than the material from all sites at Gamla Uppsala. I can think of several representational problems here. First of all, Larsson’s study included 2705 grains whereas mine only included 799. The more grains, the higher is the possibility that larger grains are included. Also, the material I have from “surrounding areas” is almost non-existent compared to those in Larsson’s dissertation. Additionally, compared to the surrounding areas in Uppåkra, the “artisan”-contexts of Gamla Uppsala included here is more central. The prerequisites for a metric analysis were in other words not the same in Gamla Uppsala, as they were in Uppåkra. However, the standard deviation is lower in Gamla Uppsala 63 than in both central Uppåkra and the surrounding areas. Again, this might be related to the amount of grains, as the more grain you have, the higher is the possibility that also the variation is wider. In addition, although I am using Larsson’s results here as a proxy, it is important to keep in mind that Gamla Uppsala and Uppåkra are different sites. The most accurate comparison between grain-assemblages would be within each settlement, as the two settlements most likely had completely different sources (i.e. producers) and growth conditions, which in turn may have had different circumstances in terms of economy, space or climate for example, since they are located in different parts of Sweden.
6.2.2. Surrounding settlements
The surrounding area in this analysis includes the farms that are located around the Royal Manor, i.e. Kungsgården. As research in Gamla Uppsala has been focused on the remains from aristocrats, we do not know much (compared to what we know about the aristocrats) about the rest of the settlements around the royal burial mounds and Kungsgården. The OKB-excavations focused on the living areas of what can perhaps be referred to as “commoners”, or at least not the highest social elite; the interpretations made in terms of social organisation are still ongoing. For many of the pit-houses, for example, the functions are still unknown. However, there is a clear difference between the Royal Manor and the rest of the settlements, in terms of finds and physical appearance. This is also the case when it comes to the archaeobotanical material, especially regarding size, as we can see in the graphs (see chapter 5.). My interpretation is that Matsgården has been considered an artisan-area (compared to Kungsgården), but nonetheless, the size of the grains from Matsgården differs greatly from the other “artisan-areas” in Gamla Uppsala. When it comes to the other contexts and sites, the composition of grains are very heterogenous and there is no strong indication that grains have been sorted based on size. I would say that the amount of grains says more than the size of grains when it comes to the surrounding settlements, except when the size is compared to Kungsgården. The number two largest grain assemblages were found in house 1129 (belonging to Veterinärvillan S), nevertheless, the size-range here is nowhere near Kungsgården, or Matsgården for that matter. The fact that Matsgården is significantly closer to Kungsgården than the other settlements, could possibly be an explanation as to why this is the case. I will continue discussing Matsgården in the next section, along with Kungsgården and the hall-building in Uppåkra.
6.2.3. The biggest of them all 64
The contexts included in this thesis differ significantly from each other in terms of grain size. There is however a general pattern that is worth to address: the frequency of large grains seem to be higher in Kungsgården (except L at Matsgården) than the other sites. How do we explain this, and why does Matsgården have such a high value for length but lower than Kungsgården in breadth? First of all, let us compare Kungsgården in Gamla Uppsala to the context in which Larsson found the largest grain. The grains from Kungsgården were many and nearly all of them come from the same context (pit A651). These grains are large and relatively consistent in size compared to any of the other contexts. Furthermore, this pit is located close to the hall- building. The median values of several of the sample populations from the hall-building in Uppåkra are much higher than context those from A651, but as mentioned before, I only had one sample from Kungsgården with rich in grains, whereas Larsson measured grains from several samples from the same context. However, there are also several samples that are the same size or even smaller than the ones at Kungsgården. When it comes to the village-area, or the surrounding area, the same size-variations of grains in the vicinities of Uppåkra can be found in the artisan area in Gamla Uppsala as well. The variation within these areas are not as significant as the ones from the hall-building in Uppåkra. As discussed above, we see that large grains are found more frequently at the very centres of both sites, compared to the other contexts and/or sites. Although the grains in the hall-building of Uppåkra are larger than the ones close to the hall-building in Gamla Uppsala, like I said above, the most important comparison is the one within the same settlement. The numbers in Gamla Uppsala might not be the same as in Uppåkra, however, the difference between contexts and sites within Gamla Uppsala might follow a similar pattern, but in different size-ranges.
Matsgården is a very interesting context, first of all because it is very close to Kungsgården. Second of all, at least one (of six) of the pit-houses at Matsgården is interpreted as a specialist workshop. Third, the grains here are large prime grains – significantly bigger than at any other site, except B in Kungsgården. On the basis of these observations, I want to suggest that the people in Matsgården had a relation to the residents of Kungsgården that the people of other houses lacked. What this relation looked like is something we can only speculate about. Maybe Matsgården was a property belonging to the Royal Manor and it may even have been the place where the handling of the imported grains was taking place? Or if the grain was handled at Kungsgården, Matsgården might have been prioritised when it came to distribution of prime grains as it is much closer to the centre and therefore could have housed wealthier people than the rest of the surrounding area? Why the grains are broader at Matsgården is however harder 65 to explain. Fig. 7a in section 4.1. shows a good example of how much longer a barley grain is when glumes are still attached, compared to the ones without glumes, but the grains from Matsgården do not have glumes attached in any higher degree than other contexts. Either way, the grains at Kungsgården are nevertheless relatively long and broader than the grains in assemblages at the other sites, so the breadth might have been of more importance than length in this case.
The purpose of the grains is also an important factor to consider, as size could reflect what context they were deposited in. The grains at Matsgården were found in a vessel whereas the large grains at Kungsgården were found in a pit, looking like a sacrificial deposition. Also considering the lower standard deviation at Kungsgården, there is a possibility that the grains at Kungsgården were sorted and carefully picked and selected whereas the cereal grains at Matsgården were simply in storage albeit with some prior sorting. How or when the relation between Kungsgården and Matsgården was established is a more complicated question. As Matsgården is closer to Kungsgården than the rest of the settlements, I would guess that the relation either emerged as a result of the centralisation since this would have brought people closer in the center, or that the placement of Matsgården was a consequence of an already established relationship.
66
7. Conclusion
With the assumption that Gamla Uppsala was a central place during the Iron Age, the aim with this thesis was mainly to examine the plant-based economy in Gamla Uppsala and see if and how it relates to the question about urbanisation and centralisation of the settlement. As this is the first metric analysis on the material from Gamla Uppsala I have also used Larsson’s (2015) metric study of material from Uppåkra, which is a close parallel to Gamla Uppsala as a contemporary central place. Throughout the thesis, and in the discussion, it is clear that Gamla Uppsala was a central place that was going through major changes during the Iron Age. It is also clear, according to my analyses, that there is a certain size-pattern in the archaeobotanical material which in this case is mainly carbonized hulled barley-grains. The pattern is not the exact same as the one in Uppåkra, where the grains seem to be larger in general. However, I can see that large grain are showing up more frequently at the most central sites (Kungsgården and Matsgården) and at Kungsgården especially, the grains are much more consistent in size than anywhere else, including Uppåkra. All grains are relatively small and heterogenous in composition at all sites in Gamla Uppsala except Kungsgården of course, but the material from Matsgården also seem to be of another character than the other sites in this analysis. My conclusion according to the material I have been able to measure and analyse, is that the centralisation process actually is apparent to some degree in the archaeobotanical material from Gamla Uppsala. Moreover, I think that the people at Matsgården had a relation to the people at Kungsgården that the others did not have at some point. As I discussed in 6.2.3., the type of relation is not clear. However, my guess is that cereals were imported to Gamla Uppsala, presumably to Kungsgården or Matsgården, and then were sorted and/or stored at Matsgården. An alternative to this is that the grains were imported to Kungsgården and when distributed to the rest of the settlements around the complex, Matsgården was prioritised when selecting prime grains. I discussed the relationship and how it emerged in 6.2.3., however, I think this needs to be further researched in order to come with a valid conclusion. For future research, I would suggest taking macrofossil samples from Berget and Bredåker, to see if the relation between Gamla Uppsala and any of these places show any association to grain-trade. I would also like to see more samples from the pit-houses in the settlements around Kungsgården, since most of the samples already collected contained extremely fragmented 67 cereals that cannot be measured. The barley-grains from context A224 are relatively large (see Fig. 17), however, I want to know whether the average grain-size at Matsgården is accurately reflected in this analysis (see sections 5.5. and 6.2 and “Matsgården 1998” in section 5.1.). More samples from all contexts at Matsgården would therefore be necessary, as the majority of the grains are represented by one single context (pit-house A224). My final conclusion on the basis of the metric analysis in this thesis, is that the centralisation process of Gamla Uppsala is visible in the archaeobotanical remains from Iron Age settlements in the form of size-differences tied to certain contexts – where larger grain are found in the central parts of Gamla Uppsala, compared to the surrounding settlements. Thus, the organisation around the plant-based economy in Gamla Uppsala was probably an important part of the urbanisation and centralisation of the region.
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Figures
Figure 1. Map over the excavated pit-houses at different sites in Gamla Uppsala (Lindkvist 2017:110). Norra and Östra gärdet are not included in the analysis of this thesis...... 9 Figure 2. (Gamla) Uppsala is situated in the middle of the red circle. Data from SLU & SGU. Map produced by the author...... 11 Figure 3. (Gamla) Uppsala is situated in the middle of the red circle. Data from SLU & SGU. Map produced by the author...... 11 Figure 4. Map of (Gamla) Uppsala’s position in Sweden. Data from SLU & SGU. Map produced by the author...... 11 Figure 5. Map over all excavated pit-houses in the OKB-project (Lindkvist et al 2017:108)...... 34 Figure 6. Map over sampled sites included in Larsson’s Paper II. The Uppåkra regional centre is located within the rectangle. The circles represent the sites in the surrounding area. Data from SLU and Lantmäteriet. Map produced by the author in 2020…………………………...... 26 Figure 7. a): two hulled barley, the lower one still has glumes. b): two oat, dorsal vs ventral side. Pictures produced by the author in 2020…………………………………………………………………………………………...30 Figure 8. a): one hulled barley (dorsal side) below two (fragmented) bread-wheat. b): two hulled barley, ventral vs dorsal side. Pictures produced by the author in 2020…………………………………………………………………………………………...30 Figure 9. Map over all excavated pit-houses in the OKB-project (Lindkvist et al 2017:108) ………………………………………………………………………………………………...34
Figure 10. All measured barley- and wheat-grains from context 670...... 38 Figure 11. All measured wheat- and barley-grains from context 686...... 39 Figure 12. Measured barley- and wheat-grains from context 1125...... 40 Figure 13. All measured barley- and wheat-grains from context 1128...... 42 Figure 14. All measured wheat and barley-grains from context 1129...... 43 Figure 15. Measured bread-wheat and different variations of barley-grains from context 1170...... 44 Figure 16. Length and breadth for all measured barley- and wheat-grains from context 651. 45 Figure 17. Barley-grains from all contexts (included in this thesis) at Matsgården...... 46 Figure 18. Measured cereal grains from context 5011...... 48 Figure 19. Size-variation of all measured cereal grains from DY 3 vs DY 4...... 49 Figure 20. All measured cereal grains from graves, divided by context...... 50 74
Figure 21. All measured cereal grains from context 2965...... 50 Figure 22. Length and breadth for two wheat-categories and barley-grains from 5288...... 51 Figure 23. Length and breadth for barley- and wheat-grains from context 6388...... 52 Figure 24. Length and breadth for barley and different variations of wheat, from context 508...... 53 Figure 25. Length and breadth for barley-grains from context 5272...... 54 Figure 26. Median values of all barley-grains from all pit-houses separated by site...... 56 Figure 27. Comparison of median values of all barley-grains from pit- and post-houses within GUSK...... 56 Figure 28. Size-variation between barley-grains from pit-house concentrations within Veterinärvillan S. Concentration 1: 1128, 1125. Concentration 2: 1364, 1129. Concentration 3: 4039, 1375, 1127, 1378, 1377...... 57
Tables
Table 1. Size-ranges for length and breadth of cereal-grains from each presented context in this chapter (5.)...... 55 Table 2. Mean value for length (mm) and Table 3. Mean value for breadth (mm) and standard deviation for each grain-population. standard deviation for each grain- population...... 59