A Study of Aam Aadmi Party in India
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Anti-Corruption Movement: a Story of the Making of the Aam Admi Party and the Interplay of Political Representation in India
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2019, Volume 7, Issue 3, Pages 189–198 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v7i3.2155 Article Anti-Corruption Movement: A Story of the Making of the Aam Admi Party and the Interplay of Political Representation in India Aheli Chowdhury Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, 11001 Delhi, India; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 30 March 2019 | Accepted: 26 July 2019 | Published: 24 September 2019 Abstract The Aam Admi Party (AAP; Party of the Common Man) was founded as the political outcome of an anti-corruption move- ment in India that lasted for 18 months between 2010–2012. The anti-corruption movement, better known as the India Against Corruption Movement (IAC), demanded the passage of the Janlokpal Act, an Ombudsman body. The movement mobilized public opinion against corruption and the need for the passage of a law to address its rising incidence. The claim to eradicate corruption captured the imagination of the middle class, and threw up several questions of representation. The movement prompted public and media debates over who represented civil society, who could claim to represent the ‘people’, and asked whether parliamentary democracy was a more authentic representative of the people’s wishes vis-à-vis a people’s democracy where people expressed their opinion through direct action. This article traces various ideas of po- litical representation within the IAC that preceded the formation of the AAP to reveal the emergence of populist repre- sentative democracy in India. It reveals the dynamic relationship forged by the movement with the media, which created a political field that challenged liberal democratic principles and legitimized popular public perception and opinion over laws and institutions. -
Parkash Singh Badal by : INVC Team Published on : 30 Aug, 2015 05:00 PM IST
Talwandi's contribution for panth, punjab & punjabiat enormous : Parkash Singh Badal By : INVC Team Published On : 30 Aug, 2015 05:00 PM IST INVC NEWS Ludhiana, The first 'Barsi Samagam' of Senior Akali leader and former president of Shiromani Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee was organised at Gurudwara Tahliana Sahib, here today which was attended by Punjab CM Mr Parkash Singh Badal and a large number of personalities from different walks of life. While speaking on the occasion, CM Mr Parkash Singh Badal praised Jathedar Jagdev Singh Talwandi for his enormous contribution towards Panth, Punjab and Punjabiat. Mr. Badal said that the life and struggle of Jathedar Talwandi would ever act as a lighthouse for the coming generations to serve the state and the Panth with utmost zeal, sincerity and commitment. He said that probably Jathedar Talwandi was the only political leader who had served the state socially, politically and even religiously by being the President of Shiromani Akali Dal and Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee besides being a Member of Parliament and MLA of the state assembly. Badal said that with the death of Jathedar Talwandi a void has been created which would be difficult to fill in the near future. Recalling the outstanding services rendered by Jathedar Talwandi during the landmark agitations like Punjabi Suba, Emergency, Dharam Yudh and others, the Chief Minister said that the Jathedar Talwandi was a fearless leader who never comprised with the interests of the state and Panth. Describing Jathedar Talwandi as a decisive leader, Mr. Badal said that he never hesitated to take any bold decision if it was in the interest of Punjab and its people. -
Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2019/05 Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014 Abhijit Banerjee Amory Gethin Thomas Piketty March 2019 Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014 Abhijit Banerjee, Amory Gethin, Thomas Piketty* January 16, 2019 Abstract This paper combines surveys, election results and social spending data to document the long-run evolution of political cleavages in India. From a dominant- party system featuring the Indian National Congress as the main actor of the mediation of political conflicts, Indian politics have gradually come to include a number of smaller regionalist parties and, more recently, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). These changes coincide with the rise of religious divisions and the persistence of strong caste-based cleavages, while education, income and occupation play little role (controlling for caste) in determining voters’ choices. We find no evidence that India’s new party system has been associated with changes in social policy. While BJP-led states are generally characterized by a smaller social sector, switching to a party representing upper castes or upper classes has no significant effect on social spending. We interpret this as evidence that voters seem to be less driven by straightforward economic interests than by sectarian interests and cultural priorities. In India, as in many Western democracies, political conflicts have become increasingly focused on identity and religious-ethnic conflicts -
'India Against Corruption'
Frontier Vol. 44, No. 9, September 11-17, 2011 THE ANNA MOMENT ‘India Against Corruption’ Satya Sagar TO CALL ANNA HAZARE'S crusade against corruption a 'second freedom movement' may be hyperbole but in recent times there has been no mass upsurge for a purely public cause, that has captured the imagination of so many. For an Indian public long tolerant of the misdeeds of its political servants turned quasi-mafia bosses this show of strength was a much-needed one. In any democracy while elected governments, the executive and the judiciary are supposed to balance each other's powers, ultimately it is the people who are the real masters and it is time the so-called 'rulers' understand this clearly. Politicians, who constantly hide behind their stolen or manipulated electoral victories, should beware the wrath of a vocal citizenry that is not going to be fooled forever and demands transparent, accountable and participatory governance. The legitimacy conferred upon elected politicians is valid only as long as they play by the rules of the Indian Constitution, the laws of the land and established democratic norms. If these rules are violated the legitimacy of being 'elected' should be taken away just as a bad driver loses his driving license or a football player is shown the red card for repeated fouls. The problem people face in India is clearly that there are no honest 'umpires' left to hand out these red cards anymore and this is not just the problem of a corrupt government or bureaucracy but of the falling values of Indian society itself. -
Lokpal Bill History Duties
lokpal Bill After 42 years, the Jan Lokpal Bill is still pending in India. The first Lokpal Bill was passed in the 4th Lok Sabha in 1969 but could not get through in Rajya Sabha, subsequently, Lokpal bills were introduced in 1971, 1977, 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998, 2001, 2005 and in 2008, yet they were never passed and its pending.[1][2] The Lokpal Bill provides for filing complaints of corruption against the prime minister, other ministers, and MPs with the ombudsman. The Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) while recommending the constitution of Lokpal was convinced that such an institution was justified not only for removing the sense of injustice from the minds of adversely affected citizens but also necessary to instill public confidence in the efficiency of administrative machinery. Following this, the Lokpal Bill was for the first time presented during the fourth Lok Sabha in 1968, and was passed there in 1969. However, while it was pending in the Rajya Sabha, the Lok Sabha was dissolved so the bill was not passed at that time. The bill was revived in 1971, 1977, 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998, 2001, 2005 and most recently in 2008. Each time, after the bill was introduced to the house, it was referred to some committee for improvements - a joint committee of parliament, or a departmental standing committee of the Home Ministry - and before the government could take a final stand on the issue the house was dissolved. Several flaws have been cited in the recent draft of the Lokpal Bill.[3]Meanwhile the activists of India Against Corruption (IAC) have prepared a draft for the bill called Jan Lokpal Bill.[2] History The basic idea of the Lok Pal is borrowed from the office of ombudsman, which has played an effective role in checking corruption and wrong-doing in Scandinavian and other nations. -
Lokpal Bill: Lessons from Tion Agencies
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ePrints@APU COMMENTARY legislated on, and constituted anti-corrup- Lokpal Bill: Lessons from tion agencies. Orissa was the first state to legislate on this matter (1970),1 while the Karnataka Lokayukta’s Maharashtra was the first to constitute an anti-corruption agency (1972).2 These pre- Performance ceding policy debates and existing models in the states have framed our policy choices. But the debate so far has focused exten- Narayana A, Sudhir Krishnaswamy, Vikas Kumar sively on the constitutional status of the Lokpal (L M Singhvi coined the word Lok- The debate on the design of the 1 Introduction pal, which means “Protector of the People”, Lokpal has been premised on the he debate on policy choices and the to indigenise the word Ombudsman (Stand- questionable assumption that institutional design for a new anti- ing Committee 2011, para 3.3) and the ad- Tcorruption agency at the union and ministrative and legal mechanisms nec- what is needed to combat state levels has pervaded every public fora. essary for a strong and effective agency corruption is a powerful national The ubiquitous debate is characterised by without any attempt to learn from an institution to prosecute and passionate disagreement between familiar empirical analysis of the performance of convict the corrupt, but the opponents who never tire of restating and existing institutional models. rehashing their adop ted positions which The best case for a national Lokpal is debate has not drawn on the have been informed by their moral or to show that the existing Lokayukta in experience with the existing political commitments. -
An Indian Summer: Corruption, Class, and the Lokpal Protests
Article Journal of Consumer Culture 2015, Vol. 15(2) 221–247 ! The Author(s) 2013 An Indian summer: Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Corruption, class, and DOI: 10.1177/1469540513498614 the Lokpal protests joc.sagepub.com Aalok Khandekar Department of Technology and Society Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Maastricht University, The Netherlands Deepa S Reddy Anthropology and Cross-Cultural Studies, University of Houston-Clear Lake, USA and Human Factors International Abstract In the summer of 2011, in the wake of some of India’s worst corruption scandals, a civil society group calling itself India Against Corruption was mobilizing unprecedented nation- wide support for the passage of a strong Jan Lokpal (Citizen’s Ombudsman) Bill by the Indian Parliament. The movement was, on its face, unusual: its figurehead, the 75-year- old Gandhian, Anna Hazare, was apparently rallying urban, middle-class professionals and youth in great numbers—a group otherwise notorious for its political apathy. The scale of the protests, of the scandals spurring them, and the intensity of media attention generated nothing short of a spectacle: the sense, if not the reality, of a united India Against Corruption. Against this background, we ask: what shared imagination of cor- ruption and political dysfunction, and what political ends are projected in the Lokpal protests? What are the class practices gathered under the ‘‘middle-class’’ rubric, and how do these characterize the unusual politics of summer 2011? Wholly permeated by routine habits of consumption, we argue that the Lokpal protests are fundamentally structured by the impulse to remake social relations in the image of products and ‘‘India’’ itself into a trusted brand. -
'Jobs, Agrarian Crisis Real Issues'
10 DEMOCRACY AT WORK MUMBAI | 19 MAY 2019 > Tea party politics DID THEY REALLY SAY THAT? CHECKLIST What was behind Sonia Gandhi’s invitation to opposition parties to a tea party on May THE LAST PHASE OF ELECTIONS: SOME INTERESTING CONTESTS 23 ? Apparently, the effort was to forestall invitations by others and ensure the Congress had the initiative. The first attempt to create a common front was taken by Telugu Desam n Ujjain: This is a seat reserved for Scheduled Caste rickshaw to reach out to his voters. The Akali Dal- Party (TDP) leader Chandrababu Naidu, who reached out to all non-BJP parties including candidates. The BJP has fielded Anil Firojiya from BJP combine has fielded former minister Surjit the Congress to hold a meeting on May 21 to address a strategy on May 23 . the seat against Congress' Babulal Malviya. In the Singh Rakhra from this seat. The Aam Aadmi Party However, Trinamool Congress chief and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee 2014 general polls, Chintamani Malviya of the BJP (AAP) has fielded greenhorn Neena Mittal, an CHATTERBOX was markedly unenthusiastic about the meeting, informing Naidu that she would have defeated his Congress rival by a margin of 309,663 activist who worked for the party during the 2013 to stay confined to the state to prevent any mischief while counting. votes, or 30.5 per cent votes. This is pretty steep Delhi Assembly elections. Kaur lost the 2014 Naidu’s intention was to act as an honest broker — he firmly believes that he is the only margin. -
Political Parties in India
A M K RESOURCE WORLD GENERAL KNOWLEDGE www.amkresourceinfo.com Political Parties in India India has very diverse multi party political system. There are three types of political parties in Indiai.e. national parties (7), state recognized party (48) and unrecognized parties (1706). All the political parties which wish to contest local, state or national elections are required to be registered by the Election Commission of India (ECI). A recognized party enjoys privileges like reserved party symbol, free broadcast time on state run television and radio in the favour of party. Election commission asks to these national parties regarding the date of elections and receives inputs for the conduct of free and fair polls National Party: A registered party is recognised as a National Party only if it fulfils any one of the following three conditions: 1. If a party wins 2% of seats in the Lok Sabha (as of 2014, 11 seats) from at least 3 different States. 2. At a General Election to Lok Sabha or Legislative Assembly, the party polls 6% of votes in four States in addition to 4 Lok Sabha seats. 3. A party is recognised as a State Party in four or more States. The Indian political parties are categorized into two main types. National level parties and state level parties. National parties are political parties which, participate in different elections all over India. For example, Indian National Congress, Bhartiya Janata Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, Samajwadi Party, Communist Party of India, Communist Party of India (Marxist) and some other parties. State parties or regional parties are political parties which, participate in different elections but only within one 1 www.amkresourceinfo.com A M K RESOURCE WORLD GENERAL KNOWLEDGE state. -
Understanding the Success of India's Aam Aadmi Party in 2015 Delhi
Local contest, national impact: understanding the success of India's Aam Aadmi Party in 2015 Delhi assembly election Article (Accepted Version) Diwakar, Rekha (2016) Local contest, national impact: understanding the success of India’s Aam Aadmi Party in 2015 Delhi assembly election. Representation, 52 (1). pp. 71-80. ISSN 0034-4893 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/65263/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Local contest, national impact: Understanding the success of India’s Aam Aadmi Party in 2015 Delhi assembly election Abstract: In this paper, I discuss how a relatively new anti-corruption political party in India – the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) was able to achieve an unprecedented electoral victory in the 2015 Delhi assembly election, comprehensively defeating the two national parties – Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress Party. -
What About the Aam Aurat? Jayati Ghosh
What about the Aam Aurat? Jayati Ghosh In Indian politics, a month is clearly a very long time. In mid-December the Aam Aadmi Party – which as a fledgling political group had just done remarkably well in the Delhi Assembly polls – created both excitement and optimism that it could provide a new, different way of doing politics that would be accountable and connect with common people’s concerns. Of course the party in Delhi benefited hugely from the general dissatisfaction and rejection of both the Congress and the BJP, and the sense that it provided a clear alternative that was not mired in the tired and unsatisfactory politics of the two major parties. That was enough in many eyes (including my own) to compensate for the lack of a clear programme of its own beyond ending corruption and cleaning up public service delivery, as many observers hoped that these would develop over time in a progressive direction. And there has since been the emergence of something like an AAP wave in at least some cities and other urban centres in different parts of the country. But just a month later, there are many reasons for disquiet. It is not just that, as many commentators have noted, both the Chief Minister and his Cabinet colleagues seem less inclined to deal with the quotidian but necessary issues of governing the country’s capital through reforming and using the existing administrative structures than to continue in agitation mode. It is not even the disconcerting threats to close down the centre of the city just before Republic Day through a dharna on the completely unjustified demand of suspending three police officers, at least one of whom was simply doing his duty rather than responding only to the current political leader. -
Pronouncement List File:///C:/Users/HCL/Desktop/Html/2018 11 29 B M.Htm
Pronouncement List file:///C:/Users/HCL/Desktop/html/2018_11_29_b_m.htm N O T I C E ===================== Hon'ble the Chief Justice has been pleased to order that w.e.f. 27.11.2018 Writ Petitions - Village Common Land and Consolidation of Land Holdings be also listed before Hon'ble Division Bench - IV for Urgent, Ordinary and regular hearing by taking half of the cases from Hon'ble Division Bench - VII; that Writ petitions - SC & OSB - Punjab filed in the year 2017 and Writ Petitions - General Misc. filed upto 1999 be listed before Hon'ble Mr. Justice Tejinder Singh Dhindsa only and that Regular First Appeals be listed before Hon'ble Mr. Justice Gurmeet Singh Sandhawalia only. sd/- Registrar Judicial 21.11.2018 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ N O T E ====================== It is for the information of all the learned Advocates and Litigants that 12.12.2018 (Wednesday) has been declared as holiday in this Hon’ble High Court on account of Martyrdom Day of Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Ji instead of 24.11.2018 (Fourth Saturday). Hon’ble the Chief Justice has been pleased to order that all the Urgent/Ordinary Division/Single bench cases fixed for 12.12.2018 will be taken up on 15.12.2018 which is a court working Saturday. sd/- Registrar Judicial 30.10.2018 ======================================================================================================= NOTICE ========================= Hon'ble The Chief Justice has been pleased to order that : Every pleading(s) including application(s), annexure(s) etc. in the High Court shall be in English language duly typed in black ink on both side of superior quality legal size paper of 80 GSM and above.