Manhood & Makeup: Hegemonic Masculinity in Competition

Home , American Ninja Warrior, Matt Iseman, Warped wall, Wipeout (2008 game show)

MANHOOD & MAKEUP: HEGEMONIC MASCULINITY IN COMPETITION

SHOWS

JAMES GROMELSKI

B.A., Metropolitan State University of Denver, 2013

A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the

University of Colorado Colorado Springs

in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

Department of Communication

2017

JAMES GROMELSKI

James Gromelski

Has been approved for the

Department of Communication

Christopher Bell, Chair

Carmen Stavrositou

Lauren Brengarth

Date __5/9/17______

Gromelski, James (M.A., Communication)

Manhood and Makeup: Hegemonic Masculinity in Sport Competition Shows

Thesis directed by Assistant Professor Christopher Bell. Ph.D.

ABSTRACT

Manhood is a complicated concept that has necessitated research and discussion for decades. Accordingly, the recent influx of feminine scholarship has reduced the amount of attention paid to masculinity. Dominant ideologies force men to walk, talk, and act a very specific way, which is then reinforced by popular culture and in turn, affects both men and women. Male gender performance is exceedingly rigid. This is especially true in sport. The sport competition shows American Ninja Warrior, its

Japanese predecessor Sasuke, and the all- star special, American Ninja Warrior vs Japan provide sufficient material to dissect contemporary ideals of Japanese and American manhood. Additionally, the parallel between the representations of masculinity by

Japanese and American popular culture is examined. An ideological criticism through rhetorical analysis is used to examine the overt and covert messages of masculine ideologies portrayed in these programs. Common traits and features of masculinity, previously developed by scholars of varying fields, as well as new ones are used to code and analyze representations of hegemonic masculinity. Specifically, masculinity is presented in three categories: Nationalistic, militaristic and heteronormative. A comprehensive view of the landscape, that is, hegemonic masculinity in sport competition television, is the beginning of understanding and transforming manhood.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………….1

Purpose of the Study………………………………………..1

Sasuke and American Ninja Warrior…………………….....2

II. LITERATURE REVIEW…………………………………………..13

Hegemonic Masculinity………………………………….....13

Masculinity in Japan………………………………………..15

The Ninja…………..……………………………………….18

The Pride of a Nation…………….…………………………22

Sport and War in America………………………………….30

Heteromasculinty…………………………………………...33

III. METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………37

IV. DISCUSSION……………………………………………………....42

Nationalism…………………………………………………44

The Salaryman……………………………………...44

The Wandering Man………………………………..55

Militarism.………………………………………………….58

The Patriot………………………………………….58

The Ninja…………………………………………...64

Heteronormativism….……………………………………...67

The Performer……………………………………....67

The Unifer…………………………………………..75

Conclusion………………………………………………….76

REFERENCES……………………………………………………………..82

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Purpose of the Study

Media are not supposed to be so powerful. Ever felt like the goose bumps are about to burst out of every pore? Like the meaning attached to the message hit so hard, that skin can’t handle it? American Ninja Warrior (ANW) and Susuke have this power.

Being witness to the athleticism, grit and resolve of these athletes is empowering, to say the least. Why, though, are ardent fans of these shows so exhilarated by men and women battling against inanimate objects and a clock? We gather and root for a favorite athlete because the grueling preparation and competition exemplifies what the human body is capable of. The fallacy that everyone can do it absolutely draws a fan base, but there is another decisive aspect of these shows, which must be discussed.

Masculinity is reinforced by many media outlets, particularly in sport. This study focuses on the language used by commentators, advertisers, fans and the athletes themselves, as well as other implicit and explicit themes used by previous scholars that perpetuate dominant masculine ideologies. It is not intended to re-define masculinity, but rather highlight the existing traits of manhood in contemporary American and Japanese culture. Further, while women and femininity are undoubtedly a critical aspect of these shows and masculinity in general, the scope of this piece will concentrate on the male athletes to narrow the field of study. For this same purpose, some other aspects of hegemonic masculinity, that have been the focus of studies in the past, will also be left

out of the discussion. Issues such as capitalism, consumerism, neo-Marxism, body image, race, socioeconomic status, age, ability are all relevant to this subject, but were purposefully left out as to narrow the frame of the study. By shedding light on common traits ofmasculinity, it might be possible to create change in the psyche of men and women. Masculinity is a phenomenon that has been studied by numerous fields. This includes but is not limited to: marketing (Baglia, 2005; Messner, Dunbar and Hunt, 2000) sociology (Connell 1985 [1987]; Messner, 1990; Oliffe, 2006), psychology (Keen, 1992;

Kimmel 1987; Speer, 2001), and communication (; Hanke, 1998; Spitzack 1998;

Burchardt, 2005). The growing feminist paradigm has presented broad concepts that have shifted the perception of masculinity in America (Messner, 1990; Messner & Sabo,

1990). The present study adds a different lens to the subject. It is important to incorporate a modern perspective and examine the issues involved in sport competition shows. While it is certainly true that competition obstacle courses are designed for men, women can compete alongside the men. Unlike most organized sports like basketball, track and field, golf and soccer where, men compete against other men and vice versa,

ANW and Sasuke allows both sexes to battle the course as well as each other. This is a new way of viewing sport. It provides an opportunity for whole families to sit together and experience a piece of popular culture together.

Sasuke & American Ninja Warrior

Sasuke began as a spinoff to another Japanese program called Kinniku Banzuke

(muscle ranking). It was broadcasted as a special part of, Kinniku Banzuke, which ran from 1994 to 2002 when it was discontinued. As a result, Sasuke became its own entity

and is in its 33rd production and airs on the Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS). The competitions are held and filmed twice a year. They take place at Midoriyama (Mount

Midori) where 100 contestants battle against a clock and the rigorous challenges of each obstacle in any given stage. There are four stages where the obstacles vary by season, however a basic format does exist: Stage 1-overall athleticism. Stage 2- speed. Stage 3- upper body strength. Stage 4- endurance. All contestants participate during a 24-hour period to balance the odds of victory. What this means is, if an athlete happens to be one of the elite to reach stage four (there have only been 22 contestants to ever reach the final stage), he or she will be attempting to climb a 77-foot-long rope around two or three in the morning. To this day, there have only been four people to complete all four stages.

Ninja Warrior featured the original Sasuke footage broadcasted on the G4 network with English commentating in 2009 (it is important to point out that for this study, the G4 version is analyzed but is referred to as Sasuke to avoid confusion). The popularity of this show in America enabled NBC to buy the rights and create their own spinoff. American Ninja Warrior then, in 2012, varied its format in many ways. Hosts

Matt Iseman M.D., (and stand up comedian) and Akbar Gbaja-Biamila (former NFL linebacker) added a new sense of humor and credibility. The introduction clips were extensive and gave a much more in-depth look at the athletes. Instead of the commentators briefly introducing each athlete by giving their name and occupation, an entire clip (usually around 30 seconds to a minute) was spliced into the production to give a comprehensive outlook of the athlete. This in-depth look into the athlete’s lives creates a bond between them and the fans. Burkes’s (1969) identification theory attempts to explain the relationship that is formed between the audience member and the athlete: 3

A is not identical with his colleague B. But insofar as their interests are joined, A is identified with B. Or he may identify himself with B even when their interests are not joined, if he assumes that they are, or is persuaded to believe so. (Burke, 1969, p. 20) When A is an audience member and B is an ANW or Susuke athlete, the interests are not aligned. The audience member does not share the excitement of glory or the humility of defeat however, the audience member does connect or identify in some way with the athlete. Whether it is personal characteristics, geographical location, demographics, psychographics or any other comparable trait, a link exists and therefore creates identification between A and B. This process, in regards to ANW and Sauke, describes the tendency for audience members to believe (or be persuaded to believe) they could complete the obstacle or the entire course—no matter how unlikely that may be. It is no surprise that the production unit (A. Smith & Company) and minds behind the TV show Pros vs Joes also produces ANW. This program featured professional athletes competing in their particular sport (Jerry Rice [NFL], Jennie Finch [Softball] and Randy

Couture [Mixed Martial Arts]) against— above average ‘every day’ people. The identification process is relatively the same between audience and athlete with the ‘Joe’ because these people are supposed to represent the common man or woman. Smack talk and hubris aside, the Joe’s were embarrassed the majority of the time. It served as a self- check-point to the person who watches football on Sunday’s and never ceases to scream at the TV “I could’ve caught that”! The distinction is made between pro and Joe but, with ANW and Sasuke, there really is no clear line when, before the athlete attempts the stage, the audience finds out that he or she is a college student, boy scout leader, or

cosmetologist. There is a part of every audience member that believes if the work is put into it, it could be them on that course.

Another difference between Sasuke and ANW is the notion of a winner-take-all design. There can only be one champion in America. The “if you aint first you’re last” or “tying is like kissing your sister” aphorisms are exemplified in ANW. If by some miracle there were two athletes that conquered Midoriyama, they would both be crowned the victors and gain equal respect in Japan. Oddly enough, this very situation occurred during the Season 7 finale of ANW. Geoff Britten, a Maryland native, was the first to ever complete the course and was errantly pronounced to be the “first American ninja warrior” by host Akbar Gbaja-Biamila. Immediately following Britten’s electrifying performance though, Coloradan rock climber, Isaac Caldiero bested his opponent by clocking a better time. Like most sport competition, a winner must be named. The societal structure that creates this binary of one winner and many losers was mentioned earlier but begs reiteration as the concept of masculinity and how it differs between

American and Japanese culture. Wellard (2002) discussed the “winner-take-all ethos” that governs American sports (Wellard, 2002, p.237). American society tends to reward only competitive victories. No glory comes with bettering one’s self or doing better than the year before. The only measurement of success is a total triumph.

The course itself is different as well as the obstacles in each stage. While there are similarities between stages and obstacles the disparity between the two are vast.

During the first three seasons the obstacles mirrored Sasuke but as the number of

American competitors gained access to the competition in Japan, so did the amount of

modified and innovative obstacles. The course and obstacles vary by year to reduce veteran advantages. As a supplemental artifact, the Season 5 special, ANW vs. Japan provides a noteworthy competition in itself. It serves as a real time comparison between the construction and aesthetics of the two programs. As it exists, an American has never completed Mount Midoriyama in Japan. Comparatively, to say that The Japanese team struggled against the Americans (Las Vegas course, 2014) is an understatement. In a points system with five competitors on each team, each stage has a different point value

(stage 1 = 1 point, stage 2=2 points and stage 3=3 points). All five competitors from each team attemptes each stage of the course and runs at the same time as their opponent. If a team has three (out of the five) athletes finish before their opponents, they get the point(s) for that stage. In the inaugural year of the show, America wins six to zero. With this in mind, the question must be asked: why do Americans struggle in Japan and in contrast, how did the Japanese team get dominated in Las Vegas? Factors like altitude, course construction, jet lag and other obvious suppositions come to mind immediately. What if, however, there is a genuine difference in the mental makeup of manhood between the two cultures that creates a ‘home -field- advantage (and in-turn, disadvantages) for each?

In 1999, Sasuke aired their fourth and fifth tournament. Y2K was at the forefront of industrial thought. Myspace was officially introduced to the internet and the initial release of Napster changed the way people procured music. These seemingly minor technological innovations led the way to a more savvy consumer of media. In addition, the reality TV explosion had not yet happened. Shows like Friends, ER and 7th Heaven ruled the ratings. Less than a decade later, in 2006, the television industry was unrecognizable. Survivor, Fear Factor and American Idol dominated the prime time 6

slots, which made way for the popularity of shows like Sasuke and American Ninja

Warrior.

Japanese TV, for the most part, broke down into five main categories: Anime, drama, sports, food and variety. Anime far outweighed all other genres and was once described as the “gateway drug into Japanese culture” (Akcasu, 2014, para. 4).

Americans might find anime and many of the variety shows eccentric and senseless, but silly commentary, and sometimes outlandish acts, may point to the popularity of Sasuke in Japan. As competitive and athletic as the ‘serious’ athletes are, an array of personalities are accepted to compete. This gives way to a less solemn feel at each event.

Comedians, sushi chefs, professional wrestlers and circus performers all add a certain flair to the production. This is most evident in the introduction segments of each competitor. The stuntman does a backflip. The gas station attendant wears his uniform.

The hang-glider brings his apparatus to the starting line with him. This serves at least two purposes. It gives the audience an idea of who the competitor is when not competing in this tournament and also provides a distraction when an athlete fails. In Sasuke 13,

Kazuhiko Akiyama failed on the first stage, for the seventh time in a row, after being the first to achieve total victory five years earlier. The tension was palpable and it was hard not to feel for him at that point. Then, the attention was shifted to Mika Izumi. Before the competition began, she was a hopeful to be one of the only women to complete the first stage. After she failed to get past the first obstacle, the viewer was left even more devastated than before. This point was reaffirmed by the interview immediately after she pulled herself out of the frigid brown water. “Izumi, what happened? We all had such high hopes for you! Well I did too” (Ushio, 2004, 00:46:20). 7

Unlike other traditional sports, a somewhat light-hearted atmosphere exists during these tournaments, but not in these moments. It is hard not to sympathize with Akiyama and Izumi. Obviously, they work incredibly hard and anyone who has felt like a piece of their soul was just chipped away by a defeat can attest to its damage. What also contributes to this lessened sense of cutthroat competition is that all competitors can achieve total victory. Everyone is able to root for everyone because it is possible for everyone to win. Also seen in Sasuke 13, two athletes reached the final stage. Makoto

Nagano, who is an all- star, is seen with head in hands after his compatriot failed to complete the ascent. Is this for show? Or is there truly a sense of comradery that enables an athlete to put his or her pride aside, and root for another? It is difficult for Americans to accept this type of sportsmanship. Who wants to be the second person to achieve total victory in one day? There is no glory in a tie. More collectivist ideals will be discussed later but for now, maybe the thought is, if one person is victorious, everyone is. Again, it makes no sense to individualists.

The great Roman rhetorician, Cicero, listed “definition” as one of the features of what he called stasis (struggle or stopping point) system. Cicero wrote, “the controversy about a definition arises when there is agreement as to the fact and the question is by what word that event should be called” (Herrick, 2015, p. 104). In this case, the stopping point for the event and word is sport. One succinct definition of sport came from the International Council for Sport and Physical Education (ICSPE) in 1964:

“any physical activity, which has the character of play and takes the form of a struggle with oneself or involves competition with others” (Chapman, 2004, p. 316). Guttman postulated another less dated delineation of sport in 1994. “Modern sports are best 8

defined not by some specific chronology but rather by the presence or absence of a distinctive set of systematically interrelated formal and structural characteristics” (p.2).

Further, ‘Overinclusiveness’ is a term that has been used to illustrate the difficulty of defining sport (Galvin, 1991; Wertz, 1995). How do we draw the line between cheerleading and gymnastics, speed skating and hockey, or Greco-Roman and sumô wrestling? The simple answer is, there are social contracts in place, endorsed by committees and officials that determine classification. Unfortunately, the delineation of sport and sport entertainment is not so simple. Just as the definition of sport elicits argument, the difference between sport and sport entertainment meets and possibly exceeds aforementioned debacle.

Entertainment is a clear meta-narrative underpinning professional sport; with the structure and presentation of them influenced by purpose of selling athletic competition to consumers (Burstyn, 1999; Gruneau & Whitson, 1993; Lavoie, 2000; Morrison, 1996).

ANW is listed as a sports competition entertainment program. This is a deceiving categorization given the denotation of entertainment. Currently, the World Wresting

Entertainment (WWE) show is also listed under this category, which involves a pre- determined winner and elements similar to improvisational theatre. Professional wrestling has been defined as a cultural theatre that vaguely resembles “pure” sport

(Craven & Moseley, 1972; Levi, 1997; Morton & O’Brien). With this in mind, ANW fits the criteria of a pure sport far more closely than professional wrestling. ANW is a sport competition show and not a sport competition entertainment program. The winner battles their own selves, a clock, the obstacles, and other competitors. All indications for a sport.

Not an entertainment industry where the outcome of event is already known by the 9

gatekeepers. This is not meant to dis-credit the athleticism of professional wrestlers. It is only meant to distinguish ANW and Sasuke genre for context.

Monster9 was the production company behind Sasuke and other programs like it.

These other programs included Kinniku Banzake (muscle ranking) which was a premier sports entertainment variety show, as well as Kunoichi, the Sasuke spinoff that featured a women’s only competition. In 2002, the frequency of injuries to the competitors in

Kinniku Banzake caused its cancellation. It was around this time that Sasuke really started to gain traction, not only in Japan, but in America as well. The American television network, G4, picked it up and turned the original three hour long footage into a six episode season. English subtitles as well as some other new features like ‘warrior wipeout’ and the ‘Ninja Killer’ were also added, which was determined by the number of times a specific obstacle eliminated the most competitors. This is an important distinction from the original footage in terms of audience analysis. Ushio Higuchi, the director of Sasuke stated:

It’s always been based on the human factor. As a performer, you’re letting people know that this is what you can do if you put your mind to it. And more importantly, nothing is impossible if you really work at it…that is really the message of the show (as cited in Phillips, 2011, par.3)

While the competition was meant to inspire, as Ushio Higuchi mentioned, it also had a light-hearted and comical piece to it that set it apart from other competition shows.

The announcers remind an American audience of a European soccer match, with the long- winded last words of excitement and overall enthusiasm. During its first year of

airing, Ninja Warrior was the most watched program on G4 (Corkill, 2011). It was so popular that the network even started holding their own competitions to send athletes to

Japan. As the ratings continued to rise, so did the interest from bigger companies. After

G4 stopped producing original work in 2013, Esquire network (an NBCUniversal owned channel) continued to show re-runs on its network. Soon G4 began holding video-based auditions for up to two American competitors to make the trip to sacred Mount

Midoriyama. Then, in 2009, they expanded that process, building their own obstacle course and holding preliminary rounds and a “boot camp for Sasuke hopefuls. After that, the whole U.S.-based auditioning process was branded and an entirely new spin-off program was born” (Corkill, 2011, para.19). This separation from auditioners to auditionees enabled NBC to hold their own tryouts for their own new program, American

Ninja Warrior (ANW).

With the concept of ANW basically being a carbon copy of Sasuke, and the few differences already mentioned, we will now briefly discuss the relevant formatting differences of the show. In 2012, the media mammoth NBC began televising what was technically considered the fourth season of ANW. Six regional competitions established the 100 athletes that would compete in the city finals, which then determined who went to the national finals. An initial number of people is chosen to compete in these regionals by sending in audition tapes as well as invites for previous competitors. The others must wait in a line for usually about a week for tryouts. This is known as the “walk on line”.

There are two ways to make it to the city finals. First, an athlete that completes the course is guaranteed a spot. Second, depending on how many people complete each obstacle, the remaining spots will be those who went the farthest the fastest. Each season 11

would have episodes dedicated to each of these stages (regional qualifier, city finals and national finals) usually totaling 15 episodes per season.

These shows have gone unnoticed in terms of scholarly research. They are a popular form of entertainment and as such, need to be viewed in a more critical manner.

They have the power to invoke such a response as to create change in individual audience members lives and therefore are rhetorical in nature. This power needs to be examined in more depth. In doing so, individual members of both Japanese and American cultures will have a better understanding of the past, present and hopefully future representations of hegemonic masculinity in sport. In order to grasp the full scope of the issue, we must first delve into the important findings of the former.

CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW

Hegemonic Masculinity

R. W. Connell has been credited for the concept of hegemonic masculinity

(Hanke, 1998; Jansen & Sabo, 1994; Trujillo, 1991). Her works in the 1980s through the new millennium have completely altered the focus of gender and sexuality. Hegemonic masculinity is summarized by Connell (1985 [2005]) as “gendered power relations among men…and understanding the effectiveness of masculinities in the legitimation of the gender order” (Connel, 1987, p. 7). Gender order was proposed to conceptualize the fluidity of gender identity and was deployed in understanding the popularity of violent sports, which function as an endlessly renewed symbol of masculinity (Connell, 1985).

Gender order has been defined as “the current state of play in the dynamics of the power relations of sex, gender, and sexuality” (Messner & Sabo 1990, p.38). This theory, however, drew many critics, which led Connell to team up with the American sociologist

James Messerschmidt for a re-evaluation of the idea. Diverting from the popular denotation of hegemonic masculinity, their article provided assertions of the homogenous nature of this topic. “Hegemony did not mean violence, although it could be supported by force; it meant ascendancy achieved through culture, institutions, and persuasion”

(Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, p.848). The notion of hegemonic masculinity then overtook the field and became a staple framework for research and debate about men and masculinities. To operationally define this concept, we will first explore the meaning of hegemony.

Between 1929 and 1935, while Antonio Gramsci was imprisoned in a fascist jail, he described two kinds of force: coercive and non-coercive (Hearn, 2004). Coercive force relies on intimidation and action while non-coercive force (or hegemony) uses social structure to dominate another group. Gramsci believed that coercive force doesn’t hold the power that non-coercive force does because fear is not power in oppression

(Gramsci, 1971). In terms of masculinity, hegemony has powerful implications when dealing with social constructs like patriarchy, power, sexual orientation, aggression and oppression. For instance, those who have power wish to keep that power. The use of hegemonic force through media is a common form of reinforcing the status quo, therefore maintaining the dominance of the powerful and the oppression of the weak. Hegemonic masculinity, then, in this context, describes the form of masculinity that dominates and forces men to think, act, dress, walk, talk, and altogether live a certain way. Additionally, the influence by societal pressures of performing one’s gender affects both men and women. Men, though, have a tendency to be more malleable in terms of the rigidity of acting one’s sex. Why then, are men, watching competition shows such as ANW and

Sasuke? American values resound in these shows. Values like strength, determination, fortitude, victory, stoicism, domination and many others keep the viewer(s) entertained because of the way Americans have been conditioned to experience media. Japanese culture, on the other hand, experiences media completely differently, which, presents a worthwhile investigation of why and how a shift in collective consciousness occurs.

Specific representations of masculinity exist in both ANW and Sasuke, and draw men to continue to tune in each week. Media and sports, particularly, occupy a vast social center in which, people can watch and more importantly talk about each event, as if, they were a

part of it. A collective experience occurs and influences its spectators in a way that many times goes unnoticed. Even Sasuke was popular in America. The failures and successes of Japanese individuals, confronting Midoriyama, entertained the American public because, American values were apparent. Even more significant, is the fact that these

American values exist, at all, in shows like Sasuke. Most relevant then, is the parallel between American and Japanese cultures.

Masculinity in Japan

Many believe that there is a major shift happening in regards to masculinity in

Japan (Chapman, K.,2004; Dasgupta, R.,2000; Iida, Y.,2005; Miller, L.,2003; Roberson,

J. & Sazuki, N., 2005). One of the more intriguing investigations into this phenomenon was Lin’s (2005) article in which the 90s counter culture pop music (Yumiko Jida) led many young Japanese men to adopt the concept some call “the feminization of masculinity” (Miller, 2003, p.62). “These young male musicians skillfully combined their feminine appearance with new and attractive images of young adult men, such as independence, gentleness and sensitivity” ( p.64). The growing trend encouraged young men to embrace the (often regarded feminine qualities) like smooth skin, flimsy eyebrows, eye make-up and colored lips, as well as an “androgynous body shape and somewhat 'foreign' images as if they came straight out of a girls' fantasy comic book”

(Iida, 2005, p. 59). The thought of hair gel, make-up, and an abundance of accessories might have the older generation looking in bewilderment. This is especially pertinent in

Japan, where business suits and cleanliness were once implied to be proof of importance and worth—a staple of masculinity. This transformation though, from rigidity to fluidity,

business to casual, shouts modernity. Also, the existence of the soushoku danshi (grass- eating boys) movement in Japan reinforces the idea that young men, specifically between the ages of 20 and 34, are adopting an atypical view of masculinity. Chen (2012) states,

“a key of soushoku danshi is their feminized consumption practices, which include shopping, beautification practices and fine dining” (p. 285). Framing a male movement in terms of ‘grass eaters’ or ‘herbivores’ illustrates the strength of historical traditions and the fragility of change. On one hand, a man can continue to adopt and perform common traits of masculinity. In doing this, he will face little ridicule, degradation, and perhaps earn a place in society. The idea of shaping one’s self-identity, based on the status quo though, seems distinctively undistinguished. Then, on the other hand, a man can subvert from dominant forms of masculinity and feel the weight and force of generations worth of societal pressure. The historical power that influences gender performance is remarkable. How a simple phrase like, “grass eaters”, can impact an individual or group with such sharpness denotes the potency of hegemony. Yet, the nature of a shifting paradigm demands this sort of backlash. Napier (2011) discusses the emergence of technology or “technologized masculinity” as a variable in this shift. Otaku (geek or a pathological-techno-fetishist-with –social- deficit) is meant to connote the change in

Japanese masculinity from outgoing to introvert, street smart to tech savvy and fatherhood to sexual deviant. Again, it is apparent that those with power, use mockery and a certain sense of disdain to dissuade men against veering from the path of resistance.

The difficulty with pin pointing specific correlational factors of this shift is that by nature, masculinity is fluid. We will go further into this point later in the piece.

Another intriguing insight into the Japanese concept of masculinity was proposed by Roberson and Suzuki in 2005. They used the Takarazuka Theatre to magnify the shift in perception of what has been coined the salaryman (oyaji) doxa (Dasgupta, 2000;

Roberson & Sazuki, 2005). A salaryman is a term used in Japan to describe the old stereotypical male role model. Attributes like stoicism, wealth and social standing were coveted. Conversely, the Takarazuka Theatre employs an all-female cast to play both male and female roles. A new ideal of men is represented by the male impersonators as

“outstandingly handsome, kind, emotional, charming, funny, romantic and intelligent”

(Roberson & Sasuki, 2005, p. 8). The actors train for two years learning how to dance, sing and perform gender. At the beginning of the training each individual chooses whether they want to be male or female. The audience is mostly female and has developed into somewhat of a cult following. This form of art serves as an embodiment of the changing paradigm of masculinity from both men and women in Japan. When traits like emotional and romantic (historically viewed as feminine) are deemed to be important qualities for men as well, it allows for a change in group mentality.

Bem (1993) theorized that, the dislocation between east and west concepts of masculinity is a matter of post-Freudian ideology. “The sexualization of all human relationships from mother-infant onwards has affected critical scholarship in disallowing the possibility of asexual relations or the transcendence of gender in non-Freudian society” (p. 57). The Oedipus and Electra complexes speculate that infant boys are sexually attracted to their mothers and vice versa for girls and their fathers. The fear of deviance from societal norms and persecution should never be a cause for lack of scholarship and yet, as Bem points out, it occurs in predominantly western societies. The 17

Takarazuka Theatre and Yumiko Jida (counter-culture pop music) then, can serve as a conduit of change. Miller (2003) argues that women play a major role in the transformation of the Japanese male proper. Women’s criteria for ideal men has shifted from “what used to be described as the three 'Hs' - high salary, high educational credentials and high physical status - but which is now settling into the three 'Cs' - comfortable, communicative and cooperative (p. 54). The performance of gender is a highly flexible and unsolidified sensation in Japan and the U.S. However, the research does suggest that masculinity in Japan is changing more rapidly than in America.

The Ninja

They slipped in and out of temples and castles unseen and unheard. They left in their wake no trail, only death. They defied the samurai and the system itself. The ninja, also referred to as shinobi, is a most fascinating archetype from early Japanese history.

The legend began in the Nara Mountains around 710 A.D., where the Yamabushi (those who live in the mountains) lived as hermits— outcasts of the Nara empire. Masaharu wrote, “[Yamabushi] who were men of lower caste representing the crude side of religion…exercised a great influence upon the people by appealing directly to vulgar ideas and superstitions” (as cited in Trengrouse, W. 2011, para 1). The Yamabushi lived off the land and were able to provide holistic healing methods and medicines to neighboring villages. As was the case with many non-traditional perspectives of this world, the Yamabushi were ostracized as a cult and faced hostilities from the government.

In response, this tribe of mountain hermits began studying the bujutsu (techniques of war).

Iga-Ueno was a small farming village that produced so little crops that the shoguns (military leaders) left it out of their strategic operations. Thus, it became the land of the Yamabushi where the birth of the ninjutsu and the common conception of the ninja took place. Tomoyoshi Murayama, a contemporary playwright-novelist described the people of Iga as sly, tricky and crafty (as cited in Trengrouse, 2011). There are three distinctions or grades of ninja—the jonin (leader), the chunin (skilled warrior) and the genin (laborer). This is important to note because even in the lower caste, there were ranking systems in place. This will be discussed in more depth, later in this section.

Unable to match their rival opponents in numbers or weaponry, the Iga had to employ more stealthy tactics of combat. These tactics included, camouflage, utility, rationing and nature lore.

The Ninja dressed all in black. From the cloth covering his face, down to his socks (tabi) and sandals (zori). The zoris had cotton bottoms for silent stepping and the tops and pants were baggy and full of hidden pockets. Other than this basic garb, the ninja utilized many disguises in order to infiltrate the enemies’ grounds. The priest, offered console before dismemberment. The mountain ascetic, spied from treetops. The itinerant merchant, was the Trojan horse. The wandering bard wooed with words prior to put down and the commoner, averted any gaze.

When he traveled, he did so with exceptional utility. The traditional samurai sword was shortened so that that poisonous or blinding powder could fit at the end of the scabbard (sheath) and be flung at an opponent’s face. Their leather gloves were tipped with iron cat-claw- like points for climbing and close combat. A bamboo reed served as

a snorkel as well as a blowgun. Food pills (hydrogen pellets a half inch in diameter made of carrot extract, soda powder, wheat flour, mountain potatoes, herbs and rice) would sustain the ninja’s appetite for more than a week.

Knowledge of nature had a huge impact on the ninja’s stratagem. Much attention was paid to the tides, constellations, the moon and the sun, to predict the weather. On a cloudy night, a Ninja would pull up a radish. The side with more root fibers pointed south. If there were no radishes to be found, a thin sheet of iron, heated then rapidly cooled could float and give direction. No jutsu (invisibility) used earth’s elements to hide and escape. Kinton (metal) no jutsu led a Ninja to crawl into rice boilers or conceal himself behind a statue. Suiton (water) no jutsu allowed for disappearance under water

(usually by use of the bamboo tube). An example of the use of both water and metal was to “steal a large temple bell and jump into deep water with it, making use of both its weight and of its trapped air supply” (Trengrouse, 2011, para. 23).

Disguise, stealth, utility and elemental describes the traditional ninja. One that does not have superhuman abilities or mystic powers. These were individuals not born into status but trained to be elite. It is then easy to contrast the stalwart samurai and the sly ninja.

Turnbull (2003), in his comprehensive book Ninja: AD 1460-1650, aligned with the general view that the samurai and the ninja were opposites. “They [ninjas] were almost invariably despised because of the contrast their ways presented to the samurai code of behavior. This may be partly due to the fact that many ninja had their origins in

the lower social classes, and that their secretive and underhand methods were the exact opposite of the ideals of the noble samurai facing squarely on to his enemy” (p. 5).

Conversely, the archeologist, Anthony Cummins argued, “throughout popular thought and modern media, the idea that the ninja formed as a counter culture to the samurai has taken root…this is not only an unfounded and recent construction but it is also an outright mistake” (para. 1). He goes on further, “the ninja were considered as fundamental sections of an army and were indeed not only required elements of medieval life but were also government employees” (para. 4).

On one hand (Turnbull), there was the dichotomized us vs. them, rich vs. poor, guerilla vs. traditional warfare. But, on the other (Cummins), rather than a dichotomous one there was a symbiotic relationship. One needs the other and both need each other.

The problem with Cummins’s argument is that the system in place would not allow peasant farmers turned assassins to order the Samurai around on the battle field. During this period a very strict and rigid system was in place based on birth rights. Turnbull’s findings then, makes more sense logically in that, each group looked at the other antagonistically. This distinction is very important when analyzing the popularity of the ninja in America.

The evolution of the ninja in American film making has run the gamut from demonized to glamourized. Beginning in the 1960’s, the film You Only Live Twice, based on the Ian Flemming’s novel, pits James Bond against a formidable ninja clan.

Then, in 1973 Bruce Lee used his martial arts skills and covert maneuverings to take down an opium distributor in Enter the Dragon. In the late 90’s, The Matrix changed the

game by combining kung fu and a dystopian future in a tale of man vs. machine. The last men and women on earth traveled undetected underground, trained to fight in a dojo and entered and left the digital world unnoticed. More recently, the newest rendition of the genetically modified reptiles, Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles: Out of the Shadows, once again, showcased the honorable and yet misunderstood traits of the ninja.

The often-romanticized version of the ninja in America, is one that beseeches befuddlement. In American society, honor, honesty, dignity and integrity are considered highly valuable traits. How then, can the ninja be so elevated? One would expect

Americans to align more with the samurai than the ninja. However, one cannot help but make the comparison to the freedom fighting colonials against the proper British redcoats in the revolutionary war. The ideals incarnated by the ninja do not translate to those of the modern American man. Yet, the ninja is set firmly in this culture. All warriors are.

The Pride of a Nation

With regard to internationalization of sport, cultural imperialism plays a key role in the process of sport and what Guttman (1994) called “ludic diffusion” or the spread of game/play (p.172). Imperialism will be defined for this piece as, “a dominance relation between collectivities, particularly between nations” (Galtung, 1971, p.81). Then, the question becomes, where is the line between cultural imperialism and ludic diffusion?

Force, certainly, is a major factor. When a country is obliged to adopt rules, procedures and codes of another foreign power, imperialism is most likely the determinant. Sports have a kind of implicit imperialism. Look at the Olympic Games. A little over 200 nations (National Olympic Committees) follow the same rules in each sport. Yet, the

politically powerful nations (U.S.A, China, Russia, Great Britain) thrive most often in these games. Guttman (1994) also commented on this concept. “Power vectors are usually but by no means invariably aligned. A nation that exercises political or economic power most often, although not always, exercises cultural power as well” (p. 173). He goes on further to assert the point that, perhaps, cultural imperialism is not as illustrative of ludic diffusion as what Gramsci would call “cultural hegemony”.

I concede that the concept of cultural hegemony provides more than a merely cosmetic improvement over the concept of cultural imperialism because Gramscian theory correctly stresses the fact that the cultural interaction is something more complex than the domination by the totally powerful of the entirely powerless. (Guttman, 1994, p.178)

Hegemonic masculinity never rests at a fixed point. Neither does cultural hegemony.

Baseball wasn’t adopted and accepted by Japan because they lost the war. It was a sport that fit the character of its people. The ever-changing nature of hegemony requires constant maintenance. The powerful must work to keep power, as the powerless must conform to stay powerless. Political and economic power are manipulation mechanisms.

Hegemonic masculinity is just as powerful as money and government influence.

Japan’s real or imagined nationalism and conversely internationalization continues to invite skepticism Pempel (1998). Historically, Japan’s relations with other nations (America in particular) were complicated, to say the least. Looking more contemporarily, Japan and America, as a whole, remain friendly. While watching the season 5 special—ANW V. Japan, the viewer can easily notice the appreciation between athletes, which can lead the viewer to imply respect at a more macrocosmic level.

“Tonight these ten athletes went head to head but you can see the mutual admiration and respect they really have for one another. This is the true essence of competition

(McManus, 2013b, 01:10:30). There was a quick connection, and whoever was watching, (American or Japanese) became more interested in the others’ country. Is this an example of internationalization through viewership? Sasuke serves as an example of reverse diffusion. Americans value the athleticism of these Japanese individuals, as well as the sport itself and have adopted its premise, but there is more to it than that.

Japanese contestants in Sasuke represent the eclectic nature of human existence.

Their jobs, careers, vocations and/or callings ironically matter but at the same time, do not, once that third gong sounds off, propelling the athlete toward their destiny. Many contestants take on the extra pressure of representing a business or an entire field.

Construction workers, for example, have their own trials and the best two get to compete on Sasuke. In the 17th tournament, the two victors of the construction workers competition wear silk sashes with all the others best wishes inscribed on them. This brings to mind the motivation factors for competing in the first place. Is it vanity, a quest for fame or perhaps ennui? Starting with motivation factors may work against the principles of collectivism because nationalism or patriotism is not a prevalent theme in

Sasuke.

Japan has always been a country relatively self-confident about its own nationality and culture. With a long cultural history and lacking in the social divisions of religion, ethnicity and language that split so many other countries, Japan’s citizens rarely have been confused about who they are: clearly they are Japanese (Pempel, 1998).

Americans are more known for their discontent and ‘reach higher’ obsession. Therefore,

the distinction between individualism and collectivism must be made. The fundamental issue addressed by this dimension is the degree of interdependence a society maintains among its members. It has to do with whether people´s self-image is defined in terms of

“I” or “We”. In Individualist societies people are supposed to look after themselves and their direct family only. In Collectivist societies people belong to ‘in- groups’ that take care of them in exchange for loyalty.

Geert Hofstede is perhaps, best known for his model of the six dimensions of culture (6D). The six dimensions include masculinity, individualism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, long-term orientation and indulgence. This section will focus on the first two. Individualism for Hofstede (2010) was rated based on “the degree of interdependence a society maintains among its members” (para. 3). In simpler terms, the more members of a culture associate with the values, morals and beliefs of said culture, the higher the score (highest being 120). Japan scored a 46 on the individualism dimension. This score indicates that Japan is indeed a collectivist society. Some other collectivist tendencies include, the expectation of rewards and punishments from the in- group, low need for uniqueness, high self -monitoring and external locus of control

(Yamaguchi, 1994). Contrarily, Americans scored a 91 on the individualism dimension.

Clearly, this separation in scores delineates the importance of “We” and “I” in each culture. When the community is put before the self, this signifies a collectivist society.

So, how does this relate to masculinity? What is curious about Hofstede’s findings is that, the scores are inverted when it comes to masculinity. Japan has one of the highest scores in the world at 95, while America skated in at 62. It is initially surprising to see these numbers, but in dissecting the measuring tools and denotations of masculinity and 25

individualism, it makes more sense. Specifically, a high score on the masculinity dimension shows the degree to which the community values success, achievement and competition. With a score of 46 on the individualism dimension, Japan would put more emphasis on group competition. For instance, team competitions are likely to produce more competitiveness in individuals because the collective goal means more than individual accomplishment. Pride from success is derived from team victory. One may identify as more manly when on a winning team. The comparison really illuminates the differences in the masculine mentality. American men draw from the well of the personal (wealth, accomplishment, pride) while Japanese draw from the well of the people.

On the same thread as the distinction between individualism and collectivism, the cultures also have different perceptions of the self. Markus and Kitayama (2004) have investigated this phenomenon in great depth. A critical distinction that they made was between conjoint and disjoint actions.

The European American reflect an implicit cultural model of agency— normatively good actions originate in an independent, autonomous self, and the actions of this self are disjoint, that is, in some ways separate or distinct from the actions of others. By contrast the Asian and Asian American examples reflect another implicit cultural model of agency—normatively good actions originate in an interdependent self, and the actions of this self are conjoint, that is, in some ways impelled by others, in relationship and interaction with others (p.3). Motivation of action is another way of looking at model of agency. Being a person and acting in the world are anything but natural acts; they are culturally saturated processes that entail engagement with culture-specific sets of meanings and practices—or models of agency (Markus & Kiayama, 2004). One important source of the variability in the perception of the self is the particular models of agency that are most available and 26

pervasively distributed in these two cultural contexts. A variety of other factors that are not “dispositions” or “attributes,” were determined to be “person factors” which also affect motivation (Markus & Kitayama, 2004). These include reasons, goals, histories and enabling circumstances that should be taken into account when explaining intentional behavior. Further, Markus and Kitayama wrote, “different histories, religions, ontologies and ideologies as well as different institutional and interpersonal practices give rise to different understandings of the nature and source of agency or of being- in- action” (as cited in Markus, Uchida, Omoregie, Townsend & Kitayama, 2006,p. 104). When considering oneself and the factors that shape that outlook, culture is a chief tell. There is no denying that growing up in an individualistic culture will affect the perception of the self and motivation factors. The main difference being, collectivists give credit to the community for both while individualists own that credit. In America, anyone who wants credit for another’s accomplishment is going to have to pay—to collect.

Nationalism and cultural imperialism are evident in two sports in Japan, baseball and sumô. Upon close examination of the differences between how baseball is played in

America versus in Japan, a few points become clear. First, overall outlook on the sport is dramatically dissimilar. The Japanese highly integrate moral principles into how the game plays out. Spirituality definitely plays a role in this outlook, but so does the collectivist mentality. Baseball provides a perfect example for this point because, while it is a team sport, it is also a highly individual one as well. A batter steps up to the plate alone. The pitcher stands on the mound forlorn. One of the major reasons baseball fits the temperament of American’s is the distinction between individual and team performance. Individual accomplishments do not necessarily transpire to team success 27

and vice versa. The implications of this concept far outreach the sport itself. Society and the cultures within that society reflect the values, morals and beliefs of that historical moment.

Japanese baseball reflects the values, morals and beliefs of its people. Kelly

(1998) aimed to reveal some of those beliefs.

Japanese themselves, inside and outside the baseball world have been enthusiastic promoters of a unique samurai baseball style, although they predictably give it a more positive, Occidentalizing spin. This is vividly manifest in the messiah- scapegoat cycle through which many American players are put during their employment by Japanese teams. All too often, they are hired and introduced as team saviors, then they meet with mixed success as the season wears on, and are eventually dismissed with loud public criticism of their laziness, selfishness and lack of fighting spirit (p. 97). The Japanese coaches, players and fans have expectations, in regards to their American imports that, when unachieved, are met with roaring reproach. Participation in Japanese baseball, for American’s, requires assimilation (in both sport and spirituality), high performance and a general paradigm shift.

Sumô may be the most “Japanese” of all other sports played in the country.

“With its long ties to the Shinto religion and the imperial family, sumô is a part of the

Japanese ethos” (Kojima, 1992, p. 373). Being one of the ‘most’ Japanese sports, brings nationalism and internationalism to the forefront of debate. Terms like xenophobia and cultural autonomy are euphemisms for prejudice and discrimination. A perfect example of this played out in the 1980’s when the Hawaiian born Salevaa Atisanoe (also known as

Konishiki) quickly rose through the ranks but was harshly labeled by the press as a

“foreign meat bomb” and a “black ship” (Pempel, 1998, p. 129). One high-ranking

official involved in sumô, was even quoted saying, “if sheer power was to be the criterion for promotion, why not bring in lions and bears to perform” (Pempel, 1998, p.129).

Nationalism is a means of exclusion and separation. Like somehow including foreigners into national traditions dilutes its potency. Closed does not equate to security and open does not equal threat. Kojima’s (1992) statement eloquently sums up this belief. “History teaches us that cultural decay, not defeat in war, is the primary cause of a nation’s decline” (p.376). Americans can learn from this quote as well. Nationalism is to America as sand is to the desert. The phrase, “if you don’t like it, leave” comes to mind when thinking about members of American society that wrap themselves in the proverbial flag to deflect that which is different. Pope (1993) emphasized this point. “Sporting culture has focused Americans’ attention on national symbols in a manner designed to invoke their loyalty, and thereby package power and society in preferred ways. Sports have regularly been used to dramatize American ideals” (p.328).

Perhaps the reluctance by the Japanese to allow foreign participants in competition has to do with the cultural phenomenon known as “face”. Brown and

Levinson (1978) explained this concept as “the public self-image that every interlocutor want to claim for himself and consists of two related aspects:

1. Negative face: The basic claim to territories, personal preserves, rights to non-

distraction , i.e., to freedom of action and freedom from imposition

2. Positive face: The positive consistent self-image or personality claimed by

interactants (crucially including the desire that this self-image be appreciated and

approved of” (p.61).

While this conception is based on the individual, it can easily be expanded to represent the national image as well. Losing at their own sport (sumô) does not bode well for positive face. What was once a point of national pride can quickly turn into a source of shame. What if an American had been the first to accomplish total victory at Mount

Midoriyama? The implications are nothing but negative for the Japanese government and people. Avoidance though, is not a reasonable approach to athletic competition. Instead, it is a clear communication of fear. Success in sport, whether for an individual or team reinforce national pride. One need only view a fraction, of any, Olympic Game to notice this aspect of sport. “We” and “they” become naturalized language fitting in sport. It is no wonder governments and political leaders use athletics as a rhetorical device to increase patriotism— especially during times of war.

Sport and War in America

Sport and war have been linked since the Greeks established the first Olympic

Games. Many theorists have acknowledged the fact that sport/war metaphors are common practice in televised sport commentary (Hanke, 1998; Jansen & Sabo, 1994;

Messner, Dunbar & Hunt, 2000). Historically, men have been the major agents of war, which, makes it easy to blame overtly masculine characteristics such as violence, aggressiveness and competitiveness on biology. However, all biological deterministic theories disregard the fact that sex and gender is not the same thing. Sex is a physical trait while gender (identity) is a socialized cultural construct. If gender is the foundation of self –identity, then culture is the framing. Culture shapes the content and conduct of what it takes to be a man. Sexuality and gender distinction is a matter of social power.

Keen (1992) writes, “men are systematically conditioned to endure pain, to kill, and to 30

die in the service of the tribe, nation, or state. The male psyche is, first and foremost, the warrior psyche” (p.37). Clearly, Keen believes that the power struggle between the sexes is an issue of violence as well as what has been euphemistically called ‘defense’.

The defense of the nation is the ultimate appeal for warfare. Military nations will always value traditional masculine characteristics like physical power, dutifulness and devotion. Look, for example, at the way military institutions attempt to eradicate individuality. Uniforms, haircuts, and abusive drill instructors are all intended to make one subservient to their superiors. Individuality and subversion have no place in dogmatically structured organizations. Sports then, serve to fuse (and confuse) the distinctions between values of nationalism with team identity and athletic aggression with military destruction (Jansen & Sabo, 1994). While military perceptions of masculinity could be seen as rigid, others argue that it is fluid.

Kontour (2012) describes masculinity as “a social construction which requires constant performative and discursive maintenance. Although there are multiple masculinities, there is a dominant or hegemonic form which serves as the (often implicit) gold standard of how a man is expected to comport himself and condition his body”

(p.355). However, hegemony must be actively won and secured. This emphasizes the notion that gender identity is never a completed project, but always a developmental process which unfolds within a social context. Popular culture texts in western society are designed to attract young white males. In order to attract these demographics, major media outlets use methods like: depicting male characters as aggressive and powerful

whereas female characters are overtly sexual and distressed. Televised sporting events tend to use the same method.

Duncan and Messner (1998) focused their research on the juxtaposition of representations of male and female athletes in contemporary media. “By excluding women from this arena and making athleticism virtually synonymous with masculinity, sport provides opportunities for men to assert their dominance at a time when male hegemony is continually challenged and opposed in everyday life” (p.177). Sport in the twentieth century has given men an arena in which to create and reinforce an ideology of male superiority.

Messner, Dunbar and Hunt (2000) supported this theory in their work. Textual analysis revealed that male televised sports far outnumbered their female counterparts, which was especially noteworthy in college basketball. During March Madness, 10 men’s games were televised to every one women’s game. This sort of unbalanced airtime is yet another example of the inequality of the sexes. One more interesting finding from this study showed that popular televised sports, and their accompanying commercials, consistently presented men with a narrow portrait of masculinity, which the authors titled the Televised Sports Manhood Formula. Common formula in commercials is to play on the insecurities of young males (not strong enough, rich enough, attractive enough, decisive enough) then attempt to convince them to “avoid, overcome, or mask their fears, embarrassments and apparent shortcoming by buying a particular product” (p.388). It is difficult to deny the existence of hegemonic masculinity in advertising. Men are continually and relentlessly subjected to messages that imply a certain standard that

presents an unattainable ‘bar’ to reach for. This standard has many implications, but one is silently stressed above all others.

Heteromasculinity

Pronger (1992) coined the term ‘heteromasculinity’ and suggested that social norms based on masculinity dictate that, first and foremost, one must be heterosexual.

“In our culture, male homosexuality is a violation of masculinity (Pronger, 1992, p.2).

Especially in sport is this true. Take Michael Sam as an example. In 2014, he was an All-

American defensive lineman at The University of Missouri. Before entering the NFL draft, he made a public announcement that he was gay. He was the first person in NFL history to do this. Though he was drafted by an NFL team, it wasn’t long before the extra media attention became a distraction and he was released. No other NFL team signed him. It is also important to note that Sam’s size (6’2, 260 lbs), strength and speed were used by the NFL to counter argue against homophobia.

Heterosexuality in American mediated sports is a requirement. Trujillo

(1991[1994]) also referred to this as one of his five features of hegemonic masculinity. In his book, The Meaning of Nolan Ryan, and his journal article published three years earlier, Hegemonic Masculinity on the Mound: Media Representations of Nolan Ryan and

American Sports Culture, Trujillo delineated how the Major League Baseball (MLB) pitcher epitomized the proposed five features of hegemonic masculinity. The first, physical force and control were personified by Ryan by the fact that he was known as a

‘power’ pitcher. At the time, he consistently threw the ball harder than any other pitcher

(over 100 mph). “Ryan’s power-manifested in his force and, in part, in his ability to hurt

people- was celebrated as baseball mythology” (Trujillo, 1991, p. 3). Second, occupational achievement, was deemed a contributing factor to hegemonic masculinity.

Ryan, was a successful pitcher in the MLB otherwise he wouldn’t have gained such notoriety. Third, familial patriarchy, was reinforced through his role as the protective

“breadwinner”, in a heterosexual marriage, with three children. “Thus, the media have represented Nolan Ryan as the archetypal husband and father and, in so doing, have reaffirmed patriarchal values in American culture” (Trujillo, 1994, p. 103). The next, frontiersmen, represented the archetypical rural cowboy who sought to build his own life with his own two hands. “Given Ryan’s rural Texas roots, the mythic West gave reporters grist for coverage and colorization” (Trujillo, 1991, p.6). Lastly, heterosexuality was demonstrated as the “safe sexuality” (p.8). Advertisers especially capitalized on this fact, which reinforced the principle that in order to be a famous athlete, one must be a safe (hetero) sexual symbol.

Male sports in America are still discriminatory toward homosexuality. Though

Trujillo’s article could be considered out of date, there were issues brought to light that are still very relevant today. The five traits represented by Nolan Ryan (power, career, fatherhood, frontiersmanship and heterosexuality) and reinforced by the media still exist and could be personified by any number of athletes in sports today. Whether Trujillo used Brannon’s (1976) Blueprint for Manhood is unclear but what is transparent are the similarities between the two’s conception of masculinity. Brannon’s (1976) “blueprint” is summarized as:

1. No Sissy Stuff- one may never do anything that even remotely suggests femininity. Masculinity is the relentless repudiation of the feminine 34

2. Be a Big Wheel- Masculinity is measured by power, success, wealth and status. As the saying goes ‘He who has the most toys when he dies wins’ 3. Be a Sturdy Oak- Masculinity depends on remaining calm and reliable in crisis, holding emotions in check. In fact, proving you’re a man depends on never showing your emotions at all. Boys don’t cry. 4. “Give ‘Em Hell- Exude an aura of manly daring and aggression. Go for it. Take risks.

Trujillo’s and Brannon’s models obviously overlap. What lacks from Brannon’s model though, is the idea that heterosexuality is a fundamental component to manhood.

Heterosexuality and the traits that exemplify its meaning have also been linked to less mediated sports. Wellard (2002) focused his research on a gay tennis club. He contended that marginalized sports, which seek to establish an identity, in contrast to the established heterosexual male based system, can in due course reinforce those same ideals. This in turn reflects the popular understanding of sporting practice that promotes an “aggressive, power based, winner- takes- all ethos” (Wellard, 2002, p. 237). This is yet another example of the strength of hegemonic masculinity. While, popular sports demonstrate the resistance to homosexuality, sports like figure skating also shows a fear of being perceived as ‘gay’.

Adams (2011) asks why figure skating persists to be synonymous with homosexuality? The costumes, dance and theatrical importance embody an artistic sensibility that contradicts hegemonic masculinity. The perception is, if a man is attracted to this sort of sport, he most likely demonstrates feminine characteristics and in turn, likes other men. This sort of collective consciousness restricts both young and mature men from even investigating the sport let alone participating in it. Homosexual

men, while perhaps less constricted by social pressure, are still likely to conform in some ways. The fear of being thought of as different is more powerful than the will to be a catalyst of change.

The previous research on this subject is vast. Hegemonic masculinity shares a common thread through many concentrations. Terms like power, violence, war, dominance, aggressiveness and pain can be directly connected to manhood. Thus the research questions that framed this study were:

RQ 1: In what ways are nationalism, military and heterosexuality tied to hegemonic masculinity in these programs?

RQ 2: How does nationalism, military and heterosexuality reinforce cultural ideals historically and contemporarily?

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Ideological criticism through rhetorical analysis (Foss, 2004; McGee, 1980) was used to investigate the reinforcement of hegemonic masculinity in American Ninja

Warrior and Sasuke. Specifically, a random sample was conducted to choose the episodes to view from both shows. The episodes were coded for reinforced archetypical social norms, in relation to hegemonic masculinity and analyzed for the dominant ideologies reflected in each. Further, it was also important in rhetorical analysis to examine the weaker ideologies that were silenced. To analyze ideology in an artifact, critics look at membership, activities, goals, values/norms, position and group relations, and resources that are presented in the artifact. The focus lies on the strategies that are used to defend the ideology presented.

Sonja Foss is one of the major contributors to both ideological criticism and rhetorical analysis. She looks at the construction of specific views in an artifact and defines ideology as “the structure of beliefs, principles, values, and practices that are used to define, organize, and interpret reality” (Foss, 2004, p. 88). Ideological criticism, then, examines how meaning is interpreted in individuals by questioning the dominant meanings and vested interests of the prevalent power structures and its privileged members. Political inequities such a race, class and gender are representations of the structures in place that control meaning. For this study, masculine gender representations are specifically identified, counted and related to a more broad context. American and

Japanese representations of masculinity such as pride, risk, strength, ascent, technique 37

and aggression are examples of some of the language and images used. Images are influenced and positioned by factors like culture, habitual thought, action, memory, values, morals and beliefs. By contrast, counter-hegemonic texts seek to actively challenge or subvert a dominant ideology by calling into question the naturalness, historical inevitability, or moral contradictions of hegemonic beliefs or values (Foss,

2004). The pervasive and hegemonic nature of these dominant ideologies are what critics seek to uncover.

According to Foss, “the primary goal of the ideological critic is to discover and make visible the dominant ideology or ideologies embedded in an artifact and the ideologies that are being muted in it” (Foss, 2004, p.89). The fact that ideologies are rarely explicitly declared presents the problem that nothing seems unnatural about the assumptions that the general public makes while consuming popular culture. The critic’s task is to reveal how a “particular ideology is embedded and embodied in cultural institutions and artifacts” (Burgchardt, 2005, p. 44). Almost any artifact can be examined, but popular culture artifacts are most often scrutinized to reveal the “covert persuasion or tacit propositional arguments being presumed or naturalized” in any given text

(Burgchardt, 2005, p.44). Group membership, implied social norms, and relational identifications are popular investigative tools used to analyze instances of ideological structures in a text. The critic then, points out possible meaning, presumptions, mythic narratives, or strategic omissions existing in the artifact that either reinforce or subvert dominant ideologies (Burgchardt, 2005). Both overt and covert messages must be

realized in order to properly analyze the possible interpretations of artifacts. Other tools exist to perform Ideological Criticism as well.

Another key contributor to ideological criticism is Michael McGee. His theories on the other hand are more based on ideographs. Ideographs are defined by McGee

(1980) as “words that constitute a vocabulary of public motives which authorize and warrant public actions” ( p. 3). This makes them rhetorical in nature. He also argues that human beings will react predictably and autonomically to these ideographs. In other words, since texts are a sight of struggle over meaning the presence of certain words elicit responses that are determined by the dominant ideologies. For McGee, power manifests itself in social control, but control is not merely a “phenomenon of forcing” behaviors and beliefs on people (p.4). Rather, control is the “process of conditioning” members of society around cultural codes and interpretations of ideographs (p. 3). Lastly, ideographs are rhetorical because they function similarly to arguments. Meaning, they suggest what represents a status quo for social behavior. Power lies not only with individuals who use ideographs but also in the ideographs themselves, because they maintain ideologies and

“structure social behavior” (p. 5). Therefore, the language that exists in these shows tends to empower or subordinate individuals and groups represented in the broadcasts.

The study coded for language and images used (ideologies and ideographs) by commentators, fans and the athletes themselves that reinforce or subvert hegemonic masculinity during the broadcasts of the selected episodes of ANW, Sasuke and ANW vs.

Japan. These artifacts illustrate how masculinity is represented in both cultures. The three different artifacts allow for analysis of common traits of hegemonic masculinity. In order

to conduct the random sampling technique for each show a polyhedral dice set was used.

During the time of the study, Sasuke had aired 30 tournaments. As such, a 10-sided die and a 20- sided die were rolled. Added together, the numbers that appeared corresponded to the tournament that would be analyzed. This was repeated until three tournaments were selected. American Ninja Warrior had just aired the finale of the eighth season.

Accordingly, the 10- sided die was rolled three different times to produce three different seasons to view. The 20-sided die was rolled after each season was selected to identify which episode would be viewed as well. For example, The 10-sided die came up as a 5.

Then the 20-sided die was rolled and came up as a 1. So, season 5, episode 1 (S5E1) was analyzed.

A manual coding approach was used to dissect the language and images present during the competitions. In addition, terms that were repeated were counted and contextualized. As an example, the word “pride” or “proud” was used heavily in

American Ninja Warrior. What mattered, though, was the context it was used in. A mother being proud of her son is not the same as an athlete priding himself on his grip strength.

Language and images included but were not limited to: pride, strength, strategy, technique, danger, dominate, fight, attack, safe, secure, rookie, veteran, power, aggressive, competitive and courage. An iterative analysis (alternating emic/ etic) approach was then utilized to evaluate the qualitative data (Tracy, 2013). “Iteration is a reflexive process in which the researcher visits and revisits the data, connects them to emerging insights and progressively refines his/her focus and understandings” (Tracy,

2013, p. 184). Three categories were discerned from the initial coding process:

Nationalistic, militaristic and heteronormative representations of masculinity. For instance, the word “pride” was categorized as nationalistic, “tactic” was militaristic and

“strength” was heteronormative. The artifacts were viewed numerous times over to which first-level codes were attained then transferred into a codebook. The codebook was then assessed to measure the ways ANW and Sasuke reinforced or subverted hegemonic masculinity.

CHAPTER IV

DISCUSSION

Warrior, soldier, patriot, samurai, all bring to mind archetypical portrayals of a very specific kind of man. In both American and Japanese cultures, these types of men are idolized and revered. Is it surprising, then, that sport represent their male participants in this same light? Sport and the pursuit of masculine performance are interwoven in these cultures with extraordinary effectiveness. Ideologically, American and Japanese men have similar objectives in terms of the portrayal of the modern man. However unachievable these objectives might be, one must strive toward the unattained. Win the woman in the red dress, the job, the award, the American Dream. A better example of a logical fallacy cannot be found. The systematic socialization and domestication process that men experience during a lifetime conditions them in historically harmful ways. If consumerism is America’s number one ideology, then masculinity is a close second.

Specifically, sport has a way of dogmatically depicting the male image. There is no one, universal model or embodiment of these depictions, but the characteristics are clear. The research to this point is inexhaustible. What can a 28 year old, white, male possibly add to this conversation? If one seeks a more considerable association into the vast world of sport, masculinity and criticism, the first step is to consider one’s own unavoidable biases: American, first- generation college student athlete, working class, traditional nuclear family, politically unassociated, heterosexual, feminist.

People tend to underestimate the influence of media. Of all North American homes, 98 percent own a television, of which are watched over eight hours a day (Sage,

2010). Sports, in particular, attract a wide demographic base, which, in turn, lends itself to endless interpretations of meaning. In a very general sense, sport, provides escape from the monotony of life, connection and dissension, thrill and anguish (sometimes not mutually exclusive) and the opportunity to feel a part of something bigger.

From a very young age, conformity is glorified. Wear this brand, watch this sport and walk this way. Media’s role in our lives is both reflexive and reflective (C. Bell, personal communication, March 1, 2017). That is, media tell us who we are (reflective) and who we should be (reflexive). Sport, then, must be considered vital in terms of the development and performance of gender as personality (Connell, 1987). Young men play sports to fit in. They watch professional athletes and imitate them because the reward outweighs the punishment. Growing up, on the playground, there are those that throw the ball around and those that skip rope. How much more debasement and mockery do the ones that skip rope have to face? The answer is clear. Life, for superior athletes, is not without turmoil, but it definitely lightens the load. Popularity comes easy, many troubles are solved by others and life’s intricacies are waxed over because they have bigger

(euphemism for better) things to worry about. All one has to do is follow the rules, be competitive and stand for the national anthem. The minute that someone breaks these rules or refuses to conform though, they become a subject of scorn. The swiftness in which admiration can switch to spurn is astounding. To step out of line is to strike the fabric of the nation. Conform or leave.

Nationalism

The Salaryman

The American Dream: Work hard and anything is possible. However appealing this trope may be, it is a delusion. Yet, Americans rely on its existence because otherwise, what is the point of all this? The mentality that binds Americans to this philosophy is embedded so deep into our core belief system that it usually goes unnoticed when presented through popular culture. Sage (1990) stated, “sport promotes the notion of social mobility based on effort” (p. 41). The myth that exists and is perpetuated by sport is, that ‘anyone’ who works hard enough, can become ‘someone’. Without being drawn into the tenets of socialism or the principles of consumerism, it needs to be pointed out that media are just as much a tool for hegemony as government. Countless media outlets perpetuate the ideals of the American Dream. Usually, without much attention being paid to it by the audience. The existence of nationalism in ANW illustrates the subtle and surprisingly frequent messages that covertly reinforce the dominant national ideology

Cliché and hackneyed phrases like “if I can do it, you can too” and “don’t give up” never lose their potency because in America, anything is possible—or so we are meant to believe. ANW reinforces the principles of the American Dream in many ways.

“Ascend” was a frequent term used that propagates the standard of upward movement in social stature. Upward movement is the opposite of stagnation. To be stagnant in this

society is to be descending. There is a persistent pressure to accomplish anything new.

Not unlike gender performance, once the ‘new’ is attained, a new quest must ensue.

Kimmel (2004) phrased it, “masculinity must be proved, and no sooner is it proved that it is again questioned and must be proved again” (p.88). Just like masculinity, progress in livelihood is a requisite for admittance into the national identity. In S6E4, Shaun Murray, also known as the Tony Hawk of wakeboarding, competed in ANW. During his run it was announced that he had his own video game. After this, Matt Iseman said, “my life would be complete if I had my own video game” (McManus, 2014, 00:09:29). This statement epitomizes the ‘always be ascending’ thought process that infects the American consciousness. Would his life really be complete? No. He would get his own video game and then aspire for something greater. No matter how great the achievement may be, there is always more. A passage from Nelson (1997) lends perspective to this issue:

A child follows the normal tendency to play, to explore, to laugh and to enjoy life. This little human is free to be and he lives in the present. He does not worry about the past. He is not worried about the future. Adults live constantly in the past and they are so worried in their effort to build their future that they avoid living in the present. For the adult, all the dramas of life are serious, but for the child nothing is really that important (p. 61).

Nationalism has been defined as “both a goal to achieve statehood, and a belief in collective commonality” (Nagel, 1998, p.247). Shukert (2002), using Japan’s sport policies as an artifact, framed nationalism in a different light. “Discrimination of such foreigners is (supposedly) against the law and is known as ‘Nationalism’ or ‘Fascism’”

(p. 77). In consideration of these two definitions, nationalism is used as an umbrella term to categorize language that purports allegiance to a country, state, or territory.

Sasuke shares some of the discriminatory practices as the aforementioned

Japanese sports. The first commonality witnessed is the reluctance to allow foreigners to participate. The professional baseball teams in Japan are allowed only three foreigners on the roster during the season and two on the field at one time. In the three randomly selected episodes of Sasuke (100 participants per episode), there were a total of two

American competitors and one Taiwanese competitor. As seen in the sumô world, the exclusivity factor in Sasuke makes one wonder if the lack of foreigners is a matter of absentmindedness or a purposeful ploy.

A major difference witnessed during this analysis, is the way the athletes are received by the spectators in Sasuke. It is surprising to see the fans quite enthralled by the Americans. In the fourth tournament, the lone American Navy diver, Travis

Schrader, impresses the audience with his power and size. Schrader is the largest man to compete this year weighing over 200 pounds. He failed to complete the third stage but the crowd is noticeably noisier during his run than some of the others. The other

American competed for his first time during the 17th tournament and was another big man in relation to the other competitors. At 6’3 and 220 pounds, Paul Terek towers over the others. He was an Olympic decathlete and put together an awe inspiring first stage completion where, again, the Japanese crowd really cheer him on. At one point the crowd chants his name “Paul! Paul! Paul!” (Ushio, 2003, 00:25: 41). This is a very different picture than baseball and sumô. Contempt and hostility are thought to be common among American athletes in these sports, whereas, Sasuke fans appear to display intrigue and adulation. One argument is that the dynamics of the sport itself have something to do with this dissimilarity. Earlier, sumô was decribed as the ‘most’ 46

Japanese of all the sports played in the country. As Japan’s one national sport, it is simple to see how some would want to protect its traditions. Baseball, on the other hand, is an American sport ludically diffused into Japan. How can fans and those directly involved in the Japanese league criticize American ballplayers for playing an American game the “American way”? Ironically, this is a mirror image of Sasuke and American

Ninja Warrior. ABC determined that the competition show would do well in America and changed just enough of Sasuke to call it their own. Sasuke, however, is not known as

Japan’s favorite national past time like baseball in America. Somewhere in Japan there is an American ballplayer thinking, “what the hell have you done to our sport”? Likewise, somewhere in America there is a Japanese Sasuke competitor saying the same about

American Ninja Warrior.

In the past, nationalism has been used as a device for discrimination. Sport, though, has the rare intrinsic capability of fusing ideals. If only for an hour, sportsmanship prevails over political divergence. Men are able to see one another as men. Not as a representative of a country, but as a man who has a family, who has felt the suffocation of death and the respiration of life. One who loves and yet still loathes.

A competitive spirit connects all competitors. This is the beauty of sport.

Unfortunately, the beauty is often trumped by malevolence. Contempt of culture and the other replaces respect for ‘right’. Everyone wants to be right. There is superiority in the ‘right’. The amount of conflict that rises from need to be right is gargantuan, like the venom in a single bite of a black mamba. The point being,

nationalism can be unifying or dividing. When superiority is sought, it tends to divide.

The same is true about masculinity.

Americans have become so used to language and messages with nationalistic connotations that it can easily be overlooked. Luckily, the contrast between Sasuke and

ANW made these messages stand out. Language and implications with nationalistic undertones are far more prevalent in ANW than in Sasuke. This fact becomes evident within the first thirty seconds of ANW. During the opening credits, the voiceover is heard: “There will be pain, there will be glory” (McManus, 2013, 00:01:25).

Simultaneously, the show logo (in red, white and blue script) rests on a digital projection of an American flag gently blowing in the wind. The only way this could be more cliché is if at some point, an eagle swooped in and perched itself on top of the graphic. There is no example more expressive of American nationalism than the flag and the eagle. In this particular situation, a quote from Robert Downey Jr.’s portrayal of Sherlock Holmes in A

Game of Shadows seemed fitting: “It’s so overt it’s covert” (Richie, 2011, 00:18:34).

This tactic of inserting national symbols into various sections of the production is so overused that the audience has no choice but to overlook it. This is also the case in much of the language that the commentators/narrator, athletes, and spectators used during each episode.

The word pride or proud is said or written 28 times in three episodes in ANW.

This word is rooted in national connotation. To be proud implies social pressure to avoid the opposite, embarrassment. The list of embarrassing actions and behaviors are perpetual but they do represent a force that most try to avoid. This force is hegemony.

Societal, cultural, and national influence that exists to shape its peoples behaviors. With the presence of this one word being so predominant, one wonders what other language is used to emphasize national ideals.

The Japan Amateur Sports Association (JASA) is a branch of the federal government in Japan, which functions as the administration for the national sport festival called Kokutai. This festival is a way to develop and promote top Japanese athletes.

“JASA believes that in order to develop strong Japanese athletes, limiting the participation of foreign athletes in sports in Japan is necessary” (Shukert, 2002, p.73).

Though foreigners are not permitted to compete in these festivals, Shukert pointed out that Japan’s perceived inferiority in athletics was due to the lack of exposure to foreigners. However, instead of letting foreigners compete in Kokutai, “ Japanese athletes will fly to foreign countries in order to get that exposure (p. 73). ANW vs. Japan is an illustration of this concept. “I’m excited that there’s an athletics competition between American and Japan. I can’t wait, I love to compete. It’s an honor to represent your country” (McManus, 2013b, 00:11:40). While the ‘two-foreign-player’ limitation prevents more Americans from competing in Sasuke, Japanese athletes are encouraged to travel to other countries and test their abilities elsewhere. In the season five special,

Japan is the heavy favorite to win the competition. “The dedicated fans, they assume that the Japanese are the better competitors. That they’re gonna take this away and just blow us out of the water just because they’ve got a better resume on the course” (McManus,

2014b, 00:05:01). Unlike many other athletic competitions, where the Japanese have not matched up well against foreign foes, ANW vs. Japan looked like a sport that Japan could dominate. Shukert (2002) also commented on the notion that Japanese athletes suffer 49

from an inferiority complex against American and European athletes. One reason that he gave for this complex was “Japanese are smaller on average than Europeans or

Americans and their size may make them believe that they are weaker and inferior in sports” (p. 80). In the ninja warrior competition, body type plays a huge role. It is not necessarily the smaller the better, because there are obstacles where height has an advantage. However, many of the obstacles require the athlete to support their body weight for long periods of time. This shifts the advantage to those who lengthen and lean out their muscles rather than bulk up. Bigger, faster and stronger is not the mantra of ninja warriors. Shingo Yamamoto, aka “The Godfather,” was 5’7, the tallest athlete for

Team Japan. Surprisingly, at 5’7 he is not even taller than the shortest athlete for Team

America. Further support to this argument was that the biggest athlete for Team

America, James McGrath, aka “The Beast”, tapes in at 6’2, 165 pounds but had never even completed stage three. Even at 165 pounds, he is considered at a disadvantage.

“That kind of weight could work against you on stage three” (McManus, 2014b,

00:53:15). This is quite a separation from football, baseball and basketball. Another advantage that Team Japan has going into this competition is experience. “Team USA has a combined total of 16 trips to Mt. Midoriyama….collectively Team Japan has made

57 appearances at Mt. Midoriyama” (McManus, 2014b, 00:03:03). It is not too often that an American team is the underdog. There is a lot less pressure being the underdog. The only expectation of them is that they try their best and to make it a competitive match.

Make it a close game. The pressure, then, is pushed onto the favorite. With Team

America as the underdog and Team Japan as the favorite, an extremely interesting dynamic is at play.

Team Japan shows confidence in the beginning. This is their sport and essentially, the course (Mt. Midoriyama in Las Vegas) is built to be a replica of Mt.

Midoriyama in Japan. What the audience quickly begins to realize, though, is experience does not necessarily equate to adequacy. This sport, in particular, holds no candle for veterans. It is overly simplistic to say that experience counts for nothing. Nevertheless, veterans go down on the first stage and rookies obliterate each obstacle. Time after time during the broadcast, the audience is reminded how overmatched the Americans are. “On paper this really isn’t even close. Yuji has completed stage three an incredible three times. But James has never even made it passed the ultimate cliff hanger” (McManus,

2014b, 00:52:20). In his matchup, McGrath falls on the third obstacle leaving the door open for “The Legend” Yuuji Urushihara. “A mild mannered shoe salesman by day,

Sasuke legend by night. He has done what no one else in the entire world has. Achieved total victory by completing all four stages, not once but twice” (McManus, 2014b,

00:33:23). After all this buildup, Yuuji falls on the same obstacle that McGrath did.

After a video review, it is determined that McGrath made it to the obstacle first, making him the victor of the matchup. One after the other, the Japanese competitors make rookie mistakes and give away points to Team America. The pressure of being the favorite clearly has an effect on Team Japan’s performance. The matter of favorite and underdog is only one side of the coin. Again, the problem of nationalism and exclusion makes its way back into the conversation.

In Japan, there is a phenomenon known as ‘Gajin Play’. Basically, this occurs when the outcome of an event is determined by the superior play of a team’s foreign athletes (Stukert, 2002; Pempel, 2009). In order to reduce the chances of this happening, 51

most professional sports limit the amount of foreigners on one team to two. The fear from commissions and organizational standpoint is that the will to win would increase the import of foreigners until there are no Japanese athletes left. What this inevitably leads to is a lack of strong competition in Japan. Now, what is seen in ANW vs Japan can be related to this. Team Japan is not used to the competitive side of obstacle course running.

The collectivist mentality in Sasuke does not prepare them for this competition. In

Sasuke the athletes compete against a clock and/or the obstacles themselves as well as their own strength and determination. They are not matched up head to head against an opponent. This added element to the competition hinders Team Japan’s ability to focus on the minutiae of each obstacle and distracts them from the overall goal.

“Safety” is as natural to the average Americans’ vocabulary as “I” is. Context, of course, matters. Safety is meant to describe how the athlete is approaching the course itself. “He is maneuvering through this stage with caution...a very safe way to conquer that obstacle” (McManus, 2013, 00:23:42). Safe or safety is concomitant with defense.

Without bridging the gap between national and militaristic masculinity completely, it is worth mention that defense is synecdochal of safety, and therefore takes on the same meaning. When safety is used in ANW, it is used to describe a method of consideration about the obstacle. This method is then easily broadened to the athlete’s personality, which is attributed to his nationality. More often, the athletes approach is attached to his profession. “He is an engineer so he is being more methodical” (McManus, 2013,

00:05:16). On the other hand, there are examples where nationality plays a role in both motivation and style. A woman with darker complexion is commented on. “She’s fired up! Looks like she might’ve had a couple of those Cuban coffees here in Miami” 52

(McManus, 2014, 00:30:39). Also in S6E4, Idoko Abuh, the Nigeria born musician, related his training to ‘home’.

I got to go back and participate in my brother’s wedding and when I was there I got to meet the local Nigerian children and they came out and trained with me… the love and inspiration they showed around me, that’s one of the things that’s going to be a motivational factor for me. That’s going to be in the back of my mind…I just want to see the smile and rejoicing. Sharing the victory with me. (McManus, 2014, 01:06:34)

People use national background all the time to explain personality. Where someone grows up and their connection to that location is part of their identity. It cannot be ignored that individual and national identity are correlated.

Individual members make a team what it is but, when thinking about the collective goal, sometimes the individual must rise above the team and lead. Leadership is an enigma in collective societies. Individualistic societies on the other hand, are filled with leaders. When everyone wants to be the hero and can express that, it fuels competition and makes it better. The opposite happens in Japan. “They all consider themselves part of a homogenous nation with the same appearance, ideas, traditions, needs, etc. Although such a view is not necessarily true, few Japanese will admit to being anything more than a typical Japanese” (Shukert, 2002, p. 80). Confidence, swagger, conceit, even hubris are much more common in western societies. While it is difficult to defend some of the arrogance that is involved in these hypermasculine traits listed above, it is fitting to individualistic culture.

Another pertinent observation included the celebration of another culture. Derek

Nakamoto, a Japanese American, had a special live segment dedicated to his ancestry. 53

“Taiko is what I got involved with to learn more about my Japanese culture. Fourth generation born here in the States and so I really didn’t know what it meant to be

Japanese American and so I got involved with uh taiko which is traditional drumming”

(McManus, 2013, 00:09:46). A short clip showes Nakamoto learning to play the taiko drums then a brief live performance before his run. Taiko is an ancient form of music that is used in both leisure and war. This segment functioned as a homage to the pre-run theatrics displayed by Sasuke competitors. Beyond that, it signified the transitive complexion of national identity. Unlike Japan where national identity is strong, because of the lack of religious and racial diversity, the United States lacks such unity. Wilcox

(1994) argued, “The United States is a nation barely emerging from infancy wherein its identity is weak and veiled in a shroud of uncertainty” but “patriotism remains an all- powerful element throughout American sport” (p. 75). With advancements in human rights came the quandary of the collective. As a nation, the United States has no identity.

This is not a bad thing. The more diverse a nation is, the less generalizable its people are.

As humans, we learn to categorize and synthesize. The more efficient one becomes at this though, the more prejudiced and discriminatory one is likely to be. Less generalizing means less stereotyping. As Americans, we should want other nations to covet our diversity. Identity and unity do not come by way of singularity, but by multiplicity.

Open does not mean vulnerable. It means free.

Researchers in the past have tied national identity and patriotism together. Being associated with terms like pride and patriotism, nationalism is a major factor when studying masculinity. Patriotism is used for this study to look deeper into both, nationalism and militaristic aspects of manhood. The existence of nationalism in ANW 54

and Sasuke illustrates the subtle and surprisingly frequent messages that covertly reinforce the dominant ideology that is nationalism.

The Wandering Man Kimmel (2004) asked a quintessential question regarding contemporary masculinity: What does it mean to be a self –made man? Entrepreneurship and employment are undoubtedly valued in America. Whether that means starting a business or working three jobs to support a family, men are supposed to do it on their own.

Accepting help from family, friends and/or the government tarnishes masculinity and in turn reputation. Kimmel’s (2004) Marketplace Manhood describes the new capitalist man as “restless, agitated and anxious. He accumulates wealth, power and status by devoting himself to his work in an increasingly homosocial environment— a male-only world in which he pits himself against other men” (p.84).

Industry is vital to consumerism. People work to live and live to work. The idea of retirement is a dream for some and a dread for others. Collectivist and individualist cultures alike derive meaning in their lives by what they do instead of who they are. One relatively clear example of this fact is noticeable in Sasuke 13. Katsumi Yamada aka

“Mr. Ninja Warrior” announces that he is retiring after this competition. He fails to make it past the first stage. In what the commentator announces as his “swan song” (Ushio,

2004, 00:07:46) Yamada finishes the stage even though it does not count with the timer already buzzing. No other athlete would dare continue after failing and risk disrespecting the other contestants and the course itself. Yamada is the only one to gain such notoriety that makes this action acceptable. The audience all at one moment feel the tremendous pull for his success. The framing of a last chance effort sets the stage for a final hoorah. 55

An introduction clip is shown (longer than anyone else’s is) as well as the dramatic announcement that this would be his last. The sense of pull for one athlete really reinforces a collective state of mind.

American sport is changing in this manner as well. When a high profile, known to be a great, athlete announces their retirement, the whole season is dedicated to rolling out the red carpet, everywhere that player plays. Almost every year there is one athlete that gets this grandiose send off. Most recently, Kobe Bryant and David “Big Papi” Ortiz were the recipients of this prolonged and excessive celebration. Even more interesting is the more frequent occurrence of ‘the comeback’. Most notably was Brett Favre, the NFL quarterback that retired and came back the next year. Other greats like Michael Jordan

(NBA), Michael Phelps (Olympic swimming) and even the infamous Pelé had trouble hanging up his spikes. This is also a phenomenon present in Sasuke. After four years in retirement, Yamada returned to the sport only to see his dream of total victory slip through his fingers on the first stage once again.

This is a microcosm of the arduous and complex nature of attaching self-identity to occupation. This paradox is epidemic. Once the job is done, we must confront life, sometimes without purpose. Connell (1990) in the last two sentences of the chapter underlines this problem. An Iron Man: The Body and Some Contradictions of Hegemonic

Masculinity, uses a life-history method to tell the story of a twenty-something year old

Australian that earns a living competing in iron man races. Like any professional athlete, his life revolves around the sport. In high school, he excelled in swimming, which led him to the competitions in the first place. After high school, he devoted himself fully to training and competing. Connell is able to connect many hegemonic masculine traits to

the iron- man but one in particular sticks out. “As long as he keeps up his winning status and his image, the money will keep rolling in and Steve will be preserved in his extended adolescence. One wonders what resources he will find for handling adulthood when the winning stops” (p. 95). There are two noteworthy implications in this passage. First, the idea that one who makes their living as an athlete will not enter ‘true’ adulthood until after they retire (or wash out) opens the door to debate. The age and/or milestone(s) that define manhood varies by culture, religion, geographical location and many other demographic factors. This makes it nearly impossible to pinpoint when becoming a man actually occurs.

Second, when many of life’s burdens (financial, travel, interpersonal conflict) are taken care of by sponsors and organizations, how does the athlete respond to such adversities after retirement? If they were one of the best of their time (like the ones listed above), they can return. Though, if the past is any indicator on how well they will do, the answer would be, not well. Yes, Michael Phelps and Pelé are exceptions but, as was the case for Yamada, the comeback rarely ends in glory. Other than the all-time greats, everyone else who leaves their game, willingly or not, are left to begin anew. Without a vocation, men find themselves wandering. And not the Jules from Pulp Fiction kind of wandering. A static mind can be a terrifyingly bleak place when the unexamined life becomes a reality.

American and Japanese men are bound by the idea that work is proof of masculinity. But, this proof is fragile and fleeting. No sooner is masculinity proved, that it is again questioned and must be proved again- constant and relentless (Kimmel, 2004).

Build, earn, excel and repeat. 57

Militarism

The Patriot

The United States is a militaristic nation. Patriarchy, violence, power, domination, can all be traced back to militaristic ideals. Hypermasculine traits are methodically conditioned into soldiers until only a shred of individuality still exists. The will to question authority, trust instincts and resist impulses are meticulously eradicated from the personality of the soldier. It is no coincidence that these are known to be more feminine qualities.

Many scholars have tied sport, war, violence and hegemonic masculinity together

(Bairner, 2001; Burstyn, 1999; Jansen & Sabo, 1994; Mrozek, 1985). Jansen and Sabo

(1990) uses media coverage of the Persian Gulf War to analyze how sport and war are meshed in American culture. They argue, “the sport/war metaphor is embedded within a

‘deep structure’ of patriarchal values, beliefs, and power relations that, in turn, reflect and advance the agendas of hegemonic masculinity” (p. 2). Mrozek (1985) also believes that military and sport have heavy ties with masculinity.

The language with which military theorists spoke of the need for national unity to guarantee success in war paralleled that which many physical educators used to describe the quest for victory in sport; and they shared a common concern to prevent excessive civilization from corroding the militant, dynamic, primitive impulses of the people. Like sport, military life was often promoted as a good way to keep the masculine, aggressive… but appropriately harnessed, disciplined, and obedient (p. 97). Studies like the ones just mentioned tend to be more sociological, in that, they focus on group think. Masculinity is tied to more general factors like national unity and sport.

The present study attempts to look more at individualistic masculine characteristics that are militaristic by nature.

Both ANW and Sasuke have references and language that conflate military and masculinity. However, the amount that these subjects are combined in ANW drastically outnumber those in Sasuke. One theory that explains this disparity is the fact that

Japanese culture has been affected by the results of WWII. “The Japanese were devastated in a major war with American and Britain, and many Japanese were overwhelmed by the Western powers’ military superiority” (Shukert, 2002, p. 80). In

1946, a year after the war ended, there was a strong foreign military occupation in Japan.

Any talk of rebellion or insurrection would have been met with harsh reprimand. Thus, militaristic language would not be as common as in western nations.

Military language heavily impacts sport jargon. Rather than the previously discussed sport/war metaphors, ANW has an abundance of the inverse. While sport/war metaphors reduce the atrocity of war in the public eye, War/sport metaphors serve to increase the significance of sport to its audience. Bryan Doom, aka “Major Doom” is an

Air force pilot. The war/sport metaphors during his run are exceptionally evident. “Now the pilot gets to fly here on the ring swing. That’s kind of like the re-fueling procedure in mid air… this is another mission for him…Major Doom’s gotta fight for it…looking like an Army grunt crawling through the mud... I think Major Doom came in here with a flight plan that he is executing” (McManus, 2016, 00:06:16). Major Doom’s run makes it clear that these metaphors are used in this program. Not all war/sport metaphors are as perceptible though.

“Courage” is word that has armed forces undertones but means something different to civilians. Artis Thompson III lost his leg in a motorcycle accident. In S8E4 of ANW he is declared as being courageous and receives a standing ovation from the audience for his effort. This term takes on a different meaning in Sasuke as well. “They all went bungee jumping to build their courage” (Ushio, 2006, 00:32:12). Americans transpose meaning from militaristic language unknowingly. There was a time when courage and bravery could only be proven on the battlefield. The Samurai would kill themselves rather than be captured and it was considered courageous. Americans commonly over simplify suicide as the opposite. Life has become so complex that terms like these have been appropriated to many different aspects of living. The line then, between military and civilian meaning making, gets blurred. When militaristic values are so interconnected to ordinary life that it is unrecognizable, citizens must look deeper into those values.

Militaristic terms far outweigh the other language and message systems in ANW.

It is not a revelation to connect masculinity to military (as noted earlier). However, what is exposed in this study is the fact that Americans are oblivious to the ways in which militaristic beliefs are embedded into the foundations of sport. This is not as hard to believe in sports like football and rugby, where team strategy, more often than not, takes the form of a militaristic tactics. In shows like ANW and Sasuke though, one would not expect there to be such emphasis placed on militaristic language . Fight, attack, battle, war, weapon, AWOL, kill and avenge are just a few examples of the verbiage used in

ANW that have militaristic denotation and connotation. A connection during coding exemplifies how military is entrenched in the male psyche. 60

William Brown dressed as an ancient Spartan warrior. After completing the course, Akbar Gbaja-Biamila roared in synchronization with Brown, “WE ARE

SPARTA!” (McManus, 2013, 00:44:00). Zack Snyder’s adaptation of Frank Miller’s graphic novel 300 has been categorized as a masculinist film. “Snyder’s 300, closely following the aesthetics of the graphic novel, presents the Spartan army as a group of almost identical hypermuscular ancient supermen with exaggerated military skills and moral ideals” (Dimitriadis, p. 189). Themes like body image, democracy and of course, military masculinity emanate American values. Brown embodies the 300 characters

(King Leonidas and his soldiers) during his run and is celebrated for doing so. The modern personification of Spartan conventions lends itself to this argument. Not coincidentally, the program that immediately follows ANW S8 is called, Spartan Ultimate

Team Challenge. From the same producers of ANW, the Spartan team challenge involves teams competing against obstacles and other teams, which is only possible because of the increase in popularity of Spartan Race. Why are Americans captivated by the idea of watching others face grueling obstacles? The answer is simple, we have been systematically conditioned to value military work ethic and endurement. When people, who are not associated with a military branch, choose to crawl through mud, climb high walls and jump over fire (the ritualistic labors of basic training) it forms a bond between military and civilian life. This bond however, already exists and thus is continually bolstered by popular culture.

The strategies that ANW competitors employ during their runs are many times equated to experience. The veteran is experienced and the rookie is a first-timer. The

“walk on line” in ANW provides a noteworthy observational experience within this 61

context. If athletes are not chosen from their submission videos, there is another way to enter the competition. Prospective competitors can pitch a tent and camp out in the “walk on line”. There is no guarantee of entrance so these individuals sit and wait for over a week, waiting to hear their name called. Nate Burkhalter waited in the walk on line in

2014 and 2015 without actually being able to compete. Finally, in 2016 he got his chance. Burkhalter is the first person in the city qualifiers to defeat the course that year.

In the interview afterward, he responded to a question about the difference between being invited and waiting in the walk on line. “It’s been three long years… I feel a bit more rested that’s for sure. I got a good night sleep last night that helps. No more tents”

(McManus, 2016, 01:20:25). Relating back to militaristic themes, there is a parallel between enlisted men (walk on line) and officers (invited). The phrase earning your stripes comes to mind. Enlisted men in the military must follow the orders of their superiors. Many times though, there is a disconnect between those who are enlisted and those who are commissioned officers. The difference being, enlisted men take orders from commissioned officers. Plenty of films emphasize this point. In U-571, a Navy submarine Captain (Matthew McConaughey) navigates German U- boats along with distrust in his leadership (or lack thereof) experience from his own crew. Heartbreak

Ridge, the Marine Corp. masterpiece, pitted the battle tested Sergeant (Clint Eastwood) against the meticulous Major (Evertt McGill). Even Alien 2 reinforced the experience over education ideal. The untested Lieutenant is proven inadequate so Ripley (Sigourney

Weaver), who dealt with the aliens in the first film, must lead the troop out of futuristic hell. It has become a prevalent theme in American popular culture. The resentment that enlisted men feel toward their superiors is easily transferable to sport and more

specifically to ANW. The veterans get invited, get to sleep in a bed and get to watch the rookies and re-strategize after they fail. The rookies have not proven they merit an invite yet so they must do the grunt work. Like military rank, ANW athletes are awarded badges that show their accomplishments. This fact is brought to light in S6E4. William Brown, the Spartan ninja, wears the number five. “You can see that number five patch, those weren’t given those were earned. The only way to receive one of those was to complete a city finals course and William Brown was one of the few who got one of those and was able to sport it in Las Vegas” (McManus, 2014, 00:44:12). This is just one more way that superiority is reinforced in American culture. The shift from intrinsic motivation to extrinsic motivation starts with the institutionalized force to rise in the ranks. Extrinsic motivation is another invisible force that encourages men to act in a manner that befits an

American role model. Earning stripes, patches, medals or countless other visible acknowledgements of experience are the equivalent to proving masculinity over and over again.

Americans are attracted to reckless abandonment of self-preservation. Testing the limitations of human capabilities is an American ideology but historically, military mindfulness stretched those boundaries. Jumping out of planes, running a marathon and obstacle courses were not conceivable before the military. Our national androcentric foundation is formed by hypermasculine traits like, aggression, risk, rebellion, courage and glory.

The Ninja

What is it about the ninja that Americans find so interesting? American- Ninja-

Warrior, what does this even mean? The word ninja pertains to soldiers that prided themselves on sabotage. By looking deeper and breaking down the terms in the title, the obstacles, and the body type of the commonly successful athletes, it becomes apparent that the producers meant to incorporate the qualities of the archetypical Japanese warrior.

Even more intriguing, is the particular type of warrior that is elevated. The ninja and not the samurai is chosen for a very specific reason.

The ninja and the samurai are difficult to compare to contemporary military sects because of the system in place during the time of these ancient warriors. Family name meant everything, so little to no upward movement in status was even possible. The closest comparison would be Infantryman and Special Forces in the army. This point though, does not illuminate the distaste that the samurai would have for the ninja and vice versa. The samurai lived by a very strict code and fought battles in the open. The ninja used wiles and fought in the shadows. The samurai had to be sturdy and powerful. The ninja needed to be sly and agile. The samurai killed other soldiers by the hundreds. The ninja assassinated one.

Covert tactics are not new in warfare but Americans are increasingly attracted to this persona. The distinction between cowardice and covert in American culture is a paradox. Oftentimes, when covertness is framed in terms of masculinity, it takes the connotation of sneaky and cowardly. Never hit a man with his back turned, or when he is down or below the belt. The list of unwritten rules and cultural codes that men follow, in

this regard, would be worth an entire study on its own. Still, the comparison between the ninja and the samurai makes this discussion valuable in terms of masculine ideals.

The obstacles in Sasuke and ANW tell a story themselves. The legendary warped wall resembles the impenetrable city and castle walls the ninja would need to scale for entrance. The spider-climb, tests the athletes ability to jump off a trampoline and into a narrow (yet not so narrow) corridor using all four limbs to move through the bottomless passage. The treacherous cliffhanger is another obstacle that retells the story of the ninja.

Athletes must move across a wall using their fingertips to hold their entire body weight.

There are three different ledges with gaps in-between each. The competitor disengages one ledge by throwing himself toward the other, catching himself (again with his fingertips). One can easily picture the ancient warriors, in the dark of night, dressed in black, performing the same feats to avoid detection.

The body type of the ninja is very different from that of the prototypical athlete today. Height and weight is the customary mode of describing body type. 6’0 foot 205 pounds is a predictable frame for a world- class athlete. ANW and Sasuke competitors, on average do not fit this description. 200 pounds is heavy for a ninja. The ability to hold one’s own body weight for a long period of time is a necessity in this sport. Accordingly, athletes train to shed pounds and increase muscle stamina. This broadens the scope of possible competitors exponentially and increases “the little mans” chances of success.

Opposed to the traditional sports, where smaller stature equates to lesser opportunity, these competition shows essentially level the playing field. Beyond body type, the only thing holding an athlete back is himself.

Discipline is a characteristic that has heavy ties to the military. More specifically, discipline has deep roots in the lore of the Japanese warrior, which creates links to Sasuke and ANW. Mental and physical discipline means making no excuses, displaying composure in times of uncertainty, training when others are resting and consuming only what is nourishing. “He credits his father, a retired Soviet Air Force Colonel for his incredible discipline…growing up in a military background definitely kinda gave me that internal discipline and developed a habit towards working out” (McManus, 2013,

00:05:13). Discipline is engrained in athletes and warriors alike in order to prepare them for the impending conflict.

The battle, war, fight, game, match or run have been fused to mean the same thing in sport. One word drew particular attention during coding. The word fight serves two distinct purposes in ANW and Sasuke. On one hand, it has the denotation of a physical altercation. On the other, it is used as a synonym for perseverance. Both contexts are used in the selected episodes. “Look at her fighting to hold on” (McManus, 2016,

00:21:025) and “he has only just begun to fight” (Ushio, 2006, 00:26:03). What this characterizes is the naturalization of militaristic language in everyday events.

In the United States, there is a pressure to respect and be grateful for the military and their various personnel. “Thank you for protecting our country” we say. A broad view of the military is that of the shield and the sword. The shield protects and the sword attacks. Even so, the shield can be a weapon and the sword can shield. Another aspect of strategy is “technique”, which is a word commonly used in both ANW and Sasuke.

Sports analogies being what they are—pervasive— it would be a discredit to this study

not to use at least one. The best defense is a good offense. Whether the athlete ‘attacks’ the course or cautiously maneuvers their way through each obstacle, implies something about them. He’s a math teaching gymnast who can calculate his angle of attack” (Ushio,

2004, 00:31:36) “It looks like he’s a little scared of this course but he is an engineer, he probably wants to analyze everything before he attempts it” (McManus, 2013,00:06:04).

‘Real men’ are never scared so this serves as a slight to his manhood. Beyond that, the technique that an athlete uses (defensive or offensive) also says something about

American militaristic values. The defense of the nation is an illusion. American military would much rather be on the offensive (euphemistically called deployment) than the defensive side of war. Ninjas are not known for their defensive tactics. They attack using stealth and surprise to their advantage. This is why Americans are drawn to the ninja. Since military is so engrained into the core of what it means to be American, we naturally attach meaning to offensive strategy. Never mind the fact that it contradicts lesser values like honor, integrity and honesty. All that matters is that we win.

Heteronormativism

The Performer

The test: Ask a man to look at his fingernails. If he holds his palm toward his face and curls his fingers back to see them, he passes. If however, he holds the back of his hand away from his face and looks at his fingernails with his arm outstretched he fails

(Leverenz, 1991). This test is just one example of the ways men classify and in turn, cast

out, that which is different. Another broad view of this dismissive system is the decline of heterosexual male friendships. Sport provides men with an acceptable forum for friendship with other men, but America’s homophobic culture makes having a long- standing friendship with another man increasingly difficult. Two men playing a round of golf is perfectly acceptable. But, two men going to see a movie together is questionable.

Not only is it questionable, it morphs into uncomfortable, both intrapersonally and interpersonally. One becomes self-conscious about the dynamic because the movies are dating and family grounds. The sight of two men together without the company of women does not check either of the two membership boxes listed above. Women have a

‘girls night out’ men have a ‘bromance’. The weight of this one term alone encompasses the inconvenience of male friendships. Heterosexual men therefore, must choose the

‘appropriate’ context and location to avoid any suspicion of homosexuality. This reaffirms Pronger’s (1992) statement “in our culture, homosexuality violates masculinity”

(p. 2).

Heteromasculinity is used in this section to envelope the specific form of masculinity, and more specifically, the type of sexuality that is acceptable in contemporary sport. The fact that, today, in the world of male sport, the word athlete implies heterosexuality implores discussion. How is it that, even in lesser-known sports such as Sasuke and ANW, the level of participation and inclusion of gay men is null?

Acknowledging the fact that an athlete is gay, it immediately becomes a ‘thing’. It becomes some -thing that demands a response and an explaniation. Whether it is purposeful of the production to leave out this demographic or just happenstance is irrelevant. What matters is the fact that the lack of inclusion points to prejudice and 68

discrimination. In each episode of ANW, the commentators and production unit as a whole bring up the fact that there were more and more women competing and doing better than ever before. Season six was even known as “the year of the women”

(McManus, 2014, 01:08:46). This emphasized the point that women were still the minority in the sport but also necessarily makes one wonder why not one LGB competitor in the selected episodes is given the opportunity to share their story with the

American public. Many groups are represented: amputee, autistic, foreign and the list goes on. But, no member of the LGB community has their own introduction clip or has their partner supporting them on the sideline. Plenty of husbands, wives, children and friends of the athletes follow along, are interviewed and are considered an integral part of the show. In their defense, maybe NBC still prefers dated nomenclature like “friend” or

“roommate”. Is the audience to believe that there is not one gay man (in Miami) that even sent in an audition tape? The probability of such a reality is comparable to the odds of the author beating Lebron James at one on one. Not impossible but implausible.

Heteronormativity has many implications. Using literature from previous scholars like Trujillo (1999) and Brannon (1976), some of the characteristics of manhood described in the past are evident in Sasuke and ANW. These characteristics inherently represent heteromasculinity, which, reinforce atypical traits for the contemporary man to follow. The first, Brannon’s (1976) give em hell is introduced to depict the fearlessness of man. Danger, recklessness and risk are a necessity to proving manliness. This idea and similar words and phrases manifested themselves in ANW. Erik Hernandez, a 33-year- old SWAT team member, personified this attitude. “The job can be pretty dangerous.

You’re dealing with violent criminals. Criminals that have weapons or are barricaded. 69

We never know what we’re going to be dealing with…I deal with danger every day, and that’s why I’ll be able to defeat this course” (McManus, 2014, 00:55:44). In this specific case, danger is equated to heteromasculinity in that, generally, police are not known to be progressive in terms of employing openly gay men. They would more align with the long-standing military mantra: Don’t ask, don’t tell.

Although many precautions are taken to avoid injury, the competitors are still at risk for major accidents. In S6E4 a father and son camped out for five days in the walk on line and made the cut. The father made it all the way to the last obstacle (the legendary warped wall) but tore his achilles tendon during his attempt to scale the wall.

This obstacle course may not present the dangers of bungee jumping or cliff diving but it is a hazardous venture. What also becomes apparent is that the obstacle course itself is not the biggest threat to injury. Jonathan Ruiz injured himself while training. “ We talk about the dedication of our athletes, this is a guy who built his own ninja warrior course in his backyard, but a support beam broke when he was on it, he fell ten feet and landed head first, ended up in the ER” (McManus, 2014, 00:31:56). Travis Rosen, who competed in ANW vs. Japan, also suffered a major accident while training. “I slipped from the rafters right onto my elbow, didn’t know I had a bone spur but broke it”

(McManus, 2013b, 00:29:56). The idea here is that undertaking the challenge of ANW and Sasuke, is a clear representation of the give em hell attitude. Laverenz (1991) summed up this ideal perfectly. “We test ourselves, perform heroic feats, take enormous risks, all because we want other men to grant us our manhood” (p. 769).

Next, Trujillo (1999) used Nolan Ryan and his illustrious career to inspect the dominant hegemonic masculine traits of that era. For years, the cowboy represented the

‘man’s man’. Companies like Marlboro and Coors used this masculinist schema to sell their products. In S8E4 of ANW it became clear that unlike American tobacco, the

American Cowboy has not lost his prowess. Known as “one of the most popular ninjas”

(McManus, 2016.00:34:05), Lance Pekus, in his hat and jeans, bolstered the rugged and rural lifestyle of the classic cowboy. Not only did his style bring to mind this archetype, his intro video helped as well. The following is a partial transcript of his introduction video dialogue:

Recently I’ve been doing some seasonal work with the National Forest Service. It requires me to go out and collect uh field data. I get to use all modes of transportation to get there. I pack in on stock, I’ve done some white water rafting trips…definitely some dangers involved. They’re kinda sending me out there to get the stuff that no one can reach. (McManus, 2016, 00:34:09)

Trujillo (1999) lists five characteristics of manhood, one of which he calls frontiersmanship. This characteristic resembles Brannon’s (1976) Give em hell but a difference is the idea that a man should do things that most would not dare. In the video of Pekus (while the dialogue above is heard), it shows him white water rafting, jumping off a cliff into a river and scaling rock inclines. The imagery reminds the audience of this very notion. A heterosexual man should be adventurous and unafraid to carve his own path.

Be a sturdy oak and no sissy stuff are two other pieces to Brannon’s (1976)

Blueprint of Manhood. These have far-reaching implications when it comes to ANW and

Sasuke. Stoicism is one way to synthesize the sturdy oak and no sissy stuff analogies, which have been common threads in hegemonic masculinity. Americans showed a great deal less emotion on average than Sasuke competitors. “The others who have made it here have choked on the tears of their defeat” (Ushio, 2006, 00:08:01)

There is a duality to this concept. Both American and Japanese men are conditioned into the stoic persona. The difference between the two being the collective ideology in Japan. Signs of emotion, while possibly more acceptable in American culture than ever before, are still taken as signs of weakness. One example in ANW stood out.

Artis Thompson III (an amputee also mentioned in the militaristic section) after failing to complete stage one is asked by the sideline reporter: “I saw the look on your face and it almost looked like you were tearing up, am I right? Thompson III: (puts his hand behind his head and gives a bashful smile) “Aw man uh yea. I teared a little bit, just a little bit”

(McManus, 2016, 00:41:51). Nothing like being called out in front of millions of people for crying. The term emasculating is loosly used to describe when a man is rendered powerless. It encapsulates the primal fear that heterosexual men have of vulnerability.

Another example of the reluctance to show emotion came in S6E4. Flip Rodriguez, an

ANW all-star, made it to the national finals the year before but unexpectedly fails on the first stage. A video of him crying after the fall set the stage. “When I hit the water it broke me. Everyone saw it. I didn’t channel my spirit. That was it. I truly felt that I let everyone down” (McManus, 2014, 01:16:00). Emotion must be qualified for men. Only when people are counting on an individual is it fractionally acceptable to cry. This is where collectivism and individualism play a role in the differentiation of masculinity between America and Japan. 72

The supplemental episode, ANW vs. Japan also lent a particularly telling lens to this argument. “Well you can really see the emotions in these competitors. You know they’re battling not just for themselves but for their countries. Yea that’s right Matt, and when you don’t perform to expectation it hurts that much more because you feel like you’re not only letting yourself down but your team as well” (McManus, 2013b,

00:38:16). Men in Sasuke show more emotion because when they fail, they have failed not only themselves but an entire country. For instance, “the speed demon” Kazuma Asa, was one of the five competitors representing Japan in the ANW vs. Japan special.

“Whether he wins or loses, he always shows his emotions” (McManus, 2013b, 00:21:44).

Immediately following this dialogue, a short clip from a previous Sasuke tournament was shown where Kazuma rejoiced a victory by shedding a few tears. Conversely, when men in ANW fail, they fail themselves. Therefore, showing emotion implies feeling sorry for oneself, a direct violation of heteromasculinity relating to Brannon’s (1976) no sissy stuff.

Showing emotion is related to femininity. As Pronger (1990) put it: “For a man to be like a woman in our culture is considered contemptible it is a step down; the greatest insult one can give a man is that he is like a woman” (p. 138). Being a sturdy oak and no sissy stuff means burying feelings and standing with head held high after success and defeat.

Further, Men in America are only permitted to cry for very limited and specific reasons.

Anything outside those exceptions are just signs of weakness.

“Strength” is absolutely associated with masculinity and is by far the most prevalent concept in ANW. Strength has ties to Trujillo’s physical force and Brannon’s be a sturdy oak. Biological determinism aligns with the idea that men are genetically stronger than women are. However, strength comes in many forms. With this in mind, 73

the coding of this term is broken down into three categories: muscular, mental and course. Muscular strength (grip, core, upper body, balance) accounts for over 75 percent of the total times strength is mentioned. “Competing next is an entertainer made famous by his musculature… He flexes left, right and left once more. How will Randy Muscle fare against Ninja Warrior Today?” (Ushio, 2004, 00:01:34). Mental strength

(perseverance, toughness, determination) also connotes another form of strength and counts for most of the remaining percentage of categorical language. Lastly, course strength signifies how well the athlete handles the obstacles. An example being “That’s a strong run from the 47 year old dad” (McManus, 2016, 00:13:12). Accumulatively, strength is articulated 82 times in seven episodes. More than triple the amount of the next most common theme which is pride. One line during Sasuke 13 summs up the ideological sphere of strength. “Kinnikun prepares for a showdown. It’s a battle for grit, muscle and determination” (Ushio, 2004, 00:12:18).

What this says about ANW and Sasuke that, upper body strength is of upmost importance. It would be easy to discuss gender equality at this point. However, as stated in the introduction, it is not within the scope of this study. Instead, what is noted about this observation, is because men are projected to develop upper body strength the course is designed to test any inadequacies one might have in that area. Sport specificity training is becoming a much more common way of working out. The more traditional

American sports are focused on explosive movements whereas ANW and Sasuke concentrate on control. Once again, it is apparent that more eastern ideals are represented in this sport. Discipline, control, Zen and awareness typify the eastern consciousness.

Not to say that American sports do not also employ such a mentality but mainly as a 74

secondary set of skills rather than the overall objective. The quarterback needs to be able to discern in desperate situations, but not as much as he needs the ability to whip his torso so violently, that the leather, prolate spheroid, zips out of his hand at around 70 miles per hour. An American ninja warrior needs to hit a trampoline with enough force to propel his body thirteen feet above the ground. Comparatively however, this means nothing if he cannot maintain focus through the quintuple steps. The comparison is not lost in nominal distinction. Apples vs. oranges, sport vs. hobby, pro vs. Joe do not encapsulate the work and dedication that both traditional American athletes and American ninja warriors have in common. For many it is their livelihood. For others it is a game.

Nonetheless, they are all competitors.

The Unifier

Tajfel and Turner’s (1979) social identity theory holds that, as a way of making sense of a complex social world, people classify themselves and others into groups.

Individuals tend to form in-groups with people with similar interests to their own which inevitably creates out-groups for all others that differ from the self (Cunningham, 2013).

This in turn leads individuals to develop biases toward the out-group, especially when the matter is important to them, as in the case of, sexual orientation. Cunningham and

Melton (2011) used theoretical and some empirical data to underline the benefits of sexual orientation diversity. Among many others, they proposed that (1) sexual orientation diversity allows for enhanced decision making capabilities and comprehensiveness. (2) LGB individuals have unique experiences and perspectives relative to their heterosexual counterparts. (3) Sexual minorities sometimes display

distinctive leadership styles that emphasize creativity and inclusiveness. Sport has historically served as a catalyst for change. Jackie Robinson, Muhammad Ali and Jim

Brown all contributed to the civil rights movement which gave a singular voice to black men in sport. Five of the 2015 U.S. women’s Olympic soccer team shed light on the pay gap between men and women. Professional athletes have a voice that carries farther and faster than some of the most powerful people in the world. Unity of this voice incites change at a level far greater than even the most powerful government in the world.

Homosexuality is still a taboo subject in American Sport. Women’s rights, racial equality, unionization, religious freedom and immigration may be controversial but at least they are in the public eye. Of course, news cycles are increasingly ephemeral, in that, a story is interesting until something ‘bigger’ happens. Homosexuality in sport has shared the limelight in the past, but for less time and space than Tom Brady’s hair. The general consumer of American culture is finally getting used to seeing women and men compete alongside each other. It is time for the LGB community to have heroes and idols to emulate in the world of sport.

Conclusion

Masculinity is transitive and yet the same representations of this broad concept persist. Human behavior has become so formulaic that individuality is just as much an illusion as the American Dream and defensive military tactics. Hegemony is real and is unmatched in its ability to manipulate every aspect of human existence. Anything out of the ordinary is labeled and forgotten because comfort is king. Avoidance is the primary mode of contentment—subdued by any available means. Seems like a defensive strategy

though. Offense is much more valuable. The best defense is a good offense. To ascend, to rise in the ranks, to reach higher is to experience. Mistakes are inevitable so the fear of the unknown should not dissuade the attempt of anything new. Men are not suppose to fear anything but are given a pass when it comes to homosexuals and foreigners.

Judgement is a parasite. Unification of mind, body, community and cosmos begins with the abandonment of right and wrong and the acceptance of different.

Everyone wants to be right all the time. Taking pride in the minutiae of life alleviates the pressure to pursue superiority. In turn, the desire to exclude dwindles.

Openness is freedom from fear. Personality, then, is an extension of the spirit and not a rehearsed performance. Those who wear the mask of insouciance can risk concern and those who call themselves stoics can cry. Contentment with a job, career and life is as unattainable as ‘the perfect body’—everything can be improved. These extrinsic motivation factors provide a lifetime of self-degradation and a minute worth of satisfaction. Intrinsic exploration leads to enlightenment and a lifetime of satisfaction.

As Hannah Arendt writes in the Human Condition of the man who has discovered contemplative thought, “Never is he more active than when he does nothing, never is he less alone than when he is by himself” (as cited in Keen, 1992, p. 125). Unlike a machine, a man without purpose is not useless. The desire to be wanted and needed is a social construct—like gender. The sense of belonging is comforting, but remove that extrinsic element and solitude strikes deep. Fear of being ‘alone’ is a more powerful motivational tool than sex—and men will do anything for sex.

Courage comes in many forms. On the battlefield, it is demonstrated by a soldier’s ability to shed fear and confront the enemy. In civilian life, it is overcoming hardships and persevering when tragedy transpires. Either way, when courage is displayed it is meant to inspire and illicit action. Thus, it effectively becomes rhetorical in nature. Strategy does not exist in a vacuum. It is interwoven into all aspects of life.

The veteran plans his attack while the rookie moves with reckless abandonment.

Military, media and sport all integrate technique to accomplish a goal. By magnifying the messages constructed by institutions like these, one can dissect the naturalized archetypical traits of manhood. As a nation that holds military values so high, the naturalness of hegemonic masculinity is pervasive. Whether it is the idolization of the samurai, the ninja, the Special Forces or the Infantryman, one theme persists—they are patriots—defenders of freedom and heroes of the nation. The word patriot has many implications. The first and often-overlooked aspect of the patriot though, is he is a man.

Sports in general have a major impact on the development of gender identity.

Growing up, playing ball or skipping rope was a statement—a declaration of interest. For boys, playing ball was proof of normalcy. Skipping rope was a telltale of the abnormal.

The lengths that boys and men alike will go to, to conform, is unfathomable. Strength is a masculine characteristic. A characteristic that connotes ability, stamina, force and might. However, it takes a different kind of strength to subvert the status quo. The frontiersmen are not the cowboys and adrenaline junkies of this country. They are those like Michael Sam, who refuse to conceal or carry guilt for their sexual orientation. Sport, in this regard are long overdue for more diversity.

These artifacts provide fascinating new information regarding cultural differences in the representations of masculinity. After analyzing the dominant ideologies perpetuated during these competitions, it is clear that it actively reinforces many traits associated with hegemonic masculinity. As previously discussed, hegemonic masculinity describes a form of force that is meant to dominate another group. For the purposes of the present study, this describes the power of the male sex and gender identity over all others. The ways in which ANW and Sasuke portray their male athletes produced many implications of superiority, exclusion, pride, conformity, stoicism, recklessness, rebellion, strength and glory.

The limitations of this study are many. The first, author biases—which were briefly noted at the beginning of the discussion—always matter. I am a white, American man. This puts me in a position of many privileges in this country. It is, then, my responsibility to unveil the structures that preserve those privileges. This study scarcely cracks the shell of masculine studies. I aspire to persist in this endeavor.

Another large and looming limitation is the fact that I do not speak Japanese.

Because of this, the viewing of Sasuke episodes were completely at the mercy of the

English subtitles introduced in the G4 production. Future research on this specific artifact would undoubtedly benefit from a Japanese-speaking researcher. It is well known that there are Japanese words and phrases that are untranslatable in English.

Along that same line, reading subtitles and watching the behaviors of the athletes, at the same time, proved to be complicated. More time was taken to code Sasuke because of this. With this in mind, a Japanese- speaking researcher could improve understanding of

this artifact. Also, a more comprehensive look at this genre as a whole, to understand the role of gender in sport, would be valuable. ANW and Sasuke are not the only competition television shows in existence. Shows like Spartan Race, Spartan Ultimate Team

Challenge, The Ultimate Fighter and Wipeout could all be analyzed along the same lines of this study.

Time and resource constraints allowed for only a discrete analysis to be done. Of the 30 tournaments in Sasuke, only three were analyzed. The same is true about ANW. A much more diffuse analysis is certainly possible. Further, the demographic range of this study is very limited. There are many more aspects to be analyzed in these two artifacts alone. Femininity, race, ability, age, class, socioeconomic status and religion are all avenues of future research regarding this genre. More specifically, adding a feminist lens to this body of work could prove to be most valuable. For instance, Kacy Catanzaro was the first female to complete a regional qualifying course on ANW. The video of her accomplishing this task has over 14 million views on YouTube. Conversely, the video of

Issac Caldiero, who won a million dollars for completing the entire national finals course, has five million views on YouTube. Clearly, an appetite exists for female accomplishments and triumphs. This could be a prelude to a shift in media consumption.

American Ninja Warrior and Sasuke, both overtly and covertly promote negative traits of masculinity. While the popularity of these competition shows continues to grow, it is important to research its effects on its viewers. The language and images perpetuate inequality, aggressiveness, competitiveness and heterosexuality. Subversion of these social constructs is an extremely difficult process. Academic work and theory can bring

awareness to this issue, but it takes gatekeepers and defying individuals to create change.

How can men attempt to contribute to the equilibrium of gender without first delving into their own sex? Hearn (1987) suggested that there are four ways for men in the social sciences to engage with feminism: “Pretending to be male feminists, becoming experts on women’s studies, promoting gender studies as a discipline that encompasses both the new men’s studies and the older women’s studies, and finally developing the study of men and masculinity. He argues strongly in favor of the last one” (as cited in Messner &

Sabo, 1999, p. 236). It is paramount that men look deeper into the socially constructed norms that influence their behaviors. Without this introspection, individuals and gatekeepers will continue the same misogynistic, biased and unbalanced customs clogging the airwaves today. Taking a stand means refusing to close the mind, shutter the emotions or condemn individualism. We must stop seeking superiority and the need to be right and invite difference and dissent. No one man, can possibly amount to the ideals that society forces upon him. We are all flawed. Every day, little by little, men are compressed by the pressure of perfection. We must stop seeking superiority and the need to be right and invite difference and dissent, shed the burden of shame, relinquish the requirement to be right and be open not opaque.

Masculinity in sport goes unnoticed. Competition shows like ANW and Sasuke, while popular, attract even less attention in this regard than mainstream sports. However, when families gather to experience the feats of these ninja warriors, generations are taught the traits of manhood. As long as men keep learning these lessons through sport, and the messages continue to be rigid, a gender equilibrium cannot exist.

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