\

LEAGUE OF NATIONS

0.323.1934.VII.

Communicated to the Council. Geneva, July 30th,1934.

Saar Territory

Petition by the Delegation of the "Freiheitsaktion

an der Saar".

Note by the Secretary-General.

The Secretary-General has the honour to communicate to the Council, for its information, a petition from the Delegation of the "Freihei.ts­ aktion an der Saar” (with annex), dated June 1st, 1934, forwarded by the Chairman of the Governing Commission of the Saar Territory.

DECLARATION

by the Delegation of the "Freiheitsaktion an der

Saarn to the Council of the League of Nations.

The Delegation of the trFreihei tsaktion an der Saar” makes the following declaration on behalf of the Committee of the Freedom Congress held on April 8th at Saarbruck, which was attended by 600 delegates representing 50,000 Saar workers, and on behalf of 300 Committees of Unity elected in the factories and districts :

The Saar has become a hotbed of discord produced by the imperialistic conflicts in Europe. German imperialism is endeavouring by every means to bring the Saar, on the pretext of the campaign against Versailles, under the domina­ tion of people like Krupp and Thyssen, in order to divert attention from its increasing difficulties at home by an alleged success in the field of foreign policy. The anti­ fascist opposition of the masses in Germany, and the rapidly increasing influence of the communists, which found expression, among other occasions, during the elections of confidential agents, is obliging the Hitler Government to embark upon foreign political adventures.

On the other hand, French imperialism is endeavouring to gain final possession of the Saar. In present circum­ stances, French capitalism does not intend to give up the extremely important region which touches upon the belt of its fortifications and the coal basin of the Saar.

The acute danger of a fresh war, which is aggravated by unbridled chauvinistic agitation, is threatening the working population of the Saar. German Fascism, represented by the so-called German Front, is terrorising the working population of the Saar by material, moral and physical means - 2 - and is already openly threatening insurrection= French imperialism is replying with plans for the military occupa­ tion of the Saar. In 7lew of this situation, which is growing worse, the Delegaxion desires to take tnis opportunity to express before the whole world the will of tens of thousands of anti­ fascist workers in the Saar =

1. Hitler has made Germany a hall for the working population and has exposed it to constant danger of war. By doing so, he has made it impossible for the workers of the Saar to return to the Reich until the fascist dictatorship has been overthrown. Hitler has established the domination of the most reactionary part of the German capitalist world by destroying trade unions, taking away the most elementary political'rights and introducing a labour law which nullifies the gains of the German work­ ing class during a campaign extending over several decades. In one year of office he has deprived the working class of 30% of its wages. By means of forced labour and military drill, the fascist dictatorial Government is holding up before the working class youth the prospect of an imperialist war, while, by its monopolist economic policy, it is driving the small peasants and the lower-middle class in the tov/ns towards bankruptcy, infla­ tion and final disaster. The anti-fascist workers of the Saar, in conjunction with the whole of the German working class, will carry on a relentless struggle to overthrow the Hitler dictatorship.

2c lie protest most energetically and will strive to the uttermost against the Saar becoming a subject for exploitation by French imperialism. We emphatically reject the policy of the Social-Democratic Party which favours France’s annexationist plans on the pretext of defending democratic liberty. The working classes of the Rhineland and the Ruhr, who, under the direction of the Communists, carried on the revolutionary struggle against the separatists during the war in the Ruhr in 1923, were offered an example of the way in which the watchwords of the French Republic - "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity” - were interpreted by the French General Staff and the Comité des Forges.

3, We are opposed to the régime of the League of Nations as represented in the Saar by the Governing Commission. The Governing Commission sends to the League reports on the terror of the "Deutsche Front", yet at the same time it is endeavouring more and more to suppress the political rights of the revolutionary anti-fascist working class by legislation and police measures, while tha "Deutsche Front’" enjoys a large measure of liberty, The revolutionary trade union opposition, which is the organised expression of the workers' struggle against social reaction in the German and French factories, has been forbidden by the Governing Commission.

On behalf of tens of thousands of anti- x ascists whom we represent, we state that we are against the three alternatives laid down by the Treaty of Versailles for the plebiscite. We demand for the people of the Saar the unrestricted right to dispose of its own destiny and itself to determine the form of %rote.

Nevertheless, should a vote be taken in the Saar on the basis of the three alternatives imposed upon us, we should choose the alternative which would accord us the greatest facilities for the development and intensification of our anti-fascist struggle. Yv'e should call upon the working population of the Saar to vote for the status quo. This does not imply any recognition or tolerance of the League of Nations in the Sear or the acceptance of measures which are hostile to the population. We shall continue to combat them by every means in our power with, the firm intention of creating a Bed Saar in a Sovietic Germany. The Saar question, as a question of the social and national liberation of the working masses, will be finally settled only by the triumph of the Socialist revolution end the establishment of the Sovietic power in a common struggle by the whole German and French working class.

We make the following minimum claims and demand their immediate fulfilment by the League of Nations. We make a fraternal appeal to all the Social Democratic workers and all Social-Dcmocratic and Christian Trade Union colleagues to form a united front for the common anti-fascist struggle against attempts at sabotage by their chiefs, in order to achieve the fulfilment of those claims:

1. Complete freedom of coalition, assembly, demonstra­ tion, press and the right to strike, for the working class and for the anti-fascist movement and its organi­ sations, end in particular the withdrawal of the pro­ hibition of the revolutionary traJe union opposition.

2. Recognition of the factory councils elected by the workers as the defensive organs of the employees and workers in factories, prohibition of =13 reprisals against workers on account of their political and trade union activities.

3. Immediate proclamation of a complete amnesty for all persons convicted as a result of their anti-fascist action and for all offences committed as a result of the economic distress. Suppression of the extraordinary courts and of the death penalty.

4. Cleansing of the police and judiciary of all fascist elements, Withdrawal of the prohibition to wear uniforms and carry arms in the case of members of the anti-fascist defence organisations.

Geneva, June 1st, 1934. Richard Kraushaar, Willi Purper,

Dr, Gustav Regler.

On behalf of the Freiheitsaktion an der Saar. - 4 - ANNEX.

Explana tory memorandum submitted by the Delegation

of the Ereiheitsaktion an der Saar to the Council

of the League of Nations,

The workers of the Saar, represented by Richard Kraushaar, miner, of the Dechen Saar Mine, Willi Purper, workman, of the Vô'lklingen mine ( L rothers Rdchling) , and Dr. Gustsv Regler. author, representing the anti-fascist intellectuals in the Saar, beg to submit to the Council of the League of Nations, at its session of May 1934, the present memorandum, which is intended to bring the true situation in the Saar before the League of Nations and world opinion.

The Saar workers are convinced, and have given expression to their conviction in hundreds of workers’ meetings and other demonstre tions of the "Ireiheitsaktion" and in the press, that in all reports hitherto submitted to the League of Nations the point of view of the anti-fascist population of the Saar has been inadequately presented.

The Saar workers have nothing to conceal, like Kommerzienret Rtfchlirg, who sells war material, to all countries, including those of the "hereditary enemies". Nor have the Saar workers any posts. League of Nations* salaries, Ministers' pensions or villas to conserve. Singleminded. and impelled exclusively by the desire to combat fascism, they ore at pains to furnish the most impartial account possible of the actual conditions obtaining in their own locality, They are of opinion - and they will never be persuaded to the contrary by any mini stcrial reports - that nothing but a fight for the workers' rights can possibly bring about a change. They are further of opinion that, under present conditions in the Saar territory, there can be no question of a free and genuine vote. They desire to emphasise this last statement, and arc not to be diverted from their view by any negotiations about "guarantees" for the period after the vote. The vote will - that is already clear now in May 1934 - be a terrorist vote, a vote in which there will be no sort of guarantee, from any quarter, of a plebiscite which can claim in the slightest degree to express the feel­ ing and opinions of the working population,

The workers of the Scar also earnestly desire to draw attention to the growing threat of war zrhic.h is bound up with the Saar. They are passionately attached to their country and, in conjunction with the working masses in France and in the Reich, they solemnly proclaim their opposition to any imperialistic war. They believe that the terror of the "Deutsche Front" is designed to further the cause of war, and they bring alarming evidence of the truth of their statement.

The workers in the Saar are, however, equally determined_to combine with these revelations e true account of the policy of the Saar Governing Commission. - 5 -

The secret and open terror exercised by the National Socialists, the terrorist sentences passed by the courts, the unfair discriminatory treatment of the population by the police, the agitation being carried on by the "Deuts b

Two standards of justice prevail in the Saar: arbitrariness against the organisations of the Left and encouragement of agitation by the associations of the Right. We give only a few typical examples here, but we could support them with a hundred similar ones.

Discrimination against political associa tions.

In one week in May 1934, the Government authorised:

1) A festive evening of the broadcasting station of Frankfurt-on-Main at Neunkirchen,

2) A "Deutsche Schrift" exhibition at Saarbruck,

3) A musical festival at Saarlouis-Roden (’'National Festive Hour"),

4) The conser-ration of a well at Ottweiler ("Day of old German customs"),

5) A social evening of former war volunteers of Saarbruck 1 and 2.

6) A naval gathering with Admiral Trotha,

7) A National-Socialist regatta.

All these festivals are of a markedly National- Socialist character, are organised by officials of the N.S.D.A.P., and propagate the ideas of the Hitler régime. Changes in programme in which all disguise is thrown off are never punished by the police.

During the same period the Government forbade: - 5 -

1) A rjd Whitsun gathering of the A.T.S.B. of the District of Saarbruck ( sports gathering). The reason alleg­ ed for the prohibition of this gathering was the issue of a sports supplement to the "Arbeiter-Zeitung", which was submitted, but not distributed, as permission was refused. That was a monstrous case. The whole sports festival was really forbidden because a publishing house favour­ ably inclined to the athletes in question had intended to distribute a leaflet on the field if they could obtain permission to do so, - an entirely illegal pretext and a hair­ splitting argument. In this way the authorities could arbitrarily forbid any assembly, and indeed this has been done for months past.

2) Demonstrations in enclosed premises by the Freiheitsaktion against war and fascism at

a) Ottweiler e ) Elversberg i) Ensdorf t) Wiebelskirchen f) Sulabach j) Brehach c) Heiligenwald g) Saarbruck d) Friedri chsthal h) PUttlingen arranged for May 15th-18th. The premises had all been definitely engaged, there being little reason to expect a prohibition since the meetings were regarded as private and were to deal principally with the fate of the anti­ fascists imprisoned in Germany, and their dependents. There was all the more reason to regard the authorisation as certain to be granted since this struggle for freedom, represents non-party action, and the Christian, non-Party, social-democratic and communist workmen are definitely and regularly asked to support it.

The following are a few particularly flagrant examples of the policy of the Saar Government :

The celebrations of the red organisations on May 1st were forbidden. The report which the Saar workmen Thomas, St aune r and Naumann were to submit, to their comrades on their visit to the anti-fascist leader Ernst ThSlmann in prison was described by the Governing Commission as inter­ ference in "internal German questions". Three days previous­ ly, the workmen had been able to speak unmolested before the world press in Paris, while in their own homes, where they represent 600 Saar delegates, they were forbidden to speak.

At the same time a "Palatinate Day" held by the German National-Socialist Party, that is, a matter of absolutely internal German agitation, was allowed.

The League of Nations Government forbade the Association of Friends of the Soviet to hold a debate at Saarbruck to discuss Litvinov’s peace policy. This vexatious prohibition on the part of the League of Nations Government was issued on the very day on which the Russian representative - 7 - at the Disarmament Conference laid, before the Council of the League of Nations his convincing case that world peace could only be maintained by means of the policy of the Soviets.

3) A pamphlet prepared for the use of the Freiheits­ aktion, appealing to its readers to help in saving the leader of the German working class, who was being ill- treated and threatened with death, and simply containing the words : "Ernst ThSlmann’s life and liberty lie in your hands" and also the remark of Barbusse : "We must win Thalmann as we would win a battle", was forbidden.

The above list refers to the Government’s policy in only one of the last few weeks, but iTTe could add to such cases indefinitely. The history of the past year is one long series of prohibitions of this kind. The result is beyond question: The fascist associations feel that they are being supported and encouraged, and are system­ atically developing their campaign of terror. There rre "unofficial Governments" in the communes, in the law courts and in the police.

The principle followed by the League of Nations Government, of applying two standards of justice, has become to an even greater extent the principle of the local and judicial authorities in the Saar. Some of these officials are members of the National-Socialist Party and some were intimidated by threats of dismissal after the election and have now become the willing tools of the Hitler regime.

Again we will only give a few typical cases which have occurred recently. a) Municipal authorities:

1) The municipal sports grounds are always made avail­ able for assemblies of associations of the right. The visits of the Hitlerite athletes organised by the German Ministry of Propaganda always find ready support also from the Saar municipal authorities, and railway travel fe. cilitiep are granted as a matter of course.

2) The red athletes, on the other hand, have no possibility of obtaining from the municipal authorities permission to use the municipal sports grounds. The most recent example of this is the statement made by the municipal gymnasium at Neunkirchen, which from June 1934 will not be available even for the ’’reformist” gymnastic clubs. - 8 -

À second particularly striking case of boycotting took place in May 1934. The municipal sports giound in the Moltkestrasso at Saarbruck had been placed at the disposal of the r ;d athletes for their Whitsun meeting, for which they first obtained permission, but was illegally barricaded by the municipal authorities on the Thursday before Whitsunday. A cor.pl int lodged by the organiser of the Fichte Sports Club with the League of Nations Government was met with the advice - a sheer confession of powerlessness - by Rcgj.crungs- rat Kloppenburg, that the athletes should sue the municipal­ ity . Such is thv advicc of a helpless Government which cannot stand by its own decrees against the "unofficial Govern: :ent" constituted by the municipal administration.

At Kleinblittersdorf the red Sports Club applied to be allowed to use the municipal sports ground. The application was not even placed on the agenda.

3) In Wicbclskirchcn, the communist p^ity in the Municipal Council submitted an urgent motion relating to sums of money spent without authority. The rotion, which had received the requisite number of signatures, was torn up by the Mayor before the eyes of those who had submitted it. The complaint lodged with the Landrat has not yet been answered. The I-Iayor, in doing this, betrayed his conviction that his practice of applying two s tandards v f judgment would not lead to his dismissal by the Government of the country. He will no doubt carry, this policy still further, certain that he can violate his duties with impunity.

4) In the municipal works at Neunkirchen, the election of the Committee of Workmen prescribed by law has been due since March 10th, 1934. U_- to the datu on which this memorandum was transmitted to the League of Nations, the municipal authorities had made no arrangements for this election, and this is only one of dozens of similar cases. The authorities know that, under the League of Nations system, they can carry on this boycott of workers’ rights with impunity.

5) While i-A drul Trotha, General Hcyc , Count Kuckner and other representatives of the old and new German militarism are Pllowed to hold meetings of a definitely chauvinistic nature, the workman poet Wcinert is, for no reason at all, forbidden to give a series of readings of his poems. Although the Governing Commission had authorised the holding of a Weinert evening, the Municipality of Neunkirchen forbade it. Here is another case of the two standards of justice. Trotha is working to bring about fresh sanguinary disasters like the "glorious" naval battle of the Skagerrak. Weinert recites his peerns against war and the destruction it brings. Trotha, the agent of the new German imperialism, is urging war and is allowed to do so unhindered, while Weinert. who uses his art to warn mankind against fresh holocausts, finds the police of the Neunkirchen Sub-Government barring the way to the closed hall, the Government shows itself to be powerless.

6) Werb, a miner, decides to hold a demonstration of "comrades", and arrangements for financial help for "comrades" in distress are to be discussed. The Government authorises this demonstration, but the Neunkirchen police - 9 -

forbid it. The Government proves powerless against the ’’unofficial Government".

7) One. of the rest b .ref .ced cases of provocation the Rote Hilfe at Obcrlinxucilcr applied to the police for authority to carry on an advertisement campaign, but received from the Mayor of St. Wendel the following cor. .uni cat ion which violates every law and regulation:

"Before I can submit your application to the Land- rat, a statement in writing must be submitted to the effect that no political questions will be discussed and that the meeting will adhere strictly to the programme laid down. You are therefore requested to sign the attached declaration form and to return it without delay. À list of members and guests is also required,'and you are requested to forward it.” (Published in the Communist ,kArbeiter-Zeitung" of May 26th, 1934).

This is a most arbitrary case. The intention is to spy on anti-Fascists through official channels. It is intended to prepare from the list of a workers’ rgmisation which is quite lawful, a list of proscribed persons with a view to their relentless persecution after the vote has been taken. MUnofficial Government" in the Communes and "Unofficial Government” in the law courts. That is the result of the Governing Commission’s policy of toleration towards the parties of the right.

Here are examples of unofficial government by the lew courts :

The anti-fascist workers of the Saar were the only Saarlanders who weiv not surprised et the report of the Minister Morize. They have long striven against the justice meted out to the Saar by the League of Nations Government, but they are not deceived by the Minister's report. They are convinced that such accusations are merely designed to divert attention from the main issue, and they will go on until the workers themselves, by their nmss protests, sweep this justice awey . These were the words of an anti-fascist leader, Adolf Schorr of Schiffweiler, a week after the Minister’s report : ”We were prevented by police from entering our municipal building as representatives of the municipality. When we called attention to this illegal proceeding, we were threatened and arrested by the police. We have nov; to meet the charge brought against us before the court, but it is we who are really the pie intiffs. Do not imagine, you judges, thet we believe in your impartiality : we know thet high officials of the Governing Commission have stated in Geneva that the judges are not neutral. I have different political opinions from you end I shal}. therefore be condemned, however innocent I may be." Did this courageous expression of opinion on the part of the anti-fascist champion frighten the judges?

Adolf Schorr was immediately sentenced by the court for his remark and removed from the courthouse to prison. When will the Saar court punish the Minister Morize for his speech?

Unofficial government in the law courts.

There is not a single Monday on which fresh proof is not given in the summery court of Saarbruck and in other - 10 -

Saar courts that unScr the League of Nations regime a system of class justice prevails. Two standards of justice - or rather, it would almost seem, no standard at all. The impression is given that the sentences have already been decided upon when evidence of the accused's political opinions is read at the beginning of a case. Anti-fascist workmen caught working against fascism by sticking bills, distributing pamphlets or painting posters can be certain of heavy sentences. Hitlerite youths who are caught at manoeuvres get off with a fine of 50 frs., while anti­ fascist bill-stickers go to prison for ten days.

Then, too, the police sedulously wink at breaches of the regulations committed by associations of the right, whilst keeping a particularly watchful eye for anything done by working youths. Their attitude is modelled on that of the judges .

We take the following from a letter by a young workman, the original of which is in our possession: Anti­ fascist workmen had been painting a poster and were caught by the police, who said to them: "o that’s what you're up to, you swine” . The young workmen were made to put up their hands and were taken to the police station with revolvers against their ribs anl threatened with shooting should they attempt to escape.

At the same time it was reported, during the last week in May, that two spies of the Gestapo were brought before the court of summary jurisdiction and released even after their guilt had been incontestably proved. It was stated that proceedings were to be taken before the ordinary court. That really meant that the accused were allowed to escape.

Here is one case out of hundreds of others : At PUttlingen a workman, Becker, was shot down in January in an inn and severely wounded. The indignant workmen of the village formed a committee of enquiry and demanded the arrest of the offender. The police arrested the members of the investigating committee , but the miners’ protests were so violent that the authorities were compelled to release them.

In July 1933, three Saar unemployed were forcibly abducted from Homburg to Germany. Again, the workers’ protest led to their release„ The Hitler Government had to let them go. The court had occasion some months later to deal with the case brought against the wife of an unemployed worker, Kennel, who had treacherously brought about their abduction. The evidence of young Lutz, who had been severely mishandled by the Hitler troops, was abruptly cut short by the court, and the evidence in a case which interested world public opinion for weeks was concluded in a quarter of an h'-'Ui1 '. Courts and police work hand in hand. Every denunciation against an anti-fascist is carefully investigated - houses are searched and arrests made. Open contraventions of the law by fascists are ignored or lightly punished. The workers’ confidence in the justice of the courts has been completely shattered. It is the universal experience that those who defend themselves against fascism arc punished aid not the fascists. - 11 -

Terror of the fascist Deutsche Front.

The policy of the Governing Commission and of the unofficial Governments has, as we have shown often enough, not merely tolerated the terrorist methods of the National Socialist Party but even encouraged them, and continues to do so to-day. We will give only a few examples..here.

On August 26th at Burbach a young anti-fascist workman was knocked down by members of the Deutsche Front.

On September 5th, 19 33 at Herrensohn, armed storm troopers shot at passers-by.

At PUttlingen an anti-fascist, Wolff, was shot by a revolver fired by a national-socialist, Schmidt. Schmidt was in custody for one day and has not yet been punished.

At Merchweiler, workmen were shot at by national- sccialists on their way home. The investigation of the case was stopped.

At Landweiler, at the beginning of October, young national-socialists attacked a small g roup of young miners and beat them with rubber truncheons and steel rods until they d rew blood.

At Neunkirchen , a national-socialist, Hemmer, attempted to attack a social-democratic disabled ex-soldier, Lang, from behind in an inn. Lang shot him dead in self- defence end was sentenced to a term of imprisonment.

At Dudweiler national-socialists attacked the Ratekeller where the workers were accustomed to meet and injured the anti-fascist workers there.

In February 1934 at Saarlouis, Jewish citizens were attacked and severely injured. One day after their arrest, the offenders were released an 1 immediately escaped to their true home - Hitlerite Gennany. In Saarbruck 3 a workman named Hahn was dangerously wounded by knife stabs inflicted by the "Deutschfrontler” Kinzler and his son.

It is not only in the streets that terror reigns : businesses belonging to the "Deutsche Front" are under the dictatorial regime of the chiefs of the national-socialists. While the workmen are at work, their lockers are broken opai without hesitation in search of anti-fascist newspapers. When anti-fascist workmen enter the factory, and also while they are at work, they are required to give the Hitler salute and any workman who persists in subscribing to anti-fascist newspapers is threatened with dismissal. It is ascertained from the postal lists who subscribes to newspapers of the left, and persons are compelled to discontinue their subscriptions. Sellers of newspapers of the left are followed and the names of their customers taken. Whenever a workers’ meeting is organised in a hall, the police are notified and the meeting is broken up, even when it has been authorised by the Government.

Workmen are registered as members of the Deutsche Front and sent membership cards, so that, when they protest, their political opinions can be ascertained and they are dismissed by the mine-owners of the Deutsche Front. - 12 -

Pensioners are told lies and threatened with the loss of their legal pensions, if they do not join the Deutsche Front.

Retail traders are boycotted and compelled to dis­ play the national-scialist flag and to join the Deutsche Front. The terror is assisted by corruption.

At St.Wendel, an immediate post and 500 francs were offered to communist municipal Councillor Witzak if he would join the Deutsche Front. He refused, with the result that he was forcibly excluded from subsequent meetings of the Municipal Council.

Money from German for"Winterhilfe" is offered to unemployed persons in return for membership cards of the Deutsche Front.

Children’s excursions to Germany are given on similar terms. In cases of refusal, terrorist methods are employed ; the names of outspoken anti-fascists are entered in the list of "proscribed persons" for 1935 with a view to the notorious "day of reckoning," .

Wages are even docked. Anti-fascist workers find on their pay envelopes deductions for "Winterhilfe", really, of course, for national-socialist propaganda work.

All this propaganda can be summed up in the words of the national-socialist- leader Anton Scherer, who stated at Illingen/Saar (as reported in the Danish newspaper "Politiken"):

"Immediately after the plebiscite in 1935, our party will carry out for 24 hours an exemplary work of vengeance. We have asked the leader of our party (the Chancellor of the German Reich, Hitler - note by the Delegation} to give us 48 hours for this "act of justice", but we have only been able to obtain^ hours. My dear citizens, prepare to draw your knives from their sheaths and chastise the traitors. You must work quickly, for you will have only 24 hours in which to do a work of vengenace which would normally take at least 48 hours."

In connection with this speech, it is known that the Deutsche Front already has a collection of photographs of Jewish intellectuals and citizens and anti-fascist workers and their leaders.

These are not empty threats. Those concerned will institute a St. Bartholomew's night - a night when knives will be loosed. The Saar and the anti-fascist population are to be made to share the fate of Germany. There are hundreds of indications showing how great is the danger that this murder propaganda will lead to serious developments. The national-socialists are working up for an open fascist civil war. Illegal preparations by the storm troops (arming and manoeuvring) which have been reported by workers from many communes are causing the working population the keenest anxiety.

The Mayor Ne ikies who is obviously one of those best acquainted with the whole background of events and no doubt also with the preparations being made for an outbreak I

- 13 - in the Saar, placed the Deutsche Front's cards cn the table in an interview accorded to t he"Basler Naticnalzeitung" of May 24th, 1934, in which ho stated :

"If, however, the League of Nations again postpones fixing the date until its autumn meeting, we cannot be answerable fcr what will happen. The intolerable pressure which has weighed cn the population of the Saar for fifteen years may now, when excitement lias reached its height, lead ta an explosion! Will the League of Nations assume responsibility for the creation of such a storm- centre in Europe?"

The Communist "Arbeiterzeitung" rightly demanded the immediate dismissal of this irresponsible insurrectionary chief official of the tuwn cl Saarbruck, and the s oci&l- democratio party has associated itself with this demand. The Saar workers, .represented by our Delegation, also ass ciate themselves with this deman : and expressly state in the present memorandum that the revelation of the Mayor, who has meanwhile with muo h abuse denied it - though the workers give no credence t.: this denial - shows how acute the danger of an outbreak and of civil war has become.

Indignation at this attitude on the part of the Governing Commission is universal among the wrrkers, and finds expression in daily complaints lodged by Christian, social-democratic, non-party and communist workmen with the Office of the "Freiheitsaktion". The feeling prevailing among the workers is shown by the following statement by a social-democratic workman in the weekly newspaper "Westland" of May 19th, which reals as follows:

"We, as anti-fascists, now hardly know whether a Governing Commission still exists in the Saar territory. Either the Governing Commission is wholly on the side of the nazis, or else it is asleep and will betray us anti­ fascists tc HitJ er's executioners. The Governing Com­ mission should not, however, be un 'or any misapprehension: we anti-fascists are still strong, and if wo are not soon accorded help, we shall have to help ourselves."

We do not share the illusions referred to here, but are actively at work in the mass movement oj anti-fascist self-defence. The demands made in the attached statement of the anti-fascist Freiheitsaktion are dictated solely on the ground of the elementary rights of the Saar workers which are seriously jeopardised. Our Delegation represents the united will to fight on the part of the anti-fascists in the Saar. In submitting this memorandum, the Delegation desires once more to emphasise its ieep conviction that nothing short of measures cf self-defence by the masses can furnish any real guarantee against the intolerable terror established by the Deutsche Front, and the attacks of our mortal enemy - fascism.

Geneva, June 1st, 1934. Delegation of the Workers united in the Freiheitsaktion an der Saar.

Rj chard Kraushaar Willi Purper Dr. Gust.iv Regler.