Land Control Andideological Struggle: Competing Articulations of “The Owner of Land”

LAND CONTROL ANDIDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE: COMPETING ARTICULATIONS OF “THE OWNER OF LAND”

Laksmi Adriani Savitri1* 1Anthropology Department, Faculty of Arts and Humanity, University of Gajah Mada; Researcher at Center for Rural and Regional Studies, University of Gajah Mada; Post-doctoral researcher of University of Amsterdam *Corresponding Author. Email: [email protected]

Received: 23th October 2013; Accepted: 19th November 2013

ABSTRACT The implementation of large scale industrial farming investment involves land deals that are not only being navigated through regulated practices, but state and non-state actors also employ a strategy to ‘grip the minds of the masses’ to enable the deals. ‘Gripping the minds’ involves articulatory practices within the terrain of ideological struggle, which put land deals always in process. This paper argues that ‘the owner of land’ as a cultural identity that was constructed historically by determining forces, and not confined merely as form of rights, is articulated in three competing positionings toward land deals: rejection, renegotiation and acceptance. The state and non-state actors or NGOs broker the process of identification toward modernismby constructing representations of capital as the good and bad Other. These representations of capital provide ‘logic’ which connected meanings of modernism with ‘the owner of land’ identity. ‘Gripping the mind of the masses’ to smoothen land deals involves correspondences as well as non-correspondences between modernism and the Marind identity of Anim-ha that render connected chain of meanings unstable. © 2013 Journal of Rural Indonesia[JoRI] IPB. All rights reserved. Keywords: land control, land deals

Introduction Adisaputra, the Bishop of Merauke Archdiocese) When the investors come, in my opinion, what they want is not the What happened when the state and the people, but the land. Therefore, the corporation want the land but not the communities have to set aside as 3 victims, because this land is occupied people who occupy it ?In many cases, the by this or that investor, people has to problem is resolved through regular move out. The community is seen as transfer of land ownership by means of merely a nuisance that needs to be removed2 (Mgr. Nicholaus buying and selling; or leasing, if ownership

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 38 - 58 is meant to be retained; or resettlement, contrast to these statements, in 2011, when it comes to term with development MEDCO Group, under a production forest projects; or the worstis eviction.Too license7 has cleared 1.176 hectares of often,it becomes more problematic forest land8. In the same year, this whenthe people believe that they arethe company has also successfully secured 25 owner of thiswanted land, while the State, percent of stakes from LG International, a who holds a control over unclaimed and South Korean holding company, to invest non-legally justified land, regards them as for a total 100 million USDof wood chip transgressors. Since the people of the land and wood pellet project for green fuel in possess no documented legal rights, Merauke. What went wrong? Which story according to the Torrens system4 of land presents the true reality? I would argue that ownership: the State is the land rights both are presenting half of the story that is holder. In such a story about land connected to one another and construct a contestation, the one that has been told too less black and white picture of land many times in many parts of the World, it investment in Merauke. often follows by a construction of victims Under the Special Autonomy Law and oppressor narratives, an emergence of No.21/2001, indigeneity becomes legally resistance, an analysis of contesting forms defined and provides alegal protection for of control, or ways of access to power indigenous Papuans rights, which includes: (Couete & Turner 2010, Peluso & Lund a right to use land (hak ulayat) and other 2011, Hall et al 2011). The long history of individual rights9.Without having to proof land struggle in many parts of Indonesia fit their claim of ownership throughland into this frame of narratives, but people of titling, the State and outsiders have to the land in Merauke-Papua, however, have recognize the Papuans rights to use land a rather different story. based on their claim of indigeneity. When Merauke Integrated Food and Papuans, including the Marind-anim10 in Energy Estate (MIFEE) was launched in Merauke, believe they are the Tuan Tanah 2010, and forty six companies were listed - the land owner. This is where the gap for large scale agricultural investment in emerges: the State recognized Papuans’ this regency,land problems emerged rights only to use land, but the indigenous directly as the main obstacle. Onlyafter Papuans believe that they own every inch four months of its launch, the Coordinating of land in Papua. Nevertheless, in practice, Minister of Economy and Minister of every outsider who needs land, including Agricultureannounced that another two government agencies and Papuans who million hectares of food and energy estates reside outside their homeland, must abide will be opened in other parts of Indonesia5. to the local customary land tenure.A land Then, after a year of little progress in transfer can be done under the consent of Merauke, the Minister of Agriculture individual clan member, or the whole clan shifted the food estate project to East or the tribe. The National Land Agency Kalimantan. The Minister stated, “The office in Papua is willing to grant a private construction of the Merauke food and landownership title only after the right is energy estate was obstructed by lack of released by the clan or tribe landowner and regulation to clear necessary land’’6. In handed it over to the new land holder.

An exception goes to a forest land. If directing land grab involves‘regulate to the land is claimed as a forest area under facilitate land deals’, ‘regulate to mitigate the Forestry Law No. 41/1999, the negative impacts and maximize Ministry of Forestry does not require a opportunities of land deals’, and ‘regulate land right release from the clan or tribe, to block and rollback’ land deals, what I because their ownership of forest is not found is:land deals are not only being recognized by the State. Licenses to use navigated through regulated practices, but forest land and resources can be issued state and non-state actors also employ a without the clan or tribe consent. However, strategy to‘grip the minds of the masses’to in reality, every trees, fish, and animals in enable the deals. ‘Gripping the minds’ the forest are belong to the indigenous involves articulatory practices within the Papuan landowner, which imply to fees or terrain of ideological struggle (Hall sanction if any of those were utilized 1996a), which put land dealsalways in without consent. In short, what is process. recognized as legal either by the State through its formal land law or the Papuans Ideological Articulation through their customary law and what is being practiceddemonstrate gaps.Within The classical theory of ideology is these gaps, the land availability for proposed by Karl Marx in many different investment could be perceived as a legal ways and uses.Even, Hall asserts that Marx failure, because the formal land law is theorizing in this subject was much more being delegitimized by the Papuans’s ad hoc (Hall 1996a: 26). It could be found customary law. On the other hand, this in The German Ideology written together ‘fuzziness’ can be perceived asa chance to with Engelsthat places ideology as a progress in a grey field: land seekers may ‘distortion’ of thoughts;in the Poverty of use whichever law that suits their interests Philosophywhere he wrote about bourgeois best. The latter is most likely to happen in ideology that naturalized the relations of Merauke, instead of the former. bourgeois production; also,in the Capitalvol. 1 in which Marx explained Instead ofdirectingthis problem of land about ‘the capitalism’s common sense’ that ownership toa discourse and constructs false consciousness,explaining practiceoflegitimation, which mightorient how the capitalism work out and practiced us to a legal pluralism debate, Inavigate the as a spontaneous process, and lastly, the questions to the field of ideology and commodity fetishism as a mystification of articulation.The problem of ideology asks social relations into relations of things. how the social ideas of land and identity is Nevertheless, Barret (1991) assessed at formed, articulated and contested in least three most influential propositionsstill different social formations, e.g.: between inspired writers and thinkers to date: indigenous people groups, corporate ideology as false consciousness, as ruling actors, state actors, and NGOs actors; and ideas which are the ideas of the ruling thereby become a material force. This class, and as commodity fetishism. These cultural politic analysis complements three propositions, however, formed the Borras et al (2012) analysisonpolitical critiques to its classical forms: the tendencies of governing land grab. While reduction to economism andthe

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 40 - 58 determinateness of class belongingness converge at a certain historical that neglects ideology belongingness to conjuncture. History is emphasized by Hall other forms of social formations as well as to retain a determination (Bowman its formation by subject positions (Hall 2007:57). Historical forces have produced 1996a). The base/superstructure model the present and continue to function as links directly the economy (material base) constraints and determinations on with ideology. The critiques on this discursive articulations. What is being determinateness by Gramsci, Althusser, articulated by the Subject at present is a and (early) Laclau have inserted a residue of the history that has already mediating level, which was called as a condensed, then reworked, rearticulated or political level,where civil society and the disarticulated, when it encounters ‘new’ state were properly placed in the model ideology or ‘new’ systems of meanings. (Barret 1991). In Merauke, Papua, the Marind-anim Taking on these critiques of classical who have been identify them-self as Anim- forms, Stuart Hall, inspired by Althusser11, Ha, the Real Man, are encountering a big proposing ideology in a more wave of change: large-scale land ‘discursivepractice’ conception: as systems commercialization. This idea of of representations or systems of meanings exchanging land for a huge amount of through which we represent the world to money and luxury thingsstrikes their ourselves and one another, which are system of meaning about land and their materialized in social practices (Hall 1985, identity position as the owner of land. On 1996a; Grossberg & Slack 1985). Hall the other side, the Regency government, defines ideology as:“a mental who represents the face of the State, has frameworks—the languages, the concepts, deployed legal as well as categories, imagery of thought, and the modernitynarratives to justify their control systems of representation—which different over land use allocation, transaction and classes and social groups deploy in order transfer from the local land owner to the to make sense of, define, figure out and corporations. Trying to secure control, the render intelligible the way society works” corporations have offered promises to the (Hall 1996: 26).For not mistaking his people that based on a ‘better future’ definition of ideology as merely discourse, scenario. The NGOs whose concernsare Hall argued that ‘the system of the people rights over the land, also have representations’ emphasized the discursive intervened with counter-narratives about character of ideology, but ideas are not the social ecological effect of large scale floating around in empty space, they are industrial plantation: genocide and materialized in, and inform social environmental destruction. These whole practices. For Hall, social practice is not narratives place the Marind-anim as the language or ‘an open discursive field’12 but audience. Every single actorsaims for their it operates like a language. Furthermore, messages to be adopted, received and put by pulling ideologyaway from a reduction into actions by the Marind-anim. However, to class belongingness, it brings in the role Marind-anim is not a passive subject,the of articulation to express meanings and ideology of Anim-ha has been embedded practices of different social groups that to their life since time immemorial. Anim-

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 41 - 58 ha is an embodiment of Adat. Adat is responded by increased security measures usually translated as custom and tradition, for peace keeping. In the recent violent but in this paper I use it to signify a system event of Papuan People Congress in 2011 of representation specifically related to the and labor protest at Freeport, it was being Marind-anim identity (Anim-ha): the real revealed that the police and military have man, the owner of the land. been receiving payment for security This paper aims to explain that these services from big corporations, like competing ideologies of adat13 (Anim-ha) Freeport and Korindo, since many years and modernityhas been articulatedand (KONTRAS, 2004). Learning from the translated in different ways by the Marind- Freeport controversial attempt to resolve anim, because the Marind-animis not conflict, which allegedly fertilized the soil homogenous. They have undergone for military’s security business, the different historical identity formation in national State has taken different route to relation to land. Li (2000) asserted that a deal with large scale land acquisition for group’s self-identification as tribal or MIFEE project. The route is ideological: to indigenous is a positioning which draws constructconsent of various parties about upon historically sedimented practices, ways to form a prosper life. landscapes and repertoire of meaning, and In Merauke, the State, corporations, emerges through particular patterns of and in return also NGOs, construct a social engagement and struggles.The Marind- idea of ‘the modern and prosper future’ as anim’s struggles did not unite, and can’t be a way of perceiving, understanding and seen as one form of struggle.Consequently, believing a better life for Papuans. The the effective control over land has never question of land control is going to be been settled in one’s hand, either in the answered through the discourse and hands of corporation or the Marind-anim, practice of progress and prosperity. As the not even when many parties’ claims have materialization of a future, MIFEE was not already been secured by legal property solely articulated as the national state’s rights. measure to reverse 2007-2008 food and energy crisis to economic opportunity (Ito Creating Dream, Prosper Life et al 2011), but also a local government’s Conjuring goal to exit poverty and modernize the society through economic growth. The Papua has become the infamous site of national-local state’s link of interests was human rights violations in which contested expressed by the launching of 2007 as the land ownership -among others- becomes year of investment in Merauke, to follow the root of conflict and the reason for the 2006 President’s inauguration of violent measures (Colchester 1986a, Merauke as the nation’s food basket (Ito et 1986b,1994; van den Broek al 2011). This path to progress is 2001;KONTRAS 2004; Widjojo 2009). culminated bythe launch of MIFEE project The presence of Freeport-the US mining in 2010. The projectisplanned to cover 2 company-since 1967 hasdemonstrated a million hectares of land with given land long unresolved conflict and incident of permits to 46 corporations who are ready killings that have never been ceased for to operate. MEDCO with its partner LG more than 40 years14. Ironically, it was

International, for instance, has projected to ready to participate.Within ten years, annually produce wood chip and wood MIFEE is projected to produce yearly: 1.95 pellet of 1.4 million tons and 360,000 tons, million tons of rice, 2.02 million tons of respectively, with LGI having off-take of corn, 167 thousand tons of soy, 64 50% on total output15. thousand cows for meat, 2.5 million tons of First is to create dreams. MIFFE is the sugar and 937 thousand tons of Crude dream of the region rulers, which are being Palm Oil (CPO). All of these produce made from the dream of the capital equals to US$ 514 million of import owners: the working of accumulation. But, reduction (Ministry of Agriculture, 2010). this dream needs to be taken too as the In addition, to annihilate a spatial barrier, dreamof the people of the land. Therefore, as Merauke is located hundreds of the task of the rulers and capital owners is thousands kilometers away from to create a dream for theMarind- Indonesia’s capital city, the government of animthatcanmirror their own dream. Merauke Regency has bought three Boeing Creating a dream is the act of conjuring, 737-300 airplanes, one Twin Otter, five sea performing a magic show that picture the fleets, including one tanker. future without distance to present, simplify When thisspectacular dream was it by erasing the process of its making, by presented to the land owners in Zanegi making invisible of what put at stake to village, it needs to connect with the make the dream as reality. Simply put, it is villagers’ dream. Understanding this quite a partial explanation of projecting what to well, theformer Head of Regency be a reality. Tsing (2005: 58) asserts that connected the MIFEE dream to the conjuring is supposed to call up a world villagers’ dream of modernity. He conjured more dreamlike and sweeter than anything their village as ‘a future small city’, which that exists, magic rather than unsparing comes from a change that will be brought description, calls capital. The key element by the investor. The MEDCO corporation, of conjuring is spectacularity. It has to be a the investorwho needs the land in this spectacular dream for investors, owners of village,has offered many promises to the the land, and ruling elites. Tsing uses ‘a Marind of Zanegi:they will shed the light spectacular accumulation’ to emphasis the of knowledge for the people, from importance of its profitability appearance. ignorance to intelligence, provide The spectacularity is a partial explanation employment opportunity, teachers, of how surplus can be gained, but hide the permanently built church, electricity, and other side of explanation of how it can also free transportation to the city.In other pose a threat of dispossession and famine village, called Wayau, the WilmarGroup to whom that gain is excluded. spreads promises to fund the education for A design for the prosperous future of the young until they graduate from college. Merauke, whichis called MIFEE, is In Domande village, a promise for presented by the State as a spectacular receiving fortune in their bank account dream of future. The spectacularity is without sweat was also offered to the demonstrated by the large area covering of villagers by the Rajawali Group. These 2 million hectares, the use of high- promises serve to thedream of becoming technology, and 46 corporations that are modern: educated, having electricity at

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 43 - 58 home, working in the office, receive salary, By creating a dream about becoming a capable to operate heavy machinery, city dweller, exploiting the idea of having a bank account, drive a motor becoming modern and prosperous, the state cycle.But, it will come true only when the agent as well as the corporation attempted Marind-anim surrender their land for the to create a connection with the assumed corporations, who are going to work outthe ideal model of Marind-anim’s way of life. land for the promised better future. However, the connection was not made Acceptance and Re-negotiation: The until it is materialised in practice. The gift Case of MEDCO Corporation money and threat of abandonment were the signification of this dream. This means that This offered dream of becoming the new life: being modern that was modern will stay empty unless proved to articulated by the State and the be attainable and perceived as a sincere, corporations did not gain meaning for the not deceitful, gesture. MEDCO Marind-anim, not until some cash and corporations in Zanegi and Buepe village, facilities were provided. They learned from try to express ‘the sincerity’ by entering successful migrants at the neighbouring the Marind-anim system of meanings about villages that being modern will not be kinship and conjugal ties. They placed the achieved without money and supporting corporations as outsiders, who came asking facilities. At this point, the Marind-anim for a shared food-plate from the enters a process of identification. householder or marry the daughter of the Identification occurs when a subject housefather.They pledged for acceptance encounters a discursive practice and tries by offering ‘a gift’ as a common tradition to search a nodal point where the subject for those who are entering a new family identifies themself in that discourse, as tie. However, this gift was a certain termed by Hall (1996b:2):‘subjectification amount of money ranges from millions to to discursive practices’. It is a process of billions rupiahs. The Marind-animof construction and always in process. Zanegi and Buepe, received 300 million Therefore, when the corporations regarded rupiahs, electricity and roads, and also thatthe transaction has been sealed off after employment in the company as a daily their gifts were accepted and MoU was wage labour. For the corporation, this signed, for the Marind-animit was only a exchange means a land transaction.To temporary closure, because there are many secure this transaction legally, MEDCO promises of progress remain unseen. The pushed for a signed MoU with the Marind- process of making the dream into reality is anim in Zanegi. The MoU was rejected by thedealthat is still to be seen of being the customary leader and village head, but realized. The position of Marind-anim as it was finally has to be signedand delivered the owner of land is actually entrenched by by all clansafter the former Head of the fact that the land is already handed Regency threat the village head to ban all over but the dream is not yet come into supports for the village. In return, 169.000 reality. hectares of land belong to the Marind-anim in Zanegi and 2.800 hectares of land The broken dream belong to Buepe people were released for Two years after the Marind-anim in MEDCO’s uses. Zanegi signedan MoU with MEDCO

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 44 - 58 corporation, about 1.176 hectares of forest woods to be cut. Later on, the Regency have been cut and fifty two villagers were Head delayed his approval for MEDCO’s employed as daily waged labour of PT 2012 logging plan until the price dispute is Selaras Inti Semesta (PT SIS). According settled, and the logging progress was to the MoU, clan land owner will be paid slowing down. Rp 2.000,- per cubic meter of timber. The Marind-anim in Zanegi tries to Actually, this is way below a standard of hold on to their dream by forcing a way for payment that was being regulated by the re-negotiation. However, a social damage Governor of Papua, which is Rp 10,000 per has already been too deep. At present, after meter cubic of wood.The MoU also nine head of clans receive routine guarantees a protection for their sago payments from wood for the last two years garden and sacred places andemployment -500 million rupiahs in total-, money for all Zanegians. regulates social relation more than ever. It took two years to finally see some Whenever one family went hunting and discontents that emerged from the fact that caught a meat, other families have to buy the decision of wood price was one-sided; to get a share, while it used to be it was imposed by the corporation. The communally shared. Sago and fish have pricewas usedby the corporation as an been replaced by instant noodle and example to calculate the timber value when canned fish.Consequently, aftermore than MEDCO promoted the idea of two years, the deprivation effect started to sellingtimber, but itwas never put into a show: fifteen children were diagnosed as negotiation with the land owners. malnutrition. The mothers complained of Secondly, destructed sago gardens were taking heavy burdens after the company found in several spots where land clearing operated in their village, as captured by took place. Thirdly, many of young people Secretariat for Justice and Peace of in Zanegi were still unemployed, and job Merauke Archdiocese (SKP KAM) in their applications were not replied. These village discussion that was published in disappointments have been sitting and SORAK Bulletin: “PT SIS16 has eliminated waiting for a right moment until a CEO life resources, like forest and animals. ofLG International came to visit the project Consequently, women have to walk very site. The Marind-anim of Zanegi who far to find water and fuel that used to be believes that as land owners they have an located quite close to home”. Even more, equal position with these company owners, the most devastating effects is a sharpening suggested a meeting with them.Their internal conflict that was motivated, among proposition was rejected; and the others, by land dispute that led to a disappointment burst into anger that almost killingincident in Zanegi. burnt the logger base camp to the Re-negotiation, nonetheless, is the ground.After this incidence, their proposal path also taken by the Sanggase people about fairer timber price was taken to the with other MEDCO corporation that District and Regency Head. But, because operates a chip mill in Buepe. After the District Head threat to stop company’s accepting Arifin Panigoro, the MEDCO support for new church construction, the CEO, as Namek or a brother, and their land Marind-animwas forced to allow more were traded for some money and

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 45 - 58 unfinished housing, the Marind-anim in the process of identification continues to Buepe faced a delegitimation over their destabilize the control. This explains why landownership from the Marind-anim in the land transfer process that has gone Sanggase. The Sanggase claimed that the through many strategies, from legal means land in Buepe is theirs, and not belong to to customary rites, is still standing on a the Mouyend clan of Buepe, who has shaky ground. received payment from MEDCO. Therefore, the Sanggase feltthat they are Rejection: The Case of Makaling village more entitled to receive money compensation from MEDCO. The Marind- Throughout 2010-2011, where inland anim of Buepe and Sanggase organized a villagers were overwhelmed by the new customary rite to lay out historical comers: the corporations, Makaling was evidences of their land claims, which was also part of the targeted areas for food crop concluded by recognition of the industrial farming. The CGAD – a Sanggase’s ownership right. However, this company owned by a South Korean - came articulation of land ownership represented to sub-district Okaba and invited all by the Sanggase and Buepe, which has villages to attend a socialization of taken nine months of time, consumed company’s planned investment on cassava almost a hundred million rupiahs for thirty plantation for ethanol and other products. people subsistence in Merauke, seventeen Only one village rejected to come; it was meetings with various parties, and two Makaling. Instead, the Makaling village demonstrations that stopped the mill leaders (Mayo and Imo cult leaders, village operation in Buepe. All of these was meant head, and elders) invited every village to hunt down the corporation or ‘ohan’ in along the coast of Okaba up to Tubang Marind-anim’s term. The money received district to convene and decide on was agreed to be evenly divided. Their company’s request to use their land. request to MEDCO started from 5 The Makaling villagers prepare billion,and was bubbled up to 65 billion woods, food, meeting venue and places to rupiahs because they were angry by the sleep for the invitees, which took them two way MEDCO undermined and ignored weeks to be ready. On the day of the their positions as Mit Anem or Tuan convention, 19th of April 2012, fourteen Tanah,owner of the clan’s land. The villages sent their representatives and more Marind-anim of Sanggase and Buepe than a hundred Marind-anim participated, finally received 3 billion rupiahsas an anti- including a priest from Okaba parish. The climax. The money, again, became a meeting was opened by an eloquent sing of source of dispute that disintegrates their Mayo and Imo prayers that set the sacred move to assert their identity. nuance of the meeting. Then, every village The Zanegi and Sanggase-Buepe representatives and others who need to stories reveal that rather of seeing a express their opinions and messages about Marind-anim direct adoption ofmodernism their land were invited to talk. The Mayo ideology as expected by the State and leader of Makaling stated that: “the land corporation, then,entails to an effective will never be given to the company because transfer of land control to the corporation, our ancestors have never said that giving land for investment will make us rich. Let

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 46 - 58 us live like it this”. Another strong surrendered for cash and the dream of rejection was also expressed by the Imo modern lifestyle? They key is the leader of Makaling: “My mother has given perpetuation of initiation rite that keeps the birth to me, for what? I don’t want to sin construction of Anim-ha identity timeless over my grandchildren….I am a Marind and still alive in generations that is who has never been starved. Others who supported by strong leadership. Behind this came and made me starve. Makaling has tradition and custom, a strong influence of distributed land in justice for Javanese, the former village head leadership, a Makassar people and Ambonese who live Bataknese named Sitompul, has entrenched here. A Marind has self-respect as the the perpetuation of Marind norms and Anim-ha, the real man, while nowadays custom. Being a migrant who travelled a many men are not real because of long way from North Sumatra in 1970s and forgetting their grandchildren. Work and loaded with experience of living in live! Men without land will only weep for monoculture plantation areas, Sitompul their lost…”. A woman with a baby in her came to Makaling as outsider who were hands came to the fore and lifted her baby longing for an ideal village for home, above her head, and then slowly she put which was exactly offered by the him down so his feet can touch the ground, hospitality and nature-rich abundance of then she said: “I gave a birth to this baby Makaling. He married an orphaned Marind so he can walk and live on this land, his woman who worked her life to provide for land. Don’t give his land away”. her four little brothers. Since then, The moment culminated when all of Sitompul has been living his life with his the cult leaders from 14 villages made a family for 40 years by Marind tradition, simply because he admires the Marind’s vow before Ka’u or the testimony pole that 17 they will not give their land away for norms and custom . As the only outsider investors, but reserve it for the next at that time, who conducted his life generations to come. The closure was voluntarily as a Marind, and willing to be made by the District Head of Okaba actively involved in community matters, statement, the only known government Sitompul’s sincerity was highly actor who is against land investment appreciated. The appreciation was project; in Marind language he stated that: expressed by a trust to elect him as the “Namik, nahisa, nahai anim , es anim, village head for more than ten years. nahin, makan dimatab oleb. Mabateme, As a village head, Sitompul has wanangga es hanid nanggo” (Mothers and successfully played the role as pakas anim, fathers, brothers and sisters, don’t sell your a representation of Marind community land to the companies. It will be a pity; it leader in the past that was erased by the belongs to your children and grandchildren Dutch colonial’s policy of village re- in the next future).Later on, the villages in composition and restructuring (Overweel Tubang district followed this convention 1992). He resolved land conflict and and also invited the priest of Okaba parish sorcery by the enactment ofMarind custom to come. and norms. He alsoensured that everyone Why Makaling directly reject the in his village has access to land, including investor while others have finally migrants from Java, Makassar and Ambon.

This land reform initiative has never name disappeared when headhunting was happened in other villages. He successfully banned by the catholic mission and Dutch conducted land redistribution using Marind colonial government in 1902-1931 norms and tradition that allow asharing of (Overweel 1992), but the second one food-plate with others. His respect and remains as a sign of origin and land consistency to conduct Marind tradition ownership19. However, the female name has made him appointed as a mithawal, a does not describe the name of her rank of rule executor in Marind customary ancestor’s land where she belongs, because structure18. Sitompul was also the one who women do not have any land rights, except proposed for a Marind convention to to work on and cultivate her husband or articulate their position against land her father and brother’s land. investment. The presence and deeds of Beyond the material base, however, Sitompul has strengthened the belief of the land is their myth of pro-creation (van Marind in Makaling that their norms, Baal 1966, Boelaars 1986, Erari 1999). It custom and traditions are invaluable and is where the Marind-anim dema20and totem worth to be continued by their youth. To came from. The Marind-anim clans and present, every young men in the village has sub-clans was named after their dema who already received education about Marind embodied in plants and animals, such as: culture through the Mayo initiation rite. sago for Mahuze clan, coconut for Gebze They expressed their concern in the clan, cassowary for Kaize, stork for convention that the elders should not give Ndiken, crocodile for Balagaize and pig for away land where their future is placed. In Basik-Basik. For the Marind-anim, the Makaling, custom, tradition, beliefs and land, these plants and animals represent norms of Marind-anim as the Anim-Ha, their ancestors, their life and themselves. therefore, continuously connects one The Dema never disappears, but lives generation to another. It is embodied as an around them, seeing what they do and how identity. they live, and occupies certain places, Anim Ha: The Owner of Land Identity which are considered as sacred and The Marind-anim do not use protected. According to Knauft (1993:137- ‘indigenous people’ as an identity to 138) Dema were subjectified as present represent themselves to outsiders. They beings and Marind objectified themselves as creative embodiments who continued believe that they are the Anim-Ha or the Real Man with personal dignity and self- the dema's restless wanderings and vital contained superiority. For Anim-Ha, the energy. Therefore, being an Anim-Ha or land is the source of becoming. Every Real Men means a great, true, complete Marind-anim is named after the land where man with all of these attributes embodied his ancestors started a life. A male Marind- to his existence. At the time before the anim’s name used to be consisted of three church and colonialism established, it was parts: the first name is the given name after expressed through bodily ornaments and a victim of headhunting rite, the second grandiose ritual performance of Marind- name is the igih or a name after the land anim cults: Imo, Mayo, Sosom and Ezam where he belongs or his mit milah, the third (Van Baal 1966; Knauft 1993, 1999). one is the clan/sub-clan name. The first

This system of belief is -to some to avoid land-related conflicts. Otherwise, extent- still being practiced, and a concrete disputes tend to be settled through sorcery existence in a sense that there are protected and counter-sorcery by which sickness and places and forbidden territories. Through a death follow. This practice is used to be a participatory mapping process facilitated form of sanction, but nowadays it is by WWF in 2005-2006, the sacred places misused to channel grudge and jealousy. were identified and received the district Furthermore, because a private right is government recognition as it was taken granted for family member within into the district/regency spatial plan. The communal land rights of clan (boan) or sacred places were assigned as cultural sub-clan, the boundaries between clans’ protection zones and should be degazetted 21 landholding and among families within one from any concession areas . The clan is necessarily made clear and convergence between district spatial plan memorised. Every family -as a clan and Marind-anim sacred places was member- has a private right to use and regarded as the district government’s cultivated land, which is inherited in a innovative strategy to respect, recognize, patrilineal line. Sago garden, in this case, is but also to redeem conflict and reduce 22 privately owned. Taking sago from other hindrances for investment . Nevertheless, family garden is strictly forbidden. Every as a native Marind, the present Head of family within one clan is aware of other Regency perceived that it is still family’s land boundary and location of inadequate to avoid internal conflict and sago garden, as well as land of other clans inter-generational claims over the released because every river and its tributaries, land, since customary land holding is not 23 almost every curves of a river, each parcel yet mapped . of dry land within swampy area, were all Theoretically, mapping the land of the named. These places were named by Marind-anim will contain less conflict- Marind-anim ancestors through their ridden facilitation, since in principle extensive journey around Marind territory almost every adult and elderly were from Kondo to Digul, either when they educated to know and understand their clan performed headhunting raids or seasonal or sub-clan territory boundary. Every hunting in the past. Marind-anim is perfectly aware that The ancestors’ journey is a very Marind-anim territory belongs to the whole important historical evidence to justify tribe, therefore, land sale is forbidden, but land ownership24of every clan, as shown lending it for others’ uses is common. by the case of Sanggase-Buepe dispute. Normally, the decision to lend a large scale The first hunting band or kalughab, who of land that covers many clans’ territories opened and settled in one area, is entitled to outsiders requires a collective decision- to land ownership of this particular making from four cults of Marind-anim. location. This hunting band usually Every cult has slightly different rules consists of two to four clans or sub-clans. regarding agrarian and social relations, Their territory boundary was set and particularly related to the degree of determined to allow recognition by the sanction. Therefore, a convention of all subsequent coming groups, so the latter Marind-anim clans of four cults is needed group could set their own territory outside

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 49 - 58 the boundary. When this first hunting band etc. The women can also participate in this moved or continued their journey, other event, and perform as one of the dema, but clans may use the first group’s territory not all of mythical characters and stories without erasing its right as the owner of the can be told or performed before them25. land, and the newly settled clans are However, after Salor, cult’s ritual and considered to have right as the keeper of initiation were never performed again, the land. This property relation except in Makaling, a village located at the arrangement has been established since coastline of Okaba sub-district. Although probably thousands of years, and at its very basic version, not as grandiose perpetuated, institutionalised by oral as it used to be, this village performs tradition, and most importantly by the rite initiation rite almost annually, simply of initiation. because the elders feel a need to maintain From 1902-1931, started when the the culture and pass it onto the youth. This Mission of Sacred Hearts from the was proven to work out well to retain land Netherlands and the Dutch colonial control. government post were settled in Merauke, the systematic civilization program has The Power and Counter-power erased the Marind-anim rituals up to the Brokerage: The Role of Government level of cultural loss. Sir Hubert Murray, and NGOs the British colonial representative for New The making of good Other Guinea, expressed his concerned as noted by Overweel (1992) that “According to our The different positioning and British ideas this social revolution should articulations ofthe owner of land was have been the end of Marind-anim. We produced through complex social relations should expect them to loose all interest in and forms of intervention by the state and life and simply to disappear”. Anim-ha lost NGOs actors. The position of power his ‘real’ existence to the point that some brokers plays an important role in creating anthropologist identified as apathies and a possible space for establishing ‘truth’. pragmatic or matohale in the Marind’s They deal in people and information in the term (Dinas Sosial kabupaten Merauke maintenance of coherent representations of 1972, Overweel 1992). social realities and in the shaping of their own social identities (Lewis & Mosse Almost a hundred year after, despite of 2006). many restrictions to the cults practice, the grandiose Mayo ritual of the coastal The sub-district head in Domande, for Marind-anim was performed for the last instance, played an important brokerage time in Salor, including an initiation rite. role to channel the Rajawali Group This was the most important event in corporation interest and moulded it into a Marind-anim adult life, where through traditional fashion to convey a meaningful initiation every young man was introduced gesture to the Marind; the tali asih or the to the whole cultural aspects of Marind by gift money was one of the successful story-telling and performances about the translations. The words of tali asih literally dema, ancestors’ journey, creation of means the cord of love, which used by the territories, name of the land, life rituals, corporation to match with the idea of

‘borrowing for use’ or pinjam pakai, a only to serve for its self-interest but for social mechanism of land transfer that is public use as well. Even, the company has commonly practiced by the Marind, which assisted the government by taking over is a contrast to terms like rent or lease. The government’s responsibility to provide a Marind in Domande stated that the former good infrastructure. He tried to convince Malind sub-district head introduced these that without the company presence, words to them. Merauke will be infamous for a bad place The former Malind sub-district head for investment, which means no does not appear like general Papuans. development for Merauke. After presenting Although he is originated from Domande the company as the good Other, he turned village, her mother is not Papuan, so he to play the identity connection. As the does not have a pure Marind blood. Domandean, he guarantees a protection of However, he is perfectly aware that a pure his elders from tricks or manipulation of blood for the Marind-anim has never been agreement. Supporting this argument, the a problem, as the Marind has always been head of Customary Community Council practicing adoption of outsiders since the tried to convince others that they are the time immemorial. Therefore, his identity one who control the negotiation with the position as the state representative as well company, because the company listen to as the half-Marind of Domande has made him and the former sub-district head as the possible an easy entry of the Rajawali representative of the Domandeans. This Group to the village elites’ consent, statement of guarantee did not effectively especially to approach the village head, the lower the tone of opposition coming from village secretary who holds the actual young leaders. leadership, and head of Customary At the end, a one-on-one approach by Community Council of Domande. Later the liaisons produced a new land deal with on, after the MoU was signed and the head of clan who owned the land on the customary rite to validate the release of planned road construction. This is a land was performed, these three village relatively new strategy in compare to other elites were paid monthly by the companies. Different to other company corporation to work as the liaison of the strategy of having one MoU to bind all company. land agreement, Rajawali Group -aside of MoU- has managed to make a one on one Besides translating corporation narratives and practices to local custom, deal with separate head of clan to gain land other significant role of this government little by little. Although the voice of actor is to reduce or eliminate any opposition was still expressed by the tendencies of conflict that may hinder the youthof Domande, but a promise of company work. When the Marind in employment and community cooperative Domande protested the company road has reduced resistance to the wait-and-see construction that has transgressed their position. territory, the former sub-district head The former sub-district head of advocated the company position as the Domande is not the only player. There are good Other by convincing the Domande some other government officers taking the elders that the company build the road not same roles. They managed to interplay the

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 51 - 58 identity connection, a translation of organizations. The voice from the ground, contractual relation into traditional practice as the feed for advocacy substance, was (from rent to borrow for use), and a organized through village community narrative consistency of the company as meeting that was reported and documented the good Other. The interplay of these by Merauke NGOs, such as: YASANTO. cultural elements: identity, custom, and In 2011, YASANTO assisted a community representation enable a gained control over training on FPIC and mapped the positions land. They connected the offered of 54 villages about the incoming of modernity of cash, motorcycle, and hi-tech investors. The other important audio-player with individual clan’s agenda, documentation media is a bulletin namely and uses the liaisons relations to avoid SORAK or the voice of villagers that collective process. This two level published monthly by SKP-KAM. SORAK mediation: at the village supra-level and contains various village problems that were village level has developed an effective reported by village reporters, who were brokerage to land control for the trained by SKP KAM. The printed bulletin corporations. is distributed widely in Merauke, The making of bad Other especially to the villages; it is also published online. This bulletin expressed The counter-power type of brokerage the fear, concerns and confusions of was played by the NGOs. Ginting and Pye villagers facing the incoming strangers (2011) noted that during 2010, a loose called as ‘perusahaan’ or the company, as coalition came together as the Civil follows: Society Coalition against MIFEE Several days ago, I heard that company (Masyarakat Sipil Tolak MIFEE). The came to measure the land up to our sago coalition coordinates exchange between gardens which located as far as 1-2 km around 30 local and national organisations. inland. Those sago gardens are located near to our spring water, and close to The key member is Foker LSM Papua, the Bian river. We are worried about this NGO umbrella for 118 member information. Hope that the company will not destroy our sago garden anymore26. organisations all over Papua that was (reported by Apolinaris Kaize, founded in 1991. The Secretariat for Customary Leader of Domande, Justice and Peace (SKP KAM), an 19/10/2012. Published in SORAK no.13, October-December 2012) organization under Merauke Archdiocese, is also central in this coalition. Important In 2011, a book about MIFEE was national organisations include AMAN, the published by a national NGO, namely Indonesian Environmental Forum PUSAKA, to build argument and show (WALHI, Friends of the Earth Indonesia), evidences of the devastating effect of the the mining advocacy network (JATAM), project, even at its early stages. It argues Greenpeace Indonesia, and the think tanks: that the whole events of MIFEE PUSAKA and Sawit Watch. implementations are happening beyond the Marind’s imagination. The magnitude of At the national and international level, effect and people future was depicted as a these national NGOs actively voice the gloomy picture. Later on, this book was negative social ecological impact of discussed in the Indonesian Institute of MIFEE to key government agencies, as Sciences (LIPI) with aim to gain scientific well as international human rights

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 52 - 58 analysis on the impact of MIFEE project who own the woods suffer in their own and produce policy recommendation. This land. In that case, it should be questioned discussion in Jakarta that was attended by whether that investment, which has entered Merauke village representatives and Papua the people land, brings prosper or civil society organisations resulted into the disaster? The answer is clear: a rejection of MIFEE as the development disaster”28. path to exit poverty and backwardness. The making of the company as the bad In 2012, two films about MIFEE were Other brokers the process of Marind produced. Both films were taken from identification to the offered dream of villagers’ experiences of broken promises modernism. This counter power brokerage and miseries of physical, social, cultural materialized as action in Makaling, and and material loss. One of the films was successfully spread the seeds of shown in villages that are undergoing or discontents in other villages.The fear of haven’t undergone a process of land deal losing ‘the good-old life’ as well as negotiations. The filmmaking and showing losingchances of a new life29 was were done through a collaboration of SKP expressed as an ambiguity. KAM with several national NGOs, who organized village discussions about the Conclusion: One Identity, Different impact of investment. Articulations These media of significations: the When the ideology of modernism is book, films, and narratives recorded and articulated by the State and corporations published in bulletins, have been through the implementation of MIFEE effectively constructing the corporations as project, the Marind-anim identification to ‘the bad enemy’. Such representation, as this modernism has resulted different detected during village discussion after the positionings. The modernism discourse film was showed in eight villages, extracts encountered the owner of land identity, response of rejection to ‘the company’. which was formed historically through Many responses in Wayau, Domande, tradition, civilization and colonialism. The Okaba, and Bupul village discussions Marind-anim in Zanegi, Buepe, Sanggase, reflected fear upon a tragedy of land, forest Domande and Makaling are all share the and life sources loss as seen in other same historical process, from the glorious villages (Zanegi and Buepe). Anim-ha to the less of it, as eroded by In Makaling, the film of Buepe and social revolution, which had produced Zanegians experiences has instantly matohale as Marind’s signification of responded by the idea of convening other identity after many rituals were banned and villages to build a consensus against ‘the diminished. company’. The same response also The story of Makaling and its expressed in the discussion with Merauke Sitompul is certainly unique to that Archdiocese priests and sisters. A strong community because of the initiation rite rejection is conveyed publicly by the experiences and the presence of inspiring Bishop, who wrote in the local outsiderwere successfully attached people 27 newspaper that: “…timber gives a big to their adat.This asserts that Anim-ha as profit for the investor, while the people

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 53 - 58 the Marind ideology still standsas a point in Domande and Kaliki as the argument to of identification for the Marind-anim justify their receptive response to identity. The cultural lost at the time of investment ofRajawali Group. The Marind civilization and colonialism, however, was of Kaliki argued that they received the not able to completely strip down this corporation because the government has identity. The people of Makaling abandoned development in their villages, demonstrated how Anim-ha has been which resulted into low education and strongly articulated asthe owner of land poverty. The commonly used expression to identity whose control transcends the offer articulate the fault of the government is: of cash or modern-lifestyle. It is not that “The government has never come to our they do not want a modern prosperous life, villageand we are tired of being poor and but by excluding outsiders from the backward”. Therefore, they place a hope privilege of social economic advantage that investment will bring mutual profit coming from the road construction, the between them and the company. Being a Makaling people embrace a chance for Marind, as the Anim-ha with embedded modern life in ways and pace under their land ownership, the frame of poor and controls. uneducated combined with land owner In different experiences, a construction identity was reworked to gain entitlement of eroded identity resulted different of cash and modernity. articulation. Overweel (1992) analysed this Different articulation of ‘the owner of particular moment of matohale as hardened land’ in Zanegi and Buepe-Sanggase has by the intervention of outsider role as produced a re-negotiation act because the teachers and catechists30, who were not identification to modernism has never met only educated the Marind children but also its nodal point. Instead of solidifying a surpassed the role of pakas animby settling formation of the new Marind identity as almost every problems in the community. labour and labour reserved army, the The outsider became the big Other, who owner of land or Tuan Tanah identity was are smarter and often condemn the Marind entrenched to launch a pressure force to the as lazy, passive and slow to progress. realization of the promised modernity. “Bodok!” or stupid was and still is a The owner of land as an identity, not commonly heard curse addressed to the confined merely as form of rights, is Marind villagers that usually used by the articulated in three competing positionings Moluccans who inherited the high-social toward land deals: rejection, renegotiation position of teacher from their parents or and acceptance. Rejection signifies a non- grandparents. Oral history of Papuan correspondence between identity and the government officers educated in Dutch articulated modernism colonial time as collected by Visser (2012) ideology.Renegotiation means also supported the secondary position of identification to modernity is still in native Papuans before the eyes of other process. This implies that acceptance may ethnic group, who received earlier higher only a temporary positioning, which education from the Dutch. process to closure or new identity This construction of matohale and alignment is not guaranteed. On the other bodok, however, was used by the Marind hand, the failed alignment of new identity

Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 54 - 58 was evidenced by the failure to turn the Borras, Saturnino M, Jennifer Franco ‘owner of land’ into a ‘labour’. Instead of &Chunyu Wang. 2012. Competing taming it, labor process hasentrenched the political tendencies in global governance of land grabbing. land owner identity. Discussion paper, December The state and non-state actors or 2012.TNI Agrarian Justice NGOs broker the process of Marind Programme. identity identification toward modernism Bowman, Paul. 2007. Post-Marxism by constructing representations of capital Versus Cultural Studies. Edinburgh as the good and bad Other.These University Press Ltd, Edinburgh. representations of capitalprovide ‘logic’ van den Broek, Theo & Alexandra Szalay. which connected meanings of modernism 2001. Raising the Morning Star: Six with owner of land identity. This logic is Months in the Developing expressed as fear (for loss) and hope (for Independence Movement in West Papua. The Journal of Pacific gain). History, Vol. 36, No. 1, pp. 77-92. As capital enters the life frontier, the Colchester, Marcus. 1986a. Unity and ideological struggle between modernism Diversity, Indonesian policy towards and adat (Anim-Ha) has broken the owner tribal people. The Ecologist Vol.16, of land identity into three different pieces No.2/3. Pp 89-98. of positionings. Itpresentsthat ‘gripping the ______. 1986 b. The struggle mind of the masses’ to smoothen land for land, tribal peoples in the face of deals is farthan a simple process of transmigration Programme.The constructing and consolidating consent. Ecologist Vol.16, No.2/3. Pp 89-98. There are correspondences as well as non- ______. 1994. Sustaining the correspondences between modernism and Forests: The Community-based adat ideology (Anim-ha) that render Approach in South and South-East connected chain of meanings unstable. In Asia. Development and Change Vol. 25, pp 69-100. this case, land deals negotiation constructs a crucial point where connections can or Couete, Dominique & Sarah Turner. 2010. Agrarian Angst and Rural Resistance cannot find its closure. in Contemporary Southeast Asia. Routledge, Oxon. References Dinas Sosial Kabupaten Merauke. 1972. van Baal. J. 1966. Dema, description and Marind 70 tahun dalam proses analysis of Marind-anim culture akulturasi, strudi tentang latar (South New Guinea). Martinus belakang keadaan masyarakat Nijhoff. The Hague. Marind. Dinas Sosial Kabupaten Merauke, Propinsi Irian Barat. Barrett, Michelle. 1991. The Politics of Truth: from Marx to Focault. Erari, Karl P. 1999. Tanah Kita, Hidup Stanford University Press, Kita, hubungan manusia dan tanah di California. Irian Jaya sebagai persoalan teologis. Pustaka Sinar Harapan, Jakarta. Boelaars, Jan. 1986. Manusia Irian: dahulu-sekarang-masa depan. Gebze, Yul Bolle. 2005. Pelestarian Alam Gramedia, Jakarta. dalam Budaya Malilnd. Paper presented at Seminar Pembentukan

Forum Kolaboratif Pengelolaan TN KONTRAS. 2004. Laporan Penelitian Wasur di Kabupaten Merauke. Bisnis Militer di Boven Digul. Lembaga Masyarakat Adat Malind Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan Anim ‘Anim Ha’, Kabupaten Korban Tindak Kekerasan Merauke. Merauke. (KONTRAS). Grossberg, Lawrence&Jennifer D. Slack. Lewis, David & David Mosse. 2006. 1985. An Introduction to Stuart Development Brokers and Hall’s essay. Critical Studies in Mass Translators. Kumarian Press Inc. Communication No.2,Vol. 2. pp. 87- West Harford, CT. 90. Li, Tania M. 2000. Articulating Indigenous Hall, Derek, Peter Hirsch, Tania LI. 2011. Identity in Indonesia: Resource Powers of Exclusion. NUS Press. Politics & the Tribal Slot. Singapore Comparative Studies in Society and Hall, Stuart. 1985. Signification, History, Vol. 42, No. 1. 149-179 Representation, Ideology: Althusser ______. 2009. To Make Live or Let and post-structuralist debate. Critical Die? Rural Dispossession and the Studies in Mass Communication Protection of Surplus Populations. No.2,Vol. 2.pp 91-114. Antipode Vol. 41 No. S1, pp.66-93. ______.1996a. The Problem of Overweel, Jeroen A. 1992. Suku Marind Ideology, Marxism without dalam alam dan lingkungannya yang guarantee. In David Morley & Kuan- berubah. YAPSEL. Merauke. Hsing Chen. Stuart Hall, Critical Peluso, Nancy L.& Christian Lund. 2011. Dialogue in Cultural Studies. New frontiers of land Routledge. London & New York. control:Introduction, Journal of ______.1996b. Who Needs Identity? In Peasant Studies, 38:4, 667-681. Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay. Sofyandy,Dendy.2010. Kearifan Questions of Cultural Identity. Sage Lingkungan Masyarakat Adat Publication. London-Thousand Malind Anim dalam Pengelolaan Oaks-New Delhi. Sumber Daya Alam di Kabupaten Ito, Takeshi, NF Rachman & LA Savitri. Merauke, Provinsi Papua. Master 2011. Naturalizing Land Thesis. Graduate School of Dispossesion, A Policy Discourse University of Gajah Mada Analysis of the Merauke Integrated (unpublished) Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE), Tsing, Anna. 2005. Friction. Princeton Papua, Indonesia. Paper presented at University Press. New Jersey. International Conference on Global Land Grabbing, 6-8 April 2011, Widjojo, Muridan S. 2009. Papua Road Sussex. Map: negotiating the past, improving the present. LIPI, Yayasan TIFA, Knauft, Bruce. 1993. South-coast New Yayasan Obor. Jakarta. Guinean Cultures, history, comparison, dialectic. Press Visser, Leontine. 2012. Governing New Syndicate of the University of Guinea, An oral history of Papuan Cambridge. New York. administrators, 1950-1990. KITLV Press. Leiden ______.2002. From primitive to post-colonial in Melanesi and 1 Anthropology. University of Lecturer at Anthropology Department, Faculty of Arts and Humanity, University of Gajah Mada;Researcher at Michigan Press. Center for Rural and Regional Studies, University of

Gajah Mada; Post-doctoral researcher of University of 18The highest rank is wadikasi, as the decision maker, Amsterdam follows by kunaam as the advisor, then mithawal and 2Ketika para investor datang yang dibutuhkan itu bukan boraroh as executors of rules, and dema anim or lay masyarakat, menurut saya yang dibutuhkan adalah people. This is a customary structure based on cults. The lahan. Maka masyarakat harus menyingkir, sebagai position ofwadikasi is ascribed in clan line, but the person korban, karena wilayah itu sudah diduduki oleh appointed is because of his capacity (Yul Bolle Gebze perusahaan…, lalu masyarakat yang di situ dianggap 2005, Sofyandy 2010) sebagai pengganggu, harus disingkirkan. Disitulah 19Land ownership should be understood as the highest letaknya sebuah kemalangan (Ind.) level of use right, because it was leveled by the first, 3See Li (2009;68-69). second, and following occupation by various groups of 4Torrens system is first introduced in South Australia as clans who settle in one area. 20 the Real Property Act of 1857-1858, and institutionalized Dema is the mythical ancestor of Marind-anim. Van in the Philippines by the issuance of the Land registration Baal (1966: 179) explained that dema is the ancestors of Act No. 496 in 1902 (Rodil 1992), while in Indonesia the the clans and subclans and are associated with their system is not explicitly defined and referred, but the totems. practice of land registration and use of deeds to proof 21National Spatial Plan Coordinating Body (BKPRN) land ownership clearly refer to Torrens system. recommendation for MIFEE zonation planning 5http://m.mediaindonesia.com/index.php/read/2011/01/08 22Information received from the Head of Planning /193878/4/2/Selain_di_Merauke_Pemerintah_Akan_Ban Agency and WWF representative in Merauke. WWF gun_Food_Estate_Baru (last accessed: 11/02/2011) facilitated and assisted the participatory mapping of 6http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/business/indonesia- Marind-anim sacred places in 200/2006, including its turns-back-on-papua-food-bowl-plan/459493 (last integration to the district spatial plan. 23 accessed: 29/4/2012, 23:29) The statement of Romanus Mbaraka, the present Head 7license number: SK IUPHHK No. 18/Menhut-II/2009 of Merauke Regency, at a meeting with the writer and his for 169.400 hectares, received from the Ministry of other staff in his office on 19 June 2011 . 24 Forestry Land ownership should be understood as the highest 8Data from PT SIS Annual Work Plan 2011 and land level of use right, because it was leveled by the first, clearing map from the contractor. second, and following occupation by various groups of 9 clans who settle in one area. Law No. 21/2001, article 43, paragraph 1 & 2. 25 10According to Van Baal (1966) the Marind-anim are one The restriction is related to the use of women for of the relatively few Papuan peoples who have a name of fertility rituals, which is known and obeyed by the their own to denote their tribal identity. The word anim women due to sanction threat, but it is not allowed to be means men or people (sing, anem, fem. anum). The spoken before them, as stated by the Mayo cult leader of inland people (deg) use the word Marind with r, but the Makaling in our discussion about initiation rite. Even, a lowland or coastal people (duf) name it with l or Malind. woman who was present in this discussion was asked to leave. I use Marind for a consistency with other literature. The 26 Marind-anim occupy a vast territory, stretching all along (Ind.) Beberapa hari yang lalu, sa ada dengar the coast of the Merauke district in the south of the perusahaan ukur-ukur tanah sampai masuk ke dusun western half of New Guinea, from the southern entrance sagu yang jaraknya kira-kira 1-2 kilometer. Dusun sagu of Kimaam or Kolopom Island southeastward to a point itu dekat dengan sumber mata air kami. Selain itu, dekat about 15 miles east of Merauke. dengan Kali Bian. Kami rasa cemas dengan kabar ini. 11For Marx (1965/1969, pp. 231-236) Jangan sampai perusahaan dorang bongkar kitorang pu 12 dusun takaruang lagi. Hall’s critique to Laclau & Mouffe’s Hegemony and 27 Socialist Strategy that produces a profound theory on Mgr. Nicholaus Adisaputra. 2011. MIFEE: Berkah atau Musibah?. Cenderawasih Pos, Sabtu 11 Agustus 2012. articulation and political subject formation in post- 28 Marxism strain, which placing the society as discourse. (Ind.) “…kayu memberikan keuntungan yang amat 13 sangat besar bagi investor. Sedangkan masyarakat 14See Munninghoff Report: Laporan Pelanggaran Hak pemilik kayu malah makin menderita ditanah mereka sendiri. Kalau begitu, patut dipertanyakan investasi itu Asasi (1995). A report produced by ELSHAM and SKP (MIFEE) tersebut masuk ke tanah masyarakat ini Jayapura, but officially taken into the Bishop Jayapura membawa berkah (kesejahteraan) atau musibah? responsibility (Mgr. Hermann Munninghoff, ofm). Jawabannya juga jelas: “Mereka membawa musibah”. 15LGI Enters Industrial Forestation Business In 29Actually, we are the Wayau are not ready to accept the Indonesia. IR News, Date : 2009. 09. investor. We have to learn from the experiences of 30.http://www.lgicorp.com/jsp/eng/ir/ir_news/news_view Domande, Zanegi and Buepe whose land taken for a long .jsp?txtGubun=Q&txtSeqNum=75 (last accessed: time. We are the hunter and gatherer that taking food 3/2/2012, 20:06) from the nature. Besides, we don’t have enough 16PT. Selaras Inti Semesta - MEDCO’s subsidiary education. Our people who graduated from school are company work in Zanegi area under a license for very few. How can we work in the company if we have no production forest concession of 169.000 hectare, issued education (reported by Elias Gebze, Head of Dewan Stasi by the Ministry of Forestry. 17 Wayau, 23/9/2012. Published in SORAK No.12, August- The story of Sitompul life and a share of his thought September 2012). (Ind.)Kalau dilihat, sebenarnya were told to the writer in our three day long discussion kitorang warga Kampung Wayau belum siap untuk about the history of Makaling people and their land. terima investasi. Kitorang harus belajar dari pengalaman Kampung Ndumande, Zanegi, dan Buepe

yang tanahnya su diambil untuk waktu lama. Kitorang masih hidup meramu, masih mengharapkan hasil dari alam saja. Selain itu, kitorang pu SDM juga masih kurang. Warga Kampung Wayau yang tamat sekolah bisa dihitung dengan jari. Bagaimana mau kerja diperusahaan kalau sekolah saja tidak tamat. 30The teachers and catechists were sent from Langgur and Kei island in Maluku, as the center of catholic diocese that served the area of southern Papua in early 1930s.