An Exploration of the Experiences of Post-Secondary Education for Ontario’S Multi-Barriered Female Mature Students

An Exploration of the Experiences of Post-Secondary Education for Ontario’s Multi-Barriered Female Mature Students

Grace Ryu

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education, Collaborative Specialization in Education Policy

University of Toronto

AN EXPLORATION OF THE EXPERIENCES OF POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR ONTARIO’S MULTI-BARRIERED FEMALE MATURE STUDENTS

Grace Ryu

Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education, Collaborative Specialization in Educational Policy University of Toronto

2020

Abstract

This study explores the experiences of multi-barriered mature students in Ontario’s colleges, specifically female students that have been out of school for at least 10 years attending post- secondary education (PSE) through the Government of Ontario’s Second Career program.

Having qualified for the Second Career program means, by definition, these women have recently been laid off, have low socio-economic status, and for most, this is their first time attending PSE in Canada. Informed by the intersectionality and capabilities approach frameworks, the study considers the multiple and complex dimensions of marginalization, as well as the real opportunities and freedoms the participants have in pursuing the lives they find reason to value. Through a series of in-depth interviews with 12 students, using a life history methodology, this study investigates the following research questions: how do mature students embodying various marginalities experience PSE and how do they understand the difficulties they encounter? This study also inquires why the students think they are facing the stated difficulties, how they have come to make sense of them, and how they have been coping with or managing the difficulties. Findings show that most had positive memories of their earlier

ii schooling experiences. The participants viewed the opportunity to begin PSE as ‘a way out’ of their current situations by enhancing their capabilities for education and work. The participants also reported feelings of great anxiety and fear about entering PSE. Some of the difficulties they experienced in PSE were low English proficiency skills; an age gap; and being time poor. Some attributed the difficulties they faced as being signs of personal failure, while others saw barriers embedded in the systems. Support from family, friends, and other mature student peers, and finding their own ways to cope were described as important in helping to overcome the difficulties or to at least ‘get by.’ Two sub-groups of participants are identified, with very different needs, suggesting that a one-size-fits-all model of supporting multi-barriered mature students is not appropriate. Based on the findings, recommendations for future research, PSE institutions, and policy and government are provided.

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Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful and fortunate to have had the overwhelming support and encouragement from so many during my doctoral journey.

To begin, I feel immensely indebted to my supervisor, Dr. Ruth Childs. Words cannot express the amount of heartfelt appreciation and respect I have for you. Thank you for your constant support, patience and mentorship, and being my role model and someone I aspire to be like, not only in terms of your incredible work ethic and academic achievements, but your humble and selfless character. You have been there to listen, advise and empathize with me throughout my entire doctoral journey, and I will always be grateful. Jan, thank you also for your wonderful hospitality, support and encouragement (who can forget all those delicious home- baked treats).

I am also thankful to my committee members, Dr. Nina Bascia and Dr. Leesa Wheelahan. Not only did you both impart such amazing insights and teachings to me but were a wonderful and constant source of support. You both have taught me so much, and I consider myself extremely fortunate to have had such brilliant minds in the field inform and advise on my work and shape my PhD trajectory.

To my external examiner, Dr. Tricia van Rhijn, your thoughtful comments, questions and feedback were much appreciated, and I feel honoured to have had someone who has so much expertise and passion in this topic inform my work. Thank you, Dr. Peter Sawchuk, for your time and the thought-provoking and informative feedback, which helped me to strengthen my thesis.

I would like to relay my sincerest gratitude to the participants who took part in this study. Thank you for having allowed me into your lives and worlds. Your stories and journeys have been replete with strength, wisdom and courage, and you have each inspired me so much to never lose hope and to think, dream, aspire and live bigger.

To my OISE family and community, thank you for having celebrated every little and big milestone with me and having journeyed with me through the ups and downs. I have made precious lifelong friendships, connections and memories here, and I will always be here to cheer you on.

Last but not least, to my family, thank you so much for being my biggest cheerleaders. To my brother, you are an amazing friend, confidante and support to me, and I cannot tell you how much I appreciate and treasure our chats and your encouragement and prayers. And, to my mother, thank you for being my rock during every season in my life. I am in awe of the amount of sacrificial love you have to give, and your strength, courage, faith and resilience, and I dedicate this work to you. You two have been and are my God sent blessings in my life, which I am eternally grateful for.

Table of Contents Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1

Chapter 2 Literature Review ...... 7 Post-Secondary Education System and Mature Students in the Ontario Context .... 8 Being an Older, Female Mature Student ...... 10 Why Should We Care? ...... 13 The 'Mature Student Retention Conundrum' ...... 15 Addressing the Conundrum ...... 17 Barriers to Mature Students' Success ...... 20 Situational Barriers ...... 20 Institutional Barriers ...... 22 Dispositional Barriers ...... 23 Government's Growing Interest and Investment in Mature Students ...... 25 The Second Career Program: Why Focus on Second Career Students? ...... 26 Support Services for Mature Students ...... 30 Why the Services May Not be Accessed and Possible Mitigation Measures ..... 31 Summary ...... 43

Chapter 3 Theoretical Framework ...... 45 Intersectionality ...... 46 Capabilities Approach ...... 49 Summary ...... 55

Chapter 4 Methods ...... 57 Life History Methodology ...... 57 Data Collection and Analysis ...... 61 Outreach and Recruitment ...... 61 Interviews ...... 63 Data Analysis ...... 65 Ethical Considerations ...... 68 Participants ...... 69

Chapter 5 Life Before College ...... 72 Nabi ...... 72 Amanda ...... 74 Jin ...... 75 Kate ...... 76 Joan ...... 77 Kim ...... 78 Sam ...... 79 Avery ...... 79 Julia ...... 82 Vera ...... 82 Sonya ...... 83 Blessing ...... 83 Summary ...... 85

Chapter 6 Deciding to Apply and the Application Process ...... 87 A Way Out ...... 88 Apprehension about Becoming a Student Again ...... 91 Difficulty Navigating the Application Process ...... 94 Summary ...... 100

Chapter 7 Experiencing Difficulties in College ...... 101 Low English Language Proficiency and Culture Shock ...... 102 Age Gap ...... 104 Being Time-Poor ...... 111 Juggling Multiple Responsibilities, Worlds and Identities ...... 112 Feeling Isolated and Left Out ...... 116 Financial Difficulty ...... 119 Academic and Learning Difficulties ...... 125 Pressure to Succeed ...... 131 Medical Challenges ...... 134 Summary ...... 135

Chapter 8 Making Sense of the Difficulties ...... 137 Personal Failure and/or Systemic Barriers ...... 137 Inadequate Program Flexibility ...... 141 Lack of Relevant Student Services ...... 142 Difficulties with the Funder ...... 149 Systemic Discrimination ...... 158 Summary ...... 162

Chapter 9 Dealing with the Difficulties ...... 163 Support from Family and Friends ...... 163 Sticking Together ...... 166 Adopting Unique Ways to Cope ...... 167 Summary ...... 172

Chapter 10 Discussion ...... 173 Intersectionality ...... 179 Capabilities Approach ...... 181

Chapter 11 Conclusion ...... 188 Limitations of the Study ...... 188 Implications and Recommendations ...... 189 Research ...... 189 PSE Institutions ...... 190 Policy/Government ...... 191 Future Research ...... 192

References ...... 194

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List of Tables

Table 1. Demographics of Participants ...... 71

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List of Appendices

Appendix A Introductory Email ...... 217

Appendix B Information Sheet ...... 218

Appendix C Interview Protocol ...... 219

Appendix D Informed Consent ...... 222

Appendix E Consent (Signatures) Document ...... 223

Chapter 1

Introduction

Mature students constitute a diverse group of individuals ranging in age, life experience, reasons for enrolling and program choice, gender, geographic locations, immigrant status, family or living situations, previous academic experience in Canada or abroad, health, language proficiency levels, and social and economic classes (McQuarrie, 2013; see also Bonnycastle &

Prentice, 2011; Kell, 2006; Osborne et al., 1997; Osborne et al., 2004; Orr, 2010; Reay, 2002;

Reddy & Moores, 2008; Tones et al., 2009). Their experiences, including the difficulties and challenges faced in post-secondary education (PSE), cannot be simply amalgamated or categorized into one ‘mature student experience’ as the unique life histories, contexts and situations captured in this study reveal. Specifically, I focus on a sub-group of this population: female students that have been out of school for at least 10 years attending PSE through the

Second Career program. Having been approved by the Government of Ontario’s Second Career program, these women already find themselves sharing several predicaments such as having been recently laid off, being of low socio-economic status (SES)1, and for most, this being their first time entering PSE in Canada.

1 Socio-economic status (SES) is a “multifaceted variable, which has been defined and measured in different ways by different researchers” (Hoff et al., 2002, p. 234) over time. In this study, a broad definition of SES is applied: “one’s current social and economic situation, and consequently, it is relatively mutable, especially in countries that provide opportunities for economic advancement” (Rubin et al., 2014, p. 196).

1 2

For the purposes of this study, I refer to this sub-group of mature students as “multi- barriered mature students.” I recognize that the term ‘barrier’2 may invoke deficit thinking

(Heinbach et al., 2019, para. 1), which has historically caused harm by placing blame on the students for their ‘deficiencies’ (Picower, 2009, p. 210) and attempting to “fix them to fit a mold defined by society rife with inequities such as sexism, racism, ableism, and classism” (Heinbach et al., 2019, para. 4). The theoretical frameworks, namely intersectionality and the capabilities approach, guiding the analysis of this study, however, challenge such thinking. Furthermore, life history methodology, which has informed the design of this study, holds value in the diverse and in-depth narratives of the participants. The life histories are presented with the hopes of countering deficit thinking through the recognition of the intersecting identities and complexities of the participants’ experiences, and by “holistically [learning] about…[these] students’ lives, what their previous experiences were, and how that might influence their time in and out” of college (Heinbach et al., 2019, para. 4). Instead of taking on a deficit-oriented lens, the study considers the participants’ capabilities, in other words, the freedoms and opportunities to live out the lives they have reason to value, in understanding and making sense of their experiences in

PSE. These theoretical frameworks and methodology will be discussed in much more detail in later chapters. Despite the above stated risk, using this term ‘barrier’ also has the advantage of reminding the readers that these ‘barriers’ are not something intrinsic, but external and systemic,

2 The term ‘barrier’ is used in this thesis with the following definition, “a circumstance or obstacle that keeps people or things apart or prevents communication or progress” (Oxford University Press, n.d.). This is likened to something external or an obstacle that needs to addressed or overcome, whereas the term ‘challenge’ is applied using the following reference, “something new and difficult which requires great effort and determination” (Collins Birmingham University International Language Database, n.d.), and ‘difficulty’ as “the quality or state of being hard to do, deal with, or understand” (Merriam-Webster, n.d.), referring to one’s subjective experiences.

3 and as intersectionality emphasizes, they are often intertwined with and affect one another

(Silvius & MacKinnon, 2012).

In this study, “multi-barriered mature students” are mature students facing multiple issues and challenges. For instance, Agostino (2016), in her study focusing on “multi-barriered adult students,” defines “multi-barriered” as “adult students dealing with such issues as: poverty, learning disabilities, learning challenges, mental health issues, family difficulties, transportation issues, and lack of childcare to name a few” (p. 21). Relatedly, Thorpe (2017) also describes multi-barriered and vulnerable populations as those “typically juggling circumstances, that even singularly, would throw someone off track, including housing instability, food security, mental or physical disability, significant personal debt, and relationship breakdown” (p. 37). The

Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities3 (2015), which funds and administers the Second

Career program, also broadly defined “multi-barriered” individuals as those:

with multiple and/or complex barriers…resulting from some combination of challenging

life circumstances. This includes, for example…living in poverty, those in conflict with

the law, or those who have limited labour market experience, low levels of education or

literacy, or low motivation. It also includes [those] who may be Aboriginal, recent

immigrants, socially marginalized or living with disabilities or mental health issues.

(section 1.3)

3 The government agencies responsible for colleges and universities in Ontario have been reconfigured over time and/or renamed several times. Changes in the last 50 years are as follows: 1971 – 1993 Ministry of Colleges and Universities, 1993 – 1999 Ministry of Education and Training, 1999 – 2016 Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities; 2016 – 2018 Ministry of Advanced Education and Skills Development; 2018 – 2019 Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities; 2019 to present (2020) Ministry of Colleges and Universities. When citing these documents, the name when the document was created will be used.

Research conducted in the United States, United Kingdom and Australia suggests mature students, especially female and of low SES, face unique barriers and challenges in PSE institutions (Baxter & Britton, 2001; Giancola et al., 2008; Osborne et al., 2004; O’Shea &

Stone, 2011; Paasse, 1998; Stone, 2008; Wilson, 1997). There is, however, currently extremely limited literature on the experiences of multi-barriered mature students or mature students embodying various marginalities and social categories such as gender, race, class, health, immigrant status and living situations within the Ontario context. Although there exists research summarizing the broader and general post-secondary landscape and context in Ontario as it relates to mature students (Kerr, 2011; Popovic, 2014), more understanding is needed around the experiences of these students in PSE. Furthermore, there is also currently no research that examines the experiences of students in the Ontario government-mandated programs (e.g.,

Second Career), which are important initiatives that have been set-up to recruit and support mature students of low SES. It is important to build a holistic understanding of how these students experience PSE, as the important nuances of their challenges and difficulties in PSE often get overlooked in research and policy arenas or they tend to simply get put into the general

‘mature student’ category. Such research is important in order to advance and improve access to

PSE for non-traditional student groups such as this (McQuarrie, 2013).

Through a series of in-depth interviews with 12 multi-barriered mature students in the

Greater Toronto Area, this study takes up the task of developing a deeper understanding of how multi-barriered mature students experience PSE. Specifically, this study seeks to answer the following questions: How do mature students embodying various marginalities experience PSE and How do they understand the difficulties they encounter? Expanding upon this, the study will also inquire into why the students think they are facing the stated difficulties and how they have

5 come to make sense of them (e.g., as due to personal failure or systemic barriers). The study also explores how they have been dealing or coping with or managing the difficulties.

As the researcher in this study, I write from the position of having lived experience as a multi-barriered student myself, navigating the complexities of PSE. I have also stood by older multi-barriered mature student family members and friends, who I am grateful for having shared their lives with me as they went through the Second Career program and embarked on PSE for the first time in Canada. The frustration of not seeing their real everyday difficulties and challenges reflected in research, policy and institutions has been the main impetus for taking up this study.

This dissertation is composed of 10 chapters. Chapter 2 provides a literature review: an overview of the post-secondary education system and mature students in the Ontario context; the realities of being an older, female mature student; the growing significance of this population; the mature student retention conundrum; barriers faced by mature students; government’s increasing interest and investment in mature students, including through the Second Career program; and the student support services that could be implemented.

Chapter 3 presents the two theoretical frameworks, intersectionality and capabilities approach, which helped equip this study with the analytical tools to understand the experiences of the participants.

Chapter 4 begins by introducing life history methodology, then outlines the data collection and analysis process. An overview of the participants in this study is also provided including broad demographic markers.

Chapters 5 to 9 present the findings from the study in chronological order: Chapter 5 provides context by presenting the participants’ life histories before entering college; Chapter 6 covers the time when the participants were deciding to apply to the programs as well as the application process; Chapter 7 delves into the difficulties experienced in PSE as identified by the participants; Chapter 8 explores how the participants made sense of those difficulties by focusing on why they thought they were facing those difficulties; and lastly, Chapter 9 examines how the participants have been dealing or coping with the difficulties in PSE.

Chapter 10 provides a discussion of two sub-groups of participants, older isolated students and younger communicatively competent students, and the key findings from the study in relation to the literature and the theoretical frameworks. The concluding chapter identifies several limitations of the study, implications and recommendations for future research, PSE institutions and policy.

Chapter 2

Literature Review

This chapter begins by providing an overview of post-secondary education system and

‘mature students’ in the Ontario context. It then reviews the literature on the experiences of older, female mature students, the population of interest. Given the broad scope of the ‘mature student’ category, the differences between younger and older ‘mature students’ are discussed as well as some of the challenges and difficulties faced by older female students specifically.

The significance of this growing population is then discussed, providing a rationale for

‘why we should care,’ followed by an introduction of the ‘mature student retention conundrum,’ a concept used to refer to mature students outperforming their younger counterparts academically, but showing higher attrition rates (Poser, 2015). Strategies of access, retention, and changing the institutional culture to address the conundrum are provided.

Barriers experienced by mature students identified in the existing literature are reviewed, organized by type: situational barriers, institutional barriers and dispositional barriers (Kerr,

2011). An explanation for the government’s emergent interest and investment in mature students is then provided, followed by a discussion of the Second Career program and its students specifically, including some of their unmet needs and the difficulties they may experience.

An overview of student support services for mature students is then provided along with a discussion of the current gaps and why the existing services may not be accessible, especially for multi-barriered mature students. Possible mitigation measures and suggestions for re-envisioning

7 8 and improving these services to become more accessible and to be better able to support these students are presented.

Post-Secondary Education System and Mature Students in the Ontario Context

It is important to begin by noting that Canada does not have a single, unitary post- secondary education system at the federal level; Canada takes a decentralized approach wherein the responsibility is assumed at the provincial level, thus each of the provinces and territories set their own post-secondary education policies. Canada has over 190 university and degree-granting institutions, with the vast majority of them being publicly supported (Jones, 2006). There is at least one publicly-supported university in every province (the largest province, Ontario, has twenty), which offers undergraduate and graduate degrees.

Unlike other countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia and South Africa, colleges have also been an integral part of the post-secondary education sector in Canada since the 1960s with the primary purpose being to “prepare graduates for different occupational destinations in the labour market than university graduates” (Wheelahan & Moodie, 2017, p. 14). Many provinces have publicly-supported colleges, which may offer diplomas, certificates, and, increasingly, undergraduate degrees, although the relationship of the colleges to the universities varies by province (see Jones, 2006, for a more detailed overview of the organization of higher education in Canada). There are also privately-owned and -operated vocational colleges, which make up the largest category of post-secondary education institutions in Canada, registered by the provinces, but not necessarily funded by them (Jones, 2006). In the case of Ontario, there are government programs such as the Second Career program (which the participants of this study are a part of) that are administered through both publicly-supported colleges (Colleges of

Applied Arts and Technology) and privately-owned colleges (Private Career Colleges), wherein the government provides the necessary funds for eligible applicants to enter college and receive education and training (Ministry of Advanced Education and Skills Development, 2018). The

Second Career program will be discussed at more length later in this chapter.

Although the term ‘mature students’ is used often by institutions in North America, there is no single commonly accepted definition. In Ontario, the definition of a ‘mature student’ varies according to institution type. Ontario colleges and universities typically define ‘mature students’ as those who did not start their postsecondary education within a year of completing secondary school. This is a very broad and general description that encompasses diverse groups of students.

For example, universities, and sometimes even faculties within a university, have slight differences in their definitions of a ‘mature student.’ Some universities, such as the University of

Waterloo in Ontario, have not set an official age requirement, but combine department-specific criteria for mature student applicants with a general requirement that the applicants have not already received any PSE (University of Waterloo, n.d.), while other universities in Ontario such as Ryerson and Western have set an age criterion (21 or older) and require that the applicants have not received formal education in the past 4 years (Western) or 2 years (Ryerson) (Ryerson

University, n.d.; Western University, n.d.). Unlike their university counterparts, Ontario’s colleges have a unified definition, referring to mature students as those at least 19 years of age or older who do not have an Ontario Secondary School Diploma (OSSD) or equivalent and have been away from secondary studies for at least a year (Popovic, 2014).

Mature students are one of the fastest growing populations in Ontario’s higher education institutions, making up a significant minority population. For instance, 62% of all college students are 21 years of age and older (Colleges Ontario, 2019) and the majority of college

10 applicants in 2010 were between 25 and 34 years old (Gorman et al., 2013). The increasing interest of mature students in PSE has even been recognized by the Government of Ontario through its “Open Ontario Plan” which aims to raise the PSE attainment rate of older adults in the province (Office of the Premier, 2010).

Being an Older, Female Mature Student

Because of the broad definition of the ‘mature student’ category, some of the mature students will be close in age to younger, traditional students entering straight from secondary school. Osborne et al. (2004) classifies this younger group of mature students as “delayed traditional students,” reasoning that those “in their 20s are similar to 18-year-olds in terms of their interests and commitments” (p. 296). Others have also referred to older mature students with a large education gap as “returners” and the younger mature students with smaller gaps as

“interrupters” (O’Shea & Stone, 2011, p. 275). Although the delayed traditional students have their own concerns when beginning PSE (the biggest one being fear of debt), they still possess similar traits and qualities to the younger traditional students, such as feeling less pressure than older students to commit to settling down and preparing for a career and, for some, receiving parental support (Osborne et al., 2004). The differences between the younger and older mature student groups are further highlighted by Wilson (1997) who found that the younger mature student cohort (in their 20s) in her study did not identify themselves with the term ‘mature’ even though the government and the PSE institutions labeled them as such.

Being significantly older than one’s peers and/or returning after a long break from education comes with many difficulties. Older mature students may face social isolation and/or have a difficult time ‘fitting in.’ For instance, participants in Wilson’s (1997) study referred to a

‘divisive gulf’ that exists between the younger and older students and that “the loneliness could be unbearable” (p. 356). Another participant in Wilson’s (1997) study referred to her experience as a mature student as:

“very very isolating”; she felt she was “on the fringes of the whole thing” and missing the

benefits of exchanging ideas with her contemporaries. She felt different from the rest of

the students: “I feel wherever I go I am noticeable because I am not like them…” She felt

she would like to be like everyone else. (p. 356)

As age is commonly associated with power or dominance in relationships, the older mature students in Wilson’s (1997) study found it difficult to ask for and receive assistance and support from peer mentors and/or lecturers who were a lot younger than they were. Social isolation or the

‘lack of fit,’ especially in an unfamiliar milieu and assuming a new identity as a student, is a common contributing factor to the attrition rates of this population (Buddel, 2014).

This ‘differentiation’ or comparison of oneself with the rest of the student body may also stem from the fear of failure that they may experience upon their decision to become a mature student, as illustrated in an auto-ethnography by Prah (2016), who reminisced of the time when she finally “found the strength and confidence to return to education as a mature student...I feared that I might not succeed as compared to the students who seemed groomed for this type of academic work” (p. 28). Twigg-Flesner (2018) explains:

Fear of academic failure is likely to be present in mature students from the onset, due to a

limited understanding of what learning and assessments involve in HE, a doubt in their

academic abilities, and an, often self-imposed, pressure to succeed in their studies. (p.

133)

Evidently, this lack of confidence in one’s own abilities is another difficulty faced by many older mature students (Osborne et al., 2004). Feeling unprepared to succeed in PSE is also frequently cited by older mature students who may not be familiar with or may lack the “basic research and computer skills, study and test-taking techniques, stress and time management” (Giancola et al.,

2008, p. 226).

According to Tones et al. (2009), adjusting to PSE can be extremely difficult especially for students over the age of 45. There is a trend of older mature students enrolling; for instance, for the Second Career program (a government program that funds low-income laid-off adults to enter PSE), the average age of the participants is 41 (Colleges Ontario, 2019). Older students like these tend to face a host of unique challenges and experience them more acutely such as financial instability, role overload and family stressors.

Although women are no longer an underrepresented group in PSE (Berger, 2008), the experience of being a student is still heavily gendered, especially when it comes to mature students. Traditional gender roles and expectations often combined with how one was socialized may affect how mature female students view themselves as learners (Munro, 2011). Many mature female students, especially those with dependents, take a risk when deciding to return to school, as becoming a student produces a new identity, apart from being a spouse, partner or mother, and may threaten and disrupt the current nature of the relationships with their family and friends (Baxter & Britton, 2001).

Mature female students are reported to be more likely than their male counterparts to be insecure about expressing themselves and to show signs of anxiety about fitting in and building new relationships (Giancola et al., 2008). This may partly be because, while female partners of

13 male students usually adapt to their male partners pursuing PSE, the male partners of female students may be less supportive. In fact, male partners are more likely to feel “threatened and excluded” (Wilson, 1997, p. 358), which could result in an “almost total lack of domestic and emotional support” (Edwards, 1993, p. 117). This can lead many mature female students to live in two completely separate “discursive spaces,” one that is shaped by the discourses of higher education, and the other of her life away from PSE (Paasse, 1998, p. 104). This corresponds with the results of a study by Alsop et al. (2008) of students with caring responsibilities for children or adults, whom they refer to as ‘student carers,’ in which most were found to be mature and female. It was found that decisions about whether to enter and complete PSE were heavily influenced by their caring responsibilities especially as the choice to become students would translate into a decline in the money and time they had for others (with higher risks for those of lower socio-economic status [Baxter & Britton, 2001]). Indeed, according to Statistics Canada, almost double the number of adults (28%) than youth (17%) cited family responsibilities as the number one reason for not pursuing higher education and learning (Knighton et al., 2009).

Why Should We Care?

A common thread through the literature is that mature students are not a homogeneous group, and require at least as much, if not more individualized support as traditional aged students. Choitz and Prince (2008) argue, “adult learners have significantly different needs than traditional college students and face many challenges as they seek postsecondary credentials” (p.

6). Giancola et al. (2008) also writes, “research needs to continue to look at differences among adult students as opposed to treating them as a homogeneous group” (p. 225) as, according to

Osborne et al. (2004), “the decision to re-enter education…is not one taken lightly by potential students, since it often requires a complete re-orientation of lifestyle. Motivations are complex,

14 and the barriers are many” (pp. 294-5). For instance, according to McQuarrie (2013), the sub- groups of mature students who consider returning to PSE include “financially strapped singles,” who see further education as a way to increase their earning potential, and “progressors,” who believe that “college is important to a person’s success” (McQuarrie, 2013, p. 3).

Mature students have been enrolling at a faster rate than in the past (Murray et al., 2010), which may be attributed to the growing importance of PSE attainment for employment and the development of recent government initiatives to meet the demands for more opportunities for adult learners (e.g., Second Career, bridging programs) (Kerr, 2011). Such trends point to the fact that mature students have become an important group of the PSE student population. With more jobs in Canada now requiring PSE (Holmes, 2006), it is important to provide PSE opportunities for students who did not enter PSE immediately after secondary school. As numerous studies show positive effects of educational attainment on individuals’ quality of life including material well-being and overall health (i.e., emotional, psychological and physical)

(Edgerton et al., 2012), this would also be of benefit for the wider public as there would be more healthy people qualified and eligible that can fill more jobs (Jones et al., 2008).

However, to ensure the success of mature students throughout their time in PSE, we need a better understanding around how these students experience PSE as well as how they themselves come to terms with the difficulties they encounter. According to Dei (1996), marginalities such as race, gender and class are socio-political constructs, which also have real social and material effects, and consequences that are played out in students’ everyday experiences. These concepts are used to bind and define people by social location, which affects the allocation and access to financial and social opportunities and ultimately influences institutional and social practices (Thomas-Long, 2007). Regrettably, when adequate research is

15 not being done and the experiences of mature students at the intersection of multiple marginalities are not properly understood, this can not only lead to a less than desirable quality of PSE education and experience for these students but also contribute to higher attrition and drop-out rates, affecting not only the students themselves but also their families, the institutions, and the society at large.

The ‘Mature Student Retention Conundrum’

There are consequences of ignoring the needs of mature students when designing program development and delivery in PSE. A prominent consequence is the higher than average attrition of mature students across PSE institutions. The PSE attrition rate among Canadian students is estimated to be 40% but is reported to be significantly higher for the mature student demographic (Jones et al., 2008). The ‘mature student retention conundrum’ refers to the paradox of mature students outperforming the younger traditional students academically (e.g., higher GPA) but simultaneously being less likely to complete a program (Poser, 2015). There have been many studies that have shown that even the oldest mature students are able to obtain satisfactory academic results when measured by both coursework and examinations (Richardson,

1994). The academic success of mature students may be attributed to the fact that they tend to be more ‘goal-directed’ and clearer in the reason and purpose of their choice to participate in PSE than traditional-aged students (Wilsey, 2009). Unfortunately, they are also more likely to drop out or to not enroll in subsequent semesters (Carney-Crompton & Tan, 2002).

Mature students’ higher attrition rates must be investigated. Attrition refers to the discontinuation of an educational program of study before the student successfully completes it regardless of the reason (Wells, 2003). Students experience high levels of anxiety and stress

16 when making a decision about leaving or delaying finishing school as they know that while it may bring them relief from the various stressors of being a mature student in PSE (e.g., financial or time constraints), it will also come with consequences (Ayres & Guilfoyle, 2008).

The consequences of non-completion or withdrawing from one’s studies prematurely not only affect the student in question, but also their family, peers and the institution. There may be significant financial repercussions, with respect to the student not getting a return on their costly investments, including non-refundable tuition costs, books and class materials as well as the loss of potential earnings during the time they were in school (Peterson-Grazoise et al., 2013). The student may feel relief, shame, guilt and distress. They also have to cope with the reactions of their family, friends, peers and others to their decision to discontinue their studies (O’Donnell,

2009). There are also consequences for the institutions themselves, a primary one being the loss of tuition revenue. With high attrition rates, the institutions also suffer loss of reputation (Craig,

2014). The presence of a high attrition rate may also signal internal problems such as issues with the curricula or instructional and student support strategies, which may eventually make the school unattractive for future applicants (O’Donnell, 2011).

The higher attrition of mature students is a problem in both colleges and universities

(Carney-Crompton & Tan, 2002; Popovic, 2014; van Rhijn et al., 2015). For instance, in a study conducted at York University comparing the retention rates of younger traditional (direct from secondary school) students with mature students, who began their studies in 2010, it was found that the mature students were trailing behind their younger counterparts by a wider margin year by year. Specifically, 85.5% of traditional (young) students were retained to year 2, 77.8% to year 3, and 73.7% to year 4, while for mature students, 70% were retained to year 2, 59.9% to year 3, and 55.3% to year 4 (Poser, 2015).

Addressing the Conundrum

Jones et al. (2008) explain the importance of what they call “concurrent outreach,” pointing out that outreach efforts and supports should not stop once the student is admitted, but that it is also important to work with students from non-traditional groups such as mature students during the course of their entire PSE, including providing social, academic and financial support. Such efforts and programs “address the issue of attrition, which can be a dramatic problem for those students who have successfully entered post-secondary education, but who lack the academic and social support and capital to see them through to a credential” (Jones et al., 2008, p. 18). Several categories from Beatty-Guenter’s typology of access and retention strategies can be applied in such programs, starting with sorting (“matching students to best fit academic programs and campus resources”) such as by conducting a thorough individualized needs assessment of the students to know where to place and match the students in terms of the various initiatives and supports they need (Social Research and Demonstration Corporation

[SRDC], 2009, p. 7). For instance, after thorough needs assessment sessions with program staff, student A might be identified as requiring academic support (in writing and research skills) and social integration while student B needs basic computer training and additional supports for presentation, essay writing and study skills. Needs would be identified, and individualized support plans would be co-constructed with the student.

Supporting students (“striving to ease students’ problems with the aspects of everyday life”) and transforming students (“modifying alterable student characteristics such as skills, attitudes and motivation”) are also included in Beatty-Guenter’s typology (SRDC, 2009, pp. 7-

8). Such strategies are important as they can provide tailored supports such as having specific counselors and support workers to assist mature students through difficulties during their PSE,

18 offering specialized classes and tutors, regular check-in sessions and having mature student- specific orientation, seminars, workshops and retreats on student success and achievement strategies and promoting social integration and solidarity, leading to higher rates of student success and higher retention rates. Beatty-Guenter’s last two categories, connecting students with the institution (“increasing the sense of attachment that students have to the institution, faculty, staff and peers”), and transforming the institution (“changing institutional priorities, cultures, policies or practices to better meet student needs”) (SRDC, 2009, pp. 7-8) are some of the positive developments that could result from implementing the above strategies and could ultimately help end the mature student retention conundrum. The creation and implementation of such strategies, by working with and guiding the students until they successfully complete their programs could address the difficulties that commonly lead to higher attrition rates “by providing academic and social support and by increasing opportunity for students to become integrated and engaged with the institution” (Jones et al., 2008, p. 18).

Helping multi-barriered mature students to successfully complete their PSE will have a positive effect on their children and grandchildren as well (Osborne et al., 2004). One of the most commonly cited reasons why mature students choose to enroll and complete PSE is to become good role models for their families and communities; an interviewee in Osborne et al.’s study (2004) was quoted as saying: “I really want that degree. It would be the first in the family.

It’s a personal achievement and would set the standard, a role model for my children” (p. 308).

Ultimately, a transformation in the institutional culture must take place to address the mature student retention conundrum. This could begin with formal, public statements (e.g., strategic mandate agreements or mission statements) being made about valuing and improving the experiences of mature students in PSE and guaranteeing them these services (Georgian

College Institute of Applied Research and Innovation, 2005). This would take a long-term commitment: “institutional shifts…commonly occur through a slower, evolutionary process in which grassroots initiatives, headed by students, faculty, or staff, attract the attention of administrators and become institutionalized over time” (SRDC, 2009, p. 22). Institutions should consider the following:

If a student is considering dropping out, it is wise to look at what the institution is doing

that has either caused, exacerbated or failed to control the situation. To put it bluntly, they

should ask, ‘What’s the matter with the school?’ rather than ‘What’s the matter with the

student?’ (Squire, 2005, p. 25)

In Kuh et al.’s (2010) study of educationally effective institutions, the authors found that these institutions went to extensive lengths to ensure that their missions, values and aspirations were clearly presented and were taken seriously, while at the same time, making sure that they were making space for those with different views through initiatives such as holding frequent public meetings about their institutional aims and values. To be able to address the mature student retention conundrum, institutions need to “ensure that services and supports are designed and delivered in such a way that the system accommodates the learning and social diversity of the students, including age diversity” (Popovic, 2014, p. i). This will be discussed further in the

Support Services for Mature Students section later in this chapter.

Mature students in Ontario are now a large minority and are projected to grow in numbers in the years to come. However, the existence of a ‘mature student retention conundrum’ suggests that more needs to be done to understand why some do not complete their studies. The higher likelihood of non-completion among mature students has a multitude of causes, which can

20 be broadly classified by the following three categories: situational (e.g., family or financial issues), institutional (e.g., cost of education, lack of school services and support) and dispositional (e.g., lack of confidence, insecurity, academic challenges).

Barriers4 to Mature Students’ Success

Situational Barriers

While each student’s situation is unique (e.g., family and financial obligations), the situational barriers can add up and lead to the ‘role overload’ of mature students (van Rhijn et al.,

2015). Role overload or strain results from overwhelming pressures to fulfill the many different roles in the students’ lives, including as employees, parents, spouses and students (Scott et al.,

1996; van Rhijn et al., 2015). Multi-barriered older female students tend to be “time poor” as many of them have other responsibilities outside their studies (Stone & O’Shea, 2013, p. 100).

Fitting in work, domestic responsibilities and caring for dependents in addition to being a student requires a “complex negotiation of time” (Stone & O’Shea, 2013, p. 100).

Stone and O’Shea (2013) refer to time as a gendered construct, highlighting the fact that female mature students often are time poor because there are different and unequal gendered expectations for “men’s time” and “women’s time,” with women’s time being expected to meet the needs of others (e.g., family and domestic responsibilities) as opposed to men’s time, which is often treated as more valuable and autonomous (p. 100). This especially affects mature students who are single mothers with lower family incomes. In Canada, about 22% of college

4 See previous footnote for definition of ‘barriers’ applied in this study.

21 students are reported to have children and are married or in a long-term relationship (Popovic,

2014), and though there are more married students in the student parent population, there have been an increasing number of students who are single parents, especially single mothers, enrolling over time (van Rhijn et al., 2011). This leads to additional time and economic demands being placed on the student such as conflicting work schedules, and family and domestic responsibilities (Kerr, 2011; Tones et al., 2009).

For all the participants in Stone and O’Shea’s (2013) study, life was a “constant juggling act” (p. 100) and while giving up or sacrificing their personal leisure time was often a given, many were further impacted by the guilt of not having enough time for others now that they were students. For instance, terms like “selfish” were used to characterize themselves for choosing to pursue PSE (Stone & O’Shea, 2013, p. 109). According to Popovic (2014), often the primary reason students withdraw from adult upgrading programs is the difficulty of having to juggle school and work on top of other roles and responsibilities.

Compared to younger traditional students whose likelihood of attrition is more affected by the success of their social integration, mature students are more affected by external factors, which are compounded by multiple roles and responsibilities. Role overload also takes away time from important facets of being a college or university student, such as interacting with peers and faculty and getting involved in campus or class-related activities (Bean & Metzner, 1985).

The numerous demands on and responsibilities of mature students are more likely to lead them to question whether completing their PSE is worthwhile (Gerrard & Roberts, 2006). Role overload leads to many mature students choosing to study part-time or to take leaves of absence from their studies; ultimately, the longer it takes to complete their studies, the higher the rate of attrition

(Taniguchi & Kaufman, 2005). These factors that lead to attrition are also more acute for multi-

22 barriered mature students, the population of interest in this study, who embody multiple marginalities such as age, gender, immigrant status, race and class. For instance, mature minority ethnic students are more likely to lack family support and to feel different from other students on the basis of their language and culture (Bowl, 2001). In a research report commissioned by

Status of Women Canada examining barriers faced by Canadian immigrant women (Yaccato &

Thomas, 2012), the authors refer to “the language conundrum” in pointing out that language was the top cited barrier to “everything” including leadership, self-esteem, confidence, employment, and being a Canadian immigrant (p. 101).

They are also more likely to feel unwelcomed and unsupported, and to encounter obstacles such as “racism, hostility, prejudice, discrimination, instructional bias, self-doubt, alienation, isolation and cultural insensitivity” (Strayhorn et al., 2012, p. 69). That private career colleges have a high enrolment of older ethnic minority students as well as a higher than average retention rate (80% overall graduation rate) could be attributed to students learning in an environment where they feel more comfortable studying with other students similar to themselves (Milian & Hicks, 2014), though these may be due in part to the shorter duration of the program and higher tuition (which may incentivize the students to complete their programs).

Institutional Barriers

The institutional barriers are related to the situational barriers, as the high attrition rate also points to the fact that institutions do not sufficiently address the many situational barriers faced by mature students. There are also institution-specific barriers such as the cost of tuition and supplies, entrance requirements and the choice of programs (McAleavy et al., 2004).

According to Devlin and Gallagher (1982), mature students may feel alone as many Canadian

PSE institutions are either designed for traditional younger students or separate mature students from the rest of the student population. For the incoming mature student, the institution is likely to seem alien (Murray et al., 2010).

The lower retention of mature students may be due to the lack of services for mature students and the lack of flexibility in the academic programs (van Rhijn et al., 2015). For instance, in a study by Carney-Crompton and Tan (2002), female mature students were found to lack academic, emotional and instrumental support. For such students, post-secondary institutions could provide more relevant and a wider range of supports such as by providing a specialized mature student orientation, making courses more accessible (e.g., distance education) and re-evaluating the admissions criteria to better recognize the academic potential of mature students. An explanation of such supports is provided in the Support Services for Mature

Students section later in this chapter.

Dispositional Barriers

Dispositional barriers refer to the attitudes, values and perceptions of a person towards learning (Kerr, 2011; McAleavy et al., 2004). Many mature students report being nervous and insecure about being a student and meeting the academic demands of the program, especially if they have been away from a formal learning environment for a long time. Busher and James

(2019) refer to a return to formal education as a “risk-filled process,” wherein:

Mature students are often hesitant about re-entering formal education because their

previous life experiences have reduced their confidence for engaging in formal learning

(Crossan et al., 2003). They fear that their new experiences, like many of those in their

pasts, will be riven with tensions between them as agents, others, and the social and

institutional structures they encounter. …The contexts in which people live and work can

help or hinder people’s efforts to develop themselves. (p. 77)

For many, the apprehension sets in even before starting PSE: “often, the anxieties surrounding

[higher education] entry remain or become worse through the application process, in fact, barriers often appear more significant and difficult to overcome as students move through the choice process” (Twigg-Flesner, 2018, p. 133).

Some specific academic needs identified by mature students are “learning how to prepare better term papers” and “improving test-taking skills” (Devlin & Gallagher, 1982, p. 40). The first year of PSE entails a socialization period in which the hopes and excitement wane as many are faced with the difficult realities of being a mature student (Becker, 2009). Support and guidance from the post-secondary institutions can aid mature students, who often show signs of low self-esteem (Burton, Lloyd & Griffiths, 2011). These supports could include providing greater clarity about skills requirements for specific courses, conducting an early needs analysis of individual students or developing a process to address students’ skills gaps through appropriate training (Newson et al., 2011).

Stereotypical gender roles and how students were socialized may also affect how mature female students view themselves as learners (Strayhorn et al., 2012). Male partners of female students are less likely than female partners of male students to adapt and assume more of the domestic responsibilities and provide emotional support, which may cause mature female students to feel overwhelmed, alone and less confident during their PSE (Baxter & Britton, 2001;

Leonard, 1994).

Government’s Growing Interest and Investment in Mature Students

Several government programs have been created in recent years to work towards the following statement: “The vision of the Ministry of Advanced Education and Skills Development

(the Ministry) is to have the most educated people and highly skilled workforce in the world in order to build the province’s competitive advantage and quality of life” (Ministry of Advanced

Education and Skills Development, 2018, p. 4). In working towards building an educated and highly skilled workforce, the government has been recognizing that older adults (mature students) play an important and integral part; for instance, the Government of Ontario through its

“Open Ontario Plan” aims to raise the PSE attainment rate of adults of ages 25 to 64 to 70%

(Office of the Premier, 2010). Such plans and programs have been developed to increase the participation of mature students in PSE to improve the province’s competitiveness and status in the changing global economy (Kerr, 2011). For instance, Canada currently ranks 15th amongst all industrialized countries in manufacturing innovation, and lags behind others in providing adequate education and on-the-job training for skilled workers and tradespeople (The Centre for

Digital Entrepreneurship and Economic Performance [DEEP Centre], 2015). Choitz and Prince

(2008) explain, “companies that cannot find qualified workers cannot compete in the global economy. Without enough qualified workers, companies must find ‘work-around’ solutions, hiring a less-educated workforce or moving to countries that produce a greater number of highly educated citizens” (p. 5). The DEEP Centre, a non-partisan Canadian economic policy think tank, emphasizes the growing significance of innovation and competitiveness in training and supporting the skilled trades workforce (2015) in their research study on the future of manufacturing. For instance, machinists now require further skills upgrading and development, in addition to the knowledge needed to operate modern equipment. Relatedly, Choitz and Prince

(2008) argue that “jobs that require only on-the-job training are on the way out” (p. 5). There is therefore an increasing demand placed on the government to raise the skill level in various trades professions as workers need to be able to keep up with the new demands of their jobs.

In order for the province to remain competitive, the government has enacted programs in partnership with Ontario’s PSE institutions such as the Pre-Apprenticeship Training program and the Second Career program, to offset, or at least, to mitigate the significant gap that the currently rapidly aging workforce will leave, starting by focusing on the decline in skilled labour in various sectors of the labour market (e.g., social services and skilled trades). For instance, according to a Government of Canada funded report The Future of the Manufacturing Labour

Force in Canada (Prism Economics and Analysis, 2017), “nearly every region will need to overcome a recruitment gap to sustain their production and to grow. …Key manufacturing occupations are staffed by older workers who will be leaving the workforce over the next decade.

Replacing them is the most important human resources problem for manufacturers across the country” (p. 7).

Workers aged 55 and up have been a rapidly growing segment of Ontario’s labour force, a trend which is expected to continue as the population over 65 increases and workers delay retirement (R.A. Malatest & Associates, 2016). In addition, older unemployed people, especially, face a more difficult time finding work and stay unemployed for longer periods of time compared to younger age groups (R.A. Malatest & Associates, 2016).

The Second Career Program: Why Focus on Second Career Students?

The Second Career program, which all of the participants in this study are or have recently been a part of, is an example of a program mandated by the government, which is

27 accessed by older laid-off unemployed Ontarians. In 2008, the Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities (MTCU) introduced the Second Career program, “as a response to the economic crisis and mass number of lay-offs occurring across the province” (R.A. Malatest & Associates,

2016, p. iii). Since then, the Second Career program has been offering people who have recently been laid off a chance to receive a specialized college-level diploma to pursue a job in a career field with positive job prospects. If an individual is accepted to participate in the program, the program provides up to $28,000 for tuition, books, transportation, other instruction costs, child care and basic living expenses (Ministry of Labour, Training and Skills Development, 2019).

Although the Second Career program has provided an opportunity for many multi- barriered mature students, especially older mature and low socio-economic status individuals to enter higher education, it has several strict funding-dependent policies and stipulations that restrict full access and privileges for the participating students (e.g., not being able to drop courses or choose to become a part-time student; being ineligible for many scholarships, grants or student jobs on campus; and not being able to apply for any additional financial aid or social assistance such as Ontario Works). This may be attributed to the heavy emphasis the government has placed on the efficiency and speed of the PSE trajectory for Second Career students. In an evaluation of the program ordered by the Ministry, the purpose of the Second Career program is characterized as “to retrain laid-off workers as quickly and efficiently as possible for new careers in higher growth industries and occupations” (R.A. Malatest & Associates, 2016, p. ii). Multi- barriered mature students have a lot at stake when deciding to begin their journeys in higher education. Anxieties are heightened for those who are not comfortable communicating in English and for those with greater familial and financial responsibilities and obligations, which includes many Second Career students. Thus, while the Second Career program has laudable goals, many

28 of its current policies and criteria may be restrictive for both its (potential) applicants and currently funded students.

Both Popovic’s “Mature Students in Ontario’s Colleges” (2014) and Kerr’s “Adult

Learners in Ontario Postsecondary Institutions” (2011) call for a deepening of policymakers and administrators’ understandings of the experiences of mature students in Ontario. Both papers also rightly praise the Second Career program for having been accessed by 68,000 unemployed laid-off workers, a majority of whom found new jobs after three months of graduation. However, most Second Career students are older (average age being 41 [Colleges Ontario, 2019]), have little or no prior PSE experience (more than half have a grade-12 education or less), and are in a distressed state having been recently laid-off and struggling to make ends meet. As both authors mention, there is a lack of understanding of the experiences of mature students in Ontario’s colleges, especially for those such as the Second Career students.

The barriers for mature students outlined above, such as financial difficulties, are often experienced acutely by Second Career students. For example, although Popovic (2014) offers recommendations such as making the Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) more accessible for mature students, this may not apply to the Second Career students as the conditions of their funding often restricts them from receiving other forms of financial assistance from the government. Many college or program-wide scholarships and bursaries also exclude

Second Career-funded students. The average amount of funding that Second Career students receive during the course of their studies (up to two years) is $17,500 (Popovic, 2014). However, when one takes into consideration the tuition and costs related to books, transportation and other school materials, the student, who usually has dependents and other familial responsibilities, is left struggling throughout their studies. According to Kerr (2011), there is also currently a higher

29 proportion of older students than younger students with private loans or financing arrangements which suggests the current public financial aid system is not meeting their needs. As Second

Career students are multi-barriered mature students, and likely to have dependents and family and financial obligations, it is vital that the policies guiding the program reflect this reality. The rising costs of childcare, for instance, must be taken into account in the funding allocations for the Second Career students, especially as the Second Career program is geared for community colleges and almost half of the colleges in Ontario do not provide on-site childcare services (van

Rhijn et al., 2015). Aside from funding, it would also be helpful for Second Career students if the realities of the ‘role overload’ they are facing (as students, parents, spouses, and bread-winners of their families) was recognized and students were granted more flexibility to take courses in the summer or to take more time to complete their programs at perhaps a slower pace, if needed.

The strict policies and rules of the Second Career program also limit the participants’ agency in pursuing the program and institution of choice, which ultimately affects the equity of opportunities. This is because the Second Career program only covers vocational training and programs that have been shown to demonstrate occupational demand (e.g., via government

Labour Market Indicators or National Occupational Classification data). Such funding program stipulations have led to the ‘decline’ in choice for multi-barriered mature students (e.g., older students of low socio-economic status), who would not be able to pursue PSE if not for such financial support (Perna & Titus, 2004). For instance, an incoming student may want to pursue a

Bachelor of Social Work degree; however, the Second Career program will only allow her to enroll in a community college diploma for the Social Service Worker program. This will affect the types of jobs the individual could apply for in the future as a Social Service Worker, as she

30 would only be able to assist or support Social Workers in her role, which would limit the places or sectors she could apply to for employment.

Second Career students may have additional individual needs. Dietsche (2012) in his

“Use of Campus Support Services by Ontario College Students” explains that, while a majority of Ontario college students do not take advantage of the services offered by their schools, there are certain factors that may increase the need for some students to access the services, including age, gender, ethnicity, negative college experiences and poor grades. Dietsche (2012) specifically mentions Second Career students who are entering college for the first time, as part of this demographic, as they are more likely “to bring a variety of issues such as childcare and anxieties about their ability to succeed” (p. 82). This highlights the urgency for a better understanding of these students and their needs, as well as the creation of specialized and individualized support and academic program flexibility. The higher likelihood of Second Career students frequenting campus support services may also be linked to many needing additional literacy and academic support (especially for many older recent immigrant students) as the

Second Career funding does not cover fees related to re-taking classes if the student is not successful, and financial advice, as the Second Career funding policy restricts its students from considering many conventional financial aid options such as Ontario Student Assistance Program or Ontario Works.

Support Services for Mature Students

Student support services are an integral feature of PSE institutions. A diverse array of student services is usually provided, with the goal of increasing student success and persistence, under the assumption that these services will help “disadvantaged students overcome their

31 potential lack of information, cultural capital, or academic preparedness” (Dietsche, 2012, p. 66).

There is a need for student services. For instance, approximately one third of Canadian community college students reported that their mathematics, time management, test-taking, and study skills were fair or poor and many of them also believed that they could benefit from extra support via student services in these areas. Appropriate and timely provision of student support services for academically weak or unprepared students can improve student persistence, academic performance, retention rates and satisfaction levels (Dietsche, 2012). Student services are especially important to mature students, as, according to Devlin and Gallagher’s (1982) case study of a Canadian community college, mature students have a greater number of needs than younger students and also tend to feel their needs more acutely.

Currently, there are a variety of helpful on-campus support services that many post- secondary institutions in Ontario offer, such as counseling, tutoring, peer mentoring and childcare services. Dietsche (2012), in his study of the use of campus support services by Ontario college students, found that, although many useful services exist, the majority of students do not make use of most of the services offered. For multi-barriered mature students, this may be attributed to the reasons discussed in the next section.

Why the Services May Not be Accessed and Possible Mitigation Measures

Relevancy. The existing student services may not be or seem relevant to the mature student population if the services are designed and delivered with younger traditional students in mind. For instance, Murray et al. (2010) found that students ages 30 and over in their study had the most concerns about their comfort within the learning environment, especially around attending classes with younger students. This was intertwined with strong concerns and doubts

32 about their own academic abilities, as many found their programs challenging (whereas the younger students found their programs significantly less challenging). Student services by, for instance, having one integrated new student orientation week with activities geared for younger students in mind and workshops around issues more pressing for traditional, younger students, will not provide appropriate support for the multi-barriered mature student population.

In a qualitative, mixed methods (focus groups and interviews in phase 1 and an online survey in phase 2) study by Tones et al. (2009) conducted at a large metropolitan university in

Australia, mature students suggested that staff awareness of mature student issues would make the services more relevant and helpful which could lead more mature students to make use of these services. Some mature students have reported feeling “humiliated or emotionally diminished” in their interactions with staff (especially if they feel that they are being patronized) which could deter them from coming back to receive further services (Newson et al., 2011, p.

55). Educating and preparing relevant staff in PSE on mature student issues were identified as crucial to the quality and helpfulness of the student services for mature students and “imperative for promoting shared understanding of academic expectations…thus helping to ease this demographic into university life” (Tones et al., 2009, p. 527). Such training for staff would include tips and methods of teaching and supporting mature students in their learning (e.g., being encouraging and welcoming as opposed to patronizing them) (Newson et al., 2011). To develop, modify or expand existing campus support services to better support these students, staff must also first understand the diversity of mature student experiences, and life situations and the barriers unique to this population (Cullity, 2006), such as the difficulties of ‘role overload’ and

“their consequent need to take a time-efficient approach” as a post-secondary student (Newson et al., 2011, p. 3).

Although currently existing campus support services can be beneficial for mature students, many of these services have been created and designed with traditional, younger students in mind. More PSE institutions in Ontario need to develop academic and social support services designed to meet the unique needs of mature students (Kerr, 2011). For instance, health- related issues are more prevalent among mature students and have been one of the top reasons for discontinuing PSE (Kerr, 2011). The situation is worse for multi-barriered mature students, such as those in this study, as it has been found that “characteristics such as race or ethnicity, religion, socioeconomic status, gender, age, mental health, disability, sexual orientation or gender identity, geographic location, or other characteristics historically linked to exclusion or discrimination are known to influence health status” (Department of Health and Human Services,

2014, p. 2). A better and wider range of support services related to health and wellness will be necessary as the prevalence of physical health challenges (e.g., arthritis, back problems) increase with age (Kerr, 2011).

Access programs and initiatives to expand PSE pathways for mature female students, especially of low socio-economic status (LSES), could also be offered, as there seems to be much untapped potential for this population to enter PSE (O’Shea & Stone, 2011). Gendered vulnerabilities and priorities of mature female students must be properly accommodated, as

“recognizing and respecting the many other demands that these students have upon them is of key importance in maximizing [their] potential” (O’Shea & Stone, 2011, p. 286). A more flexible approach by administrators and instructors as well as the provision of support services appropriate for this population (e.g., female counselors or mentors, and mature women-specific student support groups), as well as more affordable and accessible childcare services, would be

34 helpful additions that could improve access, retention and the quality of learning experience for mature female students (O’Shea & Stone, 2011).

Flexibility and Awareness. As many multi-barriered mature students are time-poor, they may not be able to find the time to make an appointment, make an additional trip to campus and take advantage of the student services the university or college provides (e.g., writing center, counseling, peer mentoring or tutoring), especially during regular office or work hours. They may not even know about these services or be aware that they could seek support for their needs, if this is not readily apparent or pointed out to them, as they may not spend as much time on campus or have the time to network with peers and may not be as socially integrated.

Awareness of university support services is typically very poor among mature students

(Tones et al., 2009), thus the “passive delivery model” (or a “build it and they will come” approach) used by many PSE institutions, which assumes that students have the necessary

“knowledge, social skills, and motivation to seek out and make use of available services” is unfounded (Dietsche, 2012, p. 85) and further adds to the “need-use gap” that exists for mature students with respect to student services in Ontario’s PSE institutions (Dietsche, 2012, p. 82).

Instead of waiting for the students to find out about and come to ask for and receive services, the department as well as the institution can call for a shift towards an “intrusive advising” service delivery model, which takes a caseworker approach with structured meetings with advisers, mandatory activities (e.g., academic planning) and close tracking of student success (Dietsche,

2012, p. 85). This approach has already been shown to be effective in several Ontario PSE institutions and has the potential to contribute to the successful learning and completion of PSE especially for older mature students who may have rusty academic skills, those with a first

35 language other than English, those entering PSE for the first time and those who are anxious about their ability to succeed (Dietsche, 2012).

As most of the services are offered in-person and through scheduled appointments, they can be difficult for mature students to access. Accordingly, Choitz and Prince (2008) argue,

“flexible delivery options can produce positive results for adult learners” (p. 3). To better accommodate such students, Dietsche (2012) suggests the development of a more “proactive model that includes an online component” using a variety of web-based communication strategies that could minimize some of the hindrances (e.g., lack of time) to students using these services (p. 85). Workshops and support for using computers and technology related to such online services should also be provided in tandem; however, many multi-barriered mature students, especially those who are older and of low socio-economic status, may not have access to a personal computer or may not possess the needed computing skills (Tones et al., 2009).

Many mature students (76% LSES mature students and 54% non-LSES mature students) report that they are uncertain about where to go to receive on-campus support services (Tones et al., 2009). More frequent classroom discussions of the value of these services as well as personal invitations to advising sessions by faculty or staff could lead to a greater number of students accessing these services to better develop strategies to cope and manage their academic lives, which could ultimately improve the quality of their time in PSE as well as the rate of retention among this population (Dietsche, 2012). As much research has shown, interactions between students and faculty are of great importance and have a significant effect on mature students.

Mitigation measures such as the creation of a social integration system better suited for specific age-cohort(s) could be offered (for instance, a cohort system where a group of students closer together in age and life experiences could go through the coursework and program together or

36 the creation of more age-specific student advisory groups wherein the students could advise the school [Giancola et al., 2008]). Wilson (1997) explains the importance and benefits of such measures that specifically create opportunities for students to be in the “company of people the same age” (Wilson, 1997, p. 353) which help students to feel more comfortable to discuss and seek guidance from their peers, as this could help reduce the feelings of isolation and/or difference experienced especially by older mature students.

Another effective strategy could be to appoint a contact person among the academic staff to take on a caring tutor role. Although many institutions currently run peer-mentoring programs, such programs do not have the same effect on students as having access to academic staff mentors or liaisons and are not reported as a helpful source of support during enrolment or the first few days of school (Ayres & Guilfoyle, 2008). Ayres and Guilfoyle (2008) argue that such an academic point of contact designated for mature students can provide a sense of welcome and personal acknowledgement to help them to feel accepted and adjust more smoothly to their new student identities, especially for those who are facing many of the situational, institutional and dispositional barriers discussed above. This contact person can also then encourage the students to access other campus support services.

Childcare. Having access to adequate and affordable childcare services is very important for many multi-barriered mature students. While most universities in Ontario offer some form of childcare services on site, about half of the colleges do not. There are also many universities and colleges that do not have any childcare facilities on site but simply refer students to day care centers, baby-sitters or nannies in the area (van Rhijn et al., 2015). For the institutions that do offer on-site childcare services, the waitlist is often very long, so a spot is not guaranteed for mature students with children (Kerr, 2011).

The Georgian College Institute of Applied Research and Innovation (2005) compiled some best practices PSE institutions could plan for and take up to support mature students with dependents. These include providing child care services and support programs; counseling and family support programs; family housing and accommodations; student associations, services and cultural centers (e.g., women’s centers, adult service centers, mature student associations) that can provide support, resources and a physical space; food banks and services; health care services (inclusive of the students’ dependents); financial support (e.g., emergency bursaries and loans); transportation programs (e.g., ride-matching services or reimbursement of transit passes); provision of lactation centers and diaper changing tables; and flexible and accommodating academic programming and scheduling.

Pre-entry Planning and Guidance. Developing and implementing specialized academic and other support services, such as pre-entry guidance tailored for mature students, is important as many incoming mature students require additional academic and integration support when planning for their time in PSE (Horle & O’Donohue, 1993). Thus, the accuracy and timeliness of information provided to mature students, such as course listings, student accommodation information, and childcare and financial guidance, are crucial (Giancola et al., 2008; Newson et al., 2011). For instance, Davies and Williams (2001) explain how many factors play into mature students’ decision processes, including the “availability, nature, reliability, and timing of information” (p. 192). This could take the form of course planning programs, informative orientation sessions and the early distribution of course and program-related materials (Ayres &

Guilfoyle, 2008). Many institutions currently provide mature student-specific (induction) orientation programs at the beginning of the academic year, however, they tend to be brief and

38 restricted in terms of content. Such orientation programs have been identified as instrumental in helping to form peer networks and supports among the members of this population.

It is important, from the start, to create a sense of social connectivity and inclusion through such initiatives. In a study carried out by Mohawk College (2012), an in-depth online survey was used to gather data about how the students and staff felt about the inclusiveness of the college’s environment: it found that social inclusion was closely linked to students’ positive mental health as well as student success and academic achievement. Peer networks are a valuable resource and support system during one’s time in PSE, as students may listen to peers as they see them going through similar experiences and stages of development in their PSE journeys

(Mayhew et al., 2016). It would also be beneficial for the students to be provided a “mature student survival guide” outlining the institution’s expectations for the students as well as all the available services and a list of Frequently Asked Questions that new incoming mature students may have (Newson et al., 2011, p. 18).

According to a study of adult learners’ experiences in Ontario’s PSE institutions by van

Rhijn (2015), most of these orientations occur during a weekday in the afternoon and it is extremely rare for an institution to schedule an orientation on a weekend or in the evening, although this would be easier for mature students. Also, only one institution in Ontario (Algoma) provided adequate childcare services for mature students during the orientation session. It would be beneficial if childcare services could be offered during the mature student orientations so that more students could attend (van Rhijn, 2015). It is recommended that the students are informed at an early stage of the diverse services that are offered and how they can access these services, such as skills workshops and counseling, when they need them (Newson et al., 2011; Popovic,

2014). A well-tailored orientation for mature students would allow these students to feel

39 familiarized with the institution and armed with the confidence that such services and supports are accessible to them, reducing anxiety and thereby increasing retention (Popovic, 2014). If possible, before the orientation, mature students could be provided with important information in regard to their academic planning (e.g., course schedule, syllabus, reading lists) so they can prepare ahead and come to the orientation with any questions they may have (Newson et al.,

2011).

Along this line, it would greatly help multi-barriered mature students to plan early and make practical arrangements, especially those who have family and work responsibilities, if the timetables came out earlier and did not change as this would allow the students to not feel as overwhelmed and consequently reduce the need to withdraw from school before completion

(Newson et al., 2011). Providing these students ample time to prepare and make arrangements for their other roles or responsibilities could also be complemented with flexible timetabling, scheduling and course delivery options (Ayres & Guilfoyle, 2008). Furthermore, it would benefit students if stronger assessment tools were created to evaluate academic preparedness, thereby connecting students with more appropriate supports (e.g., peer mentoring or tutoring system with those similar in age and experiences, learning communities encouraging peer learning and facilitation or a mature-student-specific course on sharpening one’s academic skills) (Giancola et al., 2008). Placing more importance on one’s life experiences such as one’s prior work experience and having brought up a family (e.g., incorporating this into the curriculum or through extra-curricular activities) could also boost older students’ confidence levels and help them to feel accepted and respected by their younger counterparts (Wilson, 1997).

Physical Space. Although there are a few institutions that provide a physical space or support center for mature students (a good example being Queen’s University’s Ban Righ

Centre), a supportive space for female mature students to connect with one another as well as where specialized financial advising, social, academic and information services for this population are offered, is still lacking in many of Ontario’s PSE institutions (Ban Righ Centre, n.d.; Kerr, 2011). According to a study by Newson et al. (2011) on the experiences of mature students at the University of Surrey, wherein consultative workshops and interviews were held with mature students, support staff, academic staff and key stakeholders within the university, they found that social and emotional issues such as problems fitting in with younger traditional students, and feeling lonely, isolated and ‘different’ were common stressors among mature students. Similarly, in another study by Cochrane (1991), in which six mature female students were interviewed about their 1st year at the Queen’s University of Belfast, it was found that mature and younger students often stayed within their own (similarly) aged cohorts and mature students were often criticized by the younger students for “talking too much” (p. 47). Cochrane

(1991) found that most mature students, especially women, did their studying at home, were not as involved with school clubs or extra-curricular activities and were not physically on campus as much as younger students, as they had other commitments and responsibilities such as looking after the children, preparing meals, and doing housework as well as working either a part-time or full-time job. One of the participants even reported only having quiet time to work on her studies between 2 a.m. and 8 a.m. Such circumstances could lead to many mature students feeling isolated and lonely during their time as a student, thus a physical space and support groups for mature students are beneficial to their developing and maintaining a positive outlook and attitude about PSE and their studies (Kerr, 2011).

As many mature students are commuters, providing such a space would be beneficial for those that felt like they had nowhere to go or did not ‘fit in’ other common spaces frequented by

41 younger students. Many mature students reported that they often felt as if they were a “captive market for the University’s shops and cafes, and had nowhere suitable to gravitate between lectures where they could relax or study” (Newson et al., 2011, p. 4). Such a space would also promote social engagement, reducing feelings of isolation or loneliness often felt by mature students (Newson et al., 2011). Since, at times, the partners or spouses of the students may also feel left out or even come to resent the choices of the students to start or resume their studies, it would be beneficial to include the partners or spouses as a part of their academic journeys and lives by also inviting them to spend time at these centers and to take part in events or programs offered at such a positive ‘mature student space’ on campus (Norton et al., 1998).

Financial Support. Lastly, there exists a big gap in addressing the financial difficulties and offering sufficient financial support for mature students in Ontario’s PSE institutions, especially as “students who most need help paying for post-secondary education…are least likely to have the support they need” (Canadian Millennium Scholarship Foundation, 2006, p. 3). Many

PSE institutions do not provide specific resources or information on financial supports for mature students; one way to more effectively disseminate such information would be to have a dedicated section on the institution’s website specifically for mature students (van Rhijn, 2015).

Aside from the lack of a proper channel to share such information, many multi-barriered LSES mature students face financial difficulties, as many older learners do not qualify for OSAP or other conventional student or government funding. For instance, a 55-year-old female student interviewee from van Rhijn’s (2015) study of the causes of attrition of mature students in Ontario stated, “I did not qualify for OSAP or other funding. My financial stresses are great however and going back to school means that I worsened the situation” (p. 13). Similarly to government loans or funding, many of the school or program scholarships, grants or bursaries, although not

42 necessarily explicitly or intentionally, also exclude many mature students, as they frequently require the students to study full-time and to have been involved in a variety of extra-curricular or on-campus leadership activities that are more favourable to the situations of their younger, traditional student counterparts (van Rhijn, 2015).

Need-based financial aid or support is important in widening participation for multi- barriered mature students, especially for the low-income subset of such students (Doyle, 2008).

Although, there are also merit-based forms of financial aid available for students who have strong academic backgrounds, academic preparedness for PSE and high academic grades are usually positively correlated with family income and multi-barriered LSES mature students may be the least academically prepared (Perna & Titus, 2004). For mature students at the intersection of multiple marginalities and facing a difficult time in their lives, such as the Second Career students, who have been recently laid-off, are struggling to make ends meet and have little or no prior PSE experience, the financial difficulties are heightened as they are barred from obtaining other forms of government funding (e.g., OW, OSAP) and are ineligible to apply for student awards and scholarships as well as other government summer employment programs (e.g.,

Ontario Public Service Summer Employment Opportunities) due to age requirements (the cut-off is 30 years old) (Popovic, 2014).

Unfortunately, multi-barriered mature students who are struggling financially are not able to turn to the government’s social assistance program. Lightman et al. (2009) argue that there is

“contradiction between the stated philosophy of Ontario Works [social assistance program] to tackle ‘dependency’ and to support ‘self–sufficiency’ and the reality of the program directives that deny access to further education” (p. 97). Instead of encouraging or supporting the most vulnerable receiving social assistance (including the least educated mature individuals) to pursue

43 and successfully complete PSE, social assistance recipients who decide to attend PSE are instead turned away and instructed to seek other financial resources, such as the Ontario Student

Assistance Program (OSAP), to support their decision to enter PSE (Lightman et al., 2009). For single, full-time students, the receipt of a loan under OSAP effectively terminates their eligibility for ongoing social assistance (Ministry of Colleges and Universities, 2020), rendering it

“virtually impossible for low-income students to obtain social assistance and student loans simultaneously while pursuing post-secondary education…Those who receive both face sanctions such as the termination of all supports, ineligibility for future OSAP loans, and even incarceration” (Lightman et al., 2009, p. 101). However, as Lightman et al. (2009) argue, “any system that forces those on assistance to either surrender the considerable social and economic benefits of higher education, or violate the law to obtain the funding [they] require is fundamentally wrong” (p. 102).

A financial support or incentive program that can ensure that the most vulnerable subset of the mature student population during the course of their PSE are supported in terms of tuition, instructional costs and a living subsidy would greatly improve PSE access, persistence and retention for this demographic. A concerted effort between PSE institutions, community partners and other relevant stakeholders, following a balanced approach of providing the necessary resources to the PSE system as well as supporting the learners, can improve access for multi- barriered mature students (Alberta Advanced Education, 2005).

Summary

This chapter started with a description of the post-secondary education system in the

Ontario context as well as its ‘mature students.’ It then provided a review of the existing

44 literature on the topics of the experiences and unique difficulties of older, female mature students as well as why more research on this specific population is needed; ‘mature student retention conundrum’ and the strategies to address or combat it; the three different types of barriers

(situational, institutional and dispositional) faced by mature students; government’s growing interest and investment in mature students in Ontario; the Second Career program and its students, including the difficulties they may face; and an array of student support services along with why they may not be accessible for mature students, and the possible mitigation measures and suggestions.

As was evident throughout this section, there is a lack of and consequently a pressing need for further research on how multi-barriered mature students in Ontario experience PSE and how they identify, make sense of and deal with the difficulties they face. This study will address these points with the hopes of contributing to a deeper understanding of the experiences of multi- barriered mature students as discussed by the participants themselves, which could help ground and inform discussions around systems-level change and supports for ensuring the success of these students.

Chapter 3

Theoretical Framework

This chapter will discuss the two theoretical frameworks, namely intersectionality and the capabilities approach, that have informed the analysis and interpretation of the findings and the overall gathered data. Theoretical frameworks act as “a structure that summarizes concepts and theories” (Kivunja, 2018, p. 46); they are important as they:

provide a structure for what to look for in the data, for how you think of how what you

see in the data fits together, and helps you to discuss your findings more clearly, in light

of what existing theories say. (Kivunja, 2018, p. 47)

These two theoretical frameworks also complement and work with the life history methodology that guides this study, along with important related concepts such as sense-making, marginality and agency, all working in tandem to situate the students’ personal and shared lived experiences within a wider understanding of higher education in Ontario as they make visible the complexities of their experiences or struggles, as opposed to other theoretical approaches that may “keep these struggles hidden or muffle discussion and criticism” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 1).

These frameworks have been purposefully selected, as they are “a large part of our world, framing the way issues are seen, shaping perceptions of salience” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. xi); in other words, they were able to provide a lens to not only make sense of the findings, but also more importantly, inform the values and intentions of the study.

45 46

Intersectionality

Intersectionality is the most important theoretical contribution that women’s studies, in

conjunction with related fields, has made so far. (McCall, 2005, p. 1771)

Bowleg (2012) provides a fitting definition of “intersectionality” which this study undertakes:

Intersectionality is a theoretical framework that posits that multiple social categories

(e.g., race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, socio-economic status) intersect at the

micro level of individual experience to reflect multiple interlocking systems of privilege

and oppression at the macro, social-structural level (e.g., racism, sexism, heterosexism).

(p. 1267)

With an emphasis on the socialist feminist approach, the interconnectivity of gender (patriarchy) and class (capitalism) will be highlighted in the analyses of the experiences of this study’s participants. “Opposed to both centralized state socialism and to capitalist patriarchy” (Gardiner,

2019), socialist feminist politics today focus on advocating for women’s rights and acknowledgement of women’s experiences in the home and in the labour market (and, by extension, higher education). As this study not only focuses on female students of LSES, but has intentionally recruited those with multiple barriers and correlating needs, an intersectional theoretical framework is employed throughout. In other words, with socialist feminist perspective providing the impetus to consider the interconnections of gender and class, intersectionality or what Gordon (2016), a self-identified second-wave socialist feminist, refers to as the ‘socialist feminist tradition of intersectionality’ (p. 341), allows for other vectors of domination or social categories such as race and immigrant status (or history) to be considered

47 simultaneously. A central tenet of intersectionality is the “notion that social categories (e.g., race,

SES, gender, sexual orientation) are not independent and unidimensional but rather multiple, interdependent, and mutually constitutive” (p. 1268).

With its roots in black feminist scholarship, the term was first coined by Kimberlé

Crenshaw in 1989 to explain the interlocking nature of oppressions faced by Black women, with a focus on gender and race, specifically pointing out the exclusion of Black women from White feminist and antiracist discourses (Bowleg, 2012). Crenshaw (1989) writes:

The point is Black women can experience discrimination in any number of ways and that

the contradiction arises from our assumptions that their claims of exclusion must be

unidirectional. Consider an analogy to traffic in an intersection, coming and going in all

four directions. Discrimination, like traffic through an intersection, may flow in one

direction, and it may flow in another…Black women can experience discrimination in

ways that are both similar to and different from those experienced by white women and

Black men. (p. 149)

Since then, intersectionality as a theoretical framework has gained prominence and has gone through numerous iterations. It is used widely today to challenge single-issue analyses while acknowledging the multiple, unique identities, experiences, challenges and histories of women.

As Bowleg (2012) puts it,

Intersectionality includes and transcends women of color to include all people whose

microlevel and macrolevel experiences intersect at the nexus of multiple social

inequalities and is broad enough to include populations who inhabit dimensions of social

privilege and oppression simultaneously. (p. 1270)

This extends to all the women in this study who share several social categories and identities such as being low-income older women with little to no previous PSE experience, but who also individually face unique challenges.

As Gordon (2016) states, “as we recognise the double or triple or otherwise multiplied

‘jeopardy’ and micro-aggressions that the subaltern experience, we need to examine how these jeopardies work in practice, in culture, in the economy, in politics” (p. 354), and hopefully through this study, in our higher education institutions. It is important to note and recognize the intersectionality of gender, class and other various markers and acknowledge how these

“structures of oppression are related and, therefore, how struggles are linked” (Carbado et al.,

2013, p. 306). To truly attempt to bring greater awareness of how multi-barriered mature students in the Second Career program experience PSE, this study takes an intersectional feminist approach and stance throughout by considering “how multiple social identities at the individual level of experience (i.e., the micro level) intersect with multiple-level social inequalities at the macro structural level” (Bowleg, 2012, p. 1269) (as for instance, an older female mature student of LSES would have a markedly different experience from a younger, single mother, female mature student).

Paired with life history methodology, which is “ideally suited to intersectionality’s implicit complexity and multiplicity” (Bowleg, 2012, p. 1270), an intersectional approach has allowed for a deeper and richer analysis of how the women are navigating and experiencing the complex terrains of policy, the Second Career program and higher education. Through employing an intersectional lens, this study hopes to contribute to the existing field as “there are many unexplored aspects of the workings of intersectional (dis)advantage in the higher education context” (Nichols & Stahl, 2019, p. 1265). An intersectional approach also considers the

49 diversity and the complex dimensions of marginalization of this population and takes into account the whole life of a person, including their histories, identities and stories, while being mindful to not fall into the “competing marginalities” mindset (Fellows & Razack, 1998), as

“measuring who is most oppressed is unproductive” (p. 339). As Bowleg (2012) states,

One of intersectionality’s greatest strengths is its broad embrace of multiple intersecting

identities and multiple interlocking privilege and oppression. No social category or form

of social inequality is more salient than another from an intersectionality perspective.

Social categories are not additive and thus cannot be ranked. (p. 1271)

An intersectional theoretical framework can certainly “complicate everything” (Havinsky

& Christoffersen, 2008, p. 279), be “challenging” to use (McCall, 2005, p. 1772) and be full of

“theoretical, political, and methodological murkiness” (Nash, 2008, p. 1), but as Bowleg (2012) states, “this murkiness may simultaneously be a strength because it provides seemingly endless opportunities for debate, theorizing, and research” (p. 1270). The complexities of intersectionality make visible the interlocking systems of oppression (Fellows & Razack, 1998) and dynamics deeply entrenched in our PSE institutions, policies and the wider society surrounding them.

Capabilities Approach

In a complement to the intersectional feminist framework, the capabilities approach provides a way of analyzing issues in a holistic manner (Tikly, 2013) as well as a way to respond to the complexities of human life and striving (Nussbaum, 2011). Influenced by philosophical views on human flourishing or self-realization (Nussbaum, 2011), the capabilities approach

“provides a way of conceptualising the disadvantage experienced by individuals in society,

50 which emphasises the social, economic and environmental barriers to equity” (Burchardt, 2004, p. 735). It seeks to answer the following questions: “what are people really able to do and what kind of person are they able to be?” (Robeyns, 2017, p. 9), and “what real opportunities are available to them?” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. x). I have opted to use the term “capabilities approach” in its plural form, as a key element in this framework is the idea that “the most important elements of people’s quality of life are plural and qualitatively distinct: health, bodily integrity, education, and other aspects of individual lives cannot be reduced to a single metric without distortion” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 18), and thus closely aligns with the core tenets of intersectionality.

It is important to acknowledge that there is great diversity of thought and theories within the broader capabilities approach and scholarship; for instance, Nussbaum’s account of the capabilities theory emphasizes social justice and human rights, wherein she defends several

“basic capabilities that everyone should be entitled to, as a matter of human dignity” (Robeyns,

2017, p.31). The capabilities approach can be used in a number of ways, studies and disciplines, and should be approached as “a flexible and multipurpose framework, rather than a precise theory” (Robeyns, 2017, p. 24). Indeed because of this very nature of the capabilities approach, or as what Robeyns (2017) refers to as “pluralism within the capabilities approach” (p. 80), capabilities scholars and thinkers need not endorse or agree with all elements of the various capabilities theories, as long as they all prioritize “certain people’s beings and doings and their opportunities to realize those beings and doings” (Robeyns, 2017, p. 26); nevertheless, this flexibility allows the capabilities approach to be applied across various issues and disciplines, making this framework unique and relevant for many contexts and allowing for its potential reach (Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006; Robeyns, 2017).

The human capital approach, which the Second Career program is currently based on, regards peoples’ lives as the means to economic gain (e.g., a focus on skills or utility to achieve this ‘gain’) (Walker, 2007), while the capabilities approach, according to Amartya Sen who played a major intellectual role in its framing, regards each person as an end, focusing “on the ability – the substantive freedom – of people to lead the lives they have reason to value and to enhance the real choices they have” (Sen, 1999, p. 293). It is important to stress that the capabilities approach goes beyond just the total or breadth of opportunities or well-being of each person, rather it focuses on and respects the choice or freedom of each person to either act or not act on the opportunities or ‘substantial freedoms’ that would be available to them in any “good societies” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 18). Following this definition, the approach is:

pluralist about value: it holds that the capability achievements that are central for people

are different in quality, not just in quantity; that they cannot without distortion be reduced

to a single numerical scale; and that a fundamental part of understanding and producing

them is understanding the specific nature of each. (Nussbaum, 2011, pp. 18-19)

There are three core parts of the approach: functionings (achieved outcomes), capabilities

(potential to achieve those outcomes) and agency (Walker & Unterhalter, 2007).

Functionings “represent what a person actually does, the life that a person actually lives and represents a person’s wellbeing [or ill-being] achievements” (Powell & McGrath, 2019, p.

25). Functionings are “beings and doings that are the outgrowths or realizations of capabilities” and may or may not always be “active”; for instance, enjoying good health can be a functioning, as can be simply lying in the grass (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 25). Functionings:

do not necessarily represent an individuals’ goals and objectives, but serve to represent

the achievements, ‘wellness,’ ‘personal advantage’ or ‘personal welfare’ of a person at a

given point. These achievements might be the result of the individual’s own aspirations,

actions, goals and decisions or might be the result of the actions and decisions made by

others. (Powell & McGrath, 2019, p. 25)

In contrast to functionings, capability means “opportunity to select” and is grounded in the notion of ‘freedom to choose,’ which “may lead to functionings” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 25).

Capabilities, also referred to as “substantial freedoms” (by Sen) or “combined capabilities” (by

Nussbaum), “comprise valuable beings and doings” (Powell & McGrath, 2019, p. 25), and more precisely, are a “set of (usually interrelated) opportunities to choose and to act…they are not just abilities residing inside a person but also the freedoms or opportunities created by a combination of personal abilities and the political, social, and economic environment” (Nussbaum, 2011, p.

20).

Nussbaum (2011) also introduces the term “internal capabilities” which is distinguished from the above as fluid and dynamic traits, abilities, characteristics or states of a person developed in interaction with the social, economic, familial and political environment (p. 21). It is also important for society to “support the development of internal capabilities – through education, resources to enhance physical and emotional health, support for family care and love, a system of education, and much more” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 21). The distinction between combined and internal capabilities can be murky at times, “since one typically acquires an internal capability by some kind of functioning, and one may lose it in the absence of the opportunity to function” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 23). Combined capabilities can also be defined as

“internal capabilities plus the social/political/economic conditions in which functioning can

53 actually be chosen” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 22), and thus should ideally go hand-in-hand with internal capabilities; for instance, a society can do well in producing internal capabilities (e.g., educating people) but it should also provide and make accessible the ways in which people have the opportunity to function in line with those capabilities (Nussbaum, 2011). “Basic capabilities,” on the other hand, which underlie the above, “are the innate faculties of the person that make later development and training possible,” justifying that those who need more help to get above a certain threshold level of combined capability should get more help (Nussbaum,

2011, p. 24).

Finally, capabilities cannot be realized without agency (Wheelahan, 2017). Agency is essential in being able to freely make choices and “doing, whatever the goals one has reason to promote” (Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006, p. 127). Thus, “a lack of agency or a constrained agency equates to disadvantage – if an individual (or group) faces barriers to genuine choice and a life of reflective choices” (Walker, 2007, p. 138). In the context of higher education, Walker (2007) states, “higher education can constrain students who have less power or no power in exercising their reasoned agency, and for their full capability development the sources of unfreedom – social and institutional – should be removed” (pp. 144-145).

The capabilities approach is:

concerned with entrenched social injustice and inequality, especially capability failures

that are the result of discrimination or marginalization. It ascribes an urgent task to

government and public policy – namely, to improve the quality of life for all people, as

defined by their capabilities. (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 19)

With the capabilities approach providing a lens to analyze the narratives of the participants’ lives navigating the policies of PSE and the Second Career program, it “makes a difference to what policy-makers notice in these lives and, hence, to the ability of policy to construct meaningful interventions that show respect for and empower real people, rather than simply reflecting the biases of intellectual elites” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. xi). Consequently, this leads to acknowledging that some groups (e.g., multi-barriered mature students in this study) will require more (and at times, individualized) resources “to achieve comparable capabilities as the basis for exercising choice in their lives” (Wheelahan, 2017, p. 16). In this respect, the local actors, including the employment offices (which often play the role of a middleman between the Second Career applicant/student and the government/funder) and the institutions, also have the potential to play a critical role in supporting, developing and enhancing the capabilities for education and work

(being adequately equipped to have the freedom to choose the education and vocation one finds reason to value), and the capability for voice (being able to effectively participate in all rule- setting and policy process) of multi-barriered mature students living at the intersections of marginal identities (Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006).

Accordingly, the capabilities approach allows for both the “assessment of individual situations, trajectories and potentialities, and the efficiency and fairness of social structures and arrangements” (Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006, p. 123). The primary mode of the capability analysis that is applied in this study is what Robeyns (2017) refers to as ‘thick description or descriptive analysis’ (p. 33); by applying the life history methodology, and presenting contextualized, situated and in-depth narratives of the participants, “the functionings and capabilities form part of the narrative” and, along with intersectionality, reveal the layers of complexities that are rarely captured (Robeyns, 2017, p. 34). Robeyns (2017) explains that there are two different ways of

55 using the capabilities approach, each with its own merit: the first being a ‘narrow’ use of it with the focus lying at “evaluating the lives of individuals” (p. 85) and the second, a ‘broad’ use of it including informing “societal evaluation or policy design” (p. 86). Though this study focuses on the narratives and life histories of the participants, as the broader social, cultural and economic environment, social structures and policies are important in understanding the resources, opportunities, issues and factors that enable and constrain the participants’ capabilities and overall experiences and lives, this study also provides a discussion of the broader (e.g., structural and policy-level) analysis, implications and recommendations. In the capabilities approach,

“education is assumed (and expected) to be empowering and transformative” (Walker &

Unterhalter, 2007, p. 11). In turn, having the capabilities approach inform a research study such as this, which explores the experiences of multi-barriered students in PSE and government- subsidized programs, can bring valuable insight as “positive and negative experiences of formal education at schools, colleges and universities will affect choices that we make and how we navigate our futures” that “can persist throughout a lifetime” (Walker & Unterhalter, 2007, p.

11).

Summary

This chapter presented two theoretical frameworks that have informed this study: intersectionality, and the capabilities approach. In conclusion, while intersectionality contributes to a deeper understanding of why the multiple dimensions of inequity and marginalization exist and the complexities of the lives of multi-barriered mature students (e.g., factoring in gender, age, socio-economic status, race), the capabilities approach works in tandem to evaluate the individual situations and the surrounding social structures, institutions and policies in relation to there being an “adequate environment for the development of capabilities, or real freedom of

56 choice” (Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006, p. 123), such as the provision of tailored resources and support for the participants in this study. These frameworks provide the structure, support and basis to view, understand and analyze the findings of the study which have been shaped by the life history methodology (discussed in the next chapter).

Chapter 4

Methods

As this study aimed to deeply explore the lived experiences of the participants, my primary method of analysis is qualitative based on a series of semi-structured interviews. This chapter begins with a discussion of the life history methodology. Descriptions of the data collection (e.g., outreach, recruitment and interviews) and analysis stages, in addition to ethical considerations, follow. This chapter concludes with a broad overview of the demographic markers of the participants in the study.

Life History Methodology

The use of life stories, life histories and narratives is currently a strongly emerging field

of enquiry and one with exciting possibilities for reformulating some of the existing

paradigms of educational study. (Goodson, 1996, p. 123)

I have decided to employ the life history (biographical) methodology as it provides the most suitable framework for “exploring the subjectivity, complexity, and context of human behavior, enabling respondents to reflect upon, interpret, give meaning to and construct past events and experiences within a social context” (Crossan et al., 2003, p. 58) and also provides a way to challenge the assumptions, often taken for granted, about a “typical college student.”

People’s experiences in PSE are informed by their whole lives including the intricacies of their past and present. As Antikainen (1998) states, “the life experiences of a person are the very foundations of educative processes, it is natural that the biographical method is used also in

57 58 educational research and especially in adult education” (p. 216), which is particularly the case in this study with multi-barriered mature students being the population of interest.

The design of this study, shaped by the life history methodology, and the intersectionality and the capabilities frameworks, inform one another; importantly, in this study, the life histories present an opportunity to use and apply the above theoretical frameworks in forming our understanding and analysis, while, at the same time, ensuring the voices, experiences and lives of the participants are present throughout. The life histories presented were “co-constructed” between the participants and myself as we took time over several meetings to “probe and reflect on the subject’s statements” (Sikes et al., 1985, p. 13), and the “interviewee acted as the judge of

[her] own experience” (Antikainen, 1998, p. 219).

Antikainen (1998) refers to life history as “the life story located in the social and situational context” (p. 229). Goodson (1996) highlights the importance of the researcher’s role in transforming ‘life stories’ to ‘life histories’ or what he refers to as “genealogies of context”; rather than placing value in a series of fleeting stories, it is important that these stories are rooted in context, and “seen as the social constructions they are, fully implicated in their location within power structures and social milieux” (Goodson, 1996, p. 135). Only then, Goodson (1996) writes, will we “come to understand their meaning…allow us to locate and interrogate the social world in which they are embedded” (p. 135). To further distinguish the two, Goodson (1996) states that while a life story tries to simply “understand the person’s viewpoint” (p. 135) and

“reflects a partial and selective consciousness of subjective story building and self-building,” providing a “contemporary pinpoint, a snapshot” (Goodson, 1996, p. 136), the ‘life history’ approach allows the researcher to “understand the patterns of social relations, interactions, and

59 constructions in which the lives of women and men are embedded” (p. 135). Importantly, “the life history asks whether private issues are also public matters” (Goodson, 1996, p. 135).

The life history approach was most appropriate for a study such as this, to gain an authentic, holistic and deep understanding of the participants’ experiences, especially as the narratives in this study do not have clear linear paths, with many spanning “two or more cultures with imported scripts that occasionally clash with the scripts of a new time and place” (Goodson,

1996, p. 136). The “life history methods allow us to explore some of the historical, social, political, and cultural dimensions” of the participants’ lives, “to contextualize what otherwise might be understood merely as personal and individual” (Bascia, 1996, p. 159). In addition, the life history methodology is able to bring a richer understanding of the unique learning experiences of each of the participants as they vary in their “duration” of learning, “quality and continuity,” “occur in a variety of learning interests or domains,” “according to the situation in which they take place,” and “learning content” (Antikainen, 1998, p. 220-221).

The life history methodology also helps explain the sense that people make (sense- making) of their experiences, including how they have come to make certain choices and not others in their lives. Antikainen (1998) states though there are “structural limitations” in regard to making choices when taking into consideration various factors such as “our social and ethnic origins, our gender and the era in which we are living. …from a biographical or life history point of view, we have more choices than we can ever put into practice” (p. 216), which speaks to the

(limitation of) capabilities with respect to the freedom of making choices in one’s own life.

Alheit further elaborates on this, or what he refers to as “the ‘hidden capacity’ to lead our own lives” (Alheit, 1994, p. 286), while also touching on the inherent relationship that exists between the “supporters” or conversion factors and the realization of one’s capabilities:

What is important is the finding that our basic feeling – that we can act relatively

independent over our own biographies – does not necessarily conflict with the fact that

the greater part of our biographical activities are either fixed to a large degree or require

various “supporters” to initiate it. (p. 287)

Alheit (2009), in his later work, argues again that our supposed capabilities or “autonomy of action and autonomous planning is subordinated to ‘processual structures’ in our biography that we can influence to only a very marginal extent: institutional procedures like schooling or vocational training, trajectories like unemployment” (p. 123). Accordingly, sense-making is an important analytic strategy within the life history approach, especially to explain how people try to make sense of difficult experiences (Kellas & Trees, 2006, p. 49). Meaning or sense-making processes and tools are intricately tied to the life history method as “people construct narrative accounts as part of the sense making process, and as a way of preserving and communicating information” (Musson, 2004, p. 37).

In the context of this study, life histories present people as unique individuals, taking into consideration their accounts of their PSE experiences as well as what happened earlier to comprehensively understand the bigger (socio-cultural-historical) contexts which help bring issues such as equity and access to light. Relatedly, “life histories allow us to observe how individuals act within, respond to, and represent their times and places by presenting both individual life stories and analyses of how social patterns shape those lives” (Bascia, 1996, p. 1) and “allow and encourage us to adopt a broader understanding” of, in this case, being multi- barriered mature students (Bascia, 1996, p. 2). They do not simply provide single accounts or portrayals of individuals’ lives but rather provide valuable insights into how individuals themselves make sense of their experiences, identities and difficulties. In addition, “life histories

61 allow us to identify important structural factors and dynamics that are sometimes not obvious or visible” (Bascia, 1996, p. 2).

Wright (2019) suggests that:

Life history methodology can be used as a counter to traditional research methodologies

and provides space to collect and analyze data in a way that counters past traditions.

Contemporary educational research methodologies and methods are replete with

historical baggage so pronounced that social justice advocates can, unwittingly, engage in

research methods that reify the harms that they seek to counter. (p. 177)

Life history research highlights the power of histories and narratives of individuals while paying particular attention to “ethnicity, status, school experiences, and value systems” which can often be taken for granted (Bascia, 1996, p. 3). Importantly, life history methodology helps us see that being a student, a mature multi-barriered student at that, “is not racially and culturally neutral”

(Bascia, 1996, p. 159).

Data Collection and Analysis

Outreach and Recruitment

Upon receiving ethics approval, I started my search for participants, female mature students that have been out of school for at least 10 years and who were in the Second Career program enrolled in Ontario colleges. As the majority of students enrolled in the Second Career program were recipients of social assistance (OW) or unemployment benefits (EI), have little to no prior PSE experience, and have recently been laid off, in addition to many being racialized

62 immigrants, their admittance into the program already meant they were mature multi-barriered students, the population of interest in this study.

Participants were mainly recruited through sharing information about the study in community spaces that Second Career program students frequent, such as public libraries and community (education and/or employment) agencies. A significant time was spent approaching these agencies, learning about their initiatives and programs (including the Second Career program) and building trust and rapport with the staff. Most of the agencies I approached housed

Employment Ontario services that inform the public about the Second Career program, process the Second Career applications, and liaise with the Ministry. I asked the Employment Ontario staff in these agencies (e.g., employment counsellors, caseworkers, front desk) to distribute information about the study to potentially interested individuals. Social media (e.g., Facebook) and word of mouth through my own personal networks (e.g., family and friends) were also used to reach potential participants. Those who expressed interest in participating were also asked to pass on information about the study to other people they know or people in their cohort or programs. Electronic or printed copies of the introductory letter (Appendix A) were distributed to interested individuals.

In addition to the introductory letter describing the study, an information sheet (Appendix

B) answering questions such as “what does it mean to be part of this research?” and “how will the interview be recorded?” and providing further information about confidentiality was prepared in language that was easy to understand for anyone not familiar with what is involved in participating in a research study. This was also given to the staff at the agencies to distribute to interested students. The intention was to rebalance power between the ‘researcher’ and the

‘researched.’ Especially as this study examines the experiences and lives of the participants

63 through taking the life history approach, I wanted to ensure that the life histories were ‘co- constructed’ between the researcher and the participants. As the participants are the experts of their own lives, it was critical at every step to actively practice transparency, respect and humility, starting at the recruitment stage.

Interviews

Over the course of 7 months, time was spent getting to know each of my participants, building rapport and going through the interview protocol (Appendix C). Taking the life history approach, the interview protocol was intentionally drafted to be extensive and comprehensive to cover the entirety of their lives including their earlier experiences of school, which set the context when discussing their current experiences in PSE as a mature student. The interview protocol began with nine demographic questions, followed by five sets of open-ended questions.

Each subsequent meeting after the first started with asking some follow-up questions in case they had anything else to add to the prior discussion, as they would have had some time to reflect since then. The sets of questions followed a chronological order from their past to current experiences, with the first set inquiring about their lives before entering PSE; the second, their experiences as applicants of the Second Career program and college; the third, their experiences in PSE; the fourth, the difficulties they face and how they make sense of them and the last inviting any further reflections, insights or suggestions.

The interviews always took place in person at a convenient and comfortable space chosen by the participants (e.g., local coffee shop, library, community center). At the first interview with each of the participants, we spent a great deal of time discussing the study and going through the consent and information sheets (Appendices B, D, and E), to ensure they were completely aware

64 of the confidentiality of their responses and their rights in participating in this study (e.g., ability to withdraw from the study at any point).

I met with each participant multiple times (two to six meetings per participant). The number of meetings varied with the length of time it took for the participants to fully answer all the questions within each of the sets; some required more meetings while some required less to go through the entire protocol. With every subsequent interview, the process became more

“explicitly interactive, with the researcher posing questions in order to clarify the events and interpretations” within the participants’ broader narratives in order to position and locate that story (Bascia, 1996, p. 5). As Bascia (1996) states, the “interactive dynamic, emerging from a growing interpersonal relationship and familiarity” between the researcher and the participant,

“involves the exchanging of personal and contextual insights” (p. 5).

A context-sensitive lens and a reflexive stance were employed throughout in addition to being mindful of my own positionality and privilege. Throughout the interviews, I hoped that this interactive, involved and collaborative research process would help the participants to demand their right to research – i.e., the right to participate in all steps of the research process, to fulfill their capabilities (Appadurai, 2006). This also involved having conversations about demystifying ‘research’ as a technically complex activity accessible only to trained specialists

(e.g., academics or researchers) and conceptualizing research as simply a process of asking questions, and having the capacity to answer in a systematic way. Approaching research in this way allowed the participants to take more ownership of co-constructing the life histories.

Data Analysis

As this study employs an exploratory (as opposed to strictly guided or prescribed [Morse,

2009]) and theoretically grounded methodology in conducting life history research, it entails “the discovery of emerging patterns in data” (Walsh et al., 2015, p. 593) and “consist[s] of systematic, yet flexible guidelines for collecting and analyzing qualitative data” (Charmaz, 2014, p. 1). This involved analyzing the data for shared themes and experiences. Specifically, this study relies on a series of “individuals’ conversational renditions of past and present experiences” (Bascia,

1996, p. 5) in order to gain a deeper understanding of their experiences as well as how they make sense of them and any difficulties they may be facing. In doing so, life history research allows the researcher to “identify themes and patterns as they occur across cases” (Bascia, 1996, p. 6).

Through a cross-case analysis, the multiple life stories and histories were read and woven together for a deeper analysis and identification of patterns, themes and categories (Charmaz,

2014; Niittynen, 2015). An investigation of shared lived experiences and stories requires a

“profound understanding of human experiences common to a group of people” (Padilla-Diaz,

2015, p. 104). The theoretical frameworks I identified earlier, intersectionality and the capabilities approach, were used to help make sense of the data from differing perspectives.

This study employed thematic analysis throughout in organizing the “thoughts and the information gleaned from the interviews” as the life histories of the participants set the overarching context for each of the presented themes (Lam, 1996, p. 16). Thematic analysis is an

“accessible and theoretically flexible approach” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 77), allowing for

“identifying, analyzing and reporting patterns (themes) within data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p.

79). The data analysis process consisted of familiarizing myself with the data, coding and

66 systematically organizing the data, and searching for, reviewing and refining both the bigger and smaller themes throughout (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

A great deal of time was spent familiarizing myself with the data, including transcribing each interview5 within several days of its completion, reading and re-reading the data, and noting down initial ideas (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 87) linked to theoretical frameworks and related concepts, and the research questions – how do mature students embodying various marginalities experience PSE and how do they understand the difficulties they encounter? I made sure to keep

“analytic memos” (Saldaña, 2013) throughout to capture my initial thoughts from each interview.

By analytic memo writing, the researcher is able to “document and reflect on…the participants, phenomenon, or process under investigation by thinking and thus writing and thus thinking even more about them: ‘Memos are sites of conversation with ourselves about our data’ (Clarke, 2005, p. 202)” (Saldaña, 2013, p. 41). As Charmaz (2014) suggests, it was helpful to “write as many memos as you can and make them progressively more analytic” (p. 169). Alongside analytic memos, initial coding was also carried out early in the process to engage with the data. This helped me to begin the process of understanding what it means (Charmaz, 2014). Specifically, line-by-line coding, “a form of initial coding in which the researcher assesses what is happening in each line of data and what theoretical ideas it suggests” (Charmaz, 2014, p. 343), was conducted to prepare for further analysis of the data. Line-by-line coding “encourages active engagement with data and enables researchers to see their data from new standpoints” (Charmaz,

2014, p. 343). Doing this throughout the data collection phase helped me prepare for subsequent

5 Interviews have been lightly edited for readability and concision.

67 interviews. Descriptive coding was also conducted to highlight key words or concepts from the initial coding (Saldaña, 2013).

To better make sense of the data and to be able to organize this in a systematic way, several excel spreadsheets were created that pulled together all the demographic information and related patterns as well as helped sort, label and easily view the emergent themes and subgroups that arose from the interviews. This helped in defining and further refining the themes (Braun &

Clarke, 2006) and the two sub-groups of participants described in the Discussions chapter. In the first version of the spreadsheet document, I started by using all the available data, and classifying and assigning sections of the transcripts to group them in clusters in the order of the interview protocol that guided the discussions, essentially identifying parts of the transcripts that responded to the interview questions. This set-up allowed for a comprehensive review of how the past events and the surrounding contexts informed the participants’ present experiences in college, following the life history methodology. Then, by creating and working through several subsequent versions of the spreadsheet documents, the identified clusters were refined and organized as themes within the research questions this study set out to explore. Some of the themes which did not directly address a research question were also added however as they were important to the participants, and the construction and presentation of their life histories. In order to be as inclusive as possible, this took the work of “co-constructing” the life histories with the participants and applying techniques such as, being observant and attentive to any parts of the interviews the participants themselves wanted to flag as being important (and spending more time discussing such events or topics) and which were repeated or extensively discussed, analyzing metaphors and analogies for possible underlying themes (Ryan & Bernard, 2003), taking note of “naturally occurring shifts in content which may be markers of themes” (Ryan &

Bernard, 2003, p. 90), similarities and differences, linguistic connectors and the key words that were used, and “being alert to topics that [the participants] either intentionally or unintentionally avoid” (Bogdan & Taylor, 1975, p. 82).

Ethical Considerations

Ethics approval was sought from the University of Toronto’s Social Sciences, Humanities and Education Research Ethics Board. As I intended to recruit a specific sub-group of the Second

Career student population (e.g., women who have been out of school for at least 10 years) mainly through Employment Ontario centers, rather than through particular colleges or institutions, I did not seek the approval of any college research ethics board.

Given the design of this study, the participants were contributing a great deal of time meeting in-person multiple times for a series of interviews over the span of several weeks and/or months. I had to be careful in scheduling the interviews as the participants described being greatly stressed about being time- and resource-poor, and I did not want to unintentionally cause more distress to them or their families. In recognition of the fact that the participants were often pressed for time and had demanding schedules, the interviews were always scheduled based on their availabilities and school, work and family commitments and deadlines, and at a location that the participants chose (usually at a public setting close to their homes). There was also a mutual understanding that if the participants had to leave earlier or cut the interview short for any reason (e.g., childcare, work or health issues), they could do so.

In addition, after much consideration and planning with my supervisor, a $15 per hour compensation (in the form of a gift card) was provided to the participants at the beginning of each interview, while also communicating to them that the compensation would not be affected

69 if they wished, for any reason, to decide to stop participating during the interview or withdraw from the study. Although many researchers remain divided on the subject of compensation, given the specific population, in addition to an intense level of participation required given the study’s methodological design, the decision was made to provide compensation for their time and contribution.

Lastly, as there was a possibility that some of the questions about the difficulties and/or challenges as a multi-barriered mature student could be associated with psychological risk (e.g., triggering upset or sad feelings), I went into each interview prepared to share relevant referral information and sources of help, if necessary (e.g., crisis counseling services, housing services, settlement services, employment services, legal services). Although the risk was low as social and psychological risks did not exceed that in the course of everyday professional and social interactions, and I did not actually end up needing to use any of the referral material, I made sure

I was prepared in case any of the participants became distressed, and the interviews were conducted cautiously and respectfully.

Participants

The participants’ real names and the names of the colleges are not used in this study for confidentiality. In addition, an age range is used so as to not identify their specific age, as well as a range of years since last being a student.

A total of 12 female students who had been out of a formal learning environment for at least 10 years and were or had recently been attending a college in Ontario through the Second

Career program were interviewed for this study. The participants’ ages ranged from 34 to 60, with the average age being 48. They are all students or recent graduates of a program intended to

70 lead to a job that the government has deemed as being in-demand including social service worker, early childhood education or assistant, paralegal, digital media and web design, esthetician, and personal support worker. Most (10) of the participants immigrated to Canada from elsewhere, including South Korea, Nigeria, Jamaica, Ghana, Sri Lanka, Barbados, Pakistan and the Philippines, in the last 6 to 31 years; the two others were born and raised in Canada (with one being the sole non-racialized participant in the study, and the other the daughter of

Caribbean immigrants). Aside from two that lived alone, the rest lived with others (children, husbands, boyfriends or siblings) with half (six) of the participants being single mothers. The participants considered the (adult) children, boyfriends or siblings as dependents who relied heavily on them. The participants lived in various parts of the Greater Toronto Area, including

North York, Brampton, Etobicoke, Mississauga, East York and downtown Toronto. In terms of prior PSE experience, five obtained a diploma from their home countries before immigrating to

Canada in addition to one who had enrolled for a short while but did not complete, three had no prior PSE experience, two had some college experience in Canada but did not complete, and one had a Canadian college diploma already. All had been out of a school environment for between

10 and 40 years with the average being 26 years since last being a student.

Table 1 Demographics of Participants Previous Fluent Years Prior PSE Age country of in since last experience Number of Pseudonym range Program residence English a student Living situation interviews Nabi* 55-60 Social South Korea No 35-40 Prior college Lives with 6 Service experience in 2 adult children Worker home country (never completed) Amanda 40-45 Paralegal Nigeria Yes 20-25 Prior college Lives with 5 experience in husband and home country 5 children Jin* 55-60 Social South Korea No 35-40 Prior college Lives with 3 Service experience in husband and an Worker home country adult child Kate 30-35 Paralegal Jamaica Yes 10-15 Prior college Lives with 4 experience in boyfriend and Canada 2 children Joan 55-60 Social Ghana Yes 35-40 Prior college Lives alone 6 Service experience in (adult children Worker home country recently moved out) Kim* 55-60 Early South Korea No 30-35 Prior college Lives with adult 6 Childhood experience in child Education home country Sam 50-55 Early Sri Lanka No 40-45 No prior PSE Lives with 5 Childhood experience husband and Education 4 adult children Avery 35-40 Digital N/A Yes 10-15 Prior college Lives alone 3 Media and experience in Web Canada (never Design completed) Julia 35-40 Digital Barbados Yes 15-20 No prior PSE Lives with child 2 Media and experience Web Design Vera 50-55 Makeup N/A Yes 25-30 Prior college Lives with sister 6 and experience in (adult child Esthetics Canada (never moved out; completed) another child recently deceased) Sonya 35-40 Early Pakistan No 15-20 No prior PSE Lives with child 5 Childhood experience Education Blessing 50-55 Personal Philippines No 30-35 Prior college Lives with 5 Support experience in husband and Worker home country 3 adult children

*Parts of the interviews were conducted in Korean and translated into English by the researcher.

Chapter 5

Life Before College

This chapter sets the context for the themes in the following chapters by situating the participants in their unique life situations and histories. This chapter introduces each of the participants, providing an overview of their lives before entering college through the Second

Career program including their earlier experiences of, and feelings or thoughts about, school.

The social, historical and personal contexts must first be understood, before exploring how they are experiencing and making sense of PSE and the difficulties they are facing. Following the tenets of the life history methodology, participants are seen as unique individuals with their own narratives to share, and as the experts of their own lives, they are able to provide meaning and insight into how they have come to, and the little and big turning points, memories, incidents and events (or what Antikainen (1998) refers to as “significant learning experiences” [p.218]) that have brought them to, where they are today; hence why it is important to present each of the accounts individually to begin. Antikainen (1998) refers to these significant learning experiences as “those which appeared to guide the interviewee’s life-course, or to have changed or strengthen his or her identity” (p.218). As Wright (2019) states, “life history provides real opportunities for educational researchers to develop new knowledge by listening to and validating the experiences of the most vulnerable populations. Life history challenges the idea of a universal truth – stemming from Eurocentric positionalities” (p. 177).

Nabi

Nabi (in the 55-60 age range) immigrated to Canada with her family almost 20 years ago from South Korea. She described herself as a leader and a bright student throughout her time in

73 elementary, middle and high school in Korea. In elementary school, Nabi was an avid handball player and received many awards, which she has fond memories of. She described having thoroughly enjoyed her middle school years as well:

I felt really comfortable. It was a time when I was able to develop and showcase a lot of

my talents and skills. I took part in a lot of activities too like conducting musicals,

assisting the teacher in gym class, sports, choir…I was really good in gym and music…It

was then when I dreamt of becoming a teacher. I’d always play role-playing games

pretending I was a teacher.

After middle school, however, Nabi, given her identity as a girl in a poor family living in a patriarchal society, felt she had to sacrifice a lot including her education and dreams of becoming a teacher, especially without many, if any, resources and enabling factors or supports that could provide her with the opportunity and choice to pursue the life she had valued and imagined for herself:

My family was very poor. I was the second daughter of four kids. I had to sacrifice a

lot…I was sent to a high school where they prepared students to go straight into the work,

not for college. By going to this high school, I wasn’t going to be eligible to apply to any

colleges. My father made this decision for me.

After graduating from high school, she started working straight away at the request of her father to contribute financially to the household and to help send her brothers to university. She was determined to continue her education, however, so through self-study and preparing herself for the college entrance exams, she got into an online university. According to Nabi, this was the only choice she had as she was working full-time and could not be on campus: “even though I

74 enrolled in an online university, it was still so hard because my workplace wasn’t willing to provide [flexibilities] or time off.” She also felt she had no one to turn to or to ask for support or guidance about PSE: “Nobody would help me…I ended up in a wrong program [Economics] for myself, it got more difficult as time went on. I kept losing more and more interest especially since I was trying to juggle both school and work.” Nabi explained she eventually went on to marry early and made a decision to drop out.

Upon their arrival in Toronto, Nabi and her husband opened a business and worked hard morning to night to be able to provide for their family including their two small children. She expressed how difficult it was keeping her business afloat while at the same time raising her children in a new country, all the while trying to adapt to and learn the new culture and language.

After approximately 10 years in Canada and many years of marital discord, Nabi’s husband left her, leaving Nabi with an abundance of debt and no means to financially support herself and her children. She took on service jobs thereafter such as a store clerk and cashier, but developed health problems such as severe arthritis and joint problems that prevented her from working such physically taxing jobs.

Amanda

Amanda (40-45) was born and raised in Nigeria, and immigrated to Canada with her family (husband and children) 6 years ago. Following her parents’ footsteps, Amanda at first ran her own business in Nigeria baking and selling pastries. After several years, however, Amanda decided to close the business to pursue PSE in Nigeria.

Amanda, calling herself a “go-getter” throughout her earlier school years, described her post-secondary experience in Nigeria as fun and enjoyable. She loved the program she was in

(Public Relations) and held many leadership roles in student clubs and associations as well. She got married the year she graduated from college and moved to the Netherlands with her husband.

In the Netherlands, she had her first two children, and worked in a magazine company related to the field she had studied. When she relocated to Canada 6 years ago, however, it was a more difficult transition as she found it extremely difficult to find a job in her field because many employers were looking for candidates with an educational background or experience in Canada.

She also gave birth to three more children in Canada. Even with five young children to take care of, because of her family’s poor financial situation, she got a job at a bank, which she did not enjoy and find fulfilment in:

When I was nearing the end of my maternity leave, I realized I didn’t want to go back to

working in the banking sector. It just wasn’t for me. Now that I was done having kids and

at my age, I wanted to find something that I could do for a long time and enjoy doing.

Jin

Jin (55-60) was born, raised and spent the majority of her adult life in South Korea. Jin mentioned having always enjoyed school, and she felt it was important for her to pursue higher education as well. She majored in mathematics at a university in Korea and recalled it being a great experience overall.

After graduating from university, she worked in the IT sector for the next 10 years. She also got married and had two children during this time. Although her field was mathematics, her experience of raising her own children helped her realize her passion for working with and helping children, and she began to seek opportunities to get more involved in this area, by for

76 instance, volunteering as a children’s counsellor. She began to seek further training to develop her skills and enhance her capabilities in this new field she saw much value and meaning in:

I majored in mathematics, I’ve never studied this, but I knew I had a heart for working

with kids. I became proactive and took different classes and training on my own around

different forms of counseling and working with children and teens. I even facilitated a

counseling group for teenagers for 3 years.

Jin and her family made a decision to temporarily move to Australia and the United States, spending approximately 2 years in each country, for her children’s education and futures, before permanently moving to Canada 9 years ago. As she had some training and experience working with children in Korea, she worked at a social service agency that serves Korean immigrant families in Toronto until she was laid off.

Kate

Kate (30-35) immigrated to Canada with her family from Jamaica when she was 8 years old. Kate recalls following a “normal” trajectory of schooling in Toronto, successfully graduating from high school and going to a community college. She enjoyed her college experience and did not have any major difficulties:

College was good, I didn’t really have a lot of difficulties. I was obviously a lot younger,

so there wasn’t a lot of pressure on me to get things done. I was able to put my all into

my studies, since I didn’t have any other responsibilities. I pretty much went from school

to home, and I lived with my parents, which helped me to focus on school. All I had to

worry about was passing.

She successfully graduated with a law clerk diploma.

After a brief stint of working at a real estate office, Kate found a job in downtown

Toronto working at a corporate legal office, a job that she held for 8 years, until she was laid off.

She unsuccessfully spent the next 2 years job searching in a smaller city in the Greater Toronto

Area, where she resides with her common-law partner and two young children, as her household and childcare responsibilities and lack of financial resources constrained her from the freedom to work and/or reside in an area such as downtown Toronto, where there may be more opportunities and freedom for her to develop and enhance her capabilities.

Joan

Joan (55-60) immigrated to Canada 28 years ago from Ghana. Joan “always really loved school” and recalled having a great experience with her earlier schooling in Ghana. Both of

Joan’s parents were teachers, so they instilled the importance of education in her from a young age. Following her parents’ footsteps, she also attended a teaching college in Ghana after high school, earning a Bachelor of Education. She worked as a teacher for several years, before getting married and eventually immigrating to Canada with her husband and children.

Once in Canada, Joan lamented not receiving any support from her husband and eventually ended up separating from him: “my husband wasn’t providing any help. Everything was always about him, not for the family.” Being a newcomer and not being able to find a job in teaching, Joan desperately looked for any work to provide for her family. As she did not have the financial means to provide for herself and her dependents, she did not have the leisure, choice or agency to freely explore, select and prepare for the vocation or sector she found meaning or value in. For the first 2 years, Joan worked at a meat factory and for 17 years after that, she

78 worked at an auto parts factory. For Joan, although she missed being a teacher, she felt this was her “only option to provide for the kids.” She also looked for opportunities to put her educational training to use such as by volunteering at her children’s schools. After 17 years, the factory closed, and Joan was laid off. As the jobs were not unionized, Joan and her colleagues felt helpless and stranded. Joan explained:

We didn’t have an income for a whole year. It was hard. Since the company filed for

bankruptcy, they didn’t issue us a ROE [Record of Employment] which meant we

couldn’t even get EI [Employment Insurance] benefits to support us during this time.

Eventually, with some community support, Joan and her colleagues appealed to the government to receive Employment Insurance benefits. Through this experience, Joan realized her passion for community and social work and wanted to find a career helping others facing similar predicaments.

Kim

Kim (55-60) immigrated to Canada 18 years ago from South Korea as a single mother of two children. Growing up, she always knew she was going to pursue higher education, as having a PSE was an important social status marker in Korean society, and consequently it was very important for her family. She reminisced about the great time she had in university especially as she was able to just focus on her studies: “I studied hard because marks were very important, but

I also made sure to have fun by going to events like school festivals. I didn’t have to care for anybody else or focus on anything else – just school.” Kim ended up dropping out of university for personal and financial reasons. A few years later, she found herself back in PSE, enrolling in a teaching program at another university.

Kim worked as an elementary school teacher for a decade after graduating from university, work that she thoroughly enjoyed, before moving to Canada. Once in Canada, however, Kim was not able to find a job in her field despite her best efforts, which she explained was difficult as a racialized older woman who was not competent in the English language and who did not have the financial and social means and resources to develop her capabilities; she subsequently worked a host of physically arduous jobs to provide for her children.

Sam

Sam (50-55) immigrated to Canada almost 30 years ago from Sri Lanka. Sam liked attending school growing up and mentions having enjoyed high school especially: “High school was fun, I didn’t need to worry about anything…I could just focus on studying.” She never got a chance to pursue PSE as she got married early and focused on expanding her family, eventually having four children.

Upon arriving in Canada, Sam worked full-time alongside her husband to provide for her family in order to be able to ensure her four children would each be able to create, develop and enhance their capabilities, something she explains she was not able to do for herself. Most recently, she worked at a department store for several years until the store shut down, laying her off.

Avery

Avery (35-40) was born and raised in Canada. Ever since she can remember, she struggled in school. For instance, she shared the following memory from her childhood: “I remember being in grade 5, not being able to meet a deadline, so I hid out for a week because I

80 didn’t know what to do.” It was not until much later, when Avery was struggling in her math class and her teacher told her that she might have a learning disability, that she came to understand why she was experiencing more difficulties in school than her peers. Although education was always a priority for her, going to school became too difficult especially without the proper support of family and health professionals, and the necessary social structures and resources that could have helped her achieve her functionings and the corresponding capabilities to learn and succeed in school:

It wasn’t like common knowledge then…people think of ADHD [attention deficit

hyperactive disorder] as hyper little boys or maybe hyper little girls, but never like the

unique kind of barriers that I was facing. So, my family was just like, ‘you don’t even

care about school,’ when I really did, and I just didn’t know what to do. So, it was always

a struggle…the barriers in school always caused problems for me at home.

Avery ended up dropping out of school in grade 9, explaining:

I was struggling in school, and my parents basically are the type of minds that were like if

I’m not going to be focusing on school, I should just be working. They were of that

school of thought. So, it was really a perfect storm. The less your caregivers impress

upon you how important education is, it just gets further and further away.

Several years later, Avery studied for and successfully obtained her General Educational

Development (GED), as this was important for her. She enrolled in a community college to study marketing, but dropped out a year later, as her learning disability became debilitating to the point where it became too difficult for her to study and due to financial difficulties. It was at this time

81 when she finally came to acknowledge that she was suffering from a severe learning disability and decided to seek treatment.

Avery had a difficult time adjusting to work thereafter as well:

It was this kind of experience which eventually led me to this great team of health care

professionals I have now, however that didn’t change anything. I did have to stop going

to school and enter the workforce where I really struggled. I was in really heavy

administrative roles where I couldn’t manage the workflow. This really had a big impact

on my self-esteem…basically like my professional positioning. So, I was stuck in this

kind of back and forth between low-wage service industry jobs and then like picking up,

getting back into an office somewhere, struggling back and forth.

Eventually, after 8 years of hard work and treatment, Avery was able to land a customer service job at a bank, but eventually this turned out to be too much for her to handle:

They gave me a well-paying role. I didn’t have any experience in finance but because

I’ve just worked so many jobs, I could talk to anybody. I actually did really well,

however it was a really, really high-pressure role, because I just wasn’t prepared for it for

a lot of reasons. And, I basically had a bit of a breakdown, and agreed with my doctor

that this job was impacting me emotionally and mentally too much. So, basically, I was

given the opportunity to go on long-term disability, which there’s no way I wanted to do

that, because I do want to work and contribute to society…or to basically leave the job.

Reflecting on her past, Avery mentioned, “It’s been a really long journey, really long road…really, it’s made me who I am today.”

Julia

Julia (35-40) and her family immigrated to Canada from Barbados when she was 4 years old. Julia enjoyed school, mentioning she especially had “fun” in high school. Although she had a generally positive experience with school up to that point, Julia became a young single mother and decided to forego pursuing higher education to attend to the increasing weight of other responsibilities in her life, as she felt this was the only choice she could make at the time: “I figured [college] was time-consuming…and I paid more attention to making money than anything else because I got a lot of bills…And, I start and stop things a lot, so I didn’t think I’d actually complete it.”

Since then, Julia has been working as a bartender for 14 years. Julia has been having a hard time physically in recent years, however: “My doctor told me that I can’t stand up for like

14, 15 hour shifts anymore because my ankles are bad…my ankles can’t handle my weight.”

Vera

Vera (50-55) was born and raised in Canada by Caribbean immigrant parents. Vera has always liked school and recalled having performed “fairly well.” Vera took a short leave from high school during her first pregnancy, but eventually went back and graduated. Vera went on take several community college classes, but never ended up completing her studies.

After having no choice but to work in a series of low-wage service and retail jobs, which she describes as having been extremely difficult for a single mother of two, Vera landed a job at a university in office administration. However, as the job was temporary, she was laid off in less

83 than a year. Around the same time, Vera’s younger son unexpectedly died, and she spent much of her time at home to “just pass the time to heal emotionally.”

Sonya

Sonya (35-40) immigrated to Canada 17 years ago from Pakistan with her husband and child. Sonya completed grade 11 in Pakistan, which she emphasized is an important achievement. Afterwards, she worked in customer service until she got married and immigrated to Canada.

Once in Canada, Sonya separated from her husband and became a single mother. Sonya, wanting to continue with her education, enrolled in an adult high school, but found it frustrating:

“[School] was good, but it was so frustrating because I had to start all over again…because

English wasn’t my first language.” Around the same time, Sonya also developed a growing interest in working with children through accompanying her son’s school trips and volunteering at the library.

Blessing

Blessing (50-55) moved to Canada with her husband and three children 9 years ago from the Philippines. Blessing remembers her time in school in the Philippines as overall very “fun and nice.” She had dreamt of attending a nursing college after graduating from high school, but due to her family’s poor financial situation, her parents sent her away to live with her aunt who was able to help finance her PSE at a nearby government-subsidized university. According to

Blessing, the choice of programs offered at this university were very limited and she ended up obtaining a diploma in Agriculture, which she had little to no interest in.

A short time afterwards, Blessing moved to the Middle East to work as a domestic helper to be able to financially provide for her family, including her three children. She described this time as being extremely difficult. She moved to Canada several years later to work as a nanny and was eventually able to bring the rest of her family to join her from the Philippines. A few years into the job, Blessing found herself laid off because the baby she was caring for became older and the employer decided to hire a Canadian citizen instead as Blessing was facing immigration issues at that time. Blessing did not have the freedom and opportunities to explore and choose work that she found reason to value; due to her family’s dire financial situation, she had to quickly find another job, which she did at a bakery factory. She found her time at the factory to be very challenging:

When I was working in the factory, it was so hard standing the whole day. It was all new,

a lot of pressure and it was very fast paced, so, I really didn’t like the work. It was all

new for me and I don’t know anything. Even though I tried my best, I couldn’t get a

handle on how to work the machines. It was all too fast…it wasn’t my kind of work…It

didn’t help that the factory was really far from where I lived too.

Unfortunately, going back to being a nanny did not seem feasible for her either: “I really didn’t want to go back to being a nanny. I was getting old and it was getting too hard physically. I just couldn’t imagine pushing a stroller in the Canadian winter anymore!” One of her favourite pastimes since immigrating to Canada has been spending time at the library: “I always came to the library to spend time here even when I wasn’t a student…reading magazines, books and using the computers here. I guess I’ve always liked learning.”

Summary

This chapter introduced each of the participants by describing how they have got to where they are today. Each narrative provided a glimpse of the participants’ lives before entering college, including their earlier experiences and thoughts about schooling either abroad or in

Canada. In the life history approach, the early experiences are relevant as they not only inform and shape how the participants make sense of their experiences in PSE, but also brings insight to and contextualizes these unique individual experiences.

This chapter has been presented first to set the context for subsequent chapters. Most of the participants recalled having positive memories of and feelings about their earlier schooling experiences, with many having excelled. Some were able to continue to PSE in their fields of interest while others, due to a variety of extenuating circumstances along with constrained choice and the lack of resources and supports related to multiple intersecting marginalities, were unable to go on with their studies or go into a field that they were interested in pursuing in order to continue to develop or enhance their potential achievements or capability sets. Most of the participants were first-generation immigrants who immigrated to Canada between 6 to 29 years ago. Most of them described facing great hardships and experiencing difficulty transitioning in

Canada, taking on physically taxing jobs unrelated to their prior career fields or education, often feeling a lack of agency and as if this was the only choice they had to provide for their dependents and themselves in a new country. There was no single issue or disadvantage they faced based on one social category, but rather, their experiences reflected multiple social categories and systems of oppression at play; in other words, in order to understand and contextualize their overall experiences and life histories, several other factors such as immigrant status, race, health and language fluency, in addition to gender and class, had to be considered.

Those who spent their earlier school years in Canada also expressed having experienced a variety of difficulties that prevented them from taking a traditional linear educational pathway such as having become a mother at a young age, difficult home and family situations and health challenges. Following a chronological order, the next chapter moves to the next time frame when they were contemplating whether to begin PSE as well as their experiences of the application process for both the Second Career program and the colleges.

Chapter 6

Deciding to Apply and the Application Process

Often, for multi-barriered and vulnerable mature students especially, coming to a decision to apply to PSE involves a lot of deliberation. These students not only have to anticipate coping with “returning to the processes of formal learning in institutional settings but also with the different aspects of their adult lives, such as managing child care, spouses and employment”

(Busher & James, 2019, p. 73). Before delving into the participants’ experiences in college, this chapter, following the life history methodology, provides further insight and context into the period when they were deciding if they should commit to enrolling in PSE, as well as their experience with the application process. This is an important period when the students are getting their first impression of and experience with the colleges as well as with the staff administering the Second Career program, and further sets the context for how they experience

PSE subsequently.

This chapter is organized by three themes that were common to most of the participants: firstly, viewing the Second Career program and the PSE opportunity it brings as a way out of their current situation or job field (for many, seeing this as their best or only viable option); secondly, battling feelings of anxiety, nervousness and fear while coming to this decision especially as it has been a long time since they were last a student, in addition to this being their first time entering college or any type of schooling in Canada for most, and lastly, experiencing difficulty trying to navigate both the Second Career and the college application processes.

87 88

A Way Out

As is evident from the life histories, the participants were at a place in their lives where they were looking for a way out of their current situation or job field. As illustrated in the last chapter, most did not have the ‘capability for work’ or, in other words, “the real freedom to choose the work one has reason to value” (Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006, p.126). Specific reasons varied, but included lack of enjoyment or fulfillment, low wages and/or bad working conditions, and physically not being able to perform the assigned tasks due to worsening health issues or conditions. For instance, Nabi, a single mother of two older children, worked as a cashier at a local grocery store for several years before she was laid off, but she could not see herself going back to being a cashier, as she wanted to find a job more aligned with her interests, and was physically unable to do it any longer:

Working at the supermarket really made my arthritis and joint problems worse.

Physically, I couldn’t do it anymore and definitely not long-term. My childhood dream

was to become a teacher. I love meeting new people and helping people… I wanted to get

into this kind of meaningful work. As an immigrant myself, I especially wanted to help

other newcomers and immigrants too. I knew I had to go to college to do something like

this, but never had the means to pay for the tuition. Second Career was my one

opportunity to study to get on this path.

Joan echoed this sentiment, having worked at various factories since arriving to Canada to support her family despite having a teaching degree from Ghana: “I told myself this was my opportunity to go to college and do something that I love to do.” Sam, a mother for four grown

89 children, similarly, described wanting to find a way out after having worked at a department store for many years:

I needed to study and improve myself [for] a better career. I couldn’t find a suitable job

for myself. I have knee problems and everything…I decided to apply for Second Career

to go into something that I love to do…working with children.

Similar sentiments were also shared by Julia who worked as a bartender for 14 years, as well as

Blessing who worked as a nanny and a factory worker, both expressing that they desperately wanted to find a way out, especially given their health problems, and wanted to move into a career field that they could see themselves in long-term and could enjoy.

Many of the participants were very active in their job search in an attempt to find a job in a field they were interested in or had received prior training for in their home countries, but found it frustrating and unsuccessful. This was the case for many of the participants that had prior degrees or training from their home countries, but were not able to put their skills, talents, experience and education to use in Canada, and viewed the Second Career program as a way out of their frustrating job search and a chance to re-enter their (or a similar) field in Canada. For instance, Amanda, even though she had a Public Relations degree from Nigeria and had relevant work experience, in addition to being able to speak multiple languages, found it extremely difficult to find a job in Canada even remotely close to what she used to do:

It was very difficult looking for jobs in my area of study…I couldn’t get [into] my area of

field…at a point in time, I said ‘ok, this is taking too long, I need to just settle for

anything.’ Whenever you apply for a job, I found that when they look at your education

background and it’s not in Canada, there is a difference. There is a big issue. That was

one of the issues that made me to think I had to study, even if it’s not through Second

Career…I found that a lot of interviews I’ve gone to are jobs that, if you don’t have that

[Canadian education] background, even a 6 months course or a 3 months course…it

makes a great impact whether you are employed or not. They don’t care whether you

have your Master’s or whatever, because when I brought my degree, put it into WES

[World Education Services: international credential evaluation], it was equivalent in

Canada and everything, but yet the jobs you get are beneath you. You understand, they

[employers] saw it as beneath them and their companies. And, that should be a telltale

sign…should be a very important point that should be given to anybody that might be

moving to Canada. Make sure you study something [in Canada], doesn’t matter if it’s

only for 6 months, in order for you to really survive…so you [can] put it in your resume.

Very vital information…I speak four languages, but that fact…my education, experience

and everything, they don’t care. But, once you can prove that, ‘oh, I studied here,’ it

makes a difference.”

Kim found herself in a similar predicament, as although she had worked for over a decade as a teacher in South Korea, the only jobs she was successful in getting in Canada had been physically intensive labour jobs:

After immigrating to Canada, even with the education and experience, it was so hard

finding a job. No one wanted to hire an older immigrant like me. I really saw the Second

Career as an opportunity from God, to study and hopefully being able to go back to

finding a job working with children.

There were also those who had enrolled but never completed their PSE in Canada many years ago, and saw the opportunity to attend college again as a way of getting out of their current situation and job field. This was the case for Avery, who expressed:

I can honestly say that without a program like Second Career helping me to go back to

school, I would be one of those people that has a lot of potential and a lot of

barriers…never contributing or earning as much as I potentially could. The craziest thing

for me as a Canadian citizen is to be in that position where you can’t access education

because…if you’re working to survive, you never have the time, it’s like this cycle.

Apprehension about Becoming a Student Again

The participants reported feelings of nervousness, anxiety and fear in coming to a decision to commit to PSE at this point in their lives, especially as it had been a long time

(ranging from 10 to 40 years) since they were last students in any formal learning environment.

Although the participants in this study have all ultimately made the decision to enroll in PSE, they had to battle and weigh these uneasy feelings alongside the desire to earn a PSE credential for a chance to develop their capabilities and pursue a new career. Such feelings of fear and worry may be heightened for those who are considering entering PSE in Canada for the first time, as they are unsure of what to expect.

When asked about her feelings about deciding to begin PSE, Nabi, who was last a student

35-40 years ago in Korea, responded:

Honestly, I was afraid. I wasn’t sure if I could do it. It’s been so long…over 30 years

since I last went to school, and more than anything, I was worried about the language

barrier. It would also be my first time actually going to a college and getting a real

campus experience, so I was excited but also just really scared. I wouldn’t have even

thought about going to college if it wasn’t for the Second Career funding.

Similarly, Joan, who was last a student 35-40 years ago in Ghana, reflected looking back:

It was scary, because I haven’t been in a school setting in so long and never been to one

in Canada…it was terrifying. Believe me, I was scared. Before I went to [the college], I

was shivering…I thought I would just end up quitting.

Avery, was last in school 10-15 years ago, had a smaller gap but similarly described:

I had nightmares until I started this program. I was telling a friend about this the other

day that I would have nightmares about going to school, and have dreams of walking

around the hallways and never going to class. It was a very scary thing. I was very afraid.

I really didn’t know what to expect because I’d been out of school for so long.

As Busher and James (2019) state, “the contexts in which people live and work can help or hinder people’s efforts to develop themselves” (p. 77). This is highlighted in Amanda’s case as she was apprehensive and nervous in coming to a decision about entering PSE, but acknowledged that the systems of hardship and disadvantage she experienced in recent years had contributed to her feeling this way:

Coming from Africa, you know you studied, you have your degree, you had a good job at

home, but coming here, you don’t know anyone, and you find out your degree is worth

nothing. You have to start from beginning. All those years and sweats here [in Canada]

trying to survive, your morale goes down. You lose a sense of who you are; your self-

worth and self-esteem [are] just crushed, you understand. It takes time to build that up

again and be able to start all over again.

As the participants were anticipating entering PSE their consciousness of other responsibilities and roles such as being the breadwinner and caregiver contributed to feelings of uncertainty and nervousness. According to McQuarrie (2013), there are those who may even forego applying to PSE for this reason: “potential mature students still may not apply for admission if they perceive that their other commitments and responsibilities will be too onerous to combine with any form of post-secondary education” (p. 3). Kate, a mother of two and who was last in school 10-15 years ago, had such anxieties in addition to the general fear of going back as a mature student:

There was no way I wanted to go back with younger minds and try to even compete with

them. Even my daughter was telling me that I’m too old for this. I didn’t know what I

would even take, what to do, what’s out there for me. I was also really worried about

money. I have to raise my kids and I have financial responsibilities. I seriously had to

think about if I should even go back when I have mouths to feed. It’s a lot of pressure.

Relatedly, many of the participants reported feeling nervous as they had difficulty perceiving themselves as a student or taking on that identity after having disassociated from it for so long and having assumed other roles and identities since they were last students. Those who are considering entering PSE as a mature student often negotiate their multiple identities and undergo an “identity shift” to be able to eventually see themselves as a student in PSE

(McQuarrie, 2013). Sam, who is in her 50s and has raised four children, for instance, reflected:

Going back to school after such a long period is something that I had to really think hard

about. It seemed like it was going to be a hard adjustment, because I’m not used to it and

I’ve had a big gap [since last attending school]. Getting my mind back into school

mode…going back to assuming a student identity after thinking of myself as only a wife

and mother for so long was nerve-racking.

Difficulty Navigating the Application Process

The application process can be daunting for many mature students especially for those who have been out of a formal learning environment for some time. For participants in this study who had to take an extra step of going through the Second Career application process, this can feel overwhelming and even become a deterrent.

The participants unanimously flagged navigating and managing the application processes for both the Second Career program and the colleges as a source of difficulty and anxiety. This was the case for Nabi, who never received any form of education in Canada, found the process to be overwhelming:

The process was very difficult, it wasn’t easy. I didn’t know where to start or what to do

first. For example, I had to get an acceptance letter from the college, but had to take an

admissions test before that, find out tuition fee information and submit proof that I had

been trying really hard to look for jobs. It took a long time to prepare all these

documents. My English was worse then, so that didn’t help either.

Kim, who also did not receive any education in Canada, echoed this sentiment: “The Second

Career application process took a long time, I would say at least a year. It’s complicated, asks a

95 lot and it’s really difficult when your English isn’t that good.” The application process can seem especially more intimidating for those who have been out of school for many years and do not have prior Canadian schooling experience. Joan, who was last a student in Ghana 35-40 years ago, reflected:

It [the application process] wasn’t easy because I couldn’t even remember when I went to

school last exactly, let alone find my old certificate from back in Ghana. I applied with

some of my other colleagues who also got laid off with me…to make it easier on

ourselves, we just said we didn’t have any [previous education] at all. I mean, we

couldn’t remember anything from back then anyways, and the application process just

terrified us.

Similarly, Blessing, who was last a student 30-35 years ago in the Philippines, mentioned:

I haven’t been in school for such a long time, so I didn’t know how to make the letters,

the application, use the computer, so it was hard for me…I wouldn’t have been able to do

this without my caseworker.

The conflicting application timelines and processes between the Second Career program and the colleges also were a cause of anxiety. Many of the participants were not approved for the program on their first try, but had to go through an appeal process (sometimes, several rounds), which delayed their college admissions timelines as well. As McQuarrie (2013) states,

“incomplete, insufficient, or late information can discourage mature students from applying for admission, or make them decide not to enter post-secondary education at all” (p. 3). For Nabi, she had to appeal the decision she initially received with her application to the Second Career program:

I was so anxious because they took a long time to get back to me and the timelines with

the colleges were really tight. There was no guarantee that I would get it and my

caseworker could never give me a clear answer too…always very vague. This made me

really anxious, because I had to pay tuition by a certain date to be able to enroll but the

funds didn’t come on time. I was able to defer the payment to be admitted though, but it

wasn’t until I signed the Second Career contract, I was able to relax…because without

the funds, I wouldn’t have been able to study.

Amanda had a similar experience as she was turned away from two employment centers that told her she would not qualify for the program. She ended up driving to an employment center in another city where staff helped her to process her application:

I’ve heard a lot of ‘no’s, so in the beginning when I get a ‘no,’ I don’t take it. I gathered

information, did the research…I knew that I was eligible for this program. I went in

prepared with all my supporting documents. I had the facts to back up my case and

everything…After getting rejected twice, I wanted to give up. I felt defeated, it was

ridiculous…and, this was just the beginning. The application process was very difficult

and took a long time…I was supposed to start [college] Monday, but I didn’t hear from

the Ministry, so I was already thinking, ‘what is my next step.’ I was exhausted. On

Tuesday, the Ministry called me…so I rushed to the Ministry office that day to sign all

the contracts, forms and everything. So, I ended up starting school on Wednesday…I

didn’t feel prepared at all because I didn’t even know I’d be going to school until the day

before…and I had already missed the first day of school. It was just crazy, I didn’t even

have a good Christmas because of this. It was a rollercoaster. I really had to rush.

Jin explained the difficulty she faced trying to align the Second Career and the college timelines:

I had to wait 2 to 3 weeks to meet with a caseworker to start, who upon meeting me, said

I ‘may’ be eligible. I also had to wait at least 6 months after getting laid off to qualify; I

was supposed to be producing evidence that I had been job searching during this time and

that I attended a certain number of workshops. If I could have found a job, I would’ve

already done it…obviously people applying to this have already tried and are desperate.

All of this delayed the process a lot. There are deadlines we need to meet with the

college, but it’s hard to meet them with all these things we have to do for Second Career.

People get laid-off all at different times, I can’t choose when to get laid off to align it

with the college admission deadline.

Sonya’s plans were also delayed due to the conflicting timelines in the application processes:

By the time I got my acceptance letter and everything [from the college], I was told that

my [Second Career] application wasn’t complete…not right and missing some

information. I ended up missing the deadline at the college and I wasn’t able to attend

that year…I wasn’t able to go and attend any classes because the application [deadline]

passed for OSAP too. I had to wait another whole year…it takes time to fill out the

[Second Career] forms…time-consuming.

Some of the difficulty with the Second Career application process stemmed from participants feeling like the funder (government) was inaccessible. Jin explained:

I felt like only my caseworker could speak to them and I couldn’t contact the Ministry

directly myself. There was always a middleman I had to speak through, so parts in the

application process could have been miscommunicated. I always felt like I had to really

be nice to the caseworker because she’s the one that communicates with the Ministry.

Amanda echoed this sentiment:

If we can go directly to the Ministry, I think it would be easier. Once information is

travelling and travelling through so many hands…some [information] may be dropped

along the way…It’s not the way I want my case to be presented, especially when I’m not

there. Only when they’ve made a decision already, they call me…I wanted to plead my

own case, and present my own life situation and provide context…I wanted to advocate

for myself.”

With the length of the Second Career program’s application process and the uncertainty about whether they would be able to attend PSE, many of the participants had a lot of anxiety around planning ahead. Such was the case for Kate, a mother of two young children:

During the preparation of the Second Career application package, I had already gone

through my EI [employment insurance benefits] and was living off of what little I saved

up. I didn’t know if I was wasting my time applying for this or if I should just be looking

for a job instead. I didn’t know if I was going to be able to make ends meet. Being so

unsure…it made me really nervous because I didn’t know if I should prepare to go to

school or work. Because I didn’t know if I would be able to go to school, I was just job

searching like crazy. I stopped job searching on the first day of school. I didn’t even stop

looking for jobs after the Ministry called me telling me I got the funding, because what if

it was a mistake? It’s honestly one of the most stressful things you’ll ever go through.”

Kim similarly stated, “I knew I had to be patient, but at the same time I was running out of money. I realized then that is why a lot of people end up giving up during the application process.” For Blessing, as the process was taking a long time and she was feeling increasingly

“unsure,” she ended up briefly enrolling at another college until her Second Career funding came through: “it was money and time spent that I didn’t need to because of the uncertainties and the delays with the process.”

For many participants, the application process was made more difficult by lack of resources or other obstructive factors. This was the case for Avery who struggled during the application process because she did not have access to a computer at home:

Many times, I wanted to give up, because my self-esteem professionally, educationally

has been crushed to the point, like, I couldn’t create my resume. It’s a pretty good size

application package and I really struggled through it. The [Second Career] application

process was very challenging. If I didn’t have any support and I wasn’t who I was, I don’t

know if I’d been able to do it. I was either at the resource center or at the public library

working for days and days and days on the application…I had a computer, but it was

broken at the time and I couldn’t afford a new one. So, I couldn’t work from home. I do

feel like Second Career makes you jump through a lot of hoops. By all means, it’s a huge

value and investment, so I get that. I do think that if I wasn’t as driven and ambitious

about it, I would’ve lost the opportunity.

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Summary

Through taking a life history lens, this chapter further set the context for the participants’ entry into PSE by providing insight into how they experienced the period when they were making the decision to enter PSE as well as how they navigated and managed both the Second

Career and the college application processes. The participants viewed the opportunity to begin

PSE at this point in their lives as ‘a way out’ of their current situations or job fields into a career in something they found to be more meaningful, relevant to their interests and could see themselves in long-term; in other words, towards ‘capability for work.’ The participants also reported feelings of anxiety, fear and nervousness about entering PSE, as it had been a long time since they have last been a student, many feeling far removed from a ‘student’ identity. They were also conscious that their decision to enter PSE would affect their families and dependents.

In addition, many participants found having to navigate both the Second Career and the college application processes difficult. Part of the difficulty was attributed to the conflicting timelines and processes of the funding program and the colleges, the extensive and complex application processes, and not having access to appropriate resources or support; such factors could have impeded the participants’ capability to convert this opportunity into valuable functionings

(Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006). Despite the difficulties, all of the participants went through the application process and made the decision to become students. Their experiences in PSE, specifically the difficulties they faced as multi-barriered mature students, will be explored in the next chapter.

Chapter 7

Experiencing Difficulties in College

This chapter explores how mature students at the intersections of various identities and marginalities including race, class, age, gender and health, experience PSE and how they understand the difficulties they encounter. As the participants in this study were all attending

PSE through the Second Career program, they share several experiences such as having been recently laid off, being of low SES, having little to no prior Canadian PSE experience, and wanting to move on to another job field. Furthermore, the participants in this study are female students who have been out of any formal learning environment for at least 10 years. This chapter discusses the difficulties identified and experienced by the participants through their own understandings of these difficulties.

Nine shared (and often interrelated) experiences and difficulties will be discussed in the following order:

• weak English language proficiency and culture shock

• age gap

• being ‘time-poor’

• juggling multiple responsibilities, worlds and identities

• feeling isolated and left out

• financial difficulty

• academic and learning difficulties

• pressure to succeed

• medical challenges

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The next two chapters will then investigate how the participants are making sense of these difficulties, specifically why they think they are facing them, as well as how they are dealing with or managing these difficulties.

Low English Language Proficiency and Culture Shock

Low English language proficiency and adjusting to a new culture were identified as the greatest sources of difficulty faced by several of the participants in this study. For those who had relatively weaker English language skills compared to a non-native English speaker, this affected their overall PSE experience, especially academically and socially.

Academically, Nabi, who had not completed a PSE program in her home country, felt:

The language barriers have been the most difficult for me. Everything comes down to

language, especially as it’s my first time studying in Canada. It’s been so very difficult.

For example, I had difficulty fully understanding the lectures all the time, never mind the

coursework…I also took so long, probably double or triple times longer than the other

native speaker students, in completing the assignments and stuff. Also, because my

English was so shaky, like my accent, I didn’t really participate much in class. The other

students who were more fluent, their overall communication skills were better, and they

could communicate with instructors better too. Everything seemed a lot easier for

them…they would finish their tests quickly and leave, and the people who would always

leave last would be me and the other ESL students.

Similarly, Jin stated, “English is a problem especially when it comes to writing and presentation.

I come across a lot of terms and vocabularies that I’ve never heard of before.” Kim also

103 identified language as the “biggest challenge”: “It’s extremely difficult going to college when your English is not the best. I wasn’t even sure if I was going to be able to graduate. Honestly, all the essays and assignments… it’s a lot and really hard.” Sam reiterated having to put in a lot more time and effort:

English is the key difficulty. It’s a lot harder for ESL students…like reading and writing

problems. You have to put in additional effort as an ESL student. I have to work a lot

harder and spend more time, like for example, I use the dictionary all the time because I

don’t know or not know for sure the meaning of a lot of the bigger words. I need to

always get some extra help to be able to finish my work too.

Having low English proficiency affected how the students were experiencing PSE socially as well. For instance, Kim mentioned a stark divide she noticed and felt: “The young people that are born here…they didn’t want to work with me for group work because of my

English. So, I just always ended up working with other ESL people…It really wasn’t easy.” Joan added:

Because of the language barrier, people don’t give you a chance even though you have

the skills and the knowledge. They don’t give me a chance because of my accent or my

age, one or the other…That’s how our society is built.

Facing or adjusting to a new culture or environment, or what several participants have referred to as “culture shock,” was another challenge experienced by many in the study.

Amanda, who immigrated from Nigeria, described:

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It was a big culture shock starting college here. The system was entirely different,

everything just felt so raw. We didn’t have Internet, computer, computer softwares back

when I went to school. It took a while to get used to all the changes and just how things

work here, you understand. Another thing was the open book [exam] concept. If it’s open

book, then why are we being tested? But I was surprised that not everyone passed still.

There was no open book where I came from. You had to memorize and grasp the

material. Coming into a very different [PSE] system here…has been very difficult.

Joan added, “The different style of teaching and learning was something that I had to get used to.

The grading system was a little bit confusing as well.” For Jin, discussion times in classes frightened her:

For me, coming from Korea, it was so difficult to speak up, as this wasn’t encouraged

much back home. Culturally, it was so different seeing how the discussion times were so

central in all the classes. Every time it was my turn, or I was forced to speak, it was

terrifying.

Age Gap

For the participants in the study, being older than the majority of their peers was one of the most significant factors that affected how they experienced PSE as well as how they came to view themselves in comparison. For many, this affected how they experienced PSE socially. For instance, Nabi (55-60) found that the age gap was one source of discrimination:

Being so much older, it made it socially very difficult. All the other students were mostly

very young, so nobody wanted to be friends with me. I guess that makes sense because I

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was closer in age with the professors. Generally, it was hard communicating with them

[younger peers]. For example, when it came to group work, nobody wanted to be in a

group with me because I’m older and my English is not perfect. So, the leftover people,

you know, the other ones like me, were always stuck with each other unless the professor

forced one of them to partner with us. I often felt ostracized and singled out.

Kim (55-60) spoke of having gone through a similar experience:

Whenever we had to do group work, the teacher would tell us to choose our own group

members. I was never chosen because I’m older and Korean…I usually ended up with

going with the Chinese group. I wish I had gone to a school with more Koreans and

older people. It was very, very difficult. Sometimes, the younger people would end up

working with me because there’s an odd number or something else happened, but it’s

obvious they didn’t want to, so it just becomes awkward. We would just divide up the

work and don’t really talk after. I just did the group work out of necessity. They didn’t

want to befriend me or talk to me. I just knew I had to persevere and do this to graduate,

and we’d all go our separate ways after this.

Blessing (50-55) also faced a challenging time interacting with her younger peers because of the age gap:

The way they [younger students] talk, the way they communicate with older people, it’s

like sometimes I was not feeling easy…especially [if they were of] other nationalities.

So, yeah, they think of me as an old person. It’s really hard communicating with them.

Everyone called me “mother,” it became my nickname. I was like ‘oh my gosh, I’m not

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that old!’…so, it’s just like I am their mother which I don’t feel like. I’m not old yet, I’m

not 60 or 70…But yeah, it’s different.

For Jin (55-60), although she tried to make an effort to connect with other students, she found it to be futile:

I tried. Some of the students said they were going to make an association or a group or

something for mature students, so I tried joining. But I was told I had to be under the age

of 30 though, and obviously I am a lot older than that.

Many of the participants also felt there were stark differences between themselves and the younger students, which played a part in shaping how they viewed themselves as mature students in comparison. Different work ethics and learning or working styles were cited as differences. Nabi explained:

I am a very responsible person and just knew I had to put in more work to be successful.

But, a lot of the younger students, I think they have a different work ethic, I noticed that

they do things very last minute.

Similarly, Jin mentioned:

It’s sometimes difficult and frustrating especially doing group work with them [younger

students], with the cultural and age differences. As mature students, we prefer to get

started and finish our projects early, but younger students want to wait until right before

the deadline. I know I shouldn’t complain since they’re so young, fresh out of high

school…but it’s hard with the different work ethic…Often, it’s difficult to even meet up,

they have all these excuses. I’m busy too, but I make time.

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Joan (55-60) also noticed this difference and felt some resentment towards her younger peers:

Oh yeah, we [mature students] were more into school than them. They [younger students]

didn’t care about the class. Especially when we were paired up [for] presentations or

group work…it became our burden, because they would slack off.

Kate (30-35) provided an explanation for why she and the other mature students may feel this difference:

Younger students don’t take school seriously at all, they usually seem very unbothered.

For the mature students, we know this is our only option. We have nowhere else to go.

We need to get this over with and move on to make money. We can’t afford to fail and

repeat again.

Similarly, Kim described:

As mature students, we’re clearer about our goal and reasons for being in school, so

we’re more serious. Socializing and making friends are not as important to us compared

to the younger people. It’s not like high school. I just wanted to keep up with my grades

and try my best.

Julia (35-40) echoed, “Oh gosh, yeah, they’re way more late on the regular, the younger ones.

They just seem to care less. But they also get it easier, so they don’t need to put in as much effort, I guess.”

For Jin, the different working and/or learning styles stemmed from the limited life experiences of her younger peers:

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Mature students, those who have had kids and stuff, their mindsets are different. We’ve

had more human-to-human life experiences, which the younger ones may not have. I’ve

seen them [younger students] give up more easily or halfway through. Younger students

know a lot of stuff, but are usually always idealistic and not very practical. For example,

during group work, they just bring up big, larger than life ideas and try to do the higher-

level thinking, but stay away from doing the more difficult, heavy groundwork or

preparation.

For many, the differences between themselves and their younger peers stemmed from having more complicated lives, often with more responsibilities and duties. Amanda (40-45), a mother of five young children, explained:

Oh my gosh, the [younger students] have no cares in the world. Just go to your program,

come back, take care of yourself…if I were like a younger person today, this would be

like a piece of cake. I wouldn’t bother, you know. You wouldn’t have any stress, like

nothing. But, in our case, we have dependents…who you have to take care of financially,

emotionally, physically…But, in the case of a younger person, you’re only taking care of

yourself…so, you can’t even compare.

Sam (50-55) echoed this sentiment, “Older students have more responsibilities like managing the household. Like, I have to balance both my studies and household, while a younger student doesn’t.” Vera (50-55) similarly described:

There were much younger students in my class…there was only one other student in the

same age bracket as me. Everybody else was just coming out of high school, like between

18 and 20. There were differences [between us] because a lot of them lived at home…I

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mean, a young person doesn’t really worry about how the rent or mortgage is getting

paid, their parents are the ones that worry. They’re not worried about how the car

payment is getting paid, they’re not worried about, you know, the food on the table, and

these kinds of things.

The participants also noted that it was more challenging, both physically and cognitively, being an older student compared to their younger peers. Nabi reflected:

As an older person, it was just physically really hard being at school all day and taking so

many courses. And, when I came home, the work didn’t stop, I had to do the housework.

And, with my age, studying was getting hard too. My memory was not as good as when I

was younger.

Similarly, Vera described, “When you’re older, you’re more susceptible to colds, injuries…you might have an ailing parent…Mature students have more challenges in life. There’s a whole broader prospect of things that could now come in that could be negative.” For Amanda, cognitively, the process of learning has become more difficult as she has gotten older:

You, as a mature student, have to take your time to know what they [professors] are

talking about, you know, compared to the younger people…they can join the class late,

but the material’s too easy for them to grasp…but, you, as a mature student, takes time

for you to really grasp…it’s a tough thing. While I’m looking up a word, they move on to

the second question. Always a challenge.

Not having had much exposure to technology was another difference the participants reported. This was the case for Amanda:

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In my time, when I went to school, we had no Internet, we had no social media…there

are so many things we didn’t have. Now, I have to learn Google, how to surf the Internet,

how to read e-books…there are so many things you learn now that you didn’t know in the

past.

Similarly, Blessing emphasized:

They [younger peers] have a big advantage. Because they studied here in Canada more

recently, they have, like, the language, they know the material, and importantly, they

know how to use the computer…For us, it’s like looking at a blank space.

Avery (35-40) mentioned ageism in relation to this as something she observed and experienced herself:

There are students that came straight from high school that had no problem picking up

Adobe right away, but as an older person who also didn’t finish school and was self-

taught, it’s been harder. Some of the younger people laugh at people like me, I try not to

care about that since I know why I’m here and stuff, but I can’t help but think ageism

really exists in professional and educational settings.

Several participants, while pointing out this difference between themselves and the younger students, also mentioned the paradox of having to ask their younger peers for help.

Sonya (35-40), for instance, observed:

You can really see the age difference by looking at the different ways of studying and

learning between the older and the younger people…our ways are different from the

younger ones. When we studied, we didn’t have computers, Internet…As you see, old

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people don’t know how to use computers compared to younger, new generations…So, we

may ask young people to teach us, but we might not understand still. Sometimes we have

no choice, but it doesn’t feel good having to ask for help.

Similarly, Sam echoed:

In my mind, [the younger students] know better than me about so many things…When

I’m stuck in class, I feel like I want to ask them things and for help, but I try to tell

myself no and that I should try to do it myself. I guess in a way, it pushes me to work

harder because whenever I see them, I find myself comparing myself with them.

Being ‘Time-poor’

Many of the participants described not having enough time or finding themselves to be constantly ‘time-poor’ during their time in PSE. For instance, Kim felt, “Just keeping up with my classes took up all my time. By the time you add in the commute, I was too tired to do anything when I got home.”

The participants also explained that being constantly time-poor as multi-barriered mature students led to them eventually having to make sacrifices in their lives. School usually trumped all other priorities especially as their funding was dependent on them successfully completing their PSE programs without any delays. Kate, a mother of two young children, explained:

There is just no time. I went from having all the time in the world while I was job

searching to being on a strict schedule. I literally have just 1 hour out of the whole day to

myself. I try to go to the gym or something during this time to manage my stress. But

aside from that, there’s no other time to do anything else. I actually came into this [PSE]

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thinking I could also work part-time, but there’s just no way. We get half an hour break at

school, but even then, I’m working. I try to make the most out of my time in school to

make sure I get a lot done before going home. The majority of my weekends are spent

doing assignments, I have no free time and I never go out. Honestly, I gave up a lot.

Here’s my advice for those who are thinking about college as an older person too...you’re

going to have to put family life on the back burner for a while, there aren’t going to be

any weekends, travel or anything. You have to be able to trade out your personal life and

put school first. It sucks but you just can’t handle everything all the time. Something’s

got to suffer especially if you want to do well. Your family’s going to have to understand

you’re going to be in school for a year – the mindset’s got to be we’re all going to have to

sacrifice for this whole year.

Similarly, Sonya, being a single mother, echoed:

Because I have a child, after school, I can’t do anything, like any student groups or

activities…Because we only have some free time at lunchtime, we [mature students] are

either finishing our projects or because sometimes we have a test, we are studying. It’s

the only time we can meet together to work as a group…And, because we don’t have a

lot of time, when something unexpected happens, like issues with daycare, let’s say when

the kids are sick and we get a call, it messes up our schedules because we have to stay at

home with the child because daycares don’t take care of sick kids.

Juggling Multiple Responsibilities, Worlds and Identities

Related to being ‘time-poor,’ participants had a sense of having to juggle multiple and vastly different responsibilities and worlds, which meant also having to assume various and, at

113 times, conflicting identities. As Robeyns (2017) argues however, “what is relevant is not only which opportunities are open to us individually, hence in a piecemeal way, but rather which combinations or sets of potential functionings are open to us” (p. 52); for example, participants often found that important opportunities to (a) properly attend to and care for their children so they receive all the attention and supervision they need, and (b) spend much of their time and energy at school and on coursework to succeed in college, were not available to them together, or as sets of capabilities (Robeyns, 2017).

Amanda explained:

Doing this with kids and a family is not easy. In my case, with five kids, it’s not easy. It

takes determination…it’s been really, really difficult. There’s been so many

challenges…In my case, three of my kids are really young, I have a 5-year old and twins

that are a year old. So, every morning, I have to face challenges of waking up early,

rushing to the daycare and the school, getting to school before 8 a.m., finishing up at

school, doing my assignments and homework, rushing back to get the kids from daycare,

preparing dinner…this is what I do Monday to Friday. And on the weekends, you have to

prepare for your exams for the following week too…it’s a rollercoaster. Even my

husband doesn’t know how I survive…I don’t think it’d be the same if I was single or if I

didn’t have a large family, you understand. I have a large family and I have little

dependents. You know, they’re under 5, they depend on you. Juggling all of this has been

a big issue.”

Similarly, Joan echoed, “Overnight, we became full-time students with less income. And then, we had families to take care of. So, we’re juggling parenting, school and life…it’s a lot.” Sam,

114 who lived with her husband and 4 adult children, also explained the difficulty of having to manage the different worlds and identities in her life:

I have a lot of work at home and at school. I just spend so much time working…I have to

juggle so many things in my life, I can’t just focus on school, I also have to do the

housework and manage the household. Also, going back to school after such a long time,

it’s weird because I only used to focus on household things…I’m finding that I have

these different worlds in my life – school and home, for example – they’re all different so

it’s hard to merge them all. Now that I go to school, I have to balance both worlds. It’s

very hard for my other friends who have smaller kids too. They have to look after the

kids, come to school, do homework…work harder. My kids are older, so it’s a bit better,

but it’s still hard.

Similarly, for Blessing, she discussed the hectic nature of her life from having to assume different responsibilities as a spouse, parent, student and employee:

We [mature students] have stress and worries. Like, I have to manage everything in the

house. I come home, I have to clean, go [grocery] shopping, and do everything else, even

though I’ve had a long day…and, I work part-time. I’m always worrying about one part

of my life suffering; I try hard to balance everything. I have so many responsibilities, as a

wife, mom, student, employee…Like, my husband, he just relaxes after work, watching

movies, watching tv, and when he sleeps, he falls asleep straight away. But for me, oh my

gosh, I’m worrying, so I can’t sleep...It’s harder for people like me who don’t have

money and are moms, because we have to work part-time in addition to school and

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housework. After school and work, I go home at night and need to do schoolwork and

housework, there’s also so much commuting.

Many participants described feeling as if their “school worlds” were consuming their whole lives or trumping the other responsibilities in their lives, causing them to feel guilt and shame for not being able to juggle everything. For instance, Kate described:

I’ve got no time for my kids, I feel really bad about this. I go to school, I’m always in a

hurry and I do what I got to do. Outside of school, I’m always doing homework. I go

home and sleep at 1 or 2 a.m. You really have to manage all your responsibilities, it’s so

important especially when you’re in these condensed programs. My kids are always

complaining that they don’t get to spend time with me anymore. I tell them that it’s just 1

year, then things will go back to normal.

Nabi, who lived with her two older children, reflected:

School became my whole life; I couldn’t do or think about anything else. I wasn’t just a

student though; I was also a mom and I had to take care of the house. I felt like I had to

be a totally different person at home compared to at school, and et cetera. I felt so bad all

the time because I felt like I wasn’t being a good mom to my kids, or the house would

just not be clean. I know the kids weren’t used to that either.

The participants also pointed out that they had no choice but to figure out a way to manage and navigate between the different worlds and the multiple responsibilities in them.

Choices that many traditional younger students have such as taking a break from employment to solely focus on their studies or moving into a college dorm to be away from their other

116 responsibilities were referred to only as something indefinitely out of their reach. For instance,

Julia, a single mother to a young teenager, emphasized:

We can’t do half of the things young students can do! Mostly, just because we have lives.

We’re not students who live at mom and dad’s house, and just get to get up and go to

school, and then go home and have dinner cooked for us. No, no. We, most of us [mature

students], have lives and then we usually have other little lives we have to take care of as

well. So, we got to prioritize…prioritize family, money coming in, and school…What

gets put on the backburner? It’s obviously school…because family needs my help.

Money? You got to eat, and Second Career doesn’t give you everything…As a single

mother with a kid, it’s hard.

Feeling Isolated and Left Out

Most of the participants felt a sense of social isolation from their younger peers.

‘Structural constraints’ that influence people’s conversion factors (concept that “persons have different abilities to convert resources into functionings” [Robeyns, 2017, p. 45]), and hence also the shaping of people’s capabilities are not always dependent on material or monetary resources, but can also be, for instance, when a group of people (e.g., older racialized students with low

English level fluency) are stigmatized or isolated by other groups in the institution, leading to feelings of loneliness and lower levels of overall well-being, and subsequently affecting opportunities for friendships or networks (Robeyns, 2017). For instance, Vera, who is in her 50s, described, “Sometimes, we’d talk but I didn’t really socialize with them outside of school just because they’re 18-year-olds. They’re old enough to be my children.” Similarly Blessing, who is

117 also in her 50s, echoed, “At first, I was shy because all of them were younger than my kids…It’s just like I am their mother, I don’t feel that old to feel like that, but it’s the fact.”

The division they felt because of age sometimes combined with cultural or language differences, which further isolated several of the participants who were not able to find any groups that were truly accepting of them. This was the case for Nabi (55-60):

“Because I was a lot older and couldn’t speak English as well as them [younger peers],

they were uncomfortable around me. I tried really hard though, trying to eat with them

and talk to them. If I couldn’t make friends with them, I wanted to at least get along with

them. It was unfortunate I couldn’t make any close friends. I think I was closer with the

instructors and talked to them more because we were closer in age…I rarely felt included.

Especially in class, because of language and age, I always felt left out and didn’t even

want to go to school sometimes because of this. I think it was more because I wasn’t used

to feeling like this. Although I got along more with other mature students, even among

mature students, people in the same ethnic group would socialize and talk, a lot of the

times in their own language, so I couldn’t even understand what they were saying. To be

honest with you, I felt lonely.”

Similarly, Jin (55-60) reflected:

I don’t think it helped that I’m not a very outgoing person to begin with, but there was

just too big of a generation gap. Most of the students were too young, younger than my

daughters. Especially at my college, we have a lot of people from different countries, so

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with the cultural differences, age gap, generation gap…it was difficult to make friends or

talk to them.

Kim (55-60) also highlighted the importance of considering the intersection of age and race, explaining how she felt she did not fit in with any groups at her college:

I couldn’t make any friends with young people, but also white people. They just hung out

by themselves, it felt like an exclusive group I could never be invited to. Aside from the

white people being in one group, there were other groups too like Chinese, Indian and

Jamaican, but I was the only Korean, so I didn’t have a group. Sometimes, we talked

because we had to do group work, but we never really talked because they didn’t want to

be my friend.

Some of the participants also pointed to their emotional or psychological states as additional reasons for the difficult times they endured socially. This was the case for Joan (55-

60):

Socially, I couldn’t cope because I lost all self-esteem and confidence. I wasn’t making

any money and I was barely scraping by because the living allowance wasn’t the greatest.

Most of the funding went to tuition and books. Even if I did want to make friends or

anything, I wouldn’t have any money to do anything…We were too old for the kids to

hang out with anyway. They think all we’d do is advise them. It got better when I did my

placement though, it was better outside of school.

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Financial Difficulty

A shared experience among all of the participants was the financial hardship they faced during their PSE, which was a significant source of capability deprivation. All of the participants expressed that the Second Career funding was never enough, while being a part of the Second

Career program also limited them from seeking some other sources of funding. Having an adequate income to cover at least the basic costs of living for oneself and one’s dependents is important to the participants’ overall wellbeing, and valuable functionings and corresponding capabilities in college. However, the reality was that, often, the participants and their families were left to make difficult financial choices which significantly affected their experiences in

PSE. Nabi explained:

Second Career funds were never enough. I was the breadwinner in my family and still

had to provide for the rest of the family while going to school. I had to ask my siblings to

support me financially and borrow money. I would pool money from here and there just

to make ends meet. Financially, it was so difficult. It’s been a very difficult time. When it

got to a point when I was really desperate, I went to get OW [Ontario Works social

assistance], but I wasn’t eligible because of Second Career. There were awards from the

school I couldn’t apply for either as a Second Career student…The school had some

student work opportunities I wanted to apply for…I thought it would be good as I was

already at school so much, but I couldn’t apply to those either. I would’ve been happy

even getting a job in the cafeteria, cleaning or anything. I couldn’t even think about using

money for other necessities like health or dental for my family or myself. I had the

student insurance with the school but it had very limited coverage, and I still couldn’t

afford anything.

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Similarly, Vera, who lived with her sister, as she could not afford to live on her own, described:

I wasn’t doing good financially [in college], because I wasn’t working. My sole source of

income was Second Career. This was a big issue, because it wasn’t enough…Social

assistance has an agreement with Second Career that any recipient that is approved for

Second Career is no longer eligible for social assistance. I just had to work with what I

was getting.

Several of the participants who were married depended heavily on their spouses for financial support during their time in college. They emphasized that while they still had a difficult time financially, this lessened the pressure they felt but also contributed to mixed feelings of appreciation and guilt. For instance, Jin, who lived with her husband and adult child, mentioned:

I had to work part-time here and there. But, honestly, compared to others who were like

single moms, I had less pressure because I had my husband…my poor husband. Of

course, I wasn’t so relaxed and always still worrying about finances and providing for the

family, but I was lucky.

Amanda, who lived with her husband and five young children, also described:

Second Career funds were definitely not enough, like it couldn’t cover my children’s

daycare fees. Yes, it covers your tuition and books, but at least like OSAP [Ontario

Student Assistance Program], they should provide enough money in order to not stress

out the students so much. I can’t work part-time because my courses are all so crammed

and intensive, which means I have to rely on my husband to meet all the financial needs.

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I feel bad because it’s difficult for one person. So, we just had to make certain

adjustments…make sacrifices and cut down things we normally do. I keep telling my

husband, ‘it’s just 1 year.’ It’s very difficult. Honestly, I’ve tried going to the bank too,

but they won’t give you a loan when you’re in school and don’t have a job…My advice

to future students would be to have your own back-up plan financially and don’t go into

this program empty handed.

Sam, who lived with her husband and four older children, pointed out that often, the financial contribution from one’s spouse is not enough:

It’s been tight. I get my stipends, and my husband, it’s not enough what he’s making.

That’s why I’d really like to finish [PSE] early to find a job right away to support my

family. My whole family has been making sacrifices and changing how we live, they’re

trying to support my decision. I was planning on working part-time, but since I started

school, I felt like I needed to focus on my studies…but that might change

soon…Studying and just trying to catch up with all the materials have taken all of my

time. Honestly, money is such a big stressor. When you don’t have enough money and

you have a family to take care of, but you’re also trying to study…

Blessing, who lived with her husband and three older children, similarly emphasized that the support from her husband was not enough:

I was working on the weekends and at night. My husband was supporting us financially

and it helps a lot, but it was still so tough financially. I was crying at times worrying

about not being able to pay the rent. It was always so stressful. As the mom, I have to

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think of everything. My kids were in school, always asking for money or if we were

going to be ok.

In Kate’s case, although she did not have a spouse she could rely on financially, she had the support of her parents:

It’s a struggle. I have my parents, and they pitch in when I really need them to. I get a

stipend, about $200, from the government a month. It’s not much, so mostly I’m using up

what I saved up prior to school. It’s seriously tough financially. Second Career needs to

increase the amount they’re giving us, because it’s really not a lot, especially when you

don’t have a second income coming in. It’s not nearly enough. Half of what we get goes

to the school anyways, so we don’t end up with a lot. I save on daycare costs, because I

get someone to watch my kids. Like $100 a month for food, that’s not nearly enough for

groceries. You know, I end up relying on my parents…it [financial support] doesn’t come

every month, but I’m grateful whenever they do give me something. A little bit goes a

long way.

Many of the participants said they were using all the funds they had access to in order to finance their time in PSE. Joan provided an example:

Money wasn’t great. I had to use up my savings and withdraw my RRSP [Registered

Retirement Savings Plan] to support myself through school, because the funding wasn’t

enough. $28,000 sounds like a chunk of change, but most of it went to tuition…books

were so expensive…the books that you only read one page and you don’t read

anymore…The Ministry demands you buy the books, otherwise your next set of payment

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might not be coming. By the time you take out tuition and books, there’s barely anything

left for living expenses.

Similarly, Kim, as an older single mother, needed funds not only to support herself through college, but for her daughter as well:

The funds were not enough. It’s not realistic. I scraped together all that I had because I

also had to support my daughter through college at the same time. To be a full-time

student with this amount of money, it’s difficult because you don’t even have time to get

a job. You just have to live with not having enough and learn to get by. Because I was a

Second Career student, I couldn’t even apply to bursaries or scholarships. Honestly, I

wouldn’t even have been able to get it because only the top students probably get

scholarships. I still applied to all of them just in case, but I never heard back from any of

them.

Some of the participants also struggled to purchase the materials (e.g., computer) they needed to successfully complete their PSE. Many also struggled financially when unexpected situations or accidents occurred. Avery provided an example:

I’m in the web development program, but I didn’t have a computer to work from home. I

asked Second Career to help fund for a computer, but I was told it didn’t fall under the

funding requirements. There are materials and technology [that] students need in order to

be successful in that program. It became a huge challenge for me, so my only option was

to work and save up for a computer but that was going to take time. It would’ve been

really helpful for me to have a computer from the start of the program. By the time I

saved up and got a computer, I was 3 months into the program, so I basically missed out

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on 3 months’ worth of content. I know no one gets a free ride in this world, but if you’re

truly going to set someone up for a second career or second shot in life, you really need

to set them up for success. I also wish I could work less to spend more time on studying,

that would be ideal. I can’t do that though, because I need to survive. I work as a

bartender when I’m not at school. I’m right back into doing the type of jobs I was doing

prior to Second Career. But the big real challenge for me was when I got into a car

accident and I couldn’t work. I literally had no money except the Second Career

allowance. I really think it would help out the students if the government or even the

school could help address our tertiary needs like emergency health care, program

equipment…they would truly be providing for the students and helping us out during our

studies.

Similarly, Julia described her financial difficulties during the program:

“With my course [digital media web design], a computer didn’t exactly come with it, but

you needed a computer. There’s only so much time you can spend at the library after

school, because you got other things to do, so the best time to be able to complete your

project would be at home…Also, at one point in the program, I was homeless, looking for

a place to live. Financially, I’m not good. The Second Career funds haven’t been enough.

Second Career only allows you to work a maximum of 20 hours a week, so my work was

only able to schedule me for 1 or 2 days a week…Eventually, they made an exception for

me to work 21 hours, so I could work three shifts, but by then, it was it was hard to get

the three shifts because they had already gotten someone to cover the other shifts I had

given up. Nobody would really help me anymore because I’m getting money from

Second Career. Financially, it’s been so bad. I understand that they require that we only

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work 20 hours a week, so we can make sure we have time to focus on school, but if you

barely give enough money to cover all the [living expenses], then how am I supposed to

be able to focus on school when I’m worried about my debt that just got worse? Like, I’m

now in a consolidated debt [program] because it just got way worse in school…There’s

$28,000 available, but I got $23,000. They [Second Career] should’ve just given me

$28,000 as a single mother, like you obviously knew it wasn’t enough. I mean, I had to

get bus fare for my son to get to school every day. Where was I going to get that from?

And, food and rent, since they didn’t cover all of it? There was never enough…It just

would’ve been nice to have enough instead of constantly having to worry. It wasn’t

enough money and I wasn’t able to make any more than I was making. I know I’m a

student, but I’m also a mother at the same time. I felt like my child was getting punished

during this time for me going back to school, and I just felt so bad about that.”

Academic and Learning Difficulties

All of the participants described facing academic and learning difficulties in college, with many feeling “overwhelmed” or “stressed,” especially given that it had been many years since they were last in a formal educational setting. Aside from age and the number of years participants have been away from any type of school setting, lack of language proficiency as well as fundamental academic skills and competencies required in PSE such as writing, critical thinking, presentation and research, played a significant part in shaping how the participants experienced learning and academia. For instance, Nabi, taking the Social Service Worker program, described:

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Especially at the beginning, I didn’t even know what to expect. I didn’t know what

college was supposed to be like. I had to take all seven courses at the same time; that was

mandatory, so it was really difficult. Because I’m a Second Career student, I couldn’t

space them out to take some of them in the summer. It was extremely stressful, and I

even had to pull many all-nighters to get this done…that’s hard to do at my age. The first

semester especially was so very difficult, and I had a very hard time following along. The

assignments were so hard, especially the ones I needed to use the computer softwares for.

It was very difficult to do alone. Dividing up my time for each course was very hard, tests

and assignments were always overlapping so it was difficult to handle and always

overwhelming. It was worse for me because I’m a lot slower because of my English, like

reading, and I always need to proofread my work properly…it just always takes me a

long time to do everything. Especially when there were so many assignments due at once,

I never had enough time. To be honest, the first semester just flew by and it was more

difficult than I expected. I didn’t even know if I could finish. Instead of actually

understanding all the material, I just ended up memorizing everything for the test or

presentations. And then, I would forget a lot of it right after because I didn’t really absorb

it. Really, everything was new. Like citation, I didn’t know how to do this at all, I pulled

an all-nighter just working on citations in the beginning…I had challenges especially

with working on the computer, essay writing, presentation…I couldn’t present well so I

just always prepared a lot and tried to memorize everything I had to say.

Similarly, Jin, also being in the Social Service Worker program, reflected:

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School took over my whole life. I spent almost all of my time just for school things.

Essay writing and presentations were the hardest for me because English is a second

language for me. English is the big problem for me and people like me.

Kim, who was in the Early Childhood Education program, also echoed this sentiment about language compounding the academic challenges she was already facing as a mature student:

It was not easy, because I had to do this with no support or special accommodations. The

hardest was the essay writing, because I didn’t have the basic skills to do this. I just

wished my English writing was better so I could articulate myself more nicely. It was

hard to put my sentences together, so it just turned out to be a lot simpler than others. I

had to pull several all-nighters just to submit on time. Doing the research, graphs and

other assignments…they were all so complicated.

Unfamiliarity with computers was also highlighted as a learning challenge faced by many of the participants, which added to the overall academic difficulty they experienced. For instance, Amanda, in the Paralegal program, described:

Like I said, when I went to school, there were no computers, no Internet or something

like that. Learning to use the computer has been the biggest challenge. I realized I’m a

slow typer too. The pace of the program is way too fast and intense. It was hard to meet

every single deadline and scary too, like you’re expected to meet every deadline and if

you don’t meet it, 10% is off, you understand…it’s too much. Some people are mature

students and have families and, some have been away from the [education] system for a

long time. Coming back to a new kind of system, a new kind of way of doing things

totally different from what you’re used to…we have to now adapt to those changes which

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is difficult for us academically, physically and emotionally. It’s a big shock…you know,

coupled with dependents we now have also…we need help and time to adapt to the

changes.

Joan, in the Social Service Worker program, echoed:

I had a lot of academic challenges like essay writing and presentation skills…the scariest

part was using the computer. A lot of us [Second Career cohort] didn’t have computer

experience. We had to use computer applications as part of the program, without any

help. They would just throw us out there…and it was scary for a lot of us.

Blessing, in the Personal Support Worker program, reflected as well:

College is hard and scary. I had a classmate who was even older than I was, who just up

and left while we were writing an exam…she just dropped out. I was always really

nervous before exams, especially the oral practical exam, because I can’t talk as well as

others. I knew presentation and research skills especially were going to be hard for me

going into college, but I didn’t know I lacked even the basic skills. The hardest was not

having the computer skills. It was really hard. Everything’s done on the computer

nowadays…I’m always struggling.

For most, it was a combination of weak English skills and not being familiar with using technology that added to the academic and learning difficulties they faced. Sam, in the Early

Childhood Education program, explained:

The 1st week was really hard. It’s not too easy coming back to school after such a long

time away and trying to be a student again. It’s harder to focus and everything. I’m not

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used to it…Everything’s a challenge like writing, computer, presenting. I have to learn

everything as I go because I never had an opportunity to learn these skills or use these

skills before. It’s my first time learning these things. I have to learn everything from

scratch including continuing to improve my English. I always keep a dictionary with me

for this reason. Normal talking is okay, but academic talk and writing is different. Like,

what is essay writing? And, how do I go about using the computer?”

Those in computer-related programs (e.g., digital media and web design), such as Avery and Julia, felt their lack of computer experience or familiarity with required software impeded their progress. Avery explained:

It would be good if the instructor truly understood that everyone was starting at different

starting points and we all have different learning speeds and paces. Just imagine my

situation. I went into a web development program as someone who never used a

computer before. It’s not just me, a lot of mature students have this challenge of not

knowing how to use the computer well and it’s really hard. It can be a very difficult and

lonely time for us. I have to spend an extra 4 to 5 hours just trying to get it.

Julia similarly emphasized, “The biggest problem for me in the program was learning how to use

Photoshop…it was really hard to get my projects done on time.”

The participants also believed that the academic challenges they faced were in part because the programs were too “fast-paced” or “intensive” for them to keep up. Kate, taking the

Paralegal program, explained:

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I knew it would be fast-paced, but I wasn’t expecting how fast it would be. There’s a lot

of homework every day. I’m doing homework, watching the kids, I can’t even find the

time to sit down when I’m on the phone. Time management is very important, because if

you miss a day of school or even just homework, it’s like you’re missing a month.

Everything’s super-fast, it’s intense. It shocked me. It’s like we’re trading all the time, I

get the graded assignment back and I hand something in again at the same time. It’s

constant homework, reading chapter after chapter. Honestly, because we’re reading three

to four chapters at a time, I have no idea what I’m reading. There are a lot of

assignments. It’s bad because essay writing is not my strong suit and I have to work on

two essays at the same time. I haven’t had to write an essay in years. I didn’t even know

how to begin. Because it’s so fast-paced, they [instructors] are not going to walk you

through it, you have to go out on your own, find out what an essay looks like, plan it,

draft it…I hate essays. It’s hard to keep up with the assignments…it’s a heavy load. You

feel like a robot, there’s no break and just so much.

Sonya, in the Early Childhood Education program, similarly emphasized:

“It’s intense at [college]. I don’t know if it’s just my school, I haven’t been to other

colleges for this program, but it’s intense. In a week, we have to attend like five classes,

like different courses…if I had to do it on my own, like alone, probably I wouldn’t have

been able to do it, but mostly we did [the work] as groups, so we divided up our

work…so, it was easier.”

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Pressure to Succeed

Most of the participants placed great importance on their marks and reported feeling extreme “pressure” to succeed in college. One of the most frequently cited reasons was the funding requirements; other factors were cultural influences and being a good role model for their children. Many expressed being proud of, encouraged and emboldened by the high marks they received with a couple participants even bringing copies of their transcripts or marked assignments to an interview to display and share their hard-earned success. For many, it was not good enough to just pass, but it was important to receive top marks. Though receiving top marks brought them joy however, they also felt overwhelming pressure and stress which sometimes affected their health and wellbeing. Nabi, who had always wanted to complete a post-secondary education diploma but had not had the opportunity in the past, described:

I felt a ton of pressure to succeed in college. I was really stressed out and overwhelmed.

School took over my whole life. Getting good marks was so important to me. I think part

of it was because I grew up thinking marks were so important because that’s how it was

in Korea. I really wanted to do well…I wanted to do the best of my abilities, be the best

student. I tried really hard. I put in double the effort compared to others. I also knew I

couldn’t afford to fail anything, because I was in Second Career. I needed to report my

progress to the Ministry.

Jin, a mother of two adult children, similarly reflected:

As a mom, I always told my daughters to do well. I had to do well too. Marks were very

important. I knew I had to be strict with myself and successfully complete the program in

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time…I had no choice, I had to submit my transcript and diploma to the government too.

It’s been really stressful.

Vera described similar feelings:

I had to do very well in school. Marks were very important…Right now, I find the

requirements are too rigid. Because the pressure is on the individual, as a mature student,

we have to go on with the fear of having to possibly pay back the money if we don’t

finish.

Kim further explained:

I needed to try really hard and spend a lot of time on school. It was important to really try

my best and be diligent…of course, marks were very important. Especially as a Second

Career student, if you don’t get at least a C, Second Career payments can stop. I’ve seen

some of my other Second Career classmates stop getting their funding midway because

of their grades and having to drop out. You have to show your grades every semester for

you to keep getting the funds. So, there’s a lot of pressure to get good marks, because our

funding depends on it.

Many of the participants discussed the pressures they felt to not merely keep up with their classes, but to attain top marks. Kate, a mother of two young children, explained:

I did very well, all of my marks were in the 90s. I put in the time and I sacrificed a lot for

this. I stuck to a schedule, I never went out on the weekends…for example, I knew to get

my homework done on time, I needed to start at 8 p.m. I’d be in my room until 12 or 1

a.m. working on assignments. I sacrificed everything else in my life, because I didn’t

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want to just pass. I wanted to do well. It was my second chance in life. I needed to make

it worth it. I was given this opportunity to go to college and I wanted to make my kids

proud. I wanted to strive for excellence and graduate with honours. I mean, we’ll have to

see how long this lasts…every assignment gets harder than the one before. Like the

assignment I’ve got right now, my mind’s going, ‘what? How do I start?’ I can’t even get

myself to open the book. I know I have to be a fast learner and strong-minded because the

program’s really fast-paced. Many of us are struggling in class, but we know we just have

to keep up with what they’re teaching somehow. You really have to mentally prepare

yourself, because it gets mentally exhausting and draining. I wake up in the middle of the

night thinking about school and getting anxious thinking I have to work on something. I

always just end up jotting things down in the middle of the night thinking, ‘did I miss

something?’ The pressure really plays with your mind all the time. Like, when I forgot an

assignment one time, I don’t know how that happened, my mind went crazy.

Joan also described performing very well academically but at the cost of negatively affecting her health. Similarly, Blessing explained:

I had to study seriously hard so I could get good grades. I wanted to be proud of myself

and show people that I could do this even though I’m old…It was hard because I was

working part-time on the weekends and nights at the same time. But what could I do?

Marks were important to me. I wanted to get high grades, I wanted to be at the top. It

made me feel really bad when I got bad grades and I always wanted to do as well as my

other classmates. It’s been stressful and a lot of worrying.

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Medical Challenges

Many of the participants noted that they suffered from ailments such as arthritis, diabetes, joint pain and cognitive and learning disabilities, which at times hindered their capability to achieve valuable functionings in PSE, affecting their academic performance. Many participants described simply having to silently persevere and endure their pain and distress in order to complete their PSE.

Avery described how her learning disability affected her experience in PSE:

I definitely needed constant support from my doctor to be able to get through college.

Everything always took extra time for me. There’s time I felt shame and frustration,

because I would be doing an in-class assignment and it would take me longer than my

fellow classmates. It was uncomfortable. When I was halfway done, the majority of the

other students would already be done. The instructor would just make comments like,

‘ok, I see that the average student takes x amount of time to do this!’ He didn’t seem to

have an awareness or knowledge. Like, if I’m given a task, it’s going to take me three

times as long as someone next to me. I’ve even shared with the instructor on a personal

level about my situation when I was feeling really frustrated, but he’ll just never

understand. I just keep telling myself to persevere and to keep going…I was actually hit

by a car recently while biking to school; I was lucky I even survived. This posed a huge

challenge for me to keep up with the intense modules. My [learning disability] was

exacerbated because of the injury too. I’m on a medication that’s helping, but I guess

nothing worth anything comes easy. My [learning disability] makes me very weird. In the

morning, you have so much energy, like your brain becomes so over-stimulated, and then

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literally like 2 hours later, you have to go to sleep and shut your eyes. My energy levels

are all over the place, having support medically and from the school would be key for

people like me.

Others, such as Sonya and Nabi, also cited physical health and medical challenges which

affected how they experienced PSE. Sonya explained:

We’re not young and sometimes have serious nagging health issues in the way of

physically being able to attend class, like when the doctor says you need complete

rest…For example, today is extremely cold. Some [including me] might not be able to

attend because of an arthritis flare-up.

Nabi added:

Sometimes, it’s difficult for me to do anything with my hands, especially in the

morning…because of the pain from my arthritis. It’s hard for me to take notes, use the

computer, or even just pick up a pen…I’ve been having problems with my knee lately

too, and sometimes it’s hard for me to get to my next class in time when it’s really

painful…I don’t want to be late and I try my best, but it’s hard sometimes.

Summary

This chapter revealed how the participants in this study, as multi-barriered mature students embodying various intersecting social identities and marginalities, identified and understood the difficulties they experienced in PSE. This included low English proficiency and cultural barriers; an age gap; being time-poor with school sometimes taking priority over all other duties; juggling multiple and at times conflicting responsibilities, worlds and identities;

136 feeling isolated, lonely and unaccepted; struggling financially; academic and learning challenges; pressure to succeed; and health issues. These factors constrained and at times, severely limited their sources and means of agency, freedoms, achievements and capabilities, all of which shaped how they experienced their time in PSE. The next chapter proceeds to explore how the participants are making sense of these difficulties by probing more deeply into the why they think they are facing these difficulties.

Chapter 8

Making Sense of the Difficulties

This chapter discusses some of the reasons the participants think they are facing the difficulties identified in the previous chapter and how they have come to make sense of them.

Through a series of in-depth conversations, participants were encouraged to reflect on how they have internalized and understood their difficulties and experiences both emotionally and cognitively. This will be presented through the following five themes: first, personal failure and/or systemic barriers; second, inadequate flexibility of the academic program; third, lack of relevant student services; fourth, difficulties with the funder; and lastly, systemic discrimination.

Personal Failure and/or Systemic Barriers

The participants varied in how they thought about the difficulties they faced in PSE.

While some participants blamed themselves for the difficulties they were facing (personal failure), others saw the larger system(s) (systemic barriers) as responsible. Firstly, there were several participants who believed, without hesitation, that the difficulties they faced in PSE were rooted from their own personal failures. For instance, Jin believed most of the difficulties she faced in college (e.g., language, academic) were because she was an immigrant, and ultimately, there was nobody but herself to blame. Sam, who raised four adult children, also blamed herself for the challenges she faced in PSE, stating:

The barriers I experience at school, it’s on me. It’s because of how my life turned out,

that’s it. I got married early, had kids…I focused all my energy on my kids, family and

housework things all this time. I sacrificed my life to help my kids to become successful.

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I have this opportunity now that my kids are all grown up, although over 40 years

delayed, so that’s why I’m putting in so much effort. I never thought I would have the

opportunity, I thought it would only be my kids that would get the chance to go to

college.

For Blessing, she understood the financial difficulty she faced in college as a personal failure:

It’s my fault. I created this challenge and burden for myself. I could’ve worked harder

and done something better to support myself and my family better. One time, my

daughter was like, ‘Mom, I want a jacket from there, from that store.’ Even though I

knew it was expensive, I was like, ‘okay, I’ll buy it for you.’ I knew we couldn’t afford it,

but I felt so guilty. I made the decision to go to school, but I didn’t want to have my kids

to suffer because of that.

There were also those who believed that the difficulties they were facing in PSE were caused by barriers embedded in the various systems with which they were interacting, such as

PSE institutions and the provincial government. For instance, Amanda, a mother to five young children, explained:

I don’t want to seem to make it out to be all because of the system because I know it’s

helping us too…but, it should be ready to properly support people like me, like mature

students with larger families who have younger dependents too. They should ask the right

questions like, ‘how can we help you?’ especially for those with larger families in

desperate situations…I don’t want to sound rude or not appreciative, you understand, but

they don’t meet people halfway.

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Joan also held this view:

It’s definitely the failure of the system, because if people are going to be supported by

getting funding for schooling, it has to be enough to accommodate the current inflation.

Because now, rent is high, tuition is high, and transportation is high. Then you add in

books and so on. The amount should be based on the current living wage, reasonable

living wage. If they can’t provide that, they can help us to find flexible, accommodating

part-time employment…reasonable part-time employment that will help people make

extra money to support themselves while they go to school. One idea is with our

practicum courses, after the first month, to have people be hired part-time and be paid.

Paid internships would be good. So, you pay students as interns and have interns support

themselves at the same time while they’re taking their course.

Julia, a single mother raising a teenage son, also described her frustration especially with the amount of money she received:

I got $5,000 less than the maximum allowed amount from Second Career. That extra

$5,000 could’ve gone towards my rent, instead we got evicted and we were

homeless…Why do I have to beg, why didn’t you just give me the full amount to cover

my rent instead of saying, ‘you can only work this much, and you can only have this

towards your rent’? I could understand if I didn’t need it, but you could see I’m very

much so a single mother. They need to see me as a whole person with this whole life.

They need to hear our stories…My child was not covered at all under anything, because

he was over 14. At the time [of the application], he was actually 14, so he just passed that

money allowed for your child amount. If he had been a year younger, there would’ve

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been money available for him. He’s got to get student tickets, he’s got to get food, he’s

got school trips that cost money, clothes…I still have to buy him stuff. Now, because he’s

past 13, what does that mean, he doesn’t cost money? We couldn’t eat fresh

vegetables…They still had $5,000 left over that they could have allotted to me, you know

what I mean? It didn’t make sense. I thought of appealing, but I was just like it took me

so long just to get [the Second Career funding] and to get started and everything, so I

thought like let me focus more on making sure I just finish.

There were also those who understood their difficulties as being caused by a combination of personal failure and systemic barrier. This was the case for Kate in relation to the academic difficulty she faced:

It’s both. Firstly, it’s my fault. Maybe it’s my mind playing tricks on me, but my brain’s

not as sharp as it used to be. Maybe if I was younger, I would’ve had no problem keeping

up with this workload. Now, that I’m older, I also have kids to take care of after

school…it’s a lot to handle with school. I’m always trying to push myself because I want

to prove to myself that I can do this. I set a goal, I have to get a certain mark in class, or

I’m not pleased. It takes a toll on your mind, because you don’t want to be a failure after

sacrificing so much. I put a lot of pressure on myself because I need to pass. But, at the

end of the day, it’s the system too, like how we’re taught. It’s been so long ago since I

was in school, I just went in with an empty slate. The first professor, the way he taught, I

couldn’t understand a thing, and I was more confused after his classes. I just thought this

was how college was. Then we had the professor after him, and you could definitely see

the difference between the two. I wasn’t trying to constantly figure things out on my own

or being unsure of what I learned that day. Like the first prof though, he would still teach

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one thing and skip over some other stuff. I guess it’s partly the teaching style of the

professor or maybe they just automatically assume we know everything already because a

lot of us are mature students. If you’re teaching something, you should teach everything –

A, B, C…and not skip anything. It’s really also partly due to how the school makes the

professors teach too because there’s not a lot of time. There are so many classes that it

gets challenging. The school should have set it up so we could focus on each of the

classes. Also, they just need to be more mindful of us older people too. They really

should come up with a better way to teach the material. Even some of the professors

seem confused as to why it’s taught this way, it doesn’t make sense.

Inadequate Program Flexibility

Many of the participants noted that their PSE institutions lacked an intersectional and holistic understanding of the issues and experiences faced by multi-barriered mature students, which resulted in a lack of or inadequate program flexibility. The absence of flexible learning options was cited by many as something that triggered anxiety and as a factor that restricted their achievements and capabilities, which contributed to making their PSE experience more difficult.

Amanda, a mother of five, stated, “For those who are mature students, who have families and difficult lives, there should be room for leniency and flexibility.” Avery, who always struggled in school, also explained:

There’s people like me that can’t keep up and end up falling into the wayside. If the

college decided to accept Second Career students, they should educate the instructors to

help them understand what the Second Career program is, about the people that usually

go through this program, like we’ve recently been laid off, face many barriers coming in,

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and et cetera. I feel like the school could do that more. I’m always having to approach

and negotiate [flexibilities] with the instructors myself, they’re usually good with it once

you tell them your whole story…but to do this with every instructor, it takes a lot out of

you and there’s no guarantee.

Sonya, as a single mother, also found the lack of institutional flexible learning options to be problematic:

School is hard as it is, but if I’m unable to attend the classes because I’m sick or a

childcare issue comes up, it becomes impossible to be able to catch up. There are no

[flexibilities] for us [mature students] in those cases right now. …like allowing the

student to join the class from home on the computer or tele-calling…or even just helping

the student to learn the class material and get class information through other ways are

important.

Lack of Relevant Student Services

In addition to the inadequate flexible learning options offered by the institutions, the participants also pointed to the lack of relevant or appropriate student services or supports for multi-barriered mature students, a resource which could have enabled or supported the achievements and the overall capability sets, as contributing to some of the difficulties they faced in PSE. This was understood to be rooted in the insufficient knowledge and understanding of the unique intersectional experiences and lives of multi-barriered mature students on the part of the institutions.

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Lack of or inadequate tutoring services was something that many participants brought up.

For instance, Nabi reflected:

As someone who struggled with academic and language barriers, my professors would

just point me to the school’s tutoring service. There are not enough tutors though. There

are only a few of them that are available for limited time during the day, so it’s difficult

to set up an appointment with them. It’s not accommodating for mature students.

Similarly, Jin echoed:

There aren’t a lot of tutors and I can never make an appointment to see anyone. By the

time I’m able to see someone, the assignment deadline already passed and it’s too late. In

order to get an appointment, you have to request it way in advance, but you don’t know

your assignments or deadlines that early…it’s not been helpful. I knew I was

academically weak and unprepared when I started school, so I had really counted on

getting some support.

For Kim, it was the experience she had at her tutoring session that discouraged her from going back:

I went to see a tutor once, but it wasn’t helpful. It wasn’t worth the time I invested into

making the appointment and making the time to go see her. She didn’t seem interested in

really helping me. They had a policy that I couldn’t bring my assignment so the tutor

couldn’t even look over my work with me anyways. I realized I just needed to improve

my English on my own.

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Many of the participants also expressed the need for a counsellor they could speak to or seek advice from, who understood their difficulties and unique life situations through an intersectional lens. As higher education institutions are mainly designed for the younger, traditional students, many participants felt the counsellors or advisors they spoke to were not properly trained to support mature students who were facing multiple barriers and challenges.

For instance, Nabi explained:

There was no one I could go to for help. The only people that helped me out were my

professors, but they could really only advise on my courses. There should be mature

student-specific counsellors to help guide us in college, who knows what we’re going

through. I didn’t even know the basics to even start college, like using the computer or

that I even had a [college] email address. I went to a time management workshop once

but it was short and they just provided some tips…it would’ve been helpful if there was a

counsellor or support person who could take their time to explain and guide us through

all of this…because I’ve been feeling really overwhelmed and felt like everything was

just thrown at me at once.

Amanda also brought up the absence of a counsellor or advisor who understood her needs:

My college experience was made more difficult because I feel like I had to figure things

out on my own all the time. There wasn’t a counsellor for mature students or anyone to

talk to one-on-one about the everyday issues I had like daycare or finances, you

understand…People can drop out because of this lack of help saying, ‘no, I can’t go

through this anymore.’ Recently, the school director sent out an email saying that those

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who require certain services should call this number, but I didn’t key into that because I

don’t really know what it’s all about. It’s not really well set-up.

Jin similarly expressed this frustration:

I’ve gone to see a college advisor, but it hasn’t been helpful. They don’t understand what

we’re going through and how to help us exactly. It’s not easy, nobody seems to have

clear answers, and I always find myself having to go through hoops to talk to the right

person. Having never attended a school in Canada, everything’s still new to me and

everything seems so hard to do. For example, last year, I heard from my younger

classmates, who always know what’s going on, that we were able to get some money

back from a strike that happened at school. For me, it was very hard to even get this

information, find out the procedures…there’s a Second Career support worker at the

college, but she’s just involved in the application process and doesn’t actually continue

supporting us once we get in. There really needs to be at least one person that could

support Second Career students during the school year, to support with everything

including academics and figuring out college in general.

The majority of the participants did not feel that they were given adequate information about the services offered at their institutions, which led them to feel lost and unsupported in addition to the other difficulties they faced in PSE. Kate, who was last a student 10-15 years ago, explained:

I’m not even sure if my school has any services like that. They just helped me to process

the Second Career stuff to be able to enroll. After that, I haven’t used any supports or

services. I feel like they don’t care once they get you in, you’re pretty much on your own

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even if you’re having a hard time. I thought you had to pay for the tutors, so I never even

tried looking into it. I’m pretty much just in and out, I go to classes and then I leave…so,

if it [services] wasn’t broadcasted properly, I wouldn’t even know about it because I

haven’t gone out looking for it. If the school put it out there, like information about

financial aid and other services, we [mature students] would look further into that. It’s not

just me, a lot of people don’t know about them. I never missed a day of school, but I’ve

never heard of anything, even financial aid or anything like that. If it were out there, a lot

of people would use it. Services aren’t being promoted properly, so if there were services

that could help me, I haven’t heard about them. I’ve talked to a counsellor before I started

school, but they never mentioned services then either…wasn’t much of a help.

Joan, who was last a student 35-40 years ago in Ghana, also shared her frustrations with not being informed about student support services until it was too late:

Most of us [mature students in the Second Career program] haven’t been to college

before…we didn’t have anywhere to go, and by the time we found out about services to

get help, it was too late, and some had failed their courses. It was too late. This is one

thing the college didn’t do well…if you’re a Second Career student, once you get into

college, there needs to be another information session that tells you like, ‘this is where

you get information about financial aid’ and so on, so it doesn’t become your burden to

look for these things. It was scary to be in school at this age already. So, most of the time,

we were always in our own group, we had to stick together to be each other’s

support…but it’s hard to help each other when this is all new for us too. For example, I

didn’t know about the counselling office. By the time I found out, there was a week left

till graduation. I was really depressed. I didn’t know that the college had all these

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supports. There’s the counselling department where you can go talk to somebody if you

can’t handle your assignments and they can have somebody to help you out. They had a

writing program, and workshops to help improve your computer skills which I didn’t

know about. I didn’t know about all these things until late in my courses when I was

getting out. I didn’t have the information or know where they were. They really need to

advertise, advertise, advertise! Not only putting up flyers on the walls, but also do things

like putting together packages for mature students of the different services that we could

use. Some of the mature students may not read it, so they can also go into the classrooms

and let the professors and students know too…at least to let the students know of the

support systems that are here for them.

Sam, this being her first time entering PSE, echoed this thought:

I didn’t see anything [about student support services]. There were no promotions of such

services…so I didn’t even know which ones existed or are available for students. I’ve

only been to the bookstore; I don’t know if that’s a service or not. I would’ve loved to use

services like tutoring and one-on-one support, if they have it. It would’ve been good to

access those services instead of me struggling and suffering on my own. The college

really should advertise better, especially do a better job letting mature students

know…because we’re not [at school] often.

Sonya (who had no prior PSE experience) and Vera (who had not previously completed a

PSE program) also referred to a lack of awareness of relevant student services in discussing how they made sense of their difficulties and how having this information may have been helpful in addressing some of the challenges they faced. For instance, Sonya said, “[The college] probably

148 had services, but I don’t know what. I didn’t see anybody there using it either, so I didn’t know.

It could’ve probably really helped me out when it got bad for me.” Vera similarly echoed:

I didn’t use any supports, so I could not even tell you if there was any kind of support

from the college. I didn’t know what was out there. If I knew of a support, I probably

would’ve ventured to see how they could’ve supported me, but, you know, I found that

most people in the financial aid office for example, weren’t very helpful. They seemed to

only have a one-track mind…seeing us just as dollar signs, once we’re in – nothing. As

students, that doesn’t feel good and makes the experience more difficult. The college

really should let the students be informed of it [student services], that it’s something that

they offer and that they have. And then, what the guidelines would be, criteria are,

because for example, anything involving any kind of financial support, you have to be a

specific student they’re looking to help. But, kind of broaden it a little, because not

everybody is the exact same. If you put me in a little box, I don’t fit in that little box, then

I’m outside the box, and that means I don’t qualify…They need to broaden the services

they have, so mature students can access them too. We can’t just look to our teachers to

do and be everything for us.

Those participants who did find out about student support services their institutions offered during their time as students, felt the services had little relevance for them. Some who accessed services did not find them to be especially sensitive or accommodating to multi- barriered mature students such as themselves, which discouraged them from going back or seeking further support. For instance, when Kim faced the difficult situation of having to appeal the grade she received in a class, she sought support from an academic advisor, which turned out to be an even more distressing experience:

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I went to see an advisor to see what I could do about this unfair mark, and he just

immediately scolded me. It was just a time-consuming, unhelpful and extremely stressful

experience. From then on, I never went back. I don’t want to engage with anyone else

there.

Avery also pointed to the unmet needs of multi-barriered mature students such as herself, and the absence of appropriate services for them:

For someone like me who has health issues, it’s really important to have proper care.

Being well is a huge part of what makes a successful student too, so the college should

care. Let’s say there’s a person that doesn’t have a family doctor, this further reinforces

the need for a third-party support, and this is where the college should step in. This

support person should be well informed about the Second Career program and be there to

try to help ease some of the difficulties we face. The bottom line is we’re laid off workers

facing many barriers and carrying a lot of baggage. There needs to be a realization that

this needs to be addressed…same goes for an accommodations office or support. This

should go hand-in-hand too, it’s hard for us to always have to do the explaining and

convincing professors to believe our stories.

Difficulties with the Funder

Most of the participants also cited challenges with the Second Career program funder (the provincial government) as a reason for several of the difficulties they encountered during their time in PSE. Many of the participants felt they were not heard, seen or treated as a “whole” person and that this affected how much funding they received. This contributed to their anxieties

150 about their finances, which affected their overall wellbeing, choice, agency, achievements, performance and, relationships at school, home and work.

Amanda, a mother to five young children, explained:

Most of the time, they [the funder] like to go strictly by the book, but sometimes they

need to listen to people first-hand. This is necessary…definitely not being seen as an

individual with a whole life story. Pay attention to the people and what they’re going

through, you know? I’ll give you an example. At the end of every month, I have to pay an

extra $100 for daycare. They [the funder] cover a part of it for me…at the end of every 2

weeks, the daycare lets you know the amount you have to pay…but the cost goes up all

the time. Second Career doesn’t pay for this though. I let them know about the situation

several times already but I’ve yet to hear from them. They don’t care if it goes up. If you

don’t have a husband or another person supporting you, you cannot do this program…I

don’t know if it’s because I have a husband, they didn’t fully support me, but they don’t

know my situation. It’s been a big issue for me…When I went to the [Second Career]

office to sign the contracts in the beginning, they told me that if I encounter any problems

or whatever, I should give them a call. But, when I did call them when I faced issues,

they’re unresponsive. They just keep telling me that they’ll ‘look into it.’ I was told to

gather all the receipts, evidence and other documents so they could look into this

discrepancy, so I take the time to do this but, in the end, nothing gets done. I talked to

him [Second Career staff] again after all this was submitted but nothing. He just calls me

when he needs something, like to clarify something, that’s it. I stopped calling them

because it felt like I was bothering them at this point, at least that’s how they made me

feel. I know they’ve given us a lot already, but I’m suffering. I’m in a kind of a fix. What

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can I do? Sometimes, we need to voice out these concerns, you know…and, really, it’s

not their money, it’s the taxpayers’ money. But, once they’ve made up their mind about

giving you whatever amount, it’s difficult to change that. They’re reluctant to give you

more. This becomes extremely stressful though…Like, we can’t work full-time while

we’re on this program; we’re going to need some more help. The way they should think

should be, ‘how are we going to make sure she doesn’t have to worry about finances

while she’s in this program,’ you know? And take into consideration that if I am

struggling financially, this will negatively affect me in school too. I don’t think this is

their desired outcome either. They need to figure these things out. These things need to

be met, discussed and consulted in a very comprehensive way with us. When you see

somebody in a difficult situation trying so hard to make it, the Ministry needs to look at

what they can do to support us. They should be like, ‘what can we do to help you? Call

us! We’ll follow up with you.’ This is not being done and definitely no follow-ups.

Person A is different from Person B, they can’t treat everyone the same. Every person has

a different status and family, you understand. There should be a way to meet everyone at

the level they are at. They need to base the calculations based on really listening to

individual situations and right now, it’s not being done.

Similarly, Avery, who faced health issues, described:

Under the suggestion from my doctor, I originally also requested other accommodations

and support I would have needed for things like equipment and medication. It would’ve

been an extra $100 or so every month. Support for tertiary needs is not enough. Someone

from the Ministry should be able to make some discretionary decisions and really review

what the student needs. What I asked for may not have fallen exactly under the Second

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Career guidelines, but it’s really what I need in this transition period in my life. It’s

extremely important to take a big broad picture of what the student’s needs are…I’m

going to have a 2-week delay in finishing up my program due to a car accident I was in.

There were some exams and assignments from the time period that I missed, so the

school’s giving me an opportunity to make it up on my own time. The real fear is now

asking Second Career if I can have this 2-week extension, it may not happen, but at least

the school has my back with this. But, really, students shouldn’t feel like this; they

shouldn’t be made to feel afraid to approach them…the Ministry worker saw all of my

health documentations and diagnoses in the beginning, it would’ve been great it she

could’ve been more supportive, maybe even giving me some resources as someone with

accessibility needs. When they’re working with people of low socio-economic status,

having been recently laid-off, and et cetera, there’s a lot at play. They should really take

the approach of ‘what can we do to really help these people in life.’ They need to see the

bigger picture than just trying to get us in and out of school as quickly as possible.

Vera, who was having a hard time after her child’s death, also held these feelings and explained how her difficulties with the funder further affected her mental health, which led to other difficulties during her time in PSE. She recalled her experience:

I thought I had a good understanding of the program policies and process initially but

turns out I didn’t really…in terms of understanding the Second Career guidelines, turns

out it’s not so black and white when I started to face issues. It was quite stressful, because

I was still in school and I was actually coming down to the last month. The situation with

Second Career hindered me so much in a sense that my grades dropped. That to me

bothered me because that should never be the case. Somebody’s saying they’re trying to

153 better themselves, I believe that nothing’s etched in stone and there could’ve been room for a different outcome. I ended up having to contact my local MP’s [Member of

Parliament] office for help in dealing with this. I’m the type of person that when I see something’s affecting me on a level where I’m very stressed, I have to step away, because no school, no education is going to be beneficial to me if I’m sick. You know, worst case scenario, I’ve passed on. So, when I did contact them, they were more than willing to contact the Second Career individuals for me. My mental health was severely affected by this and it was what caused a lot of the problems that arose for me in school.

What happened was, it came down to the last month of my course where I had to now scramble to buy a kit I needed for the course. I basically approached the administrator [at the school], because I was in talks with Second Career and she knows I’m a Second

Career recipient. I guess her mindset was that it would be resolved, so she credited me the kit I needed. Second Career didn’t end up covering it…they did not assist in any way.

Now, I owe the college and they won’t release my diploma until I pay them back. I even asked the Second Career staff to contact the college directly. I don’t know how many times I said that…without the kit, I wouldn’t have been able to complete this course, and

I don’t graduate. If I don’t graduate, then the problem I was going to run into was they were going to ask me for that entire funding back. So, could you imagine, I’m not working, finishing college, not having a job, having to go on social assistance, and having so much debt because I couldn’t produce that certificate? I can’t have all of this debt now, I’m too old for that. As I said, it became stressful to the point where it affected my grades. I had no choice. I had to complete the program to get that certificate. But now that they are holding onto my certificate, I cannot work [in this field]. There was a potential

154 job I could’ve got, but I had to pass it up because of this. They asked to see the certificate, but I couldn’t show them. It’s not just this. I also evicted from my place of residence while in school. Because it was the winter, I had to get winter clothing. So, I took a part of the funding to get that winter clothing…I’m not saying I’m in Lalaland and

I wasn’t aware of the Second Career policies, but I had a situation that arose and, at the time that it arose, the Second Career office was closed for the holidays. I couldn’t call and ask, so I made a decision based on my circumstances. I informed the worker of this decision after; I kept them well informed as to what happened. Everything else they required of me I provided, like my Metropass [transportation], every month I had to send it to them. I had to provide my rent receipt, not a problem. But I didn’t have the receipts for the clothes. It was disturbing because they didn’t budge. I thought to myself, I’m in my last month, and all of this now could be washed down the drain for a kit that I needed and the winter clothing I bought. The end result was they don’t care. It’s either you do, or you don’t, which I find is a very cold way of dealing with people because circumstances happen especially when you’re dealing with mature students. Like you won’t find too many younger students having to face eviction notices, but yeah, it was a nightmare dealing with them. You put people in a position like that, where they feel like their backs are against the wall, they’ll get suicidal…until I pay off my balance, I won’t get my certificate that I worked so hard for. I still have to live, so I started working in a minimum wage job but I’m still not able to pay it off. I don’t have a problem paying them in monthly installments, but they didn’t budge on that either…they could’ve shown some empathy and worked with me or figured something out with me…instead of not letting me get my certificate and just making me go back on social assistance and working a

155 minimum wage job again. It’s not a nice situation to be in, it’s been highly stressful…They’re looking at things in black and white, and they aren’t willing to budge.

They see me as a number, they’re not looking at me as an individual or a human being.

The system is at fault, but it’s also a human error…there’s just no empathy. You’re not really saying, ‘well, let me kind of try to understand your situation.’ So, if you can’t understand that I’m telling you that I’m now homeless, go talk to a homeless person, you see what I’m saying? Then you get a better understanding and [can] envision it in your mind. If you were to get locked out of your place of residence in this type of weather and everything is locked in there, and you can’t get in…are you not going to at least attempt to understand what this person is going through? The whole purpose of Second Career is to give me a second chance at a different career, so that I’m a contributing member of society. But I had to go back on social assistance…they didn’t give me any options. They really need to look at the different aspects like gender, if you have a partner or children, life situations, et cetera. Currently, the program is too rigid and closed. Even if it might take us a little longer to finish, they should allow people to take courses at night so we could also take care of our families or allow us to do school on a part-time basis. It’s not even an option right now. Don’t make us sign up for more than we can handle. There are those who dropped out of high school or don’t even remember what school is like, don’t make it impossible for us. If something comes up, then there should be a panel adjudicating, so it’s not just one person with a closed mind that, you know, just doesn’t care about anything but getting a pay cheque at the end of the day. A panel where you have different ethnic backgrounds of people, different age groups…they’ll see things differently. Then when decisions are made, I can say, ‘ok, I believe that decision was

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fair.’ But, don’t make me feel like I’m in a courthouse, don’t start pointing fingers, start

accusing me…just loosen it up a little bit.

Some of the participants explained that much of the difficulty they faced with the funder stemmed from not feeling they had the agency or access to speak to the funder directly themselves. For instance, Jin mentioned:

I felt like I have no power or say in this [process]. I was always worried about something

not getting in by the deadline or miscommunication happening. When I do try to call the

Ministry myself, I always get the answering machine. They’re difficult to get in touch

with, they’ll only call you if they need something but never vice versa…I heard you can

get in trouble for just trying to drop-in too, but they don’t pick up the phone…so what

can you do? I just tried to take care of and research everything on my own. It made my

school life really hard though.

Difficulty communicating with the funder was a problem faced by many of the participants. Kim explained:

After the documents were submitted, they [the funder] never really talked to us. When I

had questions, they weren’t really responsive…it’s hard to make any appointments. It

really adds to the stress and leads to other big problems too. After we get approved for

the program and receive funding, we don’t really see our caseworkers anymore either.

I’m supposed to be in touch with the Ministry…I know they have a lot of students to look

after, so I was always extremely mindful of their time. I would wait until I had a few

really important questions and would try to contact them. Really, we need more funding

for living expenses in addition to tuition, but I wasn’t going to bring that up.

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Julia also described her experiences of interacting with the funder and how it made her feel:

The Ministry people seemed like they’re very busy. They don’t always answer and, you

know, their voices are different. When I call [my employment counselor], on the other

hand, she sounds like…picture being a child and having a daycare provider who you’re

always happy to be around. This little woman with this motherly smile and her tone of

voice was cheerful and happy. She’d say, ‘don’t worry. We’ll get it done. Not a problem.’

And then, the Ministry people, they’re like monotone, dead, no emotion, no nothing.

They don’t care, they’ll just give you whatever information you need to have, and that’s

about it. Other than that, it’s like, ‘we don’t care, we’re doing our jobs.’ [My employment

counselor] enjoyed what she was doing. Big difference, because then it didn’t feel like a

bother to call her. Felt like a bother to call them to ask them a question or whatever. They

seemed annoyed all the time. It definitely makes you feel more alone and overwhelmed.

Many were left with lingering questions and concerns, leaving some to take matters into their own hands. Joan described:

We didn’t have enough information as to how many hours we could work, if we could

find work at all…we were scared of this whole process though and didn’t want to call and

mess everything up. We were told we would be given money, that everything would be

taken care of…but we found out in the colleges, the books were more expensive. So, if

you’re not creative, you get the money and it’s not enough. The bad part was they needed

every single receipt. So, even though the money was not enough, you had to buy the

books and show the receipts, or you don’t get the money at all. So, instead, we said,

‘okay, you buy one book, I’ll buy another,’ to buy all the books and send the receipts to

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them…or, we’d all buy the books and make copies of the receipts, and just return them.

We needed more money…And, there should be some follow-ups with us so that they can

understand and help our situations before we get so stressed about things like this. Right

now, we’re afraid to ask or give feedback. Like, they should broaden up the program and

allow people to go to university, because now most of the qualifications [for jobs] are

Bachelor’s and up. So, a lot of the students are worried about job searching already.

They can even fund just the first two years of university if they want to put a cap.

Anyways, just more honest, holistic conversations would help us feel more comfortable

and supported in college and set us up well for after too.

Blessing also emphasized:

We need some more time to understand the program. The orientation session is like just

for a few hours and I had some questions lingering after. They need to spend some more

time with us. A lot of what we’re unsure about leads to the hardships we face and affects

our experiences at school.

Systemic Discrimination

Many participants attributed the difficulties they faced in PSE to systemic discrimination, consequently feeling alone or isolated, negatively impacting their mental health and left feeling with no choice or agency and “absolutely powerless in the system.” Kim told her story:

The college definitely discriminates against racial minorities, especially someone like me.

I felt it first-hand. It’s a deep-rooted problem…I went to talk to someone at the school

about a mark that I got that I thought was unfair, but the staff were automatically on the

159 professor’s side. I couldn’t even talk or argue to properly share my side, and it just ended up working against me. I realized that the college is never on our [racialized students’] side, we’re just supposed to do what we’re told and stay quiet and not raise any issues. I even went to visit a student-run service to talk about this situation about my marks, but no help. There’s no efficient and transparent process in place. I feel like these services are there just for show, but they don’t really help. It just very clearly shows the biases they have, and that they’re never on our side. Maybe the government or a third-party that’s removed from the situation, should step in and make some mandatory changes, like adding in some clear processes and services, so students can freely bring up issues about marks and other sensitive matters. Especially for Second Career students, our marks are so important to us because we need to continue to receive funding, that’s why I even tried so hard to talk to someone at first. It turned out to be a waste of time, which sucks because I had no time to waste. It was also just very emotionally difficult to go through, because even though all the students knew that this professor was being unfair, the college wasn’t doing anything about it. Because of this professor, I graduated 2 years later than I was supposed to. I had to pay out of pocket for those 2 years because of this one professor. On the bright side, the two courses I had with him that he failed me in, were my last two. If this happened in the middle of my program, Second Career would’ve stopped my payments. It was just a very unfortunate situation, and I think this professor also talked about me to the other professors too. I felt increasingly afraid and ashamed. I had to re-take those two courses, and they were only offered once a year and one was a prerequisite for the other, so it forced me to delay graduating by 2 years. Since this professor was one of the lead faculty members in the college, I think it was hard for

160 anybody to really do anything. It was an extremely bad situation, that’s why I think a third party, like the government, should get involved in these situations. I feel like at the school, they didn’t really care about one student’s complaints; they were more interested in running the school without any problems. They didn’t seem to really care. In cases where there may be racial discrimination and touching on human rights and equity issues, a third party should definitely get involved, if it’s going to be like this. Students who find the courage to bring our issues forward get knocked down and discouraged. It’s time- consuming and emotionally and psychologically draining...not just for me, but for my daughter too, since she saw what I was going through too. Honestly, for the professor to have this much power to even make a student delay completion by 2 years…it’s too much. And, complaining about the marking made everything really bad for me. I think it’s also because English is my second language, I get discriminated too. It’s unfair, but I have no power so I can’t do anything about it. The process, the system…it’s unfair.

There’s nothing in place in college to ensure people like me gets treated fairly. If a group of white students went to complain about the same thing, I think it would’ve been a different story. Racism is definitely at play. Professors have racist views towards

[racialized] people and this influences students too. Like, of course, I would’ve loved to have worked with the white people group, but they never wanted to work with me. There definitely needs to be formalized, clear processes to deal with [systemic discrimination], government should make this mandatory to ensure people like me are protected and understood too. I’m a strong person, so I was able to go through this ordeal, but it was tough. I even understood why some students commit suicide over things like this. It’s because no one is on our side and we have no power. There needs to be transparency as

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to how the markings are done, professors should be able to explain and provide a proper

reason for the marks they give out. There needs to be more professors who truly care,

who actually want their students to succeed, and there needs to be more accountability.

There needs to be rules for professors too, and maybe that’s where the third-party or the

government could step in and provide that check.

Avery also emphasized the discrimination and prejudice embedded in the PSE system in making sense of the difficulties she faced:

Honestly, I’ve faced some barriers with my instructors. You can tell they have prejudice

towards students like me. I’m telling you, it would really be beneficial to further educate

the instructors on what the Second Career program is. The instructors just aren’t familiar

with the idea of allowing [program flexibility] for students. They may know not to

outwardly discriminate, but they don’t understand the real barriers that some of us go

through. I know some colleges are smaller and they may not have an office or support

that helps with [flexible learning options] technically, but that becomes really hard on the

student. I think not having this kind of support at a college shows that they don’t really

care and is a form of discrimination too. Like for me, I’ve had to work out and negotiate

for every [program flexibility] with the instructor. This process of negotiation, it’s hard to

do. Through this process of negotiation, there was prejudice, frustration and

miscommunication. It’s challenging to negotiate for extensions or to have to explain why

you need accommodations every time. It gets overwhelming. There’s no one or official

body to advocate for me. I’m wheeling and dealing just to get by. I have an added barrier

of having a learning disability too. Right now, the system is just too top-down. There

needs to be more of an understanding of who the Second Career students are. I mean, the

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college understands the financial aspects of how the program works, so they can get their

money for tuition and stuff, but they also need to know how to properly support the

students too by really understanding them better. That’ll help lessen the discrimination

and prejudice at the college level and students will have a better experience at school.

With all of this funding and work from the ministry, it would be a shame for people to

drop out because of these challenges and go back to what they were doing before.

Summary

This chapter investigated how the participants made sense of the difficulties outlined in the previous chapter by exploring why they thought they were facing them. Some attributed the difficulties they faced to themselves, or saw the difficulties as a personal failure, while others looked to barriers embedded in the systems. There were also several who believed the cause to be a combination of the two. Participants pointed to the PSE institutions’ lack of intersectional and holistic understanding of the experiences and needs of multi-barriered mature students, which frequently resulted in inadequate flexible learning options or relevant student services and supports, which limited their agency, freedom and choice to pursue opportunities and capabilities even further. The participants’ interaction with the provincial government (the funder) was also cited as a source of the difficulties they faced because of inadequate communication, and inflexible policies and processes. In addition, systemic discrimination, which the participants connected to the prejudice and mistreatment they experienced in PSE as those suffering from multiple and intersecting marginalities, was identified as another reason for the difficulties they faced. The next chapter will examine how the participants dealt with or persevered with PSE through the difficulties.

Chapter 9

Dealing with the Difficulties

The previous two chapters explored how the participants identified and made sense of the difficulties they faced in PSE; this chapter examines how the participants have been dealing with or managing those difficulties. The participants described the remarkable ways they have dealt with the difficulties, either by overcoming them or at least managing them so they could ‘get by’.

The following three themes summarize the participants’ approaches: firstly, support from family and friends; secondly, sticking together; and thirdly, adopting unique ways of coping.

Support from Family and Friends

Many participants attributed the support they received from their family as having lessened the effects of the difficulties they faced in PSE. Nabi explained:

None of my siblings or my mom live in Canada, but when I told them about my decision

to go to college and that I was having a difficult time, they agreed to support me

financially while I was going to school. Even my elderly mom saved up money from here

and there to help me out. I couldn’t have gone through school financially without their

support. My children were also really patient with me while I studied. I didn’t have time

to cook and clean for them a lot of the times and they were understanding. My daughter

especially encouraged me a lot. It really helped having this support. Having family

support definitely matters, I couldn’t have survived college without them.

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Similarly, Jin, who lived with her husband and adult child, explained the importance of family support during her PSE:

My family was there for me during my time in school, they were there to discuss

anything with me and also very encouraging. My husband also supported financially,

since he had a job. Compared to other students, I would say I was lucky because I had

them.

Kate, although she lived with her partner and children, felt that the support she received from her mother was key in dealing with the difficulties she faced in PSE:

My mom, she’s my biggest support. She watches my kids while I go to school. She

wanted me to go back to school, be better and figure my life out. She also helps me out

financially and fills in the gaps. It isn’t nearly enough, but she helps me out a lot. There’s

no way I could’ve done this program if I didn’t have my support system. Having my

mom watch my kids while I go to school has been so helpful, but I have to make sure I

get home right away because she can only watch them for so long. Without her, I

wouldn’t be able to juggle everything…with the kids, school, work, assignments,

exams…I would break down before I could even finish the program. I always tell those

who have spouses that have the time and energy to put into school that they’re blessed.

The program is tough.

Vera and Blessing also discussed how important family support has been for them during their studies, with Vera mentioning that “her son helped her cook” in addition to helping with several other chores around the house, and Blessing mentioning that her “really supportive husband” helped with household chores during the school year. Sam also explained how the

165 encouragement and support from her family helped her to endure the difficulties in PSE: “I can’t lie, school was hard. But I really couldn’t give up because of my family. My husband and kids were always telling me that I could do it, encouraging me, supporting me.”

There were also those who did not have family support but rather identified the support from their friends and peers as having helped them face the difficulties they experienced in PSE.

For instance, Joan reflected:

By the time I entered college, I had separated from my husband and my kids all moved

out. I would say, my kids were still there for me…but, a lot of my peers and I, we stuck

together. We became a family. They helped me go through the most difficult times. They

would be there for me emotionally and we would try to support each other.

Similarly, Avery, who also lived alone, echoed the importance of having her friends’ support throughout her time in PSE:

I didn’t have any family support, but I survived because I had my friends. My friends are

the ones who have seen me go through all of my struggles and challenges like when I was

working multiple jobs, serving and bartending, to make ends meet. I can’t say the same

for my family. I think my mom’s just starting to come around now, but they think I’m

crazy for the choices I’ve made in my life. I don’t think they realize that education is a

life-long thing, because they keep asking me why I’m going back to school at this age

especially with all these barriers that I’m facing. I’m a female student of low socio-

economic status and I’m in a cycle of poverty. I don’t have a social support of well-

connected family members or networks, and it’s challenging to have to work a part-time

job while going to school…takes a lot of time away from studying. Thank goodness for

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my friends though, they’re my support system. I have people to talk to, who care, who

know who I am.

Sticking Together

Due to the differences felt by the participants between themselves and the younger students, many reported that this led to the mature students sticking with each other and forming a sense of camaraderie amongst themselves. For many, this was a positive aspect of their experiences in college. For instance, Nabi (55-60) described:

I was closer with the other mature students as we’re all older immigrants. I talked to them

a lot. Us mature students knew we only had each other to talk to, so we spent a lot of time

together. I felt extremely isolated at first, but meeting and speaking to other mature

students helped.

Jin (55-60) similarly noted:

Luckily, there were other mature Second Career students. We worked together whenever

we had to do group work. We would ask each other for support and try to tackle some of

our difficulties together. For example, when we faced administrative issues at school, we

asked each other and thought through together on how we can go about submitting

certain documents. We went to go see the administrative staff together if we couldn’t

figure it out. In the beginning, it was hard because I had nobody to talk to and I didn’t

know anybody. But, naturally, the mature students came together as a group…I think it

took about a month. We all had different situations and backgrounds, but it definitely

helped that we had each other.

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Other participants echoed the importance of the bond between mature students. For instance, Amanda (40-45) mentioned befriending other mature students as they were at similar life stages and Joan (55-60) described how she stuck with her own group [mature students] who were “dependent on each other” as she saw them being in the “same journey,” and even becoming “life-long friends” in the process. Sam (50-55) even explained that her choice of college was partly based on the fact that the college had more mature students:

It’s been so long ago since I last went to school. I was scared of meeting new people. I

chose [this college] because all the people are mature students and I would feel more

comfortable…Older people help and support each other.

Avery also remarked, “I’ve made a really good friend with another Second Career student because we come from similar backgrounds. She’s also been struggling in completing the program, so we’ve been supporting each other. Having this support has been so important.”

Adopting Unique Ways to Cope

To deal with many of the difficulties, the participants found unique ways of coping as they had to find ways to keep up with their classes despite the difficulties they faced.

Nabi explained:

Yeah, I faced academic challenges, everything was really new to me. I found ways to get

by, though. First, I made sure to study for the upcoming class materials beforehand. I

checked the syllabus or asked the professor for the curriculum ahead of time so I would

have a chance to read the material before class. This helped me to understand the lecture

better. I really tried preparing a lot beforehand. I also made sure to take a lot of notes both

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in English and in Korean for me to review later. There were so many words I didn’t know

either, so I made sure to always carry around a pocket dictionary too. I also got my work

proofread a lot, I usually asked my children but I would find anyone that I could find.

Jin also reflected, “I made appointments with tutors at school regularly, just in case I needed to see them. I also made appointments with my daughters too to ask to read over my work.”

Amanda said, “I come a little earlier or stay after class to catch some 20-year-olds…the millennials, to get information and help from them.” Kate explained the unique strategies she tried to ensure she kept up with her classes:

I didn’t understand [the material], and I found myself not being able to keep up with the

classes. Even if you hate it [studying], you still got to do it. You have to go off on your

own and find a way to keep up. For me, I found that Google is my best friend. After a

while, I realized in order for me to pass, I had to become my own teacher. I went on

YouTube and filled in the blanks from what the professor taught us in class. I had to do

my own research and training. The professor can’t cover everything as slowly as I wished

she would. Like, she can’t spend 5 hours on one chapter just because I don’t understand. I

have to go on my own and teach myself. The professor won’t explain in great detail, so I

have to go off on my own, investigate, Google and figure it out myself. For example, I

had to just Google what the Charter was. That’s how I do my own little study. A lot of

the course material puzzles me, I don’t know what it means. I go on Google and find

another source to try to figure it out. My previous teacher actually confused me even

more when I asked him a question. I couldn’t understand a word that came out of his

mouth. So, I went on Google in the middle of the class during the lecture and just learned

things off YouTube. I later on went and taught the rest of my friends, like that this was

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what he meant. Then, I did the assignment and did very well in it. YouTube and Google

are my little secret methods of coping…helps me fill in the gaps of what I’m not sure of.

Aside from this, I also ask some other people who have some experience in classes for

help too. I take bits and pieces from everywhere and try to understand the material. I

guess I’ve found my own ways to cope with it.

Joan also explained how she coped with the academic difficulties she faced in PSE:

I went outside of school to a [community center] to get some extra help from them. They

always had people at the [center] to help with anything to do with school, finances or

anything. They really helped me to get through school. I also paid to take an additional

course in public speaking because I have stage fright and I had to do so many

presentations for classes, but it didn’t really help me…I had to seek a lot of help from my

kids, friends, my dad, my husband…they all had to contribute, because college was all so

new to me. For example, I had no idea about plagiarism. So, I wrote a paper and the

teacher said, ‘oh, this is plagiarism!’ But luckily, because it was the first time, the teacher

gave me a chance to rewrite the whole thing. I would have failed that course. She told me

I can take the information, but I have to reference it. It’s not my work, it’s somebody

else’s work, so just give them the credit for that. I mean, I had never written an essay

before, I didn’t know. I had to get a lot of help from a lot of people, but I got it done.

Similarly, Sam explained her way of dealing with the academic challenges was to rely heavily on her four adult children that she lived with in addition to putting in more effort:

My kids are a big help. I wrote a couple of essays already for school and my kids helped

me to write them. I ended up doing well on those. I feel like my kids are going through

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this journey with me, they support me a lot. I need their help in order to pass, because I

ask them about everything. For example, I had no idea how to use the computer or MS

Word, but they taught me how to type and stuff. I’m learning everything now. I won’t be

able to cope without them, because I don’t need to just learn the course material, but

everything else too…using the computer, MS Word, PowerPoint, et cetera. I didn’t have

to know these things before, now I have to learn. It’s frustrating when I see the younger

kids in my classes so much faster with the computer and writing the essays. I have to put

more effort in. Every day when I come home, I practice more, like using the computer for

example. I also always ask the teacher for their PowerPoint slides, so I can come home,

print it out, and read it again and again to understand. I like to print out the slides because

PowerPoint is still really hard for me to use. I try every tactic to make it easier on myself

and to understand better.

Avery also stated:

I deal with the difficulties by just working harder than the others. That’s all you can do.

You have to push through and deal with feelings of frustration, embarrassment or

whatever the case is. You have to dig deep. Getting some regular medical support has

been helpful too in helping me get through school.

Sonya and Blessing also explained how they coped with their academic and financial difficulties in their own ways. Sonya described:

I dealt with it [academic difficulties] by choosing good and helpful group members to

work with. I always suggested we work in a group for all of our assignments. I would say

like standing in front of the class for presentations was my weakest thing but working as

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a group made it easier for me…once you have the group members standing next to you,

it’s like he’s confident, or she’s confident, then you become more confident too. Another

thing that I did that helped me get through my courses was writing things down right

away after activities or the class, so I won’t forget. I also tried to do my work during

lunchtime while the material was still fresh in my mind. The lunch period is about an

hour long, so I really tried to use that time well, because when I go home, I had to tend to

my son and do housework too. It also worked out that I did my work at lunchtime too

because I didn’t have to spend money on eating out with others…I didn’t have any

money to spare. I made sure to always prepare and bring my meals.

Blessing similarly said:

I relied on my classmates to teach and help me, like using the computer. I never studied

on the computer when I was younger, so I’m not familiar with it. It’s very hard for me. I

tried attending some computer classes in my community, but it didn’t help very much.

What helped was getting help from my friends and children, like even learning how to

print stuff. For our presentations, we worked in groups, so I did my research to not be a

burden to the [group members]. So, when we would get together to work, I had

something to share and came prepared. That way, they were willing to teach me more

when I needed their help. It was the scariest and hardest to stand in front of people and

present; it was my weakest point, but my group helped me get through it. Financially, I

coped by not buying food outside, what’s left over for dinner, you take it for your lunch.

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Summary

This chapter discussed how the participants dealt with or managed to proceed with PSE despite the difficulties they faced, oftentimes even under circumstances of constrained choice and/or agency related to the various sources of capability deprivation. Support from family and/or friends or peers, forming close relationships with fellow mature students, as well as finding their own ways to cope with the various challenges were described as important in helping to overcome the difficulties or to at least ‘get by.’ Next, a deeper discussion and analysis of the findings in line with the literatures and theoretical frameworks will follow.

Chapter 10

Discussion

This chapter begins by taking a step back from the thematic analyses to identify two sub- groups of participants, before discussing the key findings in relation to the literature and theoretical frameworks that informed this study. While each participant had a unique story, considering the common experiences within sub-groups of participants can highlight similarities while also making visible the differences (and corresponding needs) between the sub-groups.

Though others have also identified sub-groups of mature students such as “financially strapped singles” or “progressors” (McQuarrie, 2013), the two sub-groups introduced below make a more relevant distinction for the participants and their experiences in this study. The two sub-groups are referred to as: older isolated students, and younger communicatively competent students.

Older isolated students. This sub-group of participants were the oldest in age (ranging from 53 to 60 years of age), had done their earlier schooling in their home countries, and identified adapting to the new language and culture in Canada as the biggest stressors in college.

For this sub-group, not being fluent in English undermined their overall confidence, ability to perform and capacity to learn, and seemed to be connected to the difficulties they faced. This was the case for half (six) of the study participants who expressed that being an older immigrant who was not fluent in English had affected them before college (e.g., in their job search), during the application process, as well as in their experiences in PSE (e.g., academically, socially).

When speaking about the difficulties they faced, they often contrasted their experiences with those of ‘younger, native English-speaking students.’ The participants in this sub-group habitually felt inferior, different, isolated and separate from other college students especially on

173 174 the basis of being older, and not feeling confident in their English, which extended to their overall communication skills and comfort level.

Nabi is an example of an older isolated student, as a woman nearing her 60s and not comfortably fluent in English. Nabi had not had an opportunity to continue her education in

Canada or to study English, even though it had been 20 years since she immigrated, as she kept herself extremely busy working, often physically labourious jobs, to provide for her family. Even before starting college, Nabi’s biggest fears about becoming a student were the significant age difference and the communication difficulties she would potentially face. Those anxieties materialized during her time as a student, as she often felt herself struggling, ostracized, isolated and alone based on her age and weaker English level proficiency. She mentioned that “nobody wanted to be [her] friend,” and expressed being anxious and dejected whenever it came time for groupwork as she was one of the “leftover people” that her younger peers did not want to befriend or work with. She understood that as an older person, the additional challenges she faced, such as age-related health difficulties and not being as familiar with technology, were things her younger peers did not share and understand, which made her feel more alone and further separated from them.

Younger communicatively competent students. The six remaining participants in the study were younger (most of them being in their 30s and 40s) and identified themselves as being fluent in English (excluding one, who, while not fluent, was more proficient in her English skills than the first sub-group as she attended an adult high school upon arriving in Canada). They were somewhat more familiar with the Canadian education system, as all but one, had some form of prior education experience in Canada. Most had gotten interrupted in their educational trajectory at some point due to circumstances in their lives (e.g., teenage pregnancy, learning disability,

175 lack of familial support). Though they still faced academic and social challenges in college, the fact that they were younger, had a smaller gap since last being a student, and were confident in their English language skills and communication, alleviated some of the difficulties the previous sub-group faced. Instead, for the majority of the participants in this sub-group, one of the difficulties they faced was having to care for their young dependents during their studies, especially as many were single mothers. Juggling school and having to care for their young children was cited as a source of great stress and frustration, especially given the lack of financial resources and additional support at home.

Kate exemplifies a younger (30-something-year-old) communicatively competent student. As profiled in Chapter 5, while there are other participants who have prior experience attending a Canadian college, Kate is the only one who completed and earned a diploma, and who has since worked in her field of study until getting laid off. Although Kate finds the program she is currently enrolled in to be fast-paced, intensive and difficult, she is more confident in her communication and academic skills given her English language fluency and experience having been a college student before. Kate’s challenges arise from the fact that she is a single mother of two young children; although she also currently lives with and supports her boyfriend as he is unemployed, she does not consider him responsible for her children and he does not share childcare duties. Kate experienced an immense amount of guilt about having “no time for [her] kids,” and the difficulty of arranging and being able to pay for childcare; without her mother watching her children during the day, going to college would not have been an option for her. Even with her mother’s support, Kate struggles juggling school and caring for her children, mentioning it’s “a lot to handle.”

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Avery, who is also a younger communicatively competent student, as someone who is in her 30s, a native English speaker, and has had experience in the Canadian education system, is the only person in this sub-group who lives on her own with no dependents. As outlined in

Chapter 4, although she does not have to worry about childcare, she has faced her own struggles in college related to her learning disability and lack of familial support. In the past these led her to drop out of school in grade-9 and again, in college.

These two sub-groups illustrate the variety of experiences of multi-barriered mature students and the importance of moving away from the one-size-fits-all model of supporting these students. This also supports the critiques of the treatment of mature students as a homogeneous group (Giancola et al., 2008; Osborne et al., 2004).

The literature around mature students feeling apprehensive about becoming students again (Busher & James, 2019; Twigg-Flesner, 2018), fear of failure (Prah, 2016), lack of confidence in one’s own abilities (Osborne et al., 2004) and feeling unprepared to succeed in

PSE (Giancola et al., 2008) were consistent with how the participants in this study felt when deciding to apply to and beginning their PSE. In addition, the participants in this study faced the three types of barriers (situational, institutional and dispositional), albeit more acutely and simultaneously given their demographic and being in the Second Career program, that have been found to lead to ‘role overload or strain’ (van Rhijn et al., 2015), being ‘time-poor’ (Bean &

Metzner, 1985; Stone & O’Shea, 2013), not receiving the appropriate support services on campus (Carney-Crompton & Tan, 2002; Devlin & Gallagher, 1982; van Rhijn et al., 2015), and low self-esteem or confidence (Burton, Lloyd & Griffiths, 2011; Kerr, 2011; McAleavy et al.,

2004) among other difficulties. As the literature suggested, it was found that the experience of being a student, especially a multi-barriered mature student at that, is heavily gendered,

177 especially for those with young dependents (Alsop et al., 2008; Baxter & Britton, 2001; Paasse,

1998) such as the younger communicatively competent students in this study, and that adjusting to PSE can be particularly more difficult for those over the age of 45 (Tones et al., 2009), such as the older isolated students in this study who also found themselves experiencing difficulty in terms of culture and language.

Although the ‘mature student retention conundrum’ (Poser, 2015) did not exactly apply, as this study focused on those who persisted and are currently attending college or have recently graduated, it was clear that the participants felt a great amount of pressure trying to succeed in their courses (Richardson, 1994) while at the same time experiencing stressors of being a multi- barriered mature student (Ayres & Guilfoyle, 2008). Many of the participants considered dropping out or giving up due to the barriers and difficulties they were experiencing, but the financial repercussions (Peterson-Grazoise et al., 2013) of having to pay back all the funding they received for being in the Second Career program gave them no other choice but to complete their PSE. For many, this came at the expense of their health and well-being (e.g., mental, physical) and even simultaneously having to deal with urgent, dire situations (e.g., homelessness, car accident). The pressure of earning high marks and their PSE credential also largely came from the need to satisfy their Second Career contract, which often was a great source of stress and anxiety.

As the literature suggests (Dietsche, 2012; Jones et al., 2008), the participants also emphasized the importance of concurrent outreach and student support services tailored for students like themselves. Many of these services were addressed in Beatty-Guenter’s typology of access and retention strategies, which included sorting, supporting and transforming students, in addition to connecting students with and transforming the institution (SRDC, 2009). Similar to

178 participants in the studies reported in the literature (Tones et al., 2009, Dietsche, 2012), most of the participants in this study were not aware of the services provided by their institutions, and those who did know about them explained that they were often not accommodating, relevant, helpful and/or accessible. Suggestions for improvement included specialized academic, financial and integration support (Doyle, 2008; Horle & O’Donohue, 1993; Lightman et al., 2009; van

Rhijn et al., 2015), online delivery of services (Dietsche, 2012; Tones et al., 2009) and social inclusion initiatives for mature students (Mohawk College, 2012; Wilson, 1997). Although early distribution of timetables, childcare and financial guidance, and course and program-related materials were also emphasized in the literature as crucial, especially for mature students when planning for PSE (Ayres & Guilfoyle, 2008; Giancola et al., 2008; Newson et al., 2011; Popovic,

2014), for the participants in this study, this was not an option as many found out about their approval into the Second Career program right before or even after classes have started. The conflicting timelines for the colleges and the Second Career program often left participants feeling overwhelmed, unprepared and concerned about PSE.

Before moving on to the two theoretical frameworks, it is important to note that the life history approach that has been applied throughout, not only grounded the study, but allowed the space for the participants to fully bring their whole selves. This allowed for a more comprehensive and in-depth understanding, rather than a shallower interpretation if we were to only inquire about a specific period in their lives (e.g., experiences in college). Ultimately, by going through and reviewing the whole lives of those embodying various marginalities, participants were able to present and co-construct a fuller picture of how they have come to understand and make sense of their experiences and the difficulties they encountered in PSE as multi-barriered mature students, which are the research questions in this study, while also setting

179 the groundwork for and leading to a richer analysis and discussion with respect to the following two frameworks: intersectionality, and the capabilities approach.

Intersectionality

An intersectional approach was employed throughout the study. The importance of an intersectional understanding was made apparent by the participants themselves. Participants did not identify with only one social category at the micro-level nor a single form of oppression or discrimination at the macro-level but saw themselves embodying various social categories and marginalities. In other words, there was no single issue or marginalization, but rather a complex and multifaceted process of multiple social categories intersecting at the “micro level of individual experience to reflect multiple interlocking systems of privilege and oppression at the macro, socio-structural level” (Bowleg, 2012, p. 1267).

The intersection of gender and class was a constant factor throughout, as the study specifically recruited female students in the Second Career program (meaning, they had been recently laid off and of low SES). However, while gender and class were important to the participants’ identities and experiences, many also identified race, ethnicity, language fluency and age as being important to how they understood themselves as individuals, students and in terms of the difficulties and challenges they faced in PSE. Health status, marital status and living situations were also identified as important in the mapping of participants’ intersectional identities. Rather than one category being more important than others, many of the participants understood themselves to be at the intersection of various categories and marginalities, which resulted in the unique experiences and difficulties they faced within the college and the society at large. The participants’ life histories and narratives revealed the intricate interconnections of the

180 different factors (e.g., race, class, gender, age, health) and the importance of considering the multiple factors simultaneously as interdependent, connected and mutually constitutive (Gordon,

2016).

Although they shared a gender and class, each participant and sub-group was unique in how they made sense of their experiences and situations. For the older isolated students, a significant part of who they were and what they believed contributed to macro or systems-level discrimination and oppression in their lives were their age, race, ethnicity and level of fluency in the English language. Many younger communicatively competent students, on the other hand, identified marital status and living situations (as single mothers with young children) to have led to challenges. For Avery, her learning disability played a significant role in how she experienced school and the discrimination she faced.

Sometimes, participants saw the mistreatment, discrimination or feeling like they were not being seen as typical of how they (“someone like me” or “people like me”) were usually treated in society; hence, they did not see it as out of the ordinary to experience and observe the same patterns of discrimination and systems of oppression once in PSE. They experienced systemic discrimination and/or barriers not just when they entered PSE, but even in the application process and with multiple stakeholders involved (e.g., employment centers that process the Second Career applications, government or the funding body, PSE institutions).

Often, this occurred as participants felt they were not being seen as a “whole” person embodying multiple social categories and identities with full complex lives. For instance, at the government level, many participants did not feel there was a full recognition of the multiple intersecting factors in their lives (e.g., being of low SES, being a single parent, health, age) as the

181 funding disbursements and policies often did not reflect this reality. This also applied to the PSE institutions where instructors and staff lacked understanding or awareness of the experiences of multi-barriered mature students, flexibility measures were inadequate and there was a lack of relevant or appropriate student services. This highlights the need to continue recognizing and acknowledging the multiple interlocking identities at the micro level as well as the “multiple and interlocking structural-level inequality at the macro levels of society” (Bowleg, 2012, p. 1267).

Capabilities Approach

This study has also been informed by the capabilities framework in approaching the participants’ lives and experiences holistically. Both intersectionality and the capabilities approach provide entry points for delving into the complexities of human life and striving

(Havinsky & Christoffersen, 2008; Nussbaum, 2011). The capabilities approach further

“provide[s] a way of conceptualising the disadvantage experienced by individuals in society,

[emphasizing] the social, economic and environmental barriers to equity” (Burchardt, 2004, p.

745). The capabilities approach, taking a social justice orientation, argues for the freedom for people to lead the lives they have reason to value while enhancing the real choices and opportunities that are available to them (Sen, 1999).

The Second Career program as it is currently designed is more consistent with human capital theory. While the human capital approach should not be neglected in this program as it informs and satisfies the employment and financial goals of the participants, the capabilities approach also offers several critical aspects to consider. The findings illustrated participants in this study sometimes feeling stuck in the process emphasized in the human capital theory – being provided an opportunity to enter PSE explicitly to gain the skills and training in a field that the

182 government has identified as in-demand, “which makes them more productive which in turn increases economic value” (Moodie & Wheelahan, 2018, p. 2). Accompanying this is the emphasis on speed and efficiency of the PSE trajectory for these students, as the focus is on retraining “laid-off workers as quickly and efficiently as possible for new careers in higher growth industries and occupations” (R.A. Malatest & Associates, 2016, p. ii), which is in turn reflected in how the funding disbursements are set up as well as in the Second Career program’s policies and expectations for the students. For instance, through the extensive nature of the application process, in addition to the strict policies and expectations for the students, the program is able to retain a select group of students, such as the participants in this study, who are intrinsically motivated and driven to persist until the completion of their studies. This approach is also in line with the motivations for pursuing PSE for many of the participants who consider this opportunity as a means of getting a job or to be able to financially provide for themselves and their families.

However, as the life histories and narratives in this study suggest, the motivations and reasons for pursuing PSE are many and often, complex. Although the participants have decided to enter PSE to be able to find a job afterwards (as it is a requirement for all Second Career applicants to have shown evidence of having searched for jobs but being unsuccessful in obtaining one), they also regard this opportunity as a valuable second (and perhaps, last) chance in their lives, to become more fulfilled and empowered, and to attain and enhance the freedom to live out the lives they find reason to value. It also often represents greater growth and learning in their lives for themselves and their families. For instance, many older isolated students consider this opportunity as a last effort to do something they find meaningful and valuable in their lives, and to prove to themselves and others that they could do this, while many younger

183 communicatively competent students view going back to college as a source of empowerment, and a possible stepping stone in their developing education and career pathways. In light of this, as Kjeldson and Bonvin (2015) argue, “the main objective of public action in the field of welfare should not be to put people back to work at all costs (i.e. a functioning) but to enhance their real freedom of choice with regard to the labour market” (p.31).

The human capital approach underlying the program design and delivery, though it does not stand in opposition to the goals of the capabilities approach for the purposes of this program, presents a danger of shifting the focus away from the quality and depth of the students’ experiences in PSE by limiting the multiple capability achievements (e.g., choice or freedom) and the development and implementation of meaningful interventions and supports that could help some groups “to achieve comparable capabilities” (Wheelahan, 2017, p. 16) in achieving

‘substantive freedom’ (Sen, 1999). For instance, some interventions or wrap-around supports identified by the participants as needed at the institutional level were related to technology, computer, writing and presentation skills because, for many of the participants and other multi- barriered mature students, these are skills that they have not used before; the development of these skills would be necessary to achieve comparable capabilities and functionings in terms of their ability to learn, retain knowledge, be educated and participate in class. The fostering of the basic capabilities of some is important to note as well, such as in the case of Avery, who struggled with a learning disability and required more support to reach a higher level of combined capability.

A one-size-fits-all approach does not align with the capabilities approach, and as the life histories presented in this study have shown, it cannot adequately support those with intersecting social identities marginalized by related systems of oppression, discrimination or disadvantage.

184

Instead, an appropriately tailored approach that takes into consideration individual life histories, contexts, situations, resources and commodities, and capabilities (or lack thereof) along with the corresponding personal, social and environmental conversion factors would be important (e.g., this could take the form of financial, housing, health, childcare, and/or academic wrap-around services). To do this however, many local actors including the employment centers and the institutions could also be equipped with more capability for voice to reinforce the voices and concerns of the participants, and the ability and agency to interpret the broader policy and guidelines to better meet the needs of participants through taking a more personal, intersectional and holistic lens. It would be critical for all parties including the policymakers (government) to work together to “[integrate] the issues of personal heterogeneities, diverging preferences, as well as the influence of the context (all of them impacting on the individual capacity to convert commodities into real capabilities or real freedoms)” (Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006, p.137) and implement “tailor-made rules in situation” (Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006, p.138). In other words, more flexible and context-sensitive rules or policies, and individualized or customized wrap- around services and resources could be devised and implemented at various periods (e.g., application period, study period) by multiple actors (e.g., employment centers, institutions, government) through collaboratively working together, listening, and equipping those who work most closely with the participants and the participants themselves with more capability for voice.

PSE can potentially be transformative, empowering and instrumental for students to achieve ‘substantive freedom’ (Walker & Unterhalter, 2007), and the participants have all regarded entering college as a valuable and meaningful opportunity. This study, however, also revealed the need for further agency for the participants to choose how to strategically and freely use their time and energy in the various aspects of their lives (e.g., as students, mothers, wives or

185 employees), finances (e.g., childcare, school materials, food), and academic performance. Many found this not to be possible because of external pressures and restrictions (e.g., funding, policies, lack of institutional support) and the systemic barriers in their PSE experiences.

It is important to develop and enhance the internal capabilities of multi-barriered mature students through PSE and programs such as Second Career that give them this opportunity; however the focus needs to be broadened to encompass the nurturing of the students’ combined capabilities, defined as “internal capabilities plus the social/political/economic conditions in which functionings can actually be chosen” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 22). In the context of higher education and the experiences of the population in this study, providing education is not enough:

“sources of unfreedom” (Walker, 2007, p. 145) and hindrance to their studies – whether it be social, institutional, economic or political – should be removed or accommodated for to work towards fostering the full capability development of these students (Walker, 2007).

The life histories and realities of the participants presented in this study illustrate that the participants were not only capability deprived before entering college, but even during their studies, and at various levels (e.g., institutional and broader policy), indicating “a weak state of capability or some form of capability suffering” (Waglé, 2014, p. 520). What is important here is, “whether or not one has the capability to function as a fully participating member of society with a lack of it severely constraining the degree of choice or freedom to lead a desired lifestyle”

(Waglé, 2014, p. 520). The participants in this study described “not having any choice” or

“feeling powerless” in regard to how they experienced life and difficulties they encountered as a multi-barriered mature student. For instance, many spoke of simply not having enough hours in the day or night to dedicate to their studies from also working a part-time job and taking care of their children and the household. They felt they had no choice but to work because the funding

186 was often not enough to survive on and there was no one else to help with these responsibilities.

For some, they had no choice but to continue with their studies even in the face of major incidents such as being evicted or being involved in an accident, as they did not have the means to pay back the funding they had already received. Their performance at school and graduating on time trumped everything else as this was what was expected of them.

Another instance that exemplified their limitation of choice was the list of programs the participants could enroll in. The participants must choose from only those programs that the government has deemed to lead to positive job opportunities, and the institutions that offer the corresponding programs. Though, at first glance, they may seem to have ‘agency’ to choose even amongst the list of such programs and institutions, they, oftentimes, may not have or be aware of the full information to make informed decisions, as outlined in Chapter 7, the various difficulties they experienced in college (e.g., academic demands or pressure, (the lack of) support services provided at the institutions). It is important here to also note that typically, private career colleges, which many of the study’s participants attended, when compared to their public counterparts, have minimal or insufficient infrastructure, resources or support services available for its students. Although the participants may have chosen private colleges for its shorter duration and due to the fact that they tend to have more mature multi-barriered students like themselves, they may have underestimated the importance of adequate student supports and services the institution could provide them with during their time in PSE. Such policies may deprive the women of their capabilities, as they could be stripped of the opportunities to choose for themselves the exact programs, institutions and broadly speaking, the life they desire for themselves. Related to this is Nussbaum’s (2011) argument that a life worthy of human dignity requires a sufficient level of ‘central capabilities,’ which includes practical reason (e.g., being

187 able “to engage in critical reflection about the planning of one’s life” [p. 34]); and that “a decent political order” (p. 33) in any society should be able to secure such capabilities for its citizens.

The capabilities approach would emphasize that participants should have capability for education

(e.g., to be able to freely choose the educational/vocational program one has reason to value), which could then lead to and enable capability for work (e.g., to be able to freely choose the work/vocation one has reason to value), all the while having the capability for voice to be able to freely express how the policy and the program affects them, and be effectively heard (Bergström,

2012; Bonvin & Farvaque, 2006).

The PSE experiences of the participants in this study point to the need for further attention to the development of the students and their capabilities, the environments and conditions in which that takes place, and the agency and freedoms the students are presented. In addition, this study highlighted the importance of moving towards a system in which the participants are recognized as an end in themselves, in which the substantive freedoms of individuals are the primary focus instead of the external pressure and policies being the driving force in the students’ PSE journeys. Ultimately, as Robeyns (2017) argues, “the capability approach is a tool and not an end in itself; we should master it as well as we can, perhaps also as efficiently as we can, and then move on to use it in the work that really matters” (p. 20).

Chapter 11

Conclusion

To conclude, this chapter outlines several limitations of the study, implications and recommendations for research, PSE institutions and policy, and possible future areas for research in response to the findings of this study.

Limitations of the Study

This study has several limitations. As this study aimed to develop an in-depth and thorough understanding of the experiences of the participants by conducting multiple interviews with a small group, there were only 12 participants. Due to the limited number of participants, it cannot be assumed that their experiences are representative of all mature female students that have been out of school for at least 10 years and are enrolled in the Second Career program, let alone all multi-barriered mature students in Ontario. The intention of the study was for the experiences of these twelve who persevered to contribute to a better understanding of this group of students. Accordingly, the experiences of those who gave up during the application process, decided not to enroll after being approved or, who failed or dropped out during the course of their studies are not included.

The PSE institutions that the 12 participants attended are also not representative of all the colleges in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). Although a fairly diverse range of colleges was represented in the sample, with five participants attending public colleges and seven in private colleges in the GTA, this certainly does not cover all institutions. The same applies for the programs the participants were enrolled in; for instance, most of the participants were enrolled in social science, education and government service programs (e.g., early childhood education,

188 189 social service work, paralegal), but none were in the administration, finance, trades, transportation, sciences and manufacturing programs that the Second Career program also tends to fund (Second Career Ontario).

In addition, as the study was interested in understanding the participants’ lives and how they made sense of their experiences in PSE, the literature review focused on topics such as an overview of mature students in Ontario, the mature student retention conundrum, barriers faced by mature students and the student support services and possible mitigation measures that have been suggested in the literature. As the study was not intended to be a policy or program evaluation and the focus was not on the Second Career program or on the PSE institutions themselves but rather an examination of the experiences of the students, in-depth histories of the

Second Career program and of the public and private colleges in Ontario were not investigated; though they were briefly described to provide enough background on how they have shaped the environment for the participants.

Implications and Recommendations

Research

The findings of this study would be useful for researchers interested in the fields of diversity, access and student success who share a commitment to improving and enhancing the capabilities and experiences of PSE for disadvantaged or multi-barriered students. Although there is some literature about mature students and their experiences and barriers, this study illustrates how not all mature students experience PSE in the same way, as is evident from the two sub-groups described above; an intersectional lens should be applied across multiple social categories at the micro-level (e.g., race, class, gender, age, health) while also being mindful of

190 how this translates into systemic barriers, discrimination and inequities at the macro, systems level.

This study specifically explored the experiences of students in the Second Career program, which has not been investigated before, and contributes to our understanding of the experiences of this population in PSE and how the students themselves make sense of these experiences. By having been approved to take part in the Second Career program, the participants in this study already share several characteristics and experiences such as having been laid off, being older and being of low SES; however, as this study illustrates, they are also very different, which makes an exploration of the experiences of these students particularly interesting and important.

PSE Institutions

This study could also help PSE institutions, especially those that take part in the Second

Career program and have a higher percentage of multi-barriered mature students, to understand the differing experiences, needs and difficulties of this group of their student body better. As this study has illustrated, there is currently a lack of flexibility measures and relevant and appropriate student services and supports at the institution level, perhaps because of an inadequate understanding of how these students experience PSE and how they themselves make sense of the difficulties they face.

This study encourages more effort by institutions to engage with multi-barriered mature students to understand how this group experiences PSE including the nuances of being a Second

Career student (and keeping in mind the different sub-groups that exist within this population), as a one-size-fits-all approach to serving these students does not work, and is not a viable

191 solution. By fostering a better relationship between this often-overlooked group of students and the institutions, and thereby strengthening the institutions’ commitments to and understanding of these students, the real-life needs, challenges and difficulties could be more adequately addressed at every level (e.g., needs assessment, program or service design, implementation). PSE institutions should recognize that these students often have unique needs and challenges in their

PSE journeys. Institutions that enroll Second Career students should also ensure that the faculty and staff are familiar with the Second Career program and are prepared to adequately support the students once they are there.

Policy / Government

The findings in this study could help policymakers better understand the students they are funding through the Second Career program. This study points to a need for policymakers overseeing the Second Career program to begin initiating conversations with all the stakeholders involved, including the Employment Ontario sites where applications are processed, PSE institutions that are hosting the students and most importantly, the students themselves to understand how the program can be delivered most effectively to support these students.

Programs such as Second Career cannot work as a one-size-fits-all model, as it would not address the diverse needs of the different sub-groups and students; one possible way to move forward would be to acknowledge and foster an understanding of the various important nuances of the different sub-groups they serve through the program.

To ensure that the program is not further stigmatizing or negatively impacting the students in PSE, the communication, policies, processes and funding disbursements of the program must reflect the everyday realities and situations of this group of students. Rather than

192 the focus of the program being on the end goal of students obtaining a diploma to get into a

“second career” in a timely fashion, this study suggests shifting the focus to how this is being done (e.g., taking a case management approach with wrap-around services) to ensure this opportunity is transformative, empowering and setting these students up for success in PSE and beyond.

Future Research

This study focused on how mature students embodying various marginalities experience

PSE and how they understand the difficulties they have encountered through taking an intersectional, capabilities and life history approach which illustrated the variety of experiences and understandings of the participants, hence the importance of moving away from a one-size- fits-all approach of supporting these students. All in all, there exist some lingering questions as well as new inquiries suggested by the findings of this study. One future study could focus more closely on the period when potential students are deciding whether to apply as well as on the application processes for both the Second Career program and the colleges. Most of the participants in this study identified this time as extremely overwhelming, stressful and challenging; however all of them persevered and were approved for the Second Career program and enrolled in their respective colleges. A follow-up study on the experiences of the individuals who gave up or decided to withdraw their applications or those who were not approved by the

Second Career program and/or the colleges and never appealed the decision, would make an important contribution to the literature on access. Relatedly, the experiences of those who

193 dropped out of their programs (college and Second Career) would also be important to investigate.

As discussed in the limitations section, most of the participants in this study were in social science, education or government service programs; however, this leaves the question for how those in STEM and trades programs experience PSE. Do they have a different experience in the application process and in PSE? Are there unique difficulties they encounter and how do they make sense of them, including academic, social and financial difficulties while navigating both the Second Career program and their studies? Do they use similar strategies and ways of dealing with the difficulties? Such questions could be addressed through a future study recruiting students in these programs.

Lastly, another future study could investigate the experiences of students in similar government-funded programs such as the pre-apprenticeship training programs or other bridging programs. Comparing programs could inform best practices and highlight areas for improvement in the design and delivery of such programs.

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Appendix A: Introductory Email

Good afternoon [insert participant name here],

My name is Grace and I am a doctoral student at the University of Toronto and am conducting a study to learn about the experiences of mature students in the Second Career Program in Ontario’s colleges. I am especially interested in talking to women who have been out of school for more than 10 years.

I will interview each woman between two and six times, always at a time and place convenient and comfortable for her (for example, at a coffee shop or at the college). As a thank you, each woman will receive a $15 grocery store gift card at each interview. To find out more about the study, please see the information at the end of this email. If you are interested in participating, please contact me at [email protected] or XXX-XXX-XXXX.

Grace Ryu, PhD Candidate

University of Toronto – OISE

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Appendix B: Information Sheet

What does it mean to be part of this research? ! It is up to you whether you choose to participate in this research. ! If you choose to participate I will ask you questions and listen to your responses. You may refuse to answer any question. ! I may invite you to meet with me between two and six times. You may say ‘no’ at any time. ! Once you have agreed to be part of the research, you can later ask me not to use some or all of what you said, at any time while the research is still ongoing. ! If there are any questions that you do not want to answer, you may choose not to answer. The researcher will be able to provide relevant referral information (e.g., counseling services) if required and/or requested.

How will the interview be recorded? ! If you give permission by signing the attached consent form, I will make an audio recording of your interviews so that I will have the most accurate record possible. ! If you do not give permission to be recorded, I will take detailed notes while you are speaking. ! If I make an audio recording, you may ask me to provide you with an electronic (computer) file and/ or a written transcript of what you said. ! Only I, and my research supervisor, will have access to the original recordings and transcripts. ! I will store the transcripts in a locked filing cabinet in my office. All the data will be encrypted, and electronic transcripts will be kept in password-protected files on my personal computer that only I will have access and the password to.

Confidentiality and Recognition ! It is very important that you let me know if any of what you say to me during the interview is NOT to be shared with anyone else. I will make a note of this and keep it confidential. ! We can work together to change details to protect your identity and/or those of other people in your personal and professional life. You may also ask me to use your real name instead of a pseudonym, so long as that does not allow readers of the research to identify other people. ! You should tell me whether or not you would like me to include your name in a list of people I thank in any publications and presentations.

If you have any other questions, please feel free to contact me at: [email protected] or XXX- XXX-XXXX.

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Appendix C: Interview Protocol

Demographic Information: 1. Age: 2. Gender: 3. Program and year of study: 4. How long have you lived in Canada (or, Toronto)? If you moved here, where did you live previously? 5. Is English your first language? 6. Do you live alone or with other people (and, if so, who)? Do you have dependents, such as children or elderly relatives? 7. Are there other people in your household who work or also go to school? 8. In what part of the Greater Toronto Area do you live? 9. Is this your first time entering college or university or do you have prior college or university experience?

Open-ended Questions/Topical Explorations:

Set 1: 1. Can you tell me about your life (for example, what you did and where you worked) before entering college? a. Can you tell me about your earlier experiences of school? How long ago was the last time you were a student? b. How did you feel about school before entering this program? Have those feelings changed? c. What made you decide to enter college and your program of study? d. Did anyone help you in coming to a decision to enter college? e. Do you have the support of family and/or friends?

Set 2: 2. How did you find out information about your college, your program of study and the Second Career program? Did anyone guide or help you through this process?

3. Can you tell me about what the application process was like for both the Second Career program and the program(s) at colleges? a. Did you find the process to be easy? If you faced any difficulties, how did you manage? b. Did you seek out any support from case workers, counselors or advisors? If so, did you find them helpful? c. Did you attend any information sessions, workshops or networking events (by the colleges or Employment Ontario agencies)? If so, how did you find them?

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4. Do you feel that you have a good understanding of the Second Career program policies and guidelines (for example, funding process)? a. Are you able to find assistance or help if you run into any questions or difficulties as a Second Career program student both within the college and outside (for example, Employment Ontario agency or the Ministry contact)?

5. Can you tell me about your experience being a mature (“Second Career”) student in your program and college? a. Do you see any differences between yourself, as a mature student, and a younger student coming straight from secondary school?

Set 3: 6. Can you describe your experience, how you are doing, in school academically, and socially? a. Academically: Is it what you expected? Are you facing difficulties or challenges? Have you encountered any successes so far? Are marks important to you? Is there any specific academic challenge (for example, computer skills, essay writing or presentation skills) that you are facing? What have you been doing to overcome it? b. Socially: Have you made any friends? Are there people you can speak to or go to for support at school? Are you involved with any student groups or activities? Do you feel well-supported and included? Where do you spend most of your time when you are on campus?

7. How are you doing financially while in school? Have the Second Career funds been enough? If not, what have you been doing to get more money? Has your college and/or community agencies been able to provide any support?

8. Are you able to find everything you need at your college? What supports do you use? Are there supports you are interested in using, but for any reason, have not been able to? What can be done to make it easier for you, or other mature students, to use these services more?

Set 4: 9. What are the most pressing difficulties in college you face(d)? Why do you think you are facing those difficulties? How do you make sense of them (for example, personal failure or systemic barrier)?

10. Do you think mature students face more or have different/unique difficulties? For female students of LSES (low socio-economic status)? For those who did not do their earlier schooling in Canada? For immigrants (for example, new to the country)?

11. Are you on-track to completing the program ‘on time’? If not, will there be a delay? Will you be completing the program?

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Set 5: 12. Are you happy with your decision to enter college and in your program of study? What are some recommendations and/or advice you would give to future incoming mature (Second Career) students?

13. Would you consider doing further schooling after this? Why or why not?

14. Would you like to be an active member of the school community (for example, as an alumnus or a mentor) after graduating? Will you keep in touch/maintain relations with other students and instructors?

15. If you were to set up a program, such as the Second Career program, to support mature students in financial hardships, how would you structure it? a. How should we do things to make things better?

Follow-up Interview Questions 1. Since our last interview, have you used any other services or sought assistance?

2. Did the interview provide you with a chance to reflect on or examine your experience in college? Do you have anything else to add since then (go through questions again)?

3. Are there any stories that you can share with me that are representative of how you make sense of your college experience (for example, highlight or key moments)?

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Appendix D: Informed Consent

The purpose of the study is to understand the experiences of mature students in Ontario colleges, especially women who have been away from school for more than 10 years.

If you agree to participate in this study, I will ask you questions and listen to your responses. I may invite you to meet with me between two and six times. You may say ‘no’ at any time or to any question and relevant referral information (e.g., counseling services) will be provided to you, if required and/or requested. You can also later ask me not to use some or all of what you said, at any time while the research is still ongoing. If you decide not to participate in the study any longer, your data will be destroyed and your answers will not be part of the study. We can work together to change details to protect your identity and/or those of other people in your personal and professional life. You may also ask me to use your real name instead of a pseudonym, so long as that does not allow readers of the research to identify other people.

If you give permission, I will make an audio recording of your interviews so that I will have the most accurate record possible. Only I, and my research supervisor, will have access to the recordings and transcripts. I will store the transcripts in a locked filing cabinet in my office. All the data will be encrypted, and electronic transcripts will be kept in password-protected files in my personal computer that only I will have access and the password to. The study you are participating in may be reviewed for quality assurance to ensure that required laws and guidelines are followed. If chosen, (a) representative(s) of the Human Research Ethics Program (HREP) may access study-related data and/or consent materials as part of the review. All information accessed by the HREP will be upheld to the same level of confidentiality that has been stated by the research team.

If you are interested in a summary of the research results or have any concerns, please contact me at [email protected] or XXX-XXX-XXXX or my research supervisor, Professor Ruth Childs at [email protected] or XXX-XXX-XXXX.

If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, you are invited to contact the Office of Research Ethics ([email protected], 416-946-3273).

Thank you for your interest and your time.

Sincerely,

Grace Ryu, PhD Candidate University of Toronto - OISE XXX-XXX-XXXX [email protected]

Dr. Ruth Childs, Professor University of Toronto – OISE XXX-XXX-XXXX [email protected]

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Appendix E: Consent (Signatures) Document

Consent to participate in an interview as part of the research project

An Exploration of the Experiences of PSE for Ontario’s Multi-Barriered Mature Students

I have read the letter and understand what is being asked and the accompanying conditions and promises.

I understand that I am free to withdraw my participation at any time.

Please check (ü) the following statements if you agree.

______I give consent for my interviews to be digitally-recorded

______I give consent for excerpts of my interviews to be shared in public settings

______I give consent for my name to be included in a list of acknowledgements in published work and public presentations of this research

Signature: ______Date: ______

Name (Printed): ______