THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

PROTECTION OF AUTHOR ’S COPYRIGHT

This copy has been supplied by the Library of the University of Otago on the understanding that the following conditions will be observed:

1. To comply with s56 of the Copyright Act 1994 [NZ], this thesis copy must only be used for the purposes of research or private study.

2. The author's permission must be obtained before any material in the thesis is reproduced, unless such reproduction falls within the fair dealing guidelines of the Copyright Act 1994. Due acknowledgement must be made to the author in any citation.

3. No further copies may be made without the permission of the Librarian of the University of Otago.

August 2010 i

THE IMPACT OF NINETEENTH CENTURY

SCIENCE AND BIBLICAL CRITICISM

ON EXPRESSIONS OF FAITH AND THEOLOGY.

WITH ESPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE

ANGLICAN. METHODIST

AND PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES OF NEW ZEALAND

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

at the university of otago, 1993

\\. .. ii ABSTRACT

This thesis deals with aspects of the history of the faith­ science interaction in New Zealand in relation to the Anglican, Methodist and Presbyterian Churches, during the Victorian era. 1. Chapter one gives a general introduction to four factors received from the British scientific tradition that were to play a significant part in the early discussions about science and faith during the missionary and early colonial period. These are: (a) the Baconian ideal of science; (b) the status of Newton and Newtonianism; (c) the development of geology and biology and their relationship to natural theology; (d) the initial reception of Darwin's The origin of Species. 2. chapters two and three focus upon the contributions of the missionaries and early settlers to the faith-science interaction, with particular emphasis on w. colenso and R. Taylor, the leading missionary scientists of the period. Note is taken of the underlying tension generated between reconciling the new findings of geology and the Biblical account of creation. Chapter three explores aspects of the emerging social context for science and faith during the early settler period, especially concentrating on the class settlements of Dunedin and Christchurch, both of which had strong religious affiliations. Samuel Butler's notable work in drawing attention to Darwin's The origin Of species is highlighted. 3. Chapter four details the way in which the new theories of Biblical criticism, coming to prominence coterminously with Darwin's theories, combined to cause various controversies over what constituted Biblical truth, scientific truth, and called into question the status of both revealed religion and natural theology. Theological reaction to the ascendency of science, sometimes characterised by a retreat into Biblical literalism and the appeal to miracle, is analyzed. The range of clerical opinion about science is revealed in the writings of various church leaders, notably A.R. Fitchett, s.T. Nevill, R. Waddell, and w. Salmond. 4. In chapter five the formation, life and some of the personalities of the New Zealand Institute are discussed with particular reference to three major debates: the status of natural theology, the status of speculative geometry, and the status of the book of Genesis in relation to scientific knowledge. The popularity of astronomy, with its influence on the symbolic language of faith, is also considered. A contrast is drawn between declining clerical interest in science and mathematics, and the concept of the mathematization of nature as an objective of modern science. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The various revisions of this thesis have been made possible by the very generous help given to me by my supervisor Professor Peter

Matheson, whose valued comments have been critically constructive. My wife Jill has similarly devoted many hours beyond what I could reasonably hope for. To both of them goes my deepest thanks.

Along with that, library staff from Knox Theological Hall, the

Hacken Library, the Dunedin Public Library, the library of the combined

Colleges of st. John's and Trinity, Auckland, and the library of the

Auckland Museum and Institute have provided much help. Mrs. Verna

Mossong, the Auckland Methodist Church archivist has also been able to

supply many valuable records. iv INTRODUCTION

A recent World Council of churches publication had the intriguing title The New Faith-science Debate; Probing Cosmology, Technology and

Theology. 1 The questions it dealt with ranged from purely academic

2 3 problems to issues of enormous social consequence ; from the genesis of the universe, to the apocalyptic end of humanity in this age4 ; from

6 science as Christian vocation , to the impact of high-technology and

6 genetic engineering • There ,is no gainsaying the fact that over the last few decades, there has been a growing international awareness of the grave risks to our fragile environment by the misuse of science and technology. Equally, their right use has conferred very great benefits on the human race. The New Faith-science Debate began the task of identifying the challenges that science and technology bring to the

Church and theology, and vice versa.

one important emphasis is implied by the word new in the title. why is there, at this time, a new dimension to the interaction of faith and science? Abrecht suggests in a brief foreword that the nineteenth century confrontation saw the churches caught off balance. 7 Science was the victor over faith, church and theology. He claims that its influence was so pervasive, that, by the turn of the century, even

Christianity became 'a powerful defender of the scientific approach while resisting those scientists and theologians who tried to interpret or understand the meaning of life entirely in scientific categories'. 8

But since then the balance of power has shifted. Now it is science which finds itself on the defensive rather than the attack. science, which was to be the harbinger of happiness and progress, has brought not only the human race, but all life on this planet, to the edge of destruction. Abrecht believes that the Church has risen to become a powerful critic of today's scientific enterprise, which has so manifestly 'produced morally ambiguous results'. 9

There is a thread of truth which runs through these arguments.

Yet there is also much that needs to be more carefully examined. was it V simply the case in the nineteenth century that the church taught one single Christian doctrine of creation, and science taught another? Were these two ideologies presented as stark alternatives, and the interested laity forced to choose one or the other? Did nineteenth century science never produce morally ambiguous results? Are the poor of the world today poorer than their forebears of a century ago because of the spectacular successes of science? Is the technological revolution perceived differently by the working class compared to how their forebears saw the industrial revolution? What marks theological discussion about science over the last thirty years as distinctively different from that which was debated a century before from 1860 to

1890? Has the process of the secularization of society affected the faith-science relationship differently in those two periods?

It seems likely that in The New Faith-science Debate a sense of historical perspective has been lost. This may be due to the urgency of the problems posed by science and technology today, and their potential to produce many more, and harder ones. Nonetheless, without a sound sense of history, the claims made by a group of morally indignant theologians, and some practising scientists, for a new relevance for the church may sound rather hollow. This ought not to be the case. This thesis will attempt to show that science and faith in colonial New

Zealand had a troubled yet fruitful relationship. In particular, it is posited that science has not only modified expressions of faith and theology since Darwin, but that the human need to express itself theologically profoundly influenced popular, non-mathematically based expressions of science. There is evidence of the sciences influencing the way in which faith was expressed across the theological spectrum, by conservatives and liberals, lay and ordained. But in order to understand how the New Zealand situation arose, it has to be seen in the context of Victorian science and religion, which, in turn, was the setting for the confluence of many different currents of thought.

As is well documented, the history of the faith-science debate spans millennia and is richly complex. 10 However, it has to be acknowledged that the faith dimension is not simply confined to the vi

Christian religion, nor is the science dimension confined to the post­

Reformation period. Science and faith have produced sometimes

complementary, sometimes contradictory, systems of thought across many

cultures on the stage of world history. China, India, Egypt, Greece,

Persia, North Africa, Northern Europe, Great Britain, and North America

have all been important centres of scientific learning. 11 This trans­

cultural effect was certainly acknowledged in colonial New Zealand by

the scientific and religious cornrnunities. 12 It is surely a measure of

the importance of the faith-science interaction that its concerns, ~- ,;."P' debates and content should emerge time and again in human history. 13

Naturally, emphases change in each culture, time and place, yet there

are often qualities about the faith-science interaction which transcend

time and context. 14 For example, Pythagorean mysticism from the sixth

century BC 15 and the twentieth century developments stemming from the

teleological biology of Teilhard de Chardin16 are literally worlds

apart. The thought patterns and the cultural settings are radically

different. Yet, paradoxically they are alike, and it is a root likeness

also. First they have a resemblance in terms of an approach to nature

where the symbolic, and a sense of the numinous, are integral to

understanding. More than this, they are alike at a deeper level than

the mere appeal of mysticism. The essence of reality for the

Pythagoreans was based upon their secret knowledge of number. 'As

number was the reality of reality, so it united the whole of existence

into a mystical unity.' 17 The essence of reality for de Chardin was a

kind of panpsychism whereby every individual sub-atomic particle was

charged with a spark of consciousness. 18 From this derived nature's

order and humankind's evolving consciousness towards the cosmic Christ.

Both philosophies assume a certain rationality about the universe. Both

assume that the human mind has the power to understand nature, and by

understanding it to transcend it. Moreover, both assume that among the

ways to truth, reason and faith are not mutually exclusive.

These inter-relationships were explored during the colonial era

by New Zealand clergy and laity. Before de Chardin came to the mature

formulations of his teleological biology, protagonists in Victorian New vii

Zealand were debating similar issues. Chief among the protagonists was

Samuel Butler who began his idiosyncratic life's work in New Zealand

during the eighteen sixties. Butler was motivated by Charles Darwin's

own endeavour to understand the relationship between the evolution of

mind, human creativity, and the ethical senses. 19 As the concept of

evolution by natural selection was modified and became more acceptable,

the New Zealand Institute was to prove a fertile debating chamber for

scientists and clerics wishing to explore these complex issues. But

ministers of such high standing as the Rev. Rutherford Waddell also

took up the debate in a simpler fashion. He wrote 'Science takes us

back to the making of worlds', in order to discover the unfolding drama

of life's purposes and meanings. 20

Nevertheless, the road of science by no means always traverses

the same territory as the road of faith. 21 It has been observed that

the life sciences seem to have had less overall influence upon

theological thought than advances in the physical sciences. Raven, in

the Gifford lectures of 1950, deplored the power that mathematics and lI I physics seemed to exert over religious expression in the eighteenth i I century, paving the way for nineteenth century positivism. 22 There is l I I no doubt that positivism was a philosophy feared by many church people ' in colonial New Zealand. 23 Because of this, science itself was regarded :! 1 with suspicion by some. 24 :I 'I However, science in the Victorian era rapidly achieved degrees of J l specialisation and, therefore, the ways in which theology interacted with separate branches of science in the Victorian period need to be

~ taken into account. In particular, chapter five of this thesis is ! concerned as much with the impact of the expansion of knowledge in

astronomy and mathematics upon expressions of faith and theology, as I with the impact of biology and geology. simultaneously, theology was l undergoing radical change due to other pressures. The changes in l 1 philosophical outlook were to affect both theologians and scientists, l while the emerging di'scipline of Biblical criticism was to produce new

ways of understanding Scripture and its scientific content. In fact,

much modern day science owes its origins to the clergy of the last two viii

centuries, clergy who, by their close examination of nature, have

sought to see through nature 'up to nature's God'. This is so not only

in Europe and America but also colonial New Zealand.

unfortunately, although there has been a distinctive historical

contribution by scientists and theologians to the growth of the

science-faith relationship, from Darwin to the present, this tradition

has been occasionally overlooked, although by no means altogether lost.

The extraordinary contributions of the two Anglican Church Missionary

Society missionaries William Colenso and Richard Taylor began the

process. 26 It was also taken up in the life of the New Zealand

Institute, and carried into the university lecture halls by such

notables as Captain F.W. Hutton who won international recognition, and

was cited by Darwin as one of the few who really understood the nature

and process of natural selection, and sir Julius van Haast ( after I Hutton the most influential scientist in the south Island during the i I ; I eighteen sixties, seventies and eighties), both of whom had a profound

impact upon their students. 26 There were the steadfast leaders among

the clergy, drawn from across the denominational spectrum, such as A.R.

Fitchett (Wesleyan Methodist, then Dean of the st. Paul's Anglican

Cathedral, Dunedin), William Salmond (Professor of Mental and Moral

science at otago university), P.W. Fairclough and J.T. Pinfold (both

Wesleyan Methodist ministers), S.T. Nevill (Anglican Bishop of otago­

southland), and Rutherford Waddell (Presbyterian minister), all of whom

acknowledged a far greater debt to science than is commonly heard

today. As will be shown subsequently, they were enthusiasts who imbued

the scientific enterprise with the light of Christ. ~oreover theirs was

a knowledge which they considered worthy of passing down from one

generation to the next. Pinfold, one of Methodism's ablest thinkers

during the consolidation period of the nineteenth century through the

turn of the century, recalled how Fairclough's interest in science 'was

a great inspiration in those early days.' 27 In like manner Fairclough

had been tutored by Fitchett, before Fitchett's break with Methodism

and his departure into the Anglican Church.

What was the motivation of these clergy to persist with the ix

sciences in a land far removed from the scientific academies of

Britain, France, the Netherlands and Germany?28 The effects of

Darwinism and the schools of Biblical criticism were sweeping through

Europe and America. 29 Not only in the influential trans-Atlantic

centres of learning but even in remote antipodean islands, the more

forward looking clergy and laity were concerned to show that the

evolution of biological life was not inconsistent with Biblical

accounts of creation. By the eighteen nineties some Methodist lay

preachers' associations were encouraged to look at not just Biblical

languages but also the botany and mineralogy of Biblical lands. 30

This ambitious programme was not readily accepted. The underlying

assumption of the liberal clergy and laity was that the Bible had to be I understood for what they were convinced it was: a human book attempting ' I to reach for the divine. 31 The most natural way of doing this was I ! through analysis of the powerful world-building characteristics of I myth, in particular the myths of Genesis. 32 Hence, the proponents of Biblical criticism found an uneasy ally in the new scientific movement

towards an evolutionary understanding of humankind's place in the

universe. Together these two currents carved out a new intellectual

course for faith. 33 There was a price to be paid. To relegate Genesis

to the realm of myth was treachery of the worst kind to thousands upon

thousands of clergy world-wide, who felt caught in a pincer-like grip

which threatened to destroy their faith, and the faith of their

flocks. 34 Their whole way of thought and life was apparently ruined in

the face of new knowledge. However, a burgeoning theological liberalism

slowly won the hearts of many clergy in positions of leadership. Both

science and faith in the nineteenth century presented world views in

crisis and revolution.•

similarly, from last century into the early decades of this, a

few clergy and lay people also debated the mathematics of the physical

universe and its theological significance. In view of the massive

changes in theology and science the significance of the mathematical

debates might easily be overlooked. The participants were often wrong,

and sometimes made outrageous mistakes, but they at least attempted to X keep the flame of Christian theology alive amidst an increasingly secularised and specialised field. 36 The process of the mathematization of the sciences was by no means as dramatic as the Darwinian revolution, yet its effects were to be as far reaching. Even those historians who argue that there were such profound shifts of thought between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that there is little continuity in scientific development still admit some successes for that process of mathematization. 37 Whether or not one agrees with

Foucault in general, it remains that such eminent scientists as Darwin thought 'Mathematics seems to endow one with something like a new sense' • 38 In New Zealand, Waddell, Fitchett and Nevill and their contemporaries went beyond a desire to understand the theological implications of mathematics and science. Essentially they saw that at the heart of faith and science was a genuine poesis, a response to mystery. Particularly so for Waddell, whose erudite ministry through the written word was very widely appreciated. Waddell could speak of a unity of feeling, thought and action, of which nature its elf 'is a symbol - Nature with her endless variety, and yet all the product of one universal life. 139 Thus, through their faithful preaching, published sermons, articles and books, which reached tens of thousands, they conveyed a message of reconciliation between faith and science. As science increased the boundaries of knowledge, faith also had its part to play in the human drama of existence in the struggle for life. Many of the clergy mention the extraordinary impact of Tennyson's prologue to In Memorium, written over some seventeen years after the death of the poet's close friend.

Thou wilt not leave us in the dust: Thou madest man, he knows not why, He thinks he was not made to die; And thou hast made: thou art just.

This was the same poet who had earlier characterized nature as red in tooth and claw.

Paradox and poesis characterizes responses to the faith-science interaction in the nineteenth century, whether uttered by conservative or liberal protagonists. Certainly many scientists and theologians xi today would identify with that kind of response, arguing that the human response to the universe is both rational40 and poetic; 41 it is both filled with reverence42 and the desire to probe further; 43 it is aware of both the savagery of nature and its beauty. The movement towards mathematization of the universe remains one of the most extraordinary achievements of the human race. Yet not one of these hugely important mathematical systems was ever invented for anything but for the delight of the human mind, revelling in the beauty of mathematical abstraction. 44 All found their way finally into the practical description of nature. The process by which some of this was achieved in the New Zealand context is traced through the life and debates of the New Zealand Institute. xii

1. John M. Magnum (Ed.), The New Faith Science Debate, Probing Cosmology, Technology And Theology, Minneapolis, Fortress Press, Geneva, wee Publications, 19 89. cf. the earlier world council of churches publications, Roger L. Shinn (Ed.), Faith And Science In An unjust World, Report of The World Council Of churches' Conference on Faith, Science And The Future, Volume 1: Plenary Presentations, Geneva, world council of churches, 1980; Paul Abrecht (Ed.), Faith and science In An Unjust World, Report Of The World Council Of Churches' Conference on Faith, Science And The Future, Volume 2: Reports And Recommendations, Geneva, World council Of churches, 1980.

2. Arthur Peacocke's essay, 'The Challenge of science To Theology And The church', in J. Magnum, The New Faith science Debate, pp. 10-22.

3. ibid, Appendices Bon Africa, pp. 144-8, and Appendix Con Asia, pp. 149-52, which specifically deal with pressing scientific issues relating to those broad cultural groupings.

4. ibid, Robert John Russell's essay, 'Agenda For The Twenty-First century', pp. 91-105.

5. ibid, Vincent P .K. Titanji' s essay, 'Scientific Research Is My Christian Vocation', pp. 85-90.

6. ibid, Ronald Cole-Turner's essay, 'Genetic Engineering: Or Role In creation', pp. 68-75; cf. Baruch A. Brody, B. Andrew Lustig, H. Tristram Engelhardt, Laurence B. Mccullough, Bioethics Yearbook, Volume 1, Theological Developments In Bioethics 1988-1990, Dordrecht, Boston, London, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1991, p. 80, pp. 88-9, pp. 127-8, pp. 167-8. j 7. ibid, p. viii. 1 8. ibid, p. viii. l 9. ibid, p. ix. I I 10. H.P. Nebelsick, circles of God, Theology And science From The Greeks To Copernicus, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1985; I Alexander Thomson, Tradition And Authority In science And Theology, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987; William G. Pollard, I ' Transcendence And Providence; Reflections Of A Physicist And Priest, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987, Part 1, 'The Recovery Of The Judaeo-Christian Heritage of Western civilisation, pp. 15-62; Stanley L. Jaki, cosmos And creator, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1980; Charles E. Raven, Natural Religion And Christian Theology, Volumes 1 I and 2, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1952, and for an earlier insight into the relationship Charles singer, 'Historical Relations of Religion And Science', pp. 87-148, in Joseph Needham (Ed.), science Religion And Reality, London, The Sheldon Press, 1925.

11. P. Abrecht, (Ed.), Faith And Science, Vol. 2, pp. 8-9.

12. c.w. Richmond, 'The Modern Aspect Of Natural Theology', TPNZI, Vol. 1, pp. 282-3.

13. Thomas F. Torrance, in Wilbert Forker (Ed.), The Templeton Foundation Prize For Progress In Religion, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1988, pp. 12-22.

14. w. Pollard, Transcendence And Providence, pp. 263-4; cf. Harold K. Schilling, The New Consciousness In science And Religion, London, SCM xiii

Press,1973, p. 19 who quotes Karl Jaspers extensively on this very point.

15. H.P. Nebelsick, Circles Of God, p. 11.

16. For a summary of these see A.R. Peacocks, Creation And The World of science, The Bampton Lectures, 1978, oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1979.

17. H.P. Nebelsick, circles of God, p. 11.

18. A.R. Peacocks, creation, pp. 12-7.

19. Charles Darwin, The origin of species By Means Of Natural Selection or The Preservation of Favoured Races In The Struggle For Life, (reprint of the sixth edition), London, collier-MacMillan, 1969, p. 483. For Darwin's earlier approach see Paul H. Barrett and Howard E. Gruber, (Eds.), Metaphysics, Materialism And The Evolution of Mind; Early Writings of Charles Darwin; Transcribed And Annotated, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, Phoenix edition, 1980.

20. Rutherford Waddell, Memories And Hopes, Wellington, Dunedin, Invercargill, N.Z. Book Depot (New Zealand Bible And Book Society), undated, p. 22.

21. Stanley L. Jaki, The Road Of Science And The ways To God, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1978. The points of convergence and divergence form the basis of Jaki's critical thesis of the rise of modern science as possible only with the context of Christianity.

22. Charles E. Raven, Natural Religion and Christian Theology, Vol. 1, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1953, chaps 7-9.

23. outlook, 16 June 1894, p. l?.

24. ibid, 28 April 1894, p. 127.

25. A.G. Bagnall and G.C. Petersen, William Colenso, Printer, Missionary, Botanist, Explorer, Politician; His Life And Journeys, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1948, p. 75.

26. H.F. Von Haast, The Life And Times of sir Julius Von Haast, Explorer, Geologist, Museum Builder, Wellington, published by the author, 1948.

27. New Zealand Wesleyan, 12 May 1917, p. 14.

28. That question is implicitly posed by the foremost Christian historian of science Stanley L. Jaki, Planets And Planetarians, A History of The Theories of The origin of Planetary systems, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1978, p. 167.

29. Michael Gauvreau, 'Baconianism, Darwinism, Fundamentalism: A Transatlantic crisis of Faith', Journal Of Religious History, Vol. 13, No. 4, Sydney university Press, 1985, pp. 434f.

30. Local Preachers Association Minute Book, 1884-87, M.S., St. John's college archives.

31. Rutherford Waddell approaches the problem assuming the truth of Revelation but seeing it illuminated by truths of science, history and the repository of human religious experience, Behold The Lamb of God! A series Of Discourses Tracing Through Scripture The Evolution And coronation Of The Lamb, second edition, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1903. xiv

32. outlook, 28 April 1894, p. 128. The writer ascribes the creation, Fall and Flood to the traditional conununal stories of 'Semitic peoples'.

33. ibid, 1 March 1881, p. 163.

34. In the augural address to the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 1862, Julius von Haast noted the petition of some eleven thousand clergymen in England declaring their belief in traditional expressions of faith, a reaction to the theology released by the publication of Essays and Reviews. According to Burdon, this was the kind of orthodoxy which might potentially restrict the free discussion of ideas in the Institute, and needed to be challenged directly. R.M. Burdon, New Zealand Notables, series Three, Auckland, The Caxton Press, 1950 pp. 170-1.

35. outlook, 2 February 1880, p. 145, quoting a speech by Dr. Mccosh, who noted that the young men of Harvard had more of a 'taste' for physical science than a visionary metaphysics. It was a situation about which little could be done for 'Darwinism', spencerism' and 'evolutionism' were taught in journals, schools and colleges.

36. The debates in the otago Institute during the late eighteen I sixties, and the failure of the redoubtable Rev. Dr. Stuart of Knox Church, Dunedin, to acknowledge that God could be associated with 11 anything other than a Euclidean universe, is the most noteworthy.

37. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things, An Archaeoloqv Of The Human I Sciences, London, Tavistock Publications Limited, 1970, pp. 350-1.

38. cited by E.T. Bell, Men Of Mathematics, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1953, p. 16.

39. Rutherford Waddell, Behold, p. 274.

40. T.F. Torrance, Reality And Scientific Theology, Edinburgh, Scottish I i Academic Press, 1985, p. 146: 'What we are concerned with in science, I however, is to deepen our grasp of that orderly structure'. I 41. ibid, pp. 307-8. 42. A.R. Peacocke, creation, p. 298, where Peacocke cites Schweitzer and later skolimowski that man is 'symbiont, with reverence for creation'.

43. W.G. Pollard, Transcendence And Providence, p.p 16-22.

44. ibid, p. 260. xv CONTENTS

Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iii

Introduction iv

chapter

1. A survey Of The Scientific And Theological Background

To The Faith-science Interaction 1

2. Initial Contributions To The Faith-Science Interaction

In Early Colonial New Zealand 38

3. Some Aspects Of The context For Faith And Science

During The Eighteen Forties And Eighteen Fifties, Leading

To The Reception of Darwinism 69

4. The Theological Turbulence From The Eighteen sixties

To The Turn of The Century - Darwinism And Higher Criticism

In critical Interaction With The churches 114

5. speculative science And Natural Theology In The Life i I And Debates Of The New Zealand Institute 192

6. conclusion 258

Table A: Relative Frequencies of Topics Published In

The Transactions And Proceedings of The New Zealand Institute 264

7. Primary sources 265

8. secondary sources 276 1 CHAPTER ONE:

A SURVEY OF

THE SCIENTIFIC AND THEOLOGICAL

BACKGROUND TO THE FAITH-SCIENCE INTERACTION

The co-discoverer of evolution, Alfred Russel Wallace ( 1823- 1913), writing in 1898, saw the hundred or so years behind him as

heralding 'the beginning of a new era of human progress'. 1 He called

the nineteenth century 'the wonderful century' because of the

scientific and material progress which had been achieved, although he was very aware of its moral and social failures. 2 In 1926 the mathematician Alfred North Whitehead (1861-1947) wrote in a similar vein that 'The greatest invention of the nineteenth century was the

invention of the method of invention' . 3 Wallace and Whitehead are representative of many scientists from the nineteenth and twentieth

centuries who have emphasized the complimentary nature of science and

religion. Wallace rejected Darwin's increasingly agnostic materialism

in favour of a spiritual understanding of the universe. 4

Correspondingly, Whitehead distanced himself from the positivism so

convincingly espoused by his colleague in foundational mathematics,

Bertrand Russell. In moving away from Russell's agnosticism, Whitehead

laid the foundations for process theology, and eventually came to the

point where he believed that religion was the real ground for

humankind's hope in an evolving universe. 5 Yet, this kind of synthesis

of the scientific outlook and the religious outlook, was often achieved

only at some considerable personal cost. The scientific community was

by no means wholeheartedly in favour of a rapprochement between science

and religion. Wallace was severely criticised and faced academic

prejudice because of his spiritualist views. 6 The same happened to

Samuel Butler, who roused the ire of both the scientific community and 2 the church as he also tried to find the contiguous ground between science and religion. Butler wrote that science and religion were

'reconciled in amiable and sensible people but nowhere else'. 7 since

Butler did not regard the majority of scientists or orthodox Christians as amiable or sensible, his irony will perhaps serve as a signal about assuming that science and theology could easily assimilate any new advances across the respective disciplines . 8 As will be shown in subsequent chapters, nineteenth century science and religious faith were often perceived by participants in the debates and dialogues to be in severe conflict, accounting in part for the difficulties faced by scientists like Wallace and Butler. For example, in 1869 Judge c.w.

Richmond noted the 'jealousy so frequently displayed' when science extended its domain of knowledge. 9 To the religious mind it seemed as if God were being 'emptied' out of nature itself. 10 That feeling was again in evidence in 1873, when the Rev. David McNicoll, a New Zealand

Wesleyan minister, wrote feelingly about the 'antagonism' between certain teachers of science and certain teachers of theology, although he did declare the storm was 'not universal'. 11 This latter perception mirrored the view promulgated by the community newspaper in the little church settlement of Dunedin some twenty years earlier, where reconciliation of the two modes of enquiry was advocated not just for the cause of personal religion, but for the sake of better science and better theology. 12 These examples are indicative of many others that will follow in later chapters highlighting both the conflicting interpretations of science and religion and the desire to see a more irenical, fruitful relationship. Nevertheless, crude though the conflict model may be, Livingstone points out that many orthodox

Christians did perceive Darwinism 'as a dire threat and retaliated aggressively.' 13

The above three examples also point to the fact that the faith­ science interaction in colonial New Zealand was largely governed by the received traditions of science and theology from Great Britain. The contributions of the European theologians, scientists, mathematicians,

and philosophers likewise played a part in shaping the intellectual 3 climate in New Zealand, just as happened in the united states. 14

Despite their very small scientific community, the New Zealanders were

able to make unique contributions to the faith-science interaction and move it beyond the boundaries of the traditions in various ways.

However, the traditional bounds ought to be explained. Four major

legacies emerged as concerns to the colonial scientists and clerics:

(a) the Baconian ideal of science; (b) the status of Newton and

Newtonianism; (c) the development of geology and biology and their

relationship to natural theology; (d) the reception of Darwin's The

origin of Species. In order to properly trace the subsequent

developments of the New Zealand branch of the faith-science

interaction, it is necessary to understand why these were such

important concerns.

Beginning then with Baconianism, it is worth indicating from the

outset the extent to which it was referred to in colonial New Zealand.

The Anglican Bishop S.T. Nevill in an address in 1878 commented upon

how Baconianism corrected the 'old error' of Greek science, namely the

Greeks had based their science on speculation rather than factual

observation. 15 Nevill again gave Baconian pride of place in an address

to the first New Zealand meeting of the Australasian Association for

the Advancement of Science, held in Christchurch, 1891. 16 Another

Anglican, Bishop Suter, was equally aware of the critical importance of

Baconianism and pointed it out in a sermon at a Nelson Diocesesan

synod. 17 The Presbyterian theologian, the Rev. James MacGregor,

underscored its standing as the most reputable scientific methodology

in an address to the otago Institute. 18 In the New Zealand Wesleyan it

was declared that in the physical world, that is, the realm of science,

the Baconian method of induction was better than any other scientific

methodology. 19 suffice it to say that Bacon's inductive method was

widely talked about, and indeed revered by many clergy and scientists

in New Zealand. There was a parallel situation in the united states. 20

What, then, was the essence of Baconian induction, and how did it come

to such an continuously important position in the dissemination of

English science over the course of the two centuries since it was first 4 formulated?

Francis Bacon (1561-1626) was a lawyer who rose to the position of Lord chancellor in the court of King James the First, until a scandal forced his resignation from public office. 21 Bacon was on the medieval side of the ledger rather than a leader of those scientific changes in outlook that heralded the Copernican revolution. Yet

sometimes his scientific insight was more penetrating than that of his contemporaries. Butterfield's observation about the nature of

scientific comprehension is as applicable to Bacon as to Newton, or

Galileo:

In fact, we shall find that in both celestial and terrestrial physics - which hold the strategic place in the whole movement - change is brought about, not by new observations or additional evidence in the first instance, but by transpositions that were taking place inside the minds of the scientists themselves. 22

In terms of these transpositions, Bacon's legacy to the history of

science was twofold. Firstly, he insisted that theology be separated

from science. Now in this matter Bacon was 'an advocate of the doctrine

of "double truth," that of reason and that of revelation' • 23 Faith and

theology obviously ruled in that kingdom called revelation. It was a

realm where Bacon maintained one could believe things that logic and

reason might oppose. on the other hand, the realm of reason was

strictly a place of rational argument. Faith and theology had no

business trespassing in it. Rational and judicious thought ruled in

this kingdom. What then was the relevance of this to the nineteenth

century debates?24 Both the pro-Darwinian parties25 and anti-Darwinian

parties26 would press firmly for the Baconian distinction to be made.

The affairs of science must not be dictated to by the affairs of

religion, nor vice versa. Nevertheless, it would be claimed in New

Zealand by no less an advocate than c.w. Richmond that natural theology

was the royal road by which science might pursue a common course with

religion. 27 Natural theology could read the clues of nature correctly,

and from them understand something of the mind of the Creator.

secondly, Francis Bacon bequeathed his idiosyncratic form of the

problem of induction, which has never been satisfactorily resolved. 28

During the nineteenth century the formulation of this problem, arose 5 from the school of Scottish realism typified by David Hurne (1711-76). 29

Hume's deceptively simple form of the question was essentially to ask how is knowledge gained from that which is unobserved. 30 This modern form of the problem of induction is essentially built around the concept of prediction, Hume's work being subsequently developed by Sir

John Herschel, the Rev. William Whewell, and the philosopher John

Stuart Mill during the eighteen thirties and forties, according to

Moore. 31 To this list ought to be added Archbishop Whately, the tutor of the Rev. Dr. Robert Kidd who was to figure prominently in the New

Zealand Institute debates. 32 The question asked is, if it is known that an event has occurred 'n' times, is it then justified to assume it will occur 'n+l' times? Proof by induction is, of course, of prime importance in mathematics, logic and rnetalogic. But equally, it validates what are commonly called the laws of nature. For example, it is known that the law of gravity has always held good, at least back to the farthest memories of recorded history, but how is it known that the law will continue to hold good in the future? This more modern formulation thus raises a very sharp question about predictive power, and as Reichenbach observed the principle of induction can be regarded in some senses as determining scientific truth. 33 In Reichenbach' s terms to say something is a law of nature is to bestow on it inductive validity. It held good in the past, had never broken down or proved false, and it would hold good in the future. In this sense proof by induction symbolically imparts temporal universality on the physical laws of science.

But the concept of scientific law based on proof by induction caused grave difficulties to those in the nineteenth century who also believed in the miraculous and supernatural assertions of

Christianity. 34 orthodox Christianity and Judaism assert as a matter of experience, in the community and individual life of the faithful, that

God influences the course of historical events. 35 This means to the

scientific mind that in the system proposed there are breaks and disruptions in the regular functioning of nature. The traditional

Christian doctrines of the incarnation and the resurrection are prime 6

examples of the supernatural invading the mundane world. 36 This did not

occasion any problems for Bacon, who could maintain a strict

distinction between the two kingdoms of faith and reason. Furthermore

it did not impede Bacon's own statement of proof by induction, 37 a

refuge and safe haven for tempest swept nineteenth century evangelicals. 38

Essentially, Bacon's method of induction involved a very

different starting point, namely, that true science does not involve

speculation at all. 39 Instead of speculating, science proceeds simply

by gathering as many facts by '"the senses and particulars"'about the

subject under investigation as is possible. 40 When all the data is

accumulated, it must then be fitted together, just as an enormous

jigsaw puzzle. When the ordering of the facts is done correctly, the underlying law or principle will become obvious. Proper ordering of the

data will admit the only possible, and thereby the one true,

explanation. 41 This alone would lead to the truth of investigations

into the natural world.

Bacon's ideas attracted considerable attention among his

contemporaries and the reaction varied from interest to scorn. 42 European formulations of the problem of induction were different, but

the way in which Bacon put the matter had a determinative effect on

British science and the philosophy of empiricism. During Bacon's lifetime his views were debated and slowly gained recognition. After I his death, his methodology achieved a high status within English science. It became a theoretical normative procedure, but since it was

hardly practical it was more honoured in the breach than the l observance. Bacon was not a scientist in any modern sense of the word. f] He seemed unaware of major scientific developments in his day, and was I notably dismissive of Kepler's advances in astronomy. 43 Apart from his formulation of the problem of induction, it may also be asked what else I made him so important for British science in the Victorian period? It was the posthumous publication of New Atlantis in 1627 which was to

: play the decisive role. In it he called for the establishment of an I academy of intellectual leaders who were to be highly versed in natural I 7 philosophy. Bacon's vision was grounded in an awareness of the potentialities generated by natural philosophy. Some thirty four years after Francis Bacon died, the Royal Society of London for Improving

Natural Knowledge was founded along the lines he suggested. 44 This, of course, soon became known as the Royal society.

In the Victorian era Bacon was thus venerated as the father of modern science, and the Royal Society regarded as the practical accomplishment of his vision. In an age when traditions were venerated,

Baconian philosophy came to a position of prime symbolic importance.

His concept of the two kingdoms is inherent in the charter of the Royal

Society.

The business of the Royal Society is - To improve the knowledge of natural things, and all useful Arts, Manufactures, Mechanick practices, Engynes and Inventions by experiments - (not meddling with Divinity, Metaphysics, Moralls, Politicks, Grammer, Rhetorick or Logick) 45

It is clear from this that theology was an unwelcome partner in the new enterprise of science. Yet that was certainly not always the case.

Al though this charter is somewhat later than John Knox's plan for training the clergy of the Scottish Church, contained in the First Book

of Discipline (1560), in one respect a comparison is rather revealing.

The First Book of Discipline specified that admission to a divinity

class was dependent on the candidate having 'sufficient testimonialls

of his time well spent in Dialectick, Mathematicks, Physicks, Ethics,

Economicks, and Politicks', as well as Hebrew and moral philosophy.46

Though it was expedient for Victorian clerics and scientists alike to

add weight by adducing Baconian principles to their arguments, the

training of the Church of England and the church of Scotland clergy

followed the breadth of The First Book of Discipline.

Turning now to the status of Newton and Newtonianism, it was

often the case that Newton's name was invoked in the same breath as

Bacon's. And, again, the Royal society assumes some symbolic

importance. In its very early years it was the intellectual meeting

ground for a number of the finest scientific minds in Great Britain and

beyond. But among its members it was sir Isaac Newton (1642-1727) who

was preeminent. Pope's famous epithet on Newton's tomb in Westminster 8

Abbey aptly sums up how his contemporaries saw him:

Nature and Nature's laws lay hid in night: God said, Let Newton be! and all was light. 47

Manuel comments that Alexander Pope may not have realised how aptly his words expressed Newton's innermost feelings about his 'relationship to

God'. 48 The publication of Newton's Philosophiae Naturalis Principia

Mathematica in 1687 marked an epoch in western intellectual history. 49

There, solved with mathematical precision, was the answer to the vexed question of how to account for the apparent motion of the planets through the zodiac. Newton's singular achievement was the concept of a

2 gravitational force, which obeyed the now familiar formula F = Gm 1m2 /r · It made mathematical sense of both Kepler's laws ( in themselves a remarkable achievement of calculation, from massive accumulations of

50 data bequeathed to him by Tycho ) and Galileo's laws. It simplified and unified, but equally made the view of the universe more sophisticated and more complex, through the process of the mathematization of physical law. 51 But in no sense did Newton confuse the mathematical abstraction with the cause of gravity. 52

on the one hand, Newton's laws spelt the final end of

Aristotelian physics. 53 In turn that meant that the preoccupation with celestial circular motion as ultimate perfection vanished from the minds of scientists. With that image gone, the medieval world picture had indeed been supplanted. 54 On the other hand, Newton's laws presupposed that the nature of the universe was such that a person could observe its workings as an independent spectator without acknowledging either his effect or his frame of reference. 55 The events leading up to the overthrow of this conception were concomitant with the rise of Darwinian evolutionary theory. 56 However, the controversy generated by Darwinism, along with the widespread, triumphant successes it enjoyed, meant that the problems of Newtonian physics, and the attempts to solve them, were hidden from view.

It is commonly acknowledged that Newton saw himself as a

scientist and as a theologian. Much more than this, though, he believed himself to be in a special and uniquely privileged relationship to God. 9

Manuel says that Newton saw his role in life as 'the vehicle' of God's

truth. 57 The introduction to the Principia showed the depth of Newton's

feelings about God. 'This Being governs all Things, not as a soul of

the World, but as Lord of the universe; and upon Account of His

Dominion, he is stiled Lord God, supreme over all.' 58 In this

confession of faith, the anti-metaphysical basis of his religion may be

observed. Newton affirmed Baconianism, with its emphasis on facts. It

is this consideration of facts in the Baconian sense, which laid the

foundation of the philosophy now called empiricism. It stands in sharp

opposition to Cartesian speculation. In the nineteenth century, exactly

this distinction between scientific fact and scientific speculation

would be pressed again and again. It is especially used by British

scientists defending the bulwarks of their own scientific orthodoxies.

one of their chief accusations against Samuel Butler, for example, is

that he did not deal with facts but indulged in speculative science. 59

However, leaving aside the distinctions of the empiricist and

rationalist schools, a rather suggestive link in the faith-science

interaction emerges from Newton's approach to scientific fact. Newton

is at one with Einstein60 in not regarding the world as magical, occult

and enchanted, never wilfully malicious or capricious. As cited above

Newton knew God was Lord of the universe and God governed according to

the regular functioning of physical law. Both he and Einstein believed

this to be the supreme theological insight which could be gleaned from

the Old Testament.

As the mechanistic view of the universe became more popular, a

universe based upon the invariant laws of nature, the theological view

grew less popular. 61 Yet it is a paradox that at the very time in the

I nineteenth century when one sees the greatest triumphs of Newtonianism at work, the quiet undercurrents that were to carry it away can also be

detected, particularly evident in the small scale mathematical debates

I of the New Zealand Institute. These will be dealt with in detail in

J subsequent chapters, but suffice it to say now that the Newtonian universe was slowly and inexorably secularized between the seventeenth

and nineteenth centuries. 62 It was cut adrift from its theological I 10 anchorage, and nature was identified 'with the realm of things which is subject to empirical enquiry', which was law-governed and unchanging. 63

Because it is a commonplace to think of secularization as a process that affects religious observance, one hesitates to ascribe the same process to the evolution of science. Yet, science was originally an enterprise where the scientific, the theological and the ethical formed a unity of knowledge. Bacon split them asunder, but did not suggest abandoning the realm of faith altogether.

It would be fair to say, however, that the Baconian distinction was used to help the process of the secularization of science. It was

a factor which also caused a glossing over of inherent difficulties in the Newtonian universe, difficulties which can be seen in retrospect.

The problems were: (a) the way forces act at a distance, and the status

of the observer in the Newtonian system; 64 (b) the inadequacy of the

foundational mathematics - there was little rigour to the method of

fluxions, and the subsequent development of the calculus was due to

Leibnitz; 65 (c) the application of the principles of a mechanistic

universe to the life sciences. By this last statement is meant that

Newtonianism sought to give teleological explanations for natural

phenomena, which Newton would have rightly insisted was the province of

theology rather than science itself. 66 Newton himself was worried about

the status of the observer but unable to resolve the issue. 67 Meanwhile

new discoveries in biological science began to flourish throughout

Europe. Geology and biology became the recognisable precursors of

today's disciplines.

The expansion of knowledge in biology and geology was rapid.

outstanding work was done by John Ray (1627-1705), a contemporary of

Newton's, in biology. 68 He produced a monumental study on plants and

their classification, General Account of Plants, in 1704. His other

careful, detailed studies on animals, insects, birds and fish had

already brought him the highest regard earlier in his life. However, it

is his constant use of natural theology which is so vital for his

system. 69 Living things had to be classified according to the nature

of their design by God, and by careful observation of the habitat in 11 which God had placed them to live. on the surface, this may appear to the twentieth century mind as an artless procedure, yet Ray's classifications formed a base of some eighteen thousand species from which much could be developed.

The late seventeenth and early eighteenth century saw a dramatic

shift away from the predominance of English science. The brightest

stars in mathematics, the physical and the life sciences, were now constellated in Europe. The list of Fellows was uninspiring, and the

contents of the Transactions of the Royal Society were marked by mediocrity, during Newton's final years as President. 70 Mathematics,

physics, and biology made rapid progress particularly in France,

Germany, and the Netherlands. Of all the sciences, the eighteenth

century was dominated by methodological advances in biology. Carl van

Linne (1707-78), the Swedish biologist known as Linnaeus, envisaged

that his binomial nomenclature for plant and animal classification would have universal application. 71 The system certainly meant a much

greater flexibility in organising facts into patterns. 72 For Linnaeus,

the 'classification, the arrangement and naming of species is

science'. 73 Like Ray, he discerned an order in nature, subtly exhibited

in biological life, which signified the divine. 74 Linnaeus achieved

international recognition and fame, but only at the price of humility. Confident that God had blessed him with reputation and good fortune

through his scientific endeavour, he did not allow any challenges to

his conception of the biological sciences. collecting and classifying

allowed no room for the introduction of knotty philosophical or

theological problems. Instead, Linnaeus' system was the perfect

biological adjunct to Newton's laws of physics. Raven argues that

Linnaeus abandoned the real quest of biological inquiry - the

significance and meaning of life. In effect the Swedish biologist 'was

to hand over the intellectual development of the scientific movement to

the mathematicians and mechanists' . 75

In addition to Linnaeus, the French biologists Buffon, Lamarck,

Geoffroy saint-Hilaire and Cuvier contributed enormously to the

advancement of biology at the Academie des sciences in Paris during the 12

latter stages of the eighteenth century. The first two provided pivotal

influences in Samuel Butler's thought. Georges Leclerc, the Comte de

Buffon (1707-88), was wealthy, successful and learned, the chief

contributor to the most definitive work in the life sciences to that

date. 76 Natural History, General and Particular, thirty six volumes

long, was of great importance to the scientific community. Buff on

differed sharply from Ray and Linnaeus in regard to the fixity of

species. Whereas they had argued for the perfection of that which God

had created, Buffon argued from the fossil record that species changed

over the course of time. 77 Furthermore, from redundant organs found in

animal species he concluded that the species had undergone change for

particular reasons. Buffon rejected the notion of Christian teleology,

that is to say, he did not believe that everything in an organism

played a vital role according to God's purposeful design for it.

Jean-Baptiste de Monet, chevalier de Lamarck (1744-1829) whose u ! tragic life was, in most respects, the opposite of Buffon's, 78 played l a singular role in the development of evolutionary theory. Although he Ii ! received some recognition in his own lifetime, it was through Darwin l and through Samuel Butler that due attention began to be paid to his l evolutionary theories among English-speaking scientists. 79 Lamarck I began his scientific career by establishing his abilities at classification. This included a new step which distinguished between I vertebrates and invertebrates. 80 Later on he revised his former ideas I with the bold and innovative concept of abandoning the notion of discrete categories of classification altogether. 81 He had become

I convinced that species evolved in patterns of continuous change.

Division and classification, while bestowing certain methodological

benefits, equally clouded the reality of continuity among life forms.

The Lamarckian mechanism for change in species was elegant and appeared

to cover a wide variety of facts. He proposed that the use or disuse of

certain organs was accelerated by environmental changes. A change in

living conditions would necessitate the use of a particular organ, i I i strengthening it at the expense of a different organ. Positive changes I would be passed on to the offspring. The giraffe's long neck, for I I 13

example, is easily explained in Lamarckian terms. In order to feed on

the leaves of trees, when other vegetation was in short supply, the

giraffes were forced to constantly stretch upwards. This habit caused

the progressive strengthening and lengthening of the neck, this

characteristic being passed on to the next generation. Lamarckian

evolution thus depended on a theory of habit, which was subsequently

acquired by the offspring. In retrospect it seems that biology and geology had to be the

branches of science that most directly attacked the Biblical I affirmations of creation and the nature of the Creator. After all, l Genesis chapter one had been commonly understood to be an accurate l j account of the order of creation from chaos to order and life. The j l I stories contained in Genesis chapters two to four dealt with the moral order established by God which was broken in the Garden of Eden, and,

Ij chapters five to twelve with the consequences of the disruption to it. l orthodox theology from the time of Augustine revolved around the themes of creation, sin, fall and redemption. 82 Attack on any one part of this I' complex and densely packed theological system was bound to result in I the rest of it coming under pressure. l As it happened, the state of geological knowledge progressed quickly to the extent that it was the focal point of confrontation with l the Biblical account during the early part of the nineteenth century.

In the early part of the seventeenth century biologists were

increasingly interested in the study of fossils and the rocks they were

encased in. The questions new findings aroused went to the heart of the

matter. Why was the Earth structured the way it was? How old was it?

Descartes had conjectured that the Earth was once molten and incandescent, like the sun, but over a very lengthy period had cooled

down. This indirectly challenged the time scale offered by the

chronology of the book of Genesis. However, orthodox theologians

started from the record of what the Bible revealed, constructing

scientific theories upon that base. For example, Archbishop James

ussher (1581-1656) dated the chronology of creation according to the

internal evidences of the Pentateuch, that is, the first five books of 14 / the Hebrew scriptures. Today his date of the creation, Saturday,

October 22, 4004 BC, at 8.00 pm, is often treated scornfully, 83 although within the context of its time the method was endowed with validity. 84 The book of nature and the book of revelation could not be in discord, in ussher's view.

In spite of Us sher' s pronouncement, which, incidentally, was printed in the Authorized Version of the Bible after 1701, 85 the palaeontological evidence began to indicate a time scale vastly different from the Biblical six days. some were persuaded to accept Ussher's chronology for the creation of the human race on Biblical and theological grounds, but suggested that the earth's crust was very much older. By the late eighteenth century the estimates of the age of the earth were well in excess of a million years. 86 Biblical inerrancy was thus threatened not only by biology presenting an alternative creation

account for life itself, but also the fossil record, the evidence of the rocks, an alternative geological account for the earth's physical

development. coupled with the theories of changes in species which

Buffon, Lamarck and Erasmus Darwin had promulgated, the Biblical

revelation, whilst not under immediate threat, was increasingly placed

under critical scrutiny. However, theological interpretation of the

record of nature and the argument from design were, in some respects, able to answer some of the queries.

What, then, is natural theology and why did it assume such

importance, particularly in geology and biology? The definition and

scope of natural theology has changed greatly over the two thousand

years since the term was first used, but its essential thesis in the

nineteenth century was that there is an adequate theology which can be

predicated upon human reason apart from revelation. 87 In fact, this

particular interpretation has remained relatively constant across many

centuries . 88 It is through reason that nature and its facts are

interpreted. Leaving aside the highly important medieval formulations

of Anselm and Aquinas, the later development of natural theology

received a great impetus around the time of Newton. 89 There was a

'sustained use of science to justify the claims of Christianity' for 15 more than two centuries. 90 According to Raven, John Ray may be said to be the father of natural history, his book The Wisdom of God In The

Works Of creation (1691) being determinative in the theological interpretation of nature until Darwin. 91 William Paley's (1743-1805)

Natural Theology, or, Evidences of the Existence and Attributes of the

Deity, collected from the Appearances of Nature, 92 first published in

1802, almost immediately established itself as a standard reference on natural theology at oxford, but its popularity in the university is open to question. 93 However, Paley's work did become a cornerstone for nineteenth evangelicalism. 94 Natural theology differed from Biblical revelation, although the Bible certainly bears witness to reasoning from nature to the Creator of nature, not just in Genesis, but also in both the Gospels and Paul's writings. 95 Deeply embedded in the theology of nature espoused by Ray and Paley is the concept of providence.

Paley's inventive opening argument about an observer finding a watch while crossing a heath, and investigating its function only to be drawn on further to wonder about its purpose, is widely regarded as the classic statement of nature's teleology pointing towards the existence of God. A large part of Paley's theological material focused on the nature of providence, or the goodness of the deity, as he put it. Yet he drew a very sharp distinction between the conclusions natural theology might draw from a proper study of nature, and the content of the Christian revelation. 96 It was the latter which heralded the news of the 'dispensation', by which he meant salvation.

That part of mankind which never heard of Christ's name, may nevertheless be redeemed; that is, be placed in a better condition, with respect to their future state, by his intervention, may be the objects of his benignity and intercession, as well as the propitiatory virtue of his passion. But this is not "natural theology;" therefore I will not dwell longer upon it. 97

The problem of universal salvation was a particularly thorny problem when arguing for the benevolence of nature. The spiritual condition of west Indian slaves, or the savage races of the world, who were ignorant

of the Christian faith, worried Paley. If nature itself proved to have

a godly purpose in spite of its apparent cruelties, then so too might

the miserable lot of the unfortunates of the human race. He argued that 16

what could save them was their moral quality, by which they might

imitate Christ even if they did not know of him. 98

Paley plotted much of the direction of natural theology for the

nineteenth century. He found in the biological sciences evidences of

intelligent design by a creator. He was less impressed by astronomical

evidence, and though he called the works of the heavens 'the grandest'

of the creator, he declared it was 'not the best medium to prove the

agency' of God. 99 The clear distinction between revealed Christianity

and natural theology, between the operations of morality and salvation,

was to set the theological tone for much of the nineteenth century. The

term natural theology, during the period when modern science developed,

generally signified a way of arguing towards the existence of God, and

the goodness of God. Paley's Evidences brought natural theology to its I fullest development in this period. I I Despite Paley's efforts, the Biblical evidence for the Deluge and I Noah's Ark was unable to withstand the challenge of geology. James il .I Hutton (1726-1797), a man steeped in the traditions of the Scottish I l enlightenment, laid the foundations for modern geology, and with his l pupil John Playfair, published Theory of the Earth in 1785. This was l subsequently matched by other textbooks talking of the long ages since I the creation. Raven sums up the position by 1815 when William smith l published the complete Geological Map of England and Wales with Part of l Scotland: ... (T)he obvious evidence for the antiquity of the earth and the evolution of life throughout the ages made the naive beliefs of Linnaeus and the historicity of the creation stories in Genesis difficult for honest men to maintain. 100

Raven is correct, yet he does not quite get to the heart of the

historical problem. This is because the issue was not really about the

historicity of Genesis alone, but rather how the Biblical stories could

be preserved alongside the geological findings. Literal belief in the

Bible for the scientifically educated was impossible, but so too was

literal belief in any one theory of geology.

After all, geology and geologists were very much a house divided.

Hutton had developed the very useful concept of geological 17 uniformitarianism, by which he could explain the features of the earth in terms of present processes. This led to the school of gradualists, who maintained that the fossil record showed slowly modifying species, and that rock and crust formations were the result of local erosions and depositions. Catastrophists looked at the same evidence and constructed a past for the Earth that involved a series of worldwide devastations. The fossil record plainly indicated that entire species had inhabited various portions of the Earth and had been wiped out. The distribution of the fossils indicated large scale earth movements. This made reconciliation with the Deluge not merely easy but fundamentally honest, in the minds of some believers. It was but one of a series of catastrophes, each of which virtually wiped out all species living at the time. Cuvier argued that enough life survived to repopulate the

Earth, while other catastrophists believed that all life was destroyed at each disaster, necessitating nothing less than God's re-creation of all life in the next geological period.

Charles Lyell ( 1797-1875) is representative of the uniformitarian school of geologists, whose very deep Christian faith and love for the scriptures in no way blinded him to where the truth of science might lead. The Principles of Geology published from 1830-33, ran to twelve editions, and exerted enormous influence on both the course of science and the faith-science interaction. Lyell coined the word evolution as a scientific description. It expressed well the nexus of tides of thought in geology, palaeontology, astronomy, and biology. Lyell's science, which had its origins in Christian faith, was, like Newton's, torn from its context.

obviously Lyell did not defend a literal interpretation of

Genesis. Those scientists and philosophers who wanted to use science to attack religious authority, did insist on certain literal interpretations. By so doing they hoped to show how backward religious beliefs were. of course, there always have been a variety of methodological approaches to the Bible. Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-

1834) was well able to put the reverse case and ask the scientific community whether it was reading the book of nature too literally, 18 without the perspective of the human heart, which was essentially religious. From Kepler to Newton and onward ' .•. the subtlest mysteries of life and organization, and even of the intellect and moral being, were conjured within the magic circle of mathematical formulae'. 101

Coleridge lamented the approach that could treat the human body as if it were merely 'an hydraulic machine' . 102 somehow it was the fact of life itself, the grand miracle, as many later Victorians referred to it, which Coleridge saw as the mystery that Newtonian mechanism could not explain away or reduce to mathematical description. 'To account for

Life is one thing; to explain Life another.' Explanations of the origin of the planets, even the evolution of life itself might be accounted for by science, but the account of Life admitted but one answer to

Coleridge, God. 103 Thus, the poetic heart protested but seemingly to little avail.

The march of Newtonianism meant increasing agnosticism and atheism. New ways to explain and defend the Christian faith were needed. In 1829 the Earl of Bridgewater 'bequeathed to the President of the Royal society a large sum of money on condition that he selected scholars capable of covering the whole field of science and of proving that its findings' upheld the tenets of the Christian faith. 104 Of all the essayists in the Bridgewater Treatises, Williamwhewell (1794-1866) wrote most convincingly from a mathematical and theological perspective on both the limitations as well as the potentialities of natural theology. 105 In recent years more attention has been paid to this imaginative thinker, and prolific inventor of words to fit scientific

situations. Among the words with which he enriched the general and

scientific vocabulary are scientist, physicist, ion, anode, cathode, eocene, miocene, pliocene, catastrophist, uniformitarian,

palaeontology, and biometry. 'This is not insignificant: it

demonstrates his profound involvement at the forefront of many

different sciences. 1106 Thomas Chalmers similarly strove to make the

distinction between the universality of Christian revelation and the more limited role of natural theology. 107 Dillenberger writes that the

Bridgewater Treatises were widely ridiculed. In hindsight, Whewell and 19

Chalmers did not deserve it, for their scientific insights were not at fault. 108 Indeed, Whewell's is the one work in the series which was quite outstanding. Astronomy And General Physics Considered with

Reference To Natural Theology, published 1833, is a classic statement of the dilemmas inherent in the faith-science interaction. As had become customary, Bacon and Newton were held up as the true heroes of

English science. Again, this science was inductive, rather than metaphysical speculation or the merely derivative conclusions of deduction. 109 on the other hand, Paley's natural theology was treated with some reserve, particularly in regard to the biological sciences.

After all, pictures of stark cruelty abound in nature, a fact which could easily argue against a benevolent Creator. It presented the

Victorians with a dilemma. Yet this was not the only dichotomy of the faith-science debate they had to consider. cannon has argued that the early Victorian period was the time when science became a norm of truth. There cannot, as Victorians were fond of saying, be two truths, and the norm by which proposed truths were judged was, explicitly or often implicity, the norm of natural science. 110 There are obvious fields of application for her comment, but the matter was by no means cut and dried. Indeed, it was not only poets who objected to the elevation of science, but many scientists who believed the truth of Christianity far outshone the truths of their discipline. But the growing sense of normative science was fuelled by the proliferation of scientific institutions. The growth of scientific institutions had some bearing on the faith-science interaction in general terms, and certainly in New

Zealand through the national Institute. The forerunners of the prestigious scientific institutions of the nineteenth century helped mould the kind of scientific society which was well suited to the colonial situation. From Newton's death until almost the turn of the century there were some seventy public scientific societies in Great

Britain, and forty private clubs. 111 The early part of the eighteenth century did not see a high standard in British science, but matters 20 were to change with increasing industrialisation. The Royal Society had diminished in importance as other kinds of groups emerged, particularly specialist societies. one of the most influential, The Lunar Society of

Birmingham, operated simply as an informal club, kept no minutes or written records bar a few letters, and did not refer to itself publicly. 112 It met to discuss science, and given the diversity of theological opinion among its members, the confluence of ideas was highly stimulating. Erasmus Darwin was one of the most famous members.

After his second marriage, he moved away from the area, but continued actively debating issues of science and its religious consequences. His great books The Botanic Garden and Zoonomia were anathema to the

Anglican divine William Paley whose work was directed at Erasmus

Darwin. Paley's natural theology was widely quoted, 113 but it, in turn, was to become the target of Charles Darwin's The Origin of Species. 114

The Junta club, established by Benjamin Franklin in Boston around the seventeen forties, functioned in the same way as The Lunar Society, although it predated it by some twenty years. In fact, Franklin's visit to Birmingham in 1758 provided a great deal of stimulus to the Lunar members. 115 The Junta club had a written constitution which aimed at the promotion of science free from all distinctions of class, race or money. It was egalitarian in spirit, due in part to Franklin. Given the political unrest, and the links to Franklin, it is little wonder that the Lunar Society in England was looked on with suspicion. The neutrality of science was thus called into question by those who feared its revolutionary effects. 116 This pattern of hostility was repeated some eighty years later, by Christians who resisted the findings of the new geology and biology.

By 1831 pressure had built up for a new kind of association for the sharing of matters of science. The rise of science, technology and industry had paradoxically resulted in the institution of the Royal

Society no longer fulfilling the kind of role originally envisaged. A new kind of organisation was needed for the promulgation of scientific knowledge. The British Association for the Advancement of science was duly formed and 'quickly assumed a central role in early Victorian 21

culture' . 117 some immediately saw its potential, whilst to others it was an object to fear or to ridicule. Because many of its leaders were

Anglican divines with latitudinarian or unitarian tendencies, the

Anglo-catholic reaction especially was one of suspicion. Hostility was

evident from the High church wing, and tensions increased markedly from

the inception of the British Association until it reached the point of

'abusive denunciations by the mid 1830's. ' 118 Charles Dickens wrote of

the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1837 calling

it "The Mudfog Association for the Advancement of Everything" and Punch

improved upon that with the 'British Association for the Advancement of

Everything in General and Nothing in Particular'. The satirists

laughed, but the Church feared the growth of institutional science, and

with good reason. The new movements in biology, geology and astronomy

appeared to undermine foundational Biblical principles. The changes in

scientific knowledge were to have far reaching consequences.

After Lyell's Principles of Geology was published there was only

one work of any historical significance published on geological and

biological evolution before Darwin's The origin of Species. It achieved

fame for reasons other than scientific excellence. Robert chambers was

an amateur scientist, and an entrepreneur by nature. In 1845 he

published anonymously Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation.

Anticipating Darwin, it tried to explain the antiquity of Earth, and

account for the development of life. Its reception was less than

favourable, the scientific community thinking it bad science. T.H.

Huxley read it and was so unimpressed that for the next ten years he

set his mind against any theory of evolution. The Vestiges was written

as a popular work, and though Darwin later deplored the writer's

ignorance, he conceded that it might have done some good preparing the

ground for a general acceptance of evolution by the public. 119 He need

not have been so magnanimous - whether it was the evolution of stellar

systems or the earth's crust or biological evolution, the concepts had

been slowly gathering momentum during the previous one hundred and

fifty years, and the time was ripe for a major change of scientific

paradigm. In spite of professional ridicule, Chambers went on to 22 publish dictionaries and encyclopedias, but did not admit to authorship of the Vestiges, which in spite of its slating by the professionals, was reprinted ten times, selling almost twenty four thousand copies. 120

The modern period of scientific development may be said to begin in 1859 with the publication of Charles Darwin's (1809-1882) The origin of Species. It was not quite the book he wanted, but the near simultaneous discovery by Alfred Russel Wallace of the evolutionary mechanism of natural selection forced Darwin's hand. 121 Although he rushed to publish ahead of Wallace, the ideas had been forming over the previous twenty two years. Darwin's theory began to take some shape during the long voyage of H.M.S. Beagle, which set out in 1831. 122 of course, Darwin's family background meant that the notion of evolution, as well as the social consequences of applied science, formed an integral part of his early education. 123 With Erasmus Darwin and Josiah

Wedgwood as grandparents, and his father also interested in biological science, it might have been expected that he would have had some inclination towards the issues. Darwin's father believed otherwise, and thought Charles rather lazy. 124 After a disastrous start in medicine at Edinburgh, Charles was encouraged by his father to consider entering the church. 125 While studying at st. John's college, he retained the family interest in horses and animal breeding, which gave him a solid, practical understanding of variation of species under domestication. 126

Moreover, his interest in natural history was stimulated by a sympathetic teacher, 127 and when an opportunity arose in 1831 to become professionally involved with science he chose it, rather than the theological life. He had independent means, and could therefore accept the unpaid position of naturalist on the Beagle.

The voyage of the Beagle was originally planned as a two year maritime survey for the British Navy but ended taking five years, 128 by which time Darwin had collected a wealth of data. He took Lyell's

Principles of Geology which he used to determine the geology of the places he visited and which formed an important basis for his thinking about evolution. As the Beagle travelled down the South American coast,

Darwin was struck by the fact that animals of the same species changed 23 little in form over short distances. This indicated an original distribution of the particular species which had adapted to local conditions, and argued against special creations of each variation. 129 one could describe this as spatial variation in one time frame. Darwin also observed in the fossil record that there were strong similarities between certain extinct animals and some living species. The ancient glyptodon seemed to have been a giant version of the modern armadillo.

Once again this indicated a single original type of animal which was gradually modified over a long period of time. This is time variation in a single spatial reference. 1m

When the Beagle reached the Galapagos Islands, some 900 kilometres west of Ecuador, Darwin found sufficient evidence to suggest that the concept of special acts of creation for each species was an unconvincing hypothesis. The islands of the archipelago are not widely separated, being some seventy kilometres apart at the most. They are climatically the same. To living things they present much the same environment. The flora and fauna of each island are distinct yet similar. Darwin observed fourteen distinct species of finches. 131 They were similar to one another and to mainland species, yet each was uniquely different, adapted to its own particular environment.

Primarily he saw that beak size and shape varied to match the kind of food supply on each island. 132 There were seed eating finches with large beaks, that lived on the ground, through to tree dwelling finches, with long beaks suited to eating insects. Along with the variations among many other life forms, the evidence of the finches suggested gradual variation of species in the same time frame and spatial location. Thus, the idea of special creations for each individual species seemed totally untenable, as did geological theories of catastrophism, an interpretation Darwin was to make explicit in The origin of species. 133 Gradual evolution from conunon forms suggested itself as a more likely possibility.

Darwin observed much about humanity as well. 134 He began the voyage of the Beagle as a comfortable, if not fervent, Christian believer. 135 But his contact with Hindus opened his eyes to other 24 ancient cultures and civilizations. His time with the primitive people of Tierra del Fuega showed an absence of civilization that frightened him. The inhabitants lived a wretched and unhappy existence. They were anything but the noble savages of Rousseau's imagination. His honest theological reaction to the facts, no matter which way he assembled them later on, was that life on earth was not the result of the special creation of a loving God. Darwin was always careful to hide his agnosticism (sometimes atheism) from public view, wishing to spare his wife's faith. 136 The problem he faced was: what could explain the myriad life forms on earth, if the Christian doctrines of creation and providence were now untenable?

When on board H.M.S. 'Beagle', as a naturalist, I was much struck with certain facts in the distribution of the organic beings inhabiting South America, and in the geological relations of the present to the past inhabitants of that continent. These facts, as will be seen in the latter chapters of this volume, seemed to throw some light on the origin of species - that mystery of mysteries, as it has been called by one of our greatest philosophers. On my return home, it occurred to me, in 1837, that something might perhaps be made out on this question by patiently accumulating and reflecting on all sorts of facts which could possibly have any bearing on it. 137

Thus, Darwin returned to England seeking the mechanism of evolution, but he did not find it until 1838. He was rereading Thomas Malthus's

Essay on Population. Malthus (1766-1834), an English clergyman with an

interest in economics, thought that the enlightenment belief in

unbridled optimism about the future, did not square with the harsh realities of the struggle for the necessities of life. 138 The food

supply can only increase arithmetically, whereas the human population

follows the curve of geometric growth. what limits vast increases in

population are disease, and lack of food, both of which entail wide­

spread human suffering.

Whilst turning over these ideas, Darwin saw that under Malthusian

conditions, favourable variations among a species would be more likely

to be preserved, but unfavourable variations would be more likely to

die. 139 This can be illustrated by returning to the Lamarckian

explanation of how giraffes came to have long necks. Recast in

Darwinian terms the mechanism of evolution takes on a quite different

complexion. 140 Assuming a distribution of varying neck lengths among 25 the population of antiquity (like the glyptodon-armadillo modification), the favoured variation in terms of foraging for food had longer necks. These ones monopolised the food supply, and therefore increased more rapidly, and the next generation inherited the parents' characteristics. In effect, nature selected. Regrettably, when Darwin coined the term natural selection it was widely misunderstood. 141 He meant selection in the sense of being successful in the competition of life but much confusion arose over the use of terms. 142 The Darwinian principle of natural selection was meant to convey the concept of an independent law which operated in nature, much the same as the law of gravity.

Darwin had written a short paper in 1842 outlining his theory of natural selection, but was very reluctant to publish on a larger scale. 143 After a further lengthy period of gestation, during which the hypothesis was developed in relation to his huge assembly of facts,

Darwin was finally forced into writing and publishing by Wallace's discovery of the same mechanism. only after Wallace had read a paper to the Royal Society in 1858 did Darwin realise he was procrastinating. 144

Had Wallace beaten Darwin to the press in publishing an authoritative work, Darwin's work was so well known among his circle of scientific friends, that he would have shared the honour in any event. It is an interesting coincidence that Wallace also claimed that the principle of natural selection had occurred to him whilst reading Essay on

Population. 146

In the light of what has been said about the history of modern science, by no means could evolution be understood as a new concept on the eve of the publication of The origin of Species. However, religious tradition certainly ensured that the great majority accepted a more conservative, Biblically based explanation of the origin of life. The fixity of the species was widely held to be true, because it appeared to be in harmony with the Old Testament. Nevertheless, evolution was an idea moving with some speed around the scientific community, securing

The origin Of Species an immediate scientific success. Darwin was surprised that his work should exceed all expectations so quickly and 26 he was psychologically caught off balance by it. He had already retired

to the country some seventeen years previously, for the sake of his

health. Unfortunately this never improved, and coupled with an extreme

dislike of publicity, he appeared distant and reclusive. Thus, a

champion was needed for publicising Darwin's work. The mantle descended

on Thomas Henry Huxley (1825-1895) who earned himself the epithet 'the

British bulldog of science'. Huxley was converted to the evolutionary

perspective on reading The origin of species. 146 He also reassessed

what effect evolution by natural selection might have on faith and

Biblical interpretation. It is beyond the scope of this thesis to

follow the already well-documented path of Darwin's and Huxley's lives,

but suffice it to say that while Darwin moved slowly from Christianity

to agnosticism and atheism during his life, Huxley was unable to

abandon finally the concept of a deity.

Among the faithful the reception of The origin of Species was

mixed. However, from a commercial point of view it was an outstanding

success. The first edition sold out on the day of publication. But by

Darwin's own standards he failed. Huxley was converted immediately,

Hooker soon, but not Lyell. Darwin had chosen them as representative of

the spread of scientific opinion, and the disappointment over Lyell's

rejection of the theory hurt him immensely. Although the geologist did

later swing towards a greater degree of acceptance of Darwinism, the

mechanism of natural selection for the evolutionary process was not

convincing to all straight away.

When you remember what a revolution this was in men's thinking, and how theoretical much of the construction was and remained, it is extraordinary that it took Europe only about forty years to accept it. 147

Yet even if the vast majority were against it to start with, the time

was ripe for Darwin's work. It could not be ignored, even though some

would have preferred it so. One elderly clergyman said to his son 'I

cannot conceive how a book can be written on the subject. we know all

there is to be known about it. God created the plants and animals and

man out of the ground'. 148

By June 1860 Darwin's theory had moved beyond the bounds of the 27 small, select, scientific circles who discussed such matters. At the annual meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of science held at oxford that year, a debate was arranged on the subject of evolution. The audience was over seven hundred strong. John William

Draper (1811-1882) an American scientist, was arranged to speak first on 'The Intellectual Development of Europe, with reference to the views of Mr. Darwin'. Apparently he was not an arresting speaker, and 'droned on for more than an hour in a crowded stuffy room and thereby postponed the main event of the day' . 149 Afterwards Hooker referred to him as that 'yankee donkey', an appellation perhaps deserved in those circumstances, but not beyond them. Draper in fact was a scientist of note. Among his achievements, he was the first person to apply photographic techniques to astronomy. He produced the first telescopic pictures of the moon somewhere between 1840-2, and sent copies to Sir

John Herschel, hoping for publication in the Transactions and

Proceedings of the Royal Society. 150 He also took the first photograph of a diffraction spectrum. Nevertheless, his reputation in New Zealand in the eighteen seventies was marred to some extent for reasons other than the Wilberforce-Huxley debate. These will be examined in chapter five.

When the main entertainment arrived it was less than edifying.

Huxley's opponent was Bishop Samuel Wilberforce, who made an absurd appeal to Victorian feelings about the status of women. Chadwick interprets Wilberforce thus: 'Even if it be supposed that we males are descended from apes, is it conceivable of woman with all her tenderness? 1151 Wilberforce then confronted Huxley directly with the question whether he traced his descent from a monkey through his grandfather or grandmother's line. It was a shabby attempt at mockery,

and Huxley felt that his enemy had been delivered into his hands.

According to his own recollection of the events he rose and said,

If ... the question is put to me, would I rather have a miserable ape for a grandfather or a man highly endowed by nature and possessed of great means of influence and yet who employs these faculties and that influence for the mere purpose of introducing ridicule into a grave scientific discussion - I unhesitatingly affirm my preference for the ape. 152 28

There followed 'inextinguishable laughter' among the audience. Huxley had won the day. In spite of Wilberforce's appeal that evolution was contrary to the word of God, in spite of Captain FitzRoy's protestations, holding a Bible above his head and asking the audience to believe God not man, 153 in spite of a few ladies swooning at

Huxley's reply, the majority were persuaded Darwin's theory had to be taken seriously. This incident has been the subject of intense inquiry, and various attempts have been made to restore some kind of credibility to Wilberforce. Irrespective of any rehabilitation of the Bishop, one fact is certain. Huxley's victory was symbolic of a certain loss of credibility for the Church and for theology as it entered the period of the Darwinian controversies. In no uncertain terms he had ordered them out of the arena of professional scientific discussion until such time as the divines could argue on those terms. 154

The theological implications of Darwinism were, however, not to be dismissed so lightly. This is clearly illustrated by the debate which took place in New Zealand both prior to the publication of The origin of Species, and afterwards. The missionaries, scientists, and settlers who came during the eighteen thirties to eighteen sixties brought into their new colonial life the scientific and theological debates outlined above. 29

1. Alfred Russel Wallace, The Wonderful Century, Its Successes And Failures, London, swan sonnenschein & co.; New York, Dodd, Mead, & co., 1901, p. v.

2. ibid, p. v.

3. Alfred N. Whitehead, Science And The Modern World, Lowell Lectures 1925, New York, The MacMillan company, 1926, reprinted Glasgow, Fontana Books, 1975, p. 120.

4. Frank M. Turner, Between Science And Religion: The Reaction To scientific Naturalism In Late Victorian England, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1974, pp. 84-103.

5. A.N. whitehead, science, p. 275. Interestingly, Russell also arrived at the same conclusion, cited by C.A. Coulson, science And Christian Belief, London, Glasgow, Collins, Fontana Books, 1962, pp. 136-7.

6. Carl Jung noted that Wallace, Sidgwick and Myers faced such prejudice and 'cheap derision', cited by F. Turner, Between Science And Religion, p. 102.

7. H. Festing Jones (Ed.), The Notebooks Of Samuel Butler, London, The Hogarth Press, , 1985, p. 36.

8. James R. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies, A study of Protestant Struggle To Corne To Terms With Darwinism In Great Britain And America 1870-1900, Cambridge, London, New York, Melbourne, Cambridge University Press, 1979, argues strongly that the 'military metaphor' as the primary way of viewing the conflicts needs to be abandoned. similarly, David N. Livingstone, Darwin's Forgotten Defenders, The Encounter Between Evangelical Theology And Evolutionary Thought, Grand Rapids, William B. Eerdrnans Publishing co., and Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987, who argues that the 'conflict model is a particularly crude tool' for assessing the historical faith­ science interaction (p. 2). cf. John stapylton Habgood, 'The uneasy Truce Between science And Theology', in A.R. Vidler (Ed.), soundings, Essays Concerning Christian Understanding, Cambridge, At The University Press, 1964, pp. 21-3.

9. c.w. Richmond, 'The Modern Aspect Of Natural Theology', TPNZI, Vol. 1, p. 284.

10. ibid, p. 284.

11. New Zealand Wesleyan, 2 June 1873, p. 83.

12. otago Witness, 3 January 1852. Reprint of an article by Scotland's Hugh Miller.

13. D. Livingstone, Darwin's Forgotten Defenders, p. 187.

14. Herbert Hovenkamp, Science And Religion In America 1800-1860, united states of America, university of Pennsylvania Press, 1978, pp. 19-36.

15. S.T. Nevill, 'Presidential Address', TPNZI, Vol. 10, p. 563.

16. S.T. Nevill, The word Written And The Word Wrought: An Eireniconic comparison, Christchurch, Smith, Anthony, Sellars & Co., 1891, p. 2. 30

17. A.B. Suter, Address Of The Right Rev. A.B. Suter, Bishop Of Nelson, To The Clergy And Lay Representatives of The Twelfth Synod of The Diocese of Nelson, of st. Andrew's Day, November 30, 1869, Nelson, c. Eliot, 1869, p. 20.

18. James MacGregor, Regarding Evolution, The Previous Question Of science, Dunedin, James Horsburgh,; oamaru, Andrew Fraser, undated, p. 7.

19. New Zealand Wesleyan, 2 June 1873, p. 83.

20. H. Hovenkamp, Science And Religion, p. ix.

21. Bertrand Russell, History of Western Philosophy And Its Connection with Political And Social circumstances From The Earliest Times To The Present Day, London, George Allen & unwin, second edition, seventh impression, p. 526.

22. H. Butterfield, The origins of Modern science 1300-1800, London, G. Bell And Sons, 1951, p. 1. Bacon's The Advancement Of Learning is illustrative of this process of a medieval mind transposing facts thereby creating a new vision for society.

23. B. Russell, History, p. 527.

24. H. Hovenkamp, Science And Religion, pp. 27-36.

25. D. Livingstone, Darwin's Forgotten Defenders, p. 93.

26. J. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies, p. 204.

27. c.w. Richmond, 'The Modern Aspect', TPNZI, pp. 296-7.

28. see A.C. Crombie, Augustine To Galileo,·volume II, science In The Later Middle Ages And Early Modern Times 13-17th Century, Middlesex, Penguin Books, second revised edition, 1969, for Ockham's formulation of the logic of induction. Cf. Wesley c. Salmon, The Foundations of scientific Inference united states of America, university of Pittsburgh Press, 1971, pp. 5-10; Nelson Goodman, Fact, Fiction and Forecast, Indianapolis, New York, The Bobbs-Merrill company, second edition, pp. 1965, pp. 59-65 for statements and analysis of the problem of induction as it pertained through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

29. Stanley L. Jaki, Angels, Apes & Men, Illinois, Sherwood, Sugden & co., 1983, pp. 23-4, produces some major criticisms of Hume's weak grasp of the mathematics underlying Newton's Principia. Along with Kant, Hume wanted to make a reputation from science, but did so by writing about it rather than doing it.

30. w. Salmon, Foundations, p. 5.

31. J.R. Moore, The Post-Darwinian controversies, p. 194.

32. R. Kidd, 'Induction And Necessary Truth', TPNZI, Vol. 7, p. xxxix. In fact, with this addition, Kidd's description of the historic development of the problem of induction is identical to that of Moore's.

33. cited in Karl L. Popper, The Logic of scientific Discovery, London, Hutchins, sixth revised impression, 1972, p. 28.

34. H. Hovenkamp, Science And Religion, pp. 35-6.

~ 31

35. Bernhard w. Anderson, The Living world of The old Testament, third edition, London, The Longman Group, 1975, pp. 2f.

36. w. Pollard, Transcendence And Providence, p. 188-91.

37. obviously the problem of induction asserts itself in any event, irrespective of Bacon's formulation. It is of singular importance in the philosophy of science generally, but the nature of nineteenth century biology and geology conformed well to Baconian principles. For a completely contrary point of view about the significance of Bacon and the relevance today of the problem of induction see Iain Paul, Science, Theology and Einstein, Oxford, New York, oxford University Press, 1982, pp. 14-5.

38. H. Hovenkamp, Science And Religion, p. 27.

39. H. Hovenkamp, Science And Religion, p. 23.

40. Francis Bacon quoted by Wesley c. Salmon, The Foundations Of scientific Inference, United States Of America, University of Pittsburgh Press, p. 2.

41. B. Russell, History, p. 528.

42. ibid, pp. 528-9.

43. ibid, pp. 527-9.

44. A. Crombie Augustine To Galileo, pp. 297-8.

45. cited by M. Crosland (Ed.), The Emergence of science in Western Europe, London, MacMillan and co., 1975, p. 60.

46. Stewart Mechie, 'Education For The Ministry In Scotland since The Reformation', Records of the Scottish church History Society, Vol. XIV, Part II, 1961, p 116. cited by B.J. Michell, M.Th. thesis, 'The Development of Practical Training For The Ministry In New Zealand', 1976. Michell was only concerned to demonstrate the Presbyterian tradition of a learned ministry and did not explore what was meant by the use of such terms as 'dialectick' or 'physicks' in 1560.

47. Bonamy Dobree (Ed.) Alexander Pope, collected Poems, London, Dent; New York, Dutton, 1975, p. 122. Although this captures the spirit of the admiration felt for Newton, Pope's Essay on Man is of much greater significance for understanding the theological implications of Deist rather than Trinitarian belief. Pope, like Newton, rejected the Trinity. Norma Emerton, in 'The Argument From Design' in science & Christian Belief, Vol. 1, no. 2, p. 143 cites the Essay On Man thus: 'The First Almighty cause/Acts not by partial but by general laws', to illustrate Pope's deism. Within a few years of the publication of the theory of special relativity, John Collings squire coined an elegant rejoinder to Pope: It did not last; the Devil howling Ho! Said Let Einstein be and restored the status quo.

48. F. Manuel, The Religion of Isaac Newton, oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1974, p. 20. Pope might have understood Newton's psychology better than Manuel realises. cf. with Dobree's introductory comments on Pope, Alexander Pope.

49. Colin A. Russell, cross-currents, Interactions Between science And Faith, Leicester, Inter-Varsity Press, 1985, p. 88.

50. A. Crombie, Augustine To Galileo, Vol. 2, p. 187. 32

51. Mathematization and elegance are crucial determinants in the acceptance of a scientific law. see, for example, C.A. Coulson, science And Christian Belief, London & Glasgow, Fontana Books, 1962, p. 78, who writes that the conviction of simplicity lies at the heart of the scientific method. Yet the simplicity referred to cannot and does not mean ease of understanding. on the contrary, it refers to the power of the mathematical description to cover more and more phenomena.

52. cited by c. Richmond, 'The Modern Aspect', TPNZI, Vol. 2, p. 286.

53. A. Russell, cross-currents, p. 90.

54. H.P. Nebelsick, Circles Of God, p. xxv, and p. 30.

55. Robert Resnick, Basic Concepts In Relativity And Early Quantum Theory, New York, London, Sydney, Toronto, John Wiley & Sons, 1972, pp. 11-4.

56. c. Russell, Chapter 10, 'Powerful currents: crisis In Newtonian Physics', cross-currents, pp. 198-222.

57. F. Manuel The Religion of Isaac Newton, p. 23.

58. ibid, p. 16.

59. The reception of Samuel Butler's Life And Habit, new edition with addenda & preface, London, Jonathon Cape, 1924 was marked by hostility, one reviewer calling it a gigantic joke' in bad taste. (Cited by Butler himself in Samuel Butler, unconscious Memory, London, A.C. Fifield, 1920, p. xii.)

60. John MacQuarrie, Twentieth century Religious Thought, London, SCM Press, 1967, pp. 244-5.

61. ibid, p. 248.

62. ibid, p. 248.

63. A. Peacocke, creation, p. 365.

64. Abraham Pais, subtle Is The Lord; The Science And The Life Of Albert Einstein, Oxford and New York, oxford university Press, 1982, see chapter 1, in particular p 14-6.

65. It was not until the early nineteenth century the foundations for real analysis began to take shape, and achieved mathematical rigour. That Newton did not worry about the mathematical details is a point worthy of consideration. Einstein also found that he conceived the physics of special relativity before he had the mathematical tools to describe it.

66. H. Hovenkamp, Science And Religion, p. 35.

67. ibid, p. 109, 'According to Newton, science can be used to describe phenomena but it cannot explain them.'

68. A. Crombie, Augustine To Galileo, Vol. 2, p. 249, p. 270.

69. J. Moore, Post-Darwinian controversies, p. 210.

70. c. Raven, Natural Religion, Vol. 1, p. 145. 33

71. ibid, p. 152. Apparently binomial nomenclature had been used prior to Linnaeus, but not systematically or universally.

72. For example, Corvus corax is the conunon raven, while Corvus brachyrhynchos is the conunon crow. The first name denotes the common genus, the second the species to which it belongs. Applied to fossil remains we could compare Homo erectus and Homo sapiens. Both belong to the common family of man, but both are distinct species within the family.

73. c. Raven, Natural Religion, Vol. 1, p. 152.

74. Cited by c. Darwin, The origin, p. 416.

75.c. Raven, Natural Religion, Vol. 1, p. 157. We can certainly see such development with protagonists of mechanism, but it is not true that all mathematicians were mechanists. There is a real misunderstanding of the nature of mathematics here. The spirit of mathematics does not necessarily lead to Newtonianism.

76. c. Ronan, History, pp. 417-8.

77. c. Russell, cross-currents, p. 147.

78. c. Ronan, History, p. 421.

79. J. Moore, Post Darwinian controversies, p. 105.

80. c. Ronan, History, p. 422.

81. ibid, p. 422.

82. W. Norman Pittinger, 'Augustinianism', in Arthur A. Cohen and Marvin Halverson (Eds.), A Handbook Of Christian Theology, Definition Essays on Concepts And Movements of Thought In contemporary Protestantism, Nashville, Abingdon, 1958, p. 23.

83. cited by Gertrude Hinunelfarb, Darwin and the Darwinian Revolution, New York, W.W. Norton & co., 1968, p. 351. Cf. George M. Marsden Fundamentalism and American Culture, The Shaping Of Twentieth century Evangelicalism: 1870-1925, New York & Oxford, oxford University Press, 1980, pp. 186f, writing on the infamous Scope's Monkey trial where William Jennings Bryan accepted us sher' s chronology as absolutely correct on the grounds that the Biblical revelation vouchsafed every word of Scripture.

84. Alan Richardson, The Bible In The Age Of science, London, SCM, 19 6 1 , pp . 4 lf .

85. c. Russell, cross-currents, p. 129.

86. c. Ronan, History, p. 391.

87. This definition of natural theology is taken from Chambers Etymological Dictionary Of The English Language, London and Edinburgh, w.& R. chambers, 1900, p. 334.

88. David Cairns, 'Natural Theology' in A. A. Cohen and M. Halverson (Eds.) A Handbook Of Christian Theology, pp. 249f; cf. T.F. Torrance, Reality And Scientific Theology, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1985, p. 38. 34

89. G.S. Hendry, Theology of Nature, Philadelphia, The Westminster Press, 1980, p. 59.

90. c. Russell, cross-currents, p. 111.

91. Raven's comment is cited by c. Russell, cross-currents, pp. 111-2.

92. William Paley, Natural Theology; or Evidences Of The Existence And Attributes Of The Deity, eighteenth edition, London, James sawyers and Lackington, Allen & Co., 1818.

93. Pietro Corsi, Science And Religion, Baden Powell And The Anglican Debate, 1800-1860, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1988, p. 179.

94. D. Livingstone, Darwin's Forgotten Defenders, p. 48.

95. Romans 8: 18-25, including the concept of nature itself being perfected, viz., 'Up to the present the whole creation groans in all its parts'.

96. w. Paley, Evidences, pp. 422f, which, by considering the implications of 'chance in the midst of design', goes to the heart of the problems of natural theology.

97. ibid, p. 434.

98. ibid, p. 433.

99. ibid, p. 314.

100. c. Raven, Natural Religion, Vol. 1, p. 171.

101. Donald A. Stauffer (Ed.), Selected Poetry and Prose of Coleridge, Random House, united states of America, 1951, p. 566. Coleridge's essay 'Formation of a more Comprehensive Theory of Life', traverses the ground covering the history of science, from Bacon onwards.

102. ibid, p. 565.

103. ibid, p. 568. Coleridge as many others before and since, misunderstood the nature of the mathematization of science. Mathematics was not a force which reduced everything to mechanism simply because of its ability to state physical law in terms of formulae.

104. ibid, p. 173.

105. see w. whewell, Astronomy and General Physics, considered With Reference to Natural Theology, London, Bell & Daldy, 1871.

106. Jonathon Topham, 'Teleology and Natural', in science & Christian Belief, Vol. 1. No. 2, pp. 150-1.

107. The title of Chalmers' contribution to the Treatises is The Adaption Of External Nature To The Moral And Intellectual Constitution of Man. The chapter 'The Defects and Uses of Natural Theology' pp. 402- 38 is a significant indicator of the increasing preoccupation with revelation. Chalmers held that a theology of nature could and did shed 'powerful light' on the nature and being of God, (p. 422) and was even capable of evoking the question '"what shall I do to be saved?"' It is a 'higher theology' which provides the solution (p. 424). There seem to be strong resemblances between Wesley's assessment of natural theology and Chalmers' assessment. cf. Frank W. collier, Wesley Among The Scientists, New York, Abingdon Press, 1928. 35

10 8. John Dillenberger, Protestant Thought And Natural Science, A Historical Interpretation, London, Collins, 1961, p. 209.

109. w. Whewell, Astronomy, Book 111, chaps 4-6.

110. Susan F. cannon, Science In Culture, The Early Victorian Period, New York, Dawson & Science History Publications, 1978, p. 2.

111. J.E. McClellan III, Science Reorganized, Scientific Societies In The Eighteenth century, New York, Columbia University Press, 1985, p. 1.

112. Robert E. Schofield, The Lunar Society of Birmingham; A Social History Of Provincial Science And Industry In Eighteenth Century Great Britain, oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1963, p. 2. The Lunar society comprised some of the most fertile minds of the eighteenth century, who coupled their drive and enthusiasm for scientific knowledge to industrial applications. They met once a month in each other's homes, on the afternoon of closest to the time of full moon, from whence is derived their title. Schofield notes that as a group the members became a 'clearing house' for those concepts which wrought enormous technological and social change in their lifetimes. The members were Matthew Boulton, Erasmus Darwin, Thomas Day, Richard Lovell Edgeworth, Samuel Galton (jun), Robert Augustus Johnson, James Kier, Joseph Priestly, William small, Jonathon stokes, James watt, Josiah Wedgwood, John Whitehurst, & William Withering.

113. ibid, p. 434.

114. See 'Organs Of Extreme Perfection And complication', inc. Darwin, The Origin, pp. 178-182, and p. 195.

115. R. Schofield, The Lunar Society, p. 24.

116. Time and again, through the next two hundred years, there would be similar public expressions of misgivings and distrust, sometimes offered by poets, sometimes by politicians, sometimes by scientists. This phenomenon of distrust would slowly gather momentum through the intervening years, apparently reach its peak with the Darwinian controversies, but re-emerge, doubled in intensity both immediately prior to and after world War one.

117. Jack Morrell and Arnold Thackeray, Gentlemen of Science, Early Years of The British Association For The Advancement Of science, oxford, The Clarendon Press, p. xxi.

118. ibid, p. 161.

119. G. Hirnrnelfarb, Darwin, p. 240, writes that because evolution was 'in the air' many people were prepared to accord it a generous reception.

120. It was only after his death the fact became widely known.

121. c. Darwin, The origin, pp. 25f.

122. ibid, p. 25.

123. Anthony Flew, Darwinian Evolution, London, Paladin, 1984, pp. 2-3.

124. ibid, p. 3; cf. Mark Ridley, The Essential Darwin, London, Sydney, unwin Hyman, 1987, p. 3.

125. A. Flew, Darwinian Evolution, p. 3. 36

126. c. Darwin, The origin, chapter one, 'Variation Under Domestication', p. 11.

127. A. Flew, Darwinian Evolution, p. 5.

128. ibid, p. 6.

129. c. Darwin, The origin, pp. 368f.

130. S. Brush, The History of Modern Science, A Guide To The Second Scientific Revolution, 1800-1950, Ames, Iowa State University Press, 1988, pp. 70f.

131. Charles Darwin, 'The Galapagos archipelago', from The Voyage of The Beagle, cited by Mark Ridley (Ed.), The Essential Darwin, pp. 51-2; cf. Mark Ridley, The Problems of Evolution, oxford, New York, oxford university Press, pp. 9-10; C.A. Russell, cross-currents, pp. 144-6; Stephen Jay Gould, The Flamingo's Smile, Reflections In Natural History, New York, London, W.W. Norton & co., 1985, pp. 358f.

132. C. Darwin, cited in M. Ridley (Ed.), The Essential Darwin, p. 51.

133. c. Darwin, The origin, pp. 104-5.

134. Charles Darwin, The Descent of Man, cited by M. Ridley (Ed.), The Essential Darwin, pp. 154-5.

135. s. Gould, The Flamingo's Smile, p. 355.

136. Darwin married his cousin Enuna Wedgwood in 1839. His shyness, coupled with his distress over the controversies, meant he kept his personal life very private and his marriage relationship sacrosanct.

137. c. Darwin, The origin, p. 25.

138. c. Russell, cross-currents, p. 145.

139. c. Darwin, The origin, p. 27.

140. ibid, pp. 214-7.

141. F. Turner, Between Science And Religion, p. 72.

142. J. Moore, Post-Darwinian controversies, p. 325.

143. c. Russell, Cross-currents, p. 146.

144. c. Darwin, The origin, p. 25.

145. A. Flew, Darwinian Evolution, p. 74.

146. G. Hinunelfarb, Darwin, p. 255, notes that Darwin's personal criterion for success with The origin Of Species was to convert Lyell, Huxley and Hooker.

147. Owen Chadwick, The Secularisation of The European Mind, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1975, p. 183.

148. cited by J.Y.Simpson, Landmarks in the Struggle Between Science and Religion, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1925, p. 177. 37

149. J. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies, p. 23. See also o. Chadwick, The Victorian church, London, A. & c. Black, 1966, Vol. 1, pp. 9-11, G. Himmelfarb, Darwin and the Darwinian Revolution, pp. 287f, and, Stephen Brush, The History of Modern Science, pp. 79f for various interpretations of the debate.

150. The original photographs were found by accident in Greenwich village, New York, in 1969, very probably located no more than 100 metres or so from where taken. The rest of Draper's photographs had been destroyed by fire some twenty years after his experiments. They were housed, it is thought, in a museum. The recovery of the original lunar photographs is an important landmark in the history of both astronomy and photography. Sees. Brush, The History Of Science, p. 469.

151. o. Chadwick, The Victorian Church, Vol. 1, p. 10.

152. ibid, p. 11.

153. It is interesting that when FitzRoy and Darwin first knew each other on the Beagle's voyage of exploration, FitzRoy was not convinced of the truth of Scriptural revelation, whilst Darwin was. But subsequently as Darwin grew more agnostic, FitzRoy was converted to a literalist view of the Bible. For many years their friendship was cordial and warm, but after the clash between Huxley and Wilberforce the relationship grew cooler. See John Bowley, Charles Darwin, A New Biography, London, Pimlico, 1991, p. 217.

154. D. Livingstone, Darwin's Forgotten Defenders, pp. 33-5. 38 CHAPTER TWO:

INITIAL CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE FAITH-SCIENCE

INTERACTION IN EARLY COLONIAL NEW ZEALAND

The history of the faith-science interaction in New Zealand may be said to begin with systematic European colonization from the eighteen forties and, in particular, with the formation of the New

Zealand Institute in 1868. 1 This corresponds with the second phase of the history of botanical discovery in New Zealand, the first being the period from Cook's discovery through to the missionary period of the eighteen twenties and thirties. 2 However, following Bagnall and

Petersen, it is worth noting that two of the early church Missionary

Society missionaries, William Colenso ( 1811-99) and Richard Taylor

( 18 0 5-7 3) were also enthusiastic and capable scientists. 3 Indeed,

Taylor was 'to be colenso's only rival in natural history among the missionaries'. 4 But besides these two there were other pioneer missionaries and clergy who were drawn to science. These included the

Revs. James stack, Walter Lawry, James Buller, and Thomas Buddle. Many of the laity were ardent amateur scientists also, such as W. B. D.

Mantell, William swainson, and Andrew Sinclair. Not all the missionaries or early clergy were interested in science, although a greater number professed to be so during the Darwinian controversies.

Prior to the latter, those who were interested did argue strongly about scripture and science. Yet they cannot be classified as either liberals or conservatives in the modern sense. Many well educated laity like swainson and Sinclair were more prepared to concede than their clerical counterparts that there were problems with literal interpretation of the scriptures because of new scientific concepts. The great Darwinian debates and the equally vigorous clashes over Biblical interpretation were to precipitate a crisis of faith for many, but these discussions were a phenomenon of the eighteen sixties and beyond. until then the 39 arguments were of a different kind, and the protagonists more sure of their ground than they would have been twenty years later. In the second phase of botanical discovery, Colenso, in particular, was outstanding. He was not only a capable and zealous missionary, but also eventually gained high scientific honours in the New Zealand Institute and Royal society. 5 Therefore, it is perhaps appropriate to begin with his early contributions, examining the context and influences which helped form his understanding of the faith-science interaction. 6

on 30 December 1834 colenso arrived at the Bay of Islands which was the 'centre of a substantial general trade' and, therefore, not unnaturally the starting point for many of the early missionary endeavours. 7 He was a printer by trade, sent specifically for the task of setting up the church Missionary society press. 8 colenso printed the first editions of the New Testament in Maori, translated by the Rev.

William Williams, and this initial contact developed into a life-long study of the Maori language. 9 Moreover, Colenso eventually found that he wished to engage in a broader range of mission work than just running the printing office, 10 although he denied that he had

'entertained • . . being engaged in ministerial work' prior to his arrival in New Zealand. 11 His ambitions expanded to '"go forth amongst the heathen as an Herald of the Cross"', an aim stimulated by his far reaching travels into remote areas of the North Island, entering into dialogue with an ever widening circle of Maori converts. 12 At the same time colenso was aware of his deepening knowledge of scriptural

Christianity, undoubtedly helped by the fact he had very few books.

This scarcity of literary resources he described in his journal as a

13 1 blessing 1 • It forced him to the study of the one book, within the covers of which he came 'to diligently compare scripture with scripture'. 14 After three years' 'experience in the work' Colenso could write to the church Missionary Society secretaries with considerable justification regarding his call. 15

significantly, as this sense of call to ministry deepened during the late eighteen thirties, colenso's interest and abilities in science also began to come to the forefront of his thinking. colenso's main 40 scientific interest was botany, having developed the love of observing, collecting, and classifying during his boyhood in Cornwall. 16 It continued throughout his life and in New Zealand he was an indefatigable collector and botanist. 17

colenso was fortunate in meeting Darwin in 1835, which may have rekindled his early interests in natural history. 18 Although Darwin does not record the meeting, Colenso stated in the latter stages of his life that it was on Christmas Day, almost certainly at the Paihia chapel service. 19 Three years later, in 1838, when the botanist Allan

Cunningham met Colenso, he found that the missionary was well prepared for further training and encouragement in botanical studies. 20

Cunningham had originally worked for Sir Joseph Banks, sending back botanical collections, initially from Brazil and later from Australia and New Zealand. 21 Cunningham's first exploration of New Zealand was in 1826. By the time he returned for his second and final expedition he had been appointed colonial Botanist of New south Wales. 22 Cunningham not only taught colenso a great deal during the period from April to September 1838, but showed a continuing interest when he returned to sydney. 23 Correspondence between the two indicates their mutual delight in new botanical discoveries, particularly in species of orchids. 24

Cunningham died on 27 June 1839, which was a great and unexpected loss to Colenso. 25 Nevertheless, the scientific principles expounded by the master botanist were well assimilated by Colenso. Cunningham had charged his protege to investigate scientifically the vegetation of New

Zealand every day, as his recreation, after he had completed the daily round of '"more important"' missionary duties . 26 The injunction was heeded by Colenso for many years. Cunningham's prediction that one day this patient accumulation of scientific facts would bring - its own reward was indeed to prove correct. 27 Interestingly, Cunningham's

Australian biographer does not record any correspondence with

Colenso. 28

A further stimulus for colenso's botanizing came on two separate occasions in 1841. The first was when he met Lady Jane Franklin, wife of the Governor of Tasmania. She was impressed by his scientific work, 41 and on her return to Hobart she arranged for a microscope to be sent back to colenso . 29 She asked him to contribute to the Tasmanian

Journal of Natural Science, and he eventually published four papers in it as well as being elected as a corresponding member of the journal's controlling society. 30 This publication had arisen because by the eighteen forties there was a 'flourishing' sub-culture of scientists in

Australia, a phenomenon to be mirrored in New Zealand over the next two decades. 31

However, the second visit in 1841 was perhaps the more significant for colenso's scientific development. Ultimately it brought him both friends and reputation among the great English scientists.

When Joseph Dalton Hooker arrived in August 1841 on the Erebus

Antarctic expedition under sir James Clark Ross, he was delighted to find in Colenso a more than capable botanist resident in the Bay of

Islands. 32 Hooker's visit lasted eleven weeks. 33 During that time they formed a friendship based on their mutual scientific interests.

Moreover, Hooker had confidence in Colenso's abilities generally, as is evidenced in a letter to his father sir William Hooker, written from

Paihia: - '"Of this class of men, Mr. Colenso is among the most superior."' 34 Hooker enlisted Colenso to send specimens and descriptions back to England. As a result of Colenso's dedication to and love of botanizing, Hooker later dedicated his book on New Zealand flora to colenso, Sinclair and Lyall. 35

Meanwhile, during the early eighteen forties, Colenso wrote four scientific papers on the subject of the moa. 36 Two of these were published in the Tasmanian Journal of Science. The first An Account of

Some Enormous Fossil Bones Of An Unknown Species Of The Class Aves

Lately Discovered In New Zealand was published in 1843, but Colenso had written it a year earlier, the original being dated 1 May 1842. 37 colenso was unaware that the famous palaeontologist, Sir Richard Owen, had scientifically deduced the existence of the moa as early as 1839. 38

Owen's achievement was more spectacular than might at first be thought.

He had received a fragment of broken femur no more than fifteen centimetres long and, after comparative anatomical studies, was 42 convinced that a species similar to the ostrich, with an equally large skeletal structure, had once inhabited New Zealand. 39 Owen's assertions were 'received with open doubt' by his colleagues, and the measure of their scepticism was such that the subject was not debated in the scientific journals nor in the popular press. 40 However, an abstract of the controversial paper which Owen read before the Royal College of surgeons was published in the New Zealand Journal in 1840, 'but this being a periodical concerned with the affairs of the New Zealand company it is doubtful whether it reached or was read by the missionaries at Paihia.'41 In effect, more evidence was required from

New Zealand before Owen's deductions were to attain scientific validity. The proof was supplied by colenso and others, who not only patiently gathered bone fragments but also collated current and traditional information available from Maori sources. 42 Fellow missionary Richard Taylor believed that he was the first European to have scientifically deduced the existence of the moa. 43 Taylor stated to the Wellington Philosophical Society that although he had not been the first person to send moa bones to owen he could 'justly claim to have been the first' European discoverer of the extinct species. The

Rev. William Williams (1800-1878), another of the Anglican missionaries with an interest in science, similarly investigated the evidence relating to the moa during the same period.44

Further impetus to settle the matter was given in 1844 when the

Land Purchase Commissioner, W.B.D. Mantell (1820-95), a noted amateur geologist, systematically investigated a fossil bed of great scientific importance. 45 It contained many moa bones. He sent specimens back to

Owen which helped to finally decide the case in favour of the existence of Dinornis, to the satisfaction of the English scientists. It was already a foregone conclusion among the New Zealand scientific community. The three missionaries, and other early settlers such as

Mantell, were clearly in a much better position than Owen to realise the validity of the claim that there had existed a recently extinct species of the genus Struthio. Yet, although the honours perhaps belong to all who shared in the painstaking accumulation of scientific 43 evidence, Owen's deductions remain in a class of their own. 46 The noted

English geologist, Dr. Gideon Mantell, Walter's father, commented that

Owen's reasoning from a mere fragment of bone was 'the most brilliant example of successful philosophical induction known to him'. 47

For the likes of Colenso and Taylor the eighteen forties were opportune times for scientific work. Yet it is, perhaps, important to note that colenso's scientific ability has come under critical scrutiny today. It has been argued that colenso was very confused over the subject of evolution, at a time when Darwin's theories were at the zenith of acceptance, during the mid eighteen sixties. 48 Moreover, it has also been stated that colenso's collecting methods were somewhat

'unsystematic' and at times almost 'unscientific'. 49 Against these views, however, is the general regard for Colenso's contribution to botanical science in his own day. The sheer number of new specimens that the missionary sent back to England continued to impress both

William and Joseph Hooker, who had not only commissioned Colenso to send plants and descriptions to Kew Gardens but also to write papers for the London Journal Of Botany. 60 He forwarded many new species without description to Sir William Hooker, preferring to await his classification. colenso believed he had collected over four hundred of these during his first waikaremoana expedition of 1841-2 . 51 T .F.

Cheeseman's assessment was that, despite later problems with an individualistic classification method, Colenso ought to be accorded the highest status as a botanist. 52 This, moreover, was the opinion of the chief scientists of the New Zealand Institute.

While Colenso continued to expand his knowledge of science in the course of his missionary service, he struggled with many aspects of faith and Church life. Although Colenso was ordained a deacon in 1844 at st. John's college, the primate of New Zealand, Bishop Selwyn (1809-

78) would not ordain him to the priesthood believing that he, along with some of the other missionaries, had insufficient scholastic background. 53 Selwyn, who was the outstanding Church of England figure in New Zealand, from the time of his arrival in 1841 until his departure to the Lichfield in 1868, was a man of great personal 44 vigour. 54 Yet, as his friend and colleague Bishop Abraham later wrote, the two of them belonged '"to the pre-scientific period"' of Etonian and Cambridge education. 55 Despite Selwyn's intense interest in education generally and, in particular, theological education for the priesthood, 56 his contribution was most marked in terms of administration and organisation rather than theological debate. He was

'a man of action' who was not interested in theological subtleties, 57 nor in mathematics, both of which set him apart from Abraham.

It was perhaps Selwyn's disdain, 58 or lack of appreciation of scientific matters, which also contributed to his clash with colenso.

Colenso's marriage was unhappy, and in 1852 the church Missionary society sacked Colenso because of his liaison with a young Maori woman. 59 He was unwilling to sever his connections with the Anglican church, despite the moral failure and his difficulties relating to

Selwyn. 60 His faith continued to have personal significance for him despite the censure of the church and the ridicule of the local community. 61 colenso still attended the occasional services held in the Wai tangi chapel. 62

Yet the disappointments and setbacks he received at the hands of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, exacted a psychological toll on Colenso's personality. His attitudes to the Maori perceptibly changed and hardened, and his enthusiasm for science began to wane. 63 During the period 1855-57 colenso was an isolated figure, yet as Bagnall and

Petersen have stated,

In science his incomparable energy and unquestioned talent, with fifteen years taxonomic work behind him, could have assured a standard of research which would have commanded the respect of other workers, regardless of the misfortunes of his private life. 64

However, his religious zeal was gradually restored over the following few years during which time Colenso bought land in the Napier district and entered the field of provincial politics. He had work and he had a platform of sorts, although he still aspired more to the pulpit. This was demonstrated by his suggestion that he lead 'unsectarian' services of worship in the town of Napier. 65 '"As the clergyman episcopally ordained to, and therefore (speaking ecclesiastically) as the clergyman 45 of the Ahuriri"' colenso deemed it his duty to offer his experience and expertise. 66 significantly, he intended to provide the site for a chapel, which would also conveniently serve as a suitable lecture hall for the needs of the emerging settlement. 67 Bagnall and Petersen suggest that 'In the dual role of teacher of science and priest he would have been at his happiest. ' 68 Although the question of the relationship between science and Biblical faith does not appear to have been an issue for Colenso at that time, he saw the two as distinctive realms in the Baconian sense. The proposed chapel had symbolic significance to Colenso, the building serving as a common meeting ground, although the activities concerning the realm of faith and the realm of science were essentially different. There is no hint, however, that colenso considered one more important or more valid as a mode of exploring truth. They were equally important, equally valid.

There are some suggestive parallels between the life and work of

William colenso and his famous cousin. Bishop John Colenso (1814-83) came from the same background of Cornish family piety, although not so much is known of his early upbringing. 69 The cousins had grown up with a background of Biblical interpretation that tended towards literalism.

As Rowse puts it, 'There was Methodism in the Colenso family' and the two boys were initially attracted to it, but later found the Anglican

Church exerted a greater attraction. 70 John colenso' s work The

Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua critically Examined caused much pain and division in both the English and South African branches of the

Anglican communion. 71 The Pentateuch was actually written in seven parts and published over the period 1862-79, 72 by the end of which time

John Colenso had, in turn, been deposed as Bishop of Natal, excommunicated, and reinstated to the position by the Privy Council.

These extraordinary events meant that he was vilified by many of his colleagues, and yet lionized by others. 73 There is a distinct similarity between the way in which the Colenso cousins polarized opinion. The intense feeling aroused by Colenso's work is captured in a sermon preached by the Metropolitan, the Bishop of Capetown in 1864,

'The church in this present case dare not leave the flock to be 46 devoured by the wolf. It would betray Christ. , 74 It could be argued, perhaps with some justification, that because of Colenso's position at the time, The Pentateuch was more influential than Essays and Reviews in bringing about an awareness of Biblical criticism.

The consequences of John Colenso's works were certainly felt as far afield as New Zealand. 75 The protracted legal battles were very carefully scrutinized in New Zealand by the Dunedin solicitor, George cook, in The status of The church of England In New Zealand. 76 while

John Colenso published views which went against Biblical literalism and inerrancy, William colenso did not speak as openly on the subject although he was certainly aware of his cousin's denunciations of rigid literalism, particularly in regard to Sabbatarianism. 77

John Colenso was, perhaps, naive about the effects which Biblical criticism would have. He was intent upon discovering the truth of the

Bible witness, despite the fact that it broke new ground in the English church. Perhaps his love of mathematics led him to assume rather too much about the rationality of religion and the processes by which the

Bible was written. But, despite the bitter consequences of his scholarship, like his cousin, he continued to be an indefatigable worker for the church. Rowse says of the cousins, 'How much they had in common' . 78 The characteristics that John and William colenso shared were enthusiasm for the missionary task of evangelization, a respect for the native peoples and cultures in the face of colonizing forces, and the pursuit of Christian truth whether found in the Book of Nature or the Book of Revelation. Rowse sums up their pietistic Cornish heritage with the phrase 'work, work, work: scribble, scribble, scribble; preach, preach, preach. 179 To that could possibly be added a common love for science - botanizing for William Colenso and mathematics for John colenso.

There was a wider range of opinion than this cool, reasoned approach (reminiscent of eighteenth century latitudinarianism) in the early faith-science interaction in New Zealand. For example, Stenhouse has highlighted the case of the Rev. Richard Taylor and William swainson (1789-1855), who were passionate about their individualistic 47 interpretations of Genesis in the light of moderri geology. 00 'They were two of the colony's more vocal amateur scientists in the eighteen forties and eighteen fifties, and both were earnest evangelical

Christians. ' 81 swainson, like William Colenso, had no educational advantages. 82 He records in his diaries of 1808-1818:

An impediment of speech, resulting from a peculiarly nervous temperament, acted as an insuperable bar to the acquisition of languages, and I showed not the least aptitude for the ordinary acquirements of schools. 83

Nevertheless, swainson developed during his childhood a 'passion' for natural history, stemming from his father's collection of British insects and shells." After a short career as a clerk in the Liverpool custom-house, swainson was attached to the British Army in the Mediterranean, quickly rising to be the youngest Assistant Commissary-General. 85 During the years 1807-15 he was stationed at Calabria, Sicily, Malta and Genoa, as well as spending some time in Rome and Florence. 86 In this period he indulged his passion for natural history, as well as developing his talents for sketching, painting and etching. 87 Transcripts of his diaries show his powers of observation both as an artist and a scientist. swainson attended church services when circumstances allowed, 88 although these diaries have almost no religious references or allusions. Occasionally confined to his quarters by illness, swainson found such situations allowed him to put his 'trust in that

Providence which had hitherto preserved him'. 89

A decline in his health necessitated a return to England, and swainson records with evident delight that he 'had the happiness of landing all my collections of art and nature in Liverpool, in the

90 autumn of 1815 1 • His patient scientific collecting earned him election as a Fellow of the Linnaean society. 91 But even richer collections were to be sent to England and Scotland during swainson's

Brazilian expedition from November 1816-18, 92 and when he returned he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society on the recommendation of Sir

Joseph Banks. 93

Nevertheless, during the eighteen twenties, despite his 48 attainments as a scientist and a scientific illustrator, swainson found that the post he sought at the British Museum eluded him. 94 He was further unsettled when his wife Mary died in 1835. 95 By 1839 swainson had become interested in the activities of the New Zealand Company, and was appointed as a conuni ttee member. 96 At the same time he was appointed to a church of England conunittee charged with the task of appointing a bishop to New Zealand. 97 He remarried in 1840 and in June

1841 emigrated to New Zealand. swainson now pursued the life of a pastoral farmer in various parts of the Hutt Valley and Rangitikei. 98

Despite this apparent change of direction his scientific abilities continued to be widely recognised amongst the Australasian scientific conununity, and from 1852 to 1854 he was appointed to study the flora of

New south wales, Victoria and Tasmania. 99

swainson was a man of 'abundant' and occasionally 'stubborn'

Christian faith. 100 He always retained a capacity for appreciating the beauty of the created order. Nevertheless, he was convinced that the book of Genesis did not contain literal geological or biological truth.

This view was opposed by the missionary, the Rev. Richard Taylor. 101 swainson's opponent was of a different theological temperament altogether. A graduate of Queen's college, Cambridge, Richard Taylor was ordained a priest in November 1829. 102 As a young man his health was indifferent, and he travelled abroad while recuperating. 103 These trips stimulated his interest in natural history. 104 Taylor was sent by the Church Missionary Society to New Zealand in February 1836, but upon his arrival in Sydney in June of that year he was ordered by the

Rev. Samuel Marsden to the large Liverpool parish which was without a clergyman. 105 There Taylor became acquainted with Colenso' s mentor,

Allan Cunningham. 106 Cunningham assessed him as a man of high intelligence and 'a great inquirer' in all aspects of natural science. 107

Taylor was released for his original mission after a period of almost three years. He landed at Paihia in March 1839, and within a week set out with William Williams on an expedition to the East Coast of the North Island. 108 It was on this expedition that Taylor came to 49 believe he was the first European to deduce scientifically the existence of the moa. 109 According to his personal recollection, he and

Williams were sitting in a building in the Waiapu Pa when Taylor noticed a large bone fragment in the ceiling. 110 Initially they both thought it was a human bone. However, Taylor saw its 'cancellated structure' on closer observation and as a result knew it had come from a bird. When he suggested this to his companion, who had a medical background, Williams 'laughed at the idea', asking what kind of bird could this possibly be with so large a bone? 111 Nevertheless, Taylor's guess proved correct, an indication of his undoubted scientific acumen.

During his life as a missionary Taylor maintained a broad interest in science, but particularly concentrated upon 'ethnology, botany, zoology, and geology' . 112 He was elected as a fellow of the Royal

Geological Society and later on was a founding member of the New

Zealand Institute. 113

In 1853 Taylor published Te Ika a Maui; or New Zealand And Its

Inhabitants. 114 The major part of the book relates to Taylor's studies in ethnology, Maori mythology, language, life, customs and history. The three chapters directly concerned with science also yield some insights into Taylor's understanding of the interaction of Christian faith with science. 115 Taylor, like Colenso, acknowledged his scientific debt to cunningham. 116 Taylor's chapter on the church, however, was purely ecclesiastical with no reference to theological concerns. 117 considering first, then, the chapter on geology, it is significant that it substantially reproduced an article in the New Zealand Magazine, of

1850, 118 and was yet again reproduced much later in two articles at the end of 1862 in Chapman's New Zealand Monthly Magazine. 119 Across the range of some twelve years and three separate publications Taylor's understanding of Genesis in the light of rapidly expanding geological knowledge did not appear to move very much at all.

The quite explicit theological undergirding of Taylor's geology is the notion of providence, as is shown in two significant areas. The first relates to the extinction of the moa. 120 The debate about the moa has considerable significance because it illustrates one of the 50 earliest manifestations of the tensions between science and religion in colonial New Zealand. The problem arose over the geological time scale which was required for the extinction of Dinornis and how this might relate to the Genesis account of the Creation and the Flood. Indeed, how was it possible to explain that a species which belonged to 'a post-tertiary period, 1121 had somehow survived the Biblical Flood, and yet become extinct very recently? similarly, the vegetation of New

Zealand, •bearing a singular resemblance to that of the carboniferous age' indicated to Taylor that these life forms had, by providential means, also escaped the 'awful' consequences of the Biblical Flood. 122

Taylor's explanation of the Flood essentially conserves the

Genesis narrative in its entirety, although he does not always scrupulously obey his own injunction to 'literally attend to God's holy word' because it was 'so plain and satisfactory'. 123 For example, the

Flood was not only due to the '"the fountains of the gr~at deep"' being broken up, and the heavens opening up, 124 a confluence of what Genesis names as the waters above the firmament and the waters below. There was also another cause, not mentioned in the Bible at all. According to

Taylor, the Lord 'probably' used the near approach of a comet to the

Earth as an additional force in the already cataclysmic process 'for effecting his will'. 125 Taylor maintained that such an approach by a comet would have 'destroyed the earth's polarity; it condensed the vapory (sic) mantle of the globe and precipitated upon the earth. ' 126

Taylor was at pains to point out the geological evidence for the Flood in all three publications mentioned above. It was a matter of great importance to him, along with the other early missionaries, to see the integrity of the Bible witness maintained.

However, al though Taylor had carefully maintained an orthodox position on the Flood, he had then to consider that very real problem over the cause of the recent extinction of Dinornis. Moreover, the rapid decrease in the numbers of the Kiwi, Weka and Kakapo, within the living memory of 'the old Natives' was also remarkable. 127 Taylor hit upon the solution of recent climatic change as being sufficient reason to cause these effects. Taylor had observed that the 'Middle Island' of 51

New Zealand is 'rapidly rising', the effect of which was to produce great climatic changes throughout the island. 128 The once abundant moa,

Dinornis, found in 'every part of the Middle Island' had been drastically affected by the changing ambient conditions, and that species had become extinct whilst some of the forms of bird life had been affected to a lesser degree. 129

The suggestion that the moa population had been hunted to extinction was not tenable to the missionary. In fact, Taylor was quite emphatic that 'Man has nothing to do with their destruction'. 13° From that starting point he was able to draw a most interesting theological lesson. If man was not the cause but other natural factors were, it

'justly' demonstrated 'God's good providence' that the fast decline in food supply occurred just prior to the arrival of the Europeans. 131 It is curious that Taylor did not see the inherent contradiction in the proposition that the moa, along with the Australian marsupials which were characteristic of a post-tertiary age, survived the Biblical

Flood, 132 as did the fauna of New Zealand, 133 yet were wiped out by relatively insignificant climatic changes.

Leaving the extinction question aside, there is no doubt that

Taylor, in fact, was genuinely delighted by the juxtaposition of the great antiquity of New Zealand and man's recent arrival on it. That man, in fact, in these regions stands on a far more ancient platform, and is surrounded by far more ancient forms of vegetable and animal life, than ever his grand progenitor Adam was at his creation. 134

Of course Taylor was incorrect with his geological assertions about the respective ages of England and New Zealand, 135 but nevertheless he had resolved to his own satisfaction the problems arising from contradictions between Genesis and geology in the New Zealand context.

The second example Taylor chose to illustrate the nature of providence was more subtle but with even wider theological implications. He was able to conclude from various data that there was simultaneously a rise in elevation of the mountain ranges of the

1 central North Island and a general raising of the alluvial plains. H The latter was straightforward in explanation. The action of heavy 52 rains caused widespread erosion: stone and soil on the mountains fell away at a considerable rate, the debris eventually deposited around river mouths and further back upstream thereby building up fertile plains. 137 But Taylor drew a most interesting conclusion from this natural process. By such means ' ... Nature in her secret laboratory is preparing to form future plains for man's use' . 138

This metaphor of nature's laboratory is repeated later in the same chapter where Taylor identifies this geological process as the

'wonderful works of the Creator' . 139 It is a most telling metaphor, where nature itself cooperates experimentally for a future providential benefit for humanity. By way of comparison, there do not appear to be any further metaphors in the chapter on the Natural History of New

Zealand. 140 But Taylor again adverts to his Christian faith quite directly when discussing the botany of New Zealand. 141 The argument moves away from an implicit understanding of the providence of God worked out in the processes of geology towards an explicit statement of

God's order in creation. 142 The subject of the distribution of plants over the most widely separated regions of the globe, is one of deep interest, and tends most clearly to establish the fact of unity of design and operation in the works of the creator. 143

Taylor went on to illustrate the facticity of unity of design and distribution citing, (a) the distribution of 'Lycopodium cernuum' a fern found growing at approximately latitude 38 degrees south; 144 (b) methods of plant dispersion; 145 (c) the disproportionate numbers of new species as well as the imbalance of dicotyledonous or endogenous plants to monocotyledonous and cellular plants. 146 The illustrations in the appendix of Te Ika A Maui are also of interest, although they are

1 not as significant as swainson's illustrations. ~ They include sketches of moths, insects, shells, plant material and bird life.

To sum up Taylor's position, it may be fairly described as

Biblically conservative. On reflection, it seems as if his attempt to preserve the integrity of the Genesis record was of considerable importance. certainly he had to allow room for flexible Biblical interpretation, sensing that as a way forward showing that science and 53 religion were not necessarily opposed. An interesting comparison of clerical attitudes may be drawn between Taylor's Biblical conservatism and the more liberal approach espoused by canon James west stack (1835-

1919) . 148 canon stack was the son of the Rev. James stack who had originally come to New Zealand as a lay missionary under the auspices of the Wesleyan Mission. 149 He was received into Full Connexion as a

Wesleyan minister, 160 but his inclination turned towards the Anglican church into which, in 1831, he was ordained. 151 His son, James west stack, received his education first at the hands of an unnamed tutor152 and later at st. John's College in Auckland, an account of which is found in Early Maoriland Adventures Of J .w. Stack. 153 st. John's was originally established at Waimate, but moved to its Auckland location in 1846, the year stack began. 164 The buildings housed a '"happy party of 50 of all ranks, bishop, archdeacon, priest-students and boys"' . 156 science appears not to be mentioned at all in connection with st.

John's, but stack noted that his tutor at Hicks Bay, who had been employed as a whaling station clerk, was by profession a naturalist. 156

In 1848 the Stack family returned to England, and young James stack expanded his knowledge at a polytechnic. 167 It was there he developed an appreciation of science, in particular applied physics in the areas of 'Optics, Acoustics, Mechanics, and Electricity', under the instruction of Professor Pepper. 158 Moreover, stack was clearly impressed by the experimental approach. 159 He also attended lectures at the Freemason's Grand Hall on the 'new and intensely interesting subject' of geology. 160 The majority of clergy found the new geological teaching repugnant, and 'branded it as infidel' . 161 However Stack's honesty forced him to face up to the difficulties of 'the testimony of the rocks'. 162 He saw in hindsight how little time elapsed before 'all reasonable men acknowledged that the Book of Nature was just as much

God's book as the Book of Revelation. ' 163 Nature and the Bible were co-equal revelations of God in his eyes: '··· these two books must be compared one with the other before the truth about Him could be known'. 164 Later on stack was actively involved with the life of the

New Zealand Institute but he was not preoccupied with science in quite 54 the same way as colenso and Taylor were. Stack's primary interests lay with missionary and ecclesiastical affairs, particularly as it related to the Maori work. 165 Another of the early explorers was Andrew Sinclair (c. 1796-

1861), a Presbyterian layman. It has already been mentioned that Hooker dedicated his book on New Zealand flora to Colenso, Taylor and

Sinclair, which gives an indication of the latter's scientific abilities. 166 Sinclair was born in Paisley, Scotland, and perhaps his early upbringing was reflected later on with a love of learning and a respect for the Kirk. Sinclair's medical training, begun in 1814 in

Glasgow, after which he moved to Edinburgh and Paris, included a large amount of training in botany. 167 subsequently he spent ten years at sea as a ship's surgeon, but his main leisure activity was botanizing. 168

Sinclair accompanied Governor FitzRoy to New Zealand in 1843, and was eventually pressed into service as Colonial Secretary by the Governor in January 1844. 169 Although he showed no outstanding talent in the position, he built a reputation as being reliable and honest. 170

However, Sinclair's botanical interests flourished. He energetically explored and collected, corresponded regularly with scientists in Great

Britain, as well as keeping abreast of the work others, such as Taylor and Colenso, in New Zealand. 171 At the same time Sinclair was actively involved with the Presbyterian church in New Zealand. In May 1847 he chaired an important public meeting to consider building a suitable church for the estimated one thousand Presbyterians in Auckland. 172

This was essentially a project initiated by the laity, 173 stimulated to some extent by the promise of help from the Free Church in

Scotland. 174 When difficulties arose in 1850 with the Rev. G.A. Panton, the members of the st. Andrew's church courts demonstrated a broader empathy for other denominational traditions than their Free church minister was willing to concede. 175 Wesleyan ministers, the Revs.

Alexander Reid (1821-1891), Principal of the Maori college at Three

Kings, T. Buddle ( 1812-1883) and particularly, Walter Lawry ( 1793-

1859), the General Superintendent of the New Zealand Mission, often preached from the st. Andrew's pulpit. 176 The Free Church tradition in 55

Dunedin was to prove, on some occasions, rather less accommodating to other denominations.

Sinclair was not only respected for his scientific attainments, but was noted for his generosity177 and 'genial philosophy'. 178 He retired from his position as colonial Secretary in 1856, and returned to England, whereupon he sought the company of Darwin, Huxley and

Hooker. 179 Sinclair was, however, an inveterate explorer. The lure of discovering a new species of fern was a major factor contributing to

Sinclair's decision to return to New Zealand in 1858. 180 His subsequent explorations led to friendships with Julius von Haast and Samuel

Butler.

Among the early Wesleyan missionaries Lawry, Buddle and James

Buller ( 1812-84) were perhaps those with the deepest interest in science. Lawry was the second Wesleyan missionary in Australia after

Samuel Leigh ( (1785-1852). He arrived at Sydney in 1818, and spent the next two years working with Leigh at Parramatta. 181 It appears that

Lawry was, as a young man, very interested in science generally and astronomy in particular. This is indicated in his diary entries on the voyage out to Australia. For example, on 5 March 1818, the ship was at latitude 38 degrees south and longitude 32 degrees east, a position which gave rise to a 'very boisterous climate in general' • 182 However, when the night skies were clear, Lawry found there was much to admire.

In these regions we have a beautiful view of the starry heavens, we see several fine constellations invisible in the Northern Hemisphere. The Milky Way is very bright and the Magellan clouds are the foremost of the spangling constellations. 183

Al though there was an air of conventional piety about the young missionary appointed as chaplain to the prison ship's human cargo of convicts, there was also an underlying humour and compassion. on one occasion he disputed with the officers over the definition of an

Epicure. Lawry maintained that 'he was a mere brute beast. They, on the contrary asserted he was a gentleman. Lord have mercy on gentlemen. 1184

In the good Wesleyan tradition of being useful, at the end of his voyage Lawry summed up his reading and writing since he left England.

I have read Wesley's Journals 6 vols; Jay's sermons 4 vols; Brown's view 1 vol; Gregory's Astronomy 1 vol; Dr Watt's Logic; 56

Dr Horne's Psalms 3 vols;Edmundson's Self Government; chalmer's (sic) sermons 1 vol; 1 vol of Sauron's sermons; Dr Young's Night Thoughts; Falconer's Shipwreck; Zimmerman's Solitude; 2 vols of Rollin's History. Written a volume of Sermons & Essays etc, and improved in the Sciences and in a knowledge of the wickedness of the world. (Lord save me. ) 185 over the next few years Lawry was also to reflect on the nature of

God's providential care. 186 Yet after the initial promise of improvement in the sciences, and a clear interest in astronomy, Lawry did not appear to take matters of science any further forward. He and

Leigh were unable to agree on very much, although there was a flurry of church building in 1818 and 1819. The foundation was laid for the first

'regular Methodist chapel' in the southern hemisphere on 6 November

1818 • 187 The foundation for the McQuarrie Street chapel in Sydney was laid 1 January 1819, 188 and that for the Princes street chapel 7 March

1819. 189 Yet wearied by the disputes with Leigh, the young missionary, who had by now married, became interested in the possibilities for a

Wesleyan mission in Tonga. He was there for four years. However, although Lawry prospered commercially, the ecclesiastical enterprise was not as successful. He returned to England without the consent of the governors of the Wesleyan Missionary Society and, despite their evident displeasure, was appointed eventually to a circuit at Helston.

James Buller was a Cornishman from Helston, in the traditional

Wesleyan mould. 190 Lawry became his circuit minister at one stage.

Lawry captured Buller's imagination with his stories of the South seas missions and he decided to emigrate to New Zealand with a view to missionary work. His diary reveals an evangelicalism very much reminiscent of colenso's, peppered constantly with scriptural verses and high zealous hopes. 191 An insight into Buller' s personality may be gleaned from a fragment recorded in his diary written a month after landing in New Zealand. He had just come back from a Wesleyan class

Meeting of Englishmen. 'How very excellent are these meetings scripture, Reason and Experience prove them so. ' 192 Yet, the missionary also had his share of doubts, and once recorded that 'unbelief cankers my soul'. 193 The work in the Kaipara, however, was to involve him to such a degree that he had little time to worry about the unbelief, and 57 he turned his powers of reason to botanical studies. This, along with his missionary endeavours, were highly regarded by William Colenso. 194

Buller's involvement in and appreciation of science was more limited than say Colenso 's or Taylor's. Nevertheless, over the years he continued to develop his capacity for scientific observation. His eye for scientific detail can be appreciated in the appendix entitled 'An

Epitome of The Natural History Of New Zealand', found in his book Forty

Years In New Zealand, wherein he gives brief but comprehensive surveys of the zoology, botany and minerals of New Zealand. 195

science was not a subject that Buller believed could be understood in isolation from his faith. on three separate occasions in letters to the Wesleyan Missionary Society he quoted a line196 expressing the essence of natural theology: "'one looks through nature up to nature's God"'. 197 Moreover, as Galbreath indicates, he encouraged his children to patiently observe the natural world. 196 His second son Walter Lawry Buller ( 1838-1906), who learnt the art of scientific illustration from swainson, 199 would later earn distinction as New Zealand's leading ornithologist after the publication of ~

History Of The Birds of New Zealand. 200 Yet the lessons of natural theology which were so important to his father did not appeal as much to him. Later in life he would not tolerate Biblical literalism as a credible alternative to scientific Darwinism, a belief which did not endear him to some of his contemporaries. 201 This will be examined in detail in chapter five.

The Rev. Thomas Buddle was another resourceful missionary with more than a passing interest in science. Like the Bullers, the Buddles grew to be extraordinarily resilient and faithful people in their various missionary duties. Buddle was a man of wide interests and during his term in Wellington he was appointed a member of the university council, a position he held for many years . 202 In 1876 he became the Principal of the Wesleyan theological institution, 203 which at that time had combined both the 'native department' and the English candidates for the ministry. 204 Buddle was an active member of the

Auckland branch of the New Zealand Institute, although it appears as if 58 he did not present any scientific papers. His assistant at Wesley college was Dr. Robert Kidd, who was also to figure prominently in the

Auckland Institute.

During the eighteen thirties and forties there is little evidence of innovative thinking in terms of the interaction of faith and science in the New Zealand context. The small scientific community, all enthusiastic amateurs, went about their work of collecting, classifying and observing in both the life sciences and the physical sciences. Most were patient, capable scientists in the context of their times. Most were nominally Christian, most found in their study of nature evidence of God. A few had some awareness of the tensions inherent between a literal reading the book of Revelation and the book of nature. Yet no real attempts were made at integrating the two sources of knowledge.

That is to be expected, of course, because the missionary-scientists were primarily engaged in the practical exigencies of missionary work.

The signs of the tempest to come, however, were already forming during the early eighteen fifties prior to Darwin's The Origin of Species. As already noted, young James stack had made a decision to understand the book of Genesis in the light of science rather than traditional faith. swainson and Taylor predicated their differing interpretations of

Genesis upon geological evidence, not solely upon the internal witness of the Bible. But the difficulties raised by these issues had also impinged on the wider community, which was rapidly growing as migration flows accelerated.

Naturally the early European settlements in New Zealand were small and primitive. Many emigrants expressed bitter disappointment on arrival. 205 In some cases they had been led to expect more by the agents of the New Zealand Company, who sometimes purveyed a 'highly organised' propaganda . 206 More realistic was Richard Taylor's appraisal in Te Ika A Maui after a decade of settlement. 207 His hints to those considering emigrating to New Zealand included the recommendation not to seek cheap land far away in the 'lonely places in the bush'. 208 He had a sound pastoral reason for the suggestion, namely, the lack of both the means of grace, that is, the eucharist, as well as a loss of 59

'their standard of morality' . 209 He might have added that travel in colonial New Zealand was arduous, and while much of the North Island was explored when he wrote, a large part of the south Island's hinterland was not. James Buller wrote of a journey from Auckland to

Port Nicholson, '"To travel upwards of five hundred miles in a country like New Zealand is a journey which cannot be attained without privation and toil." ' 210 A contemporary of his from the Australian

Methodist Church put the matter more bluntly, stating that attempting the journey the first time was a 'sin of ignorance', but to knowingly undertake it on a subsequent occasion was a 'sin of presumption, for which there is no forgiveness. ' 211 Yet, it was in such conditions that the missionary-scientists were able to do their best work, observing, collecting, classifying and thinking. Their extraordinary patience and fidelity to both the scientific and theological challenges was quite remarkable. Nevertheless, new challenges and insights in both disciplines were becoming apparent as the missionary endeavours gave way to settler churches. 60

1. c.A. Fleming, Science, settlers and scholars, wellington, Royal society of New Zealand, 1987 p. 3.

2. W.R.B. oliver (Ed.), T.F.Cheeseman's Manual of The New Zealand Flora, second edition, revised and enlarged, Wellington, The Government Printer, w.A.G. skinner, 1925, p. xv.

3. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 75.

4. ibid, p. 75.

5. The obituaries recorded in the TPNZI, Vol. 31, p. 722-3; 734; and Vol. 32 p. 443 indicate the very high regard many of his contemporaries had for his scientific capabilities. Harry Morton and Carol Morton Johnston, The Farthest Corner; New Zealand, A Twice Discovered Land, Auckland, Century Hutchinson, 1988, p. 50, give an assessment of colenso's scientific abilities and p. 183 notes his initial standing as a missionary.

6. For an exhaustive account of Colenso's life see A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso. In particular Part Five pp. 395-448, the sections 2, 'The Exhibition Essays'; 5, 'Gerontius'; 6, 'Historical and Scientific Papers'; and 7, 'Dreaming on Both', indicate the extent of colenso's knowledge of botany and related scientific issues.

7. John H. Evans, Churchman Militant; George Augustus Selwyn Bishop of New Zealand and Lichfield, London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd; Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1964, p. 24.

8. A. Bagnall and A. Petersen, William colenso, p. 26.

9. In 1837 Colenso produced a 'most beautifully printed and bound' edition of the Rev. William Williams' translation of the New Testament into Maori. cited by T.M.I. Williment, John Hobbs 1800-1883, Wesleyan Missionary To The Ngapuhi Tribe of Northern New Zealand, Wellington, V.R. Ward, Government Printer, 1985, p. 123.

10. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, pp. 139f.

11. William Colenso, Journals, M.S. Volume 63A, photocopy, Hacken Library, p. 738.

12. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William colenso, p. 139.

13. William colenso, Journals, M.s. Volume 63A, p. 740.

14. ibid, p. 740.

15. ibid, entry 24 March 1838, not numbered.

16. A.L. Rowse, The controversial colensos, Redruth, Cornwall; Dyllansow, Truran, 1989, p. 91. Rowse goes on to mention that Colenso became a 'youthful member of the Penzance Natural History and Antiquarian Society' (P· 91) while he was serving his apprenticeship.

17. H. Morton and c. Johnston, The Farthest Corner, p. 183-4.

18. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 72.

19. ibid, p. 72.

20. ibid, pp. 72f. 61

21. ibid, p. 72. cf. R. Glenn, Botanical Explorers of New Zealand, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1950, pp. 52-3.

22. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 73.

23. ibid, pp. 72-3. Cf. Glenn, Botanical Explorers, pp. 91-2.

24. cited by R. Glenn, Botanical Explorers, p. 91, and A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, pp. 74-5.

25. A. Bagnall and A. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 83.

26. ibid, p. 75.

27. ibid, p. 75.

28. W.G. McMinn, Allan Cunningham, Botanist And Explorer, Melbourne, Melbourne university Press, 1970.

29. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 84.

30. ibid, p. 84.

31. Michael E. Hoare, 'The Scientific Community in Australasia, 1870- 1900', Australasian Victorian studies, Wellington, 1977, p. 30.

32. R. Glenn, Botanical Explorers, p. 93.

33. ibid, p. 82.

34. cited by A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William colenso, p. 86.

35. Hooker's Handbook of New Zealand Flora of 1853 is dedicated jointly to 1 the Rev. William Colenso, Andrew Sinclair, and David Lyall, with the note that the work owed much to their indefatigable labours'. (R. Glenn, Botanical Explorers, p. 120.)

36. H. Morton and c. Johnston, The Farthest Corner, pp. 204-5.

37. cited by A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 464 and p. 467, n. 1.

38. cited by colenso's scientific associate and personal friend sir James Hector in the obituary TPNZI, Vol. 31, p. 724.

39. A.G. Bagnall and G.c. Petersen, William colenso, p. 465.

40. ibid, p. 465.

41. ibid, p. 466.

42. ibid, p. 466.

43. Richard Taylor, 'An Account of The First Discovery Of Moa Bones', TPNZI, Vol. 5, p. 98.

44. A.G. Bagnall and G.C. Petersen, William colenso, p. 466. Cf. H. Morton and c. Johnston, The Farthest Corner, pp. 204-5.

45. w.B.D. Mantell, 'On Moa Beds', TPNZI, Vol. 5, p. 94.

46. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William colenso, p. 465. 62

47. ibid, p. 465.

48. John stenhouse, 'The Battle Between science And Religion over Evolution In Nineteenth Century New Zealand', PhD. thesis, Massey University, Palmerston North, 1984, pp. 42-3.

49. W.H. oliver (Ed.), Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, 1769-1869, Vol. one, p. 89. Cf. J. stenhouse, 'The Battle Between science and Religion', p. 42. where stenhouse states that colenso's essay for the Dunedin Exhibition of 1865 was 'full of confusion'.

50. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 184. Cf. Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, 1769-1869, Vol. one, Wellington, Allen & unwin; & Department of Internal Affairs, p. 88.

51. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, pp. 143-4.

52. W.R.B. Oliver (Ed.) T.F. Cheeseman's New Zealand Flora, pp. xxv­ xxvi. Cf. Rowse, The Controversial colensos, p. 147 who gives considerable prominence to Colenso's dispute with G.M.Thomson, editor of the New Zealand Journal Of science, over scientific classifications.

53. J. Evans, churchman Militant, p 75.

54. ibid, chapter 13, pp. 226-41.

55. ibid, pp. 18f.

56. John King Davis, History of st. John's College, Tamaki, Auckland, N.Z., Auckland, Abel, Dykes Ltd, 1911, p. 9.

57. J. Evans, churchman Militant, p. 237.

58. ibid, p. 19.

59. Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, 1769-1869, vol. one, p. 89.

60. A.L. Rowse, The Controversial colensos, p. 151.

61. W.H. Oliver (Ed.), Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, 1769-1869, Vol. One, p. 89. Cf. A.L. Rowse, The Controversial Colensos, p. 151.

62. A.G. Bagnall and G.C. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 354.

63. ibid, pp. 354-5.

64. ibid, p. 385.

65. ibid, p. 358.

66. ibid, p. 358.

67. ibid, pp. 358-9.

68. ibid, p. 359.

69. Jeffy Guy, The Heretic: A study Of The Life Of John William Colenso 1914-1183, Johannesburg, Ravan Press, 1983, pp. 4-5.

70. A. Rowse, The Controversial Colensos, p. 7.

71. o. Chadwick, The Victorian church, pp. 90-7. 63

72. A. Rowse, The Controversial colensos, p. 34.

73. ibid, pp. 5lf.

74. Robert, A Charge Delivered To The Diocese Of Natal In The cathedral church of st. Peter, Pietermaritzburgh, At His Primary Metropolitan Visitation, Pietermaritzburgh, 1864, pp. 12-3. The author claimed for himself the title of Metropolitan of Capetown but is perhaps best described as Bishop Robert Gray. Rowse describes Gray's title as 'shadowy'. (A. Rowse, The Controversial colensos, p. 53.)

75. A. Rowse, The Controversial colensos, pp. 41-2.

76. George Cook, The status of the Church of England in New Zealand, Dunedin, 1877, pp. 27-40.

77. A. Rowse, The controversial colensos, p. 151.

78. ibid, pp. 6f.

79. ibid, p. 7.

80. J. Stenhouse, Ph.D. thesis, pp. 25f.

81. ibid, p. 25.

82. Geoffrey M. swainson, William swainson, F.R.S., F.L.S.; Naturalist & Artist; Diaries 1808-1818, Sicily, Malta, Greece, Italy & Brazil, (Transcribed, Edited and Published by Geoffrey M. swainson,) Palmerston North, 1989, p. 1.

83. ibid, p. 1.

84. ibid, p. 1.

85. ibid, p. 3.

86. ibid, pp. 2-3.

87. ibid, p. 3.

88. ibid, p. 76.

89. ibid, p. 2.

90. ibid, p. 3.

91. ibid, p. 5.

92. Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. II, p. 351.

93. Geoffrey swainson (Ed.), William swainson, p. 5.

94. Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. II, p. 351.

95. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 3, p. 334.

96. ibid, p. 334.

97. ibid, p. 334.

98. Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, vol. one, pp. 351-2. 64

99. Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. II, pp. 351-2.

100. Sheila Natusch and Geoffrey swainson, William swainson of Fern Grove, F.R.S., F.L.S. &c., The Anatomy of A Nineteenth century Naturalist, third revised edition, Wellington, published by the authors, 1987, p. 177.

101. J. Stenhouse, Ph.D. thesis, pp. 25f.

102. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 3, p. 371.

103. ibid, p. 371.

104. ibid, p. 371.

109. ibid, p. 371.

106. A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William colenso, p. 75.

107. ibid, p. 75.

108. ibid, p. 371.

109. Richard Taylor, 'An Account Of The First Discovery of Moa Remains', TPNZI, Vol. 5, pp. 97f. This was in fact given as a spoken statement to the Wellington Philosophical Society 6 November 1872 in reply to a paper presented earlier that evening by W.B.D. Mantell 'On Moa Beds'.

110. Richard Taylor, 'An Account', TPNZI, Vol. 5. p. 98.

111. ibid, p. 98.

112. Dictionary Of New Zealand Biography, 1769-1869, Vol. one, p. 437.

113. ibid, p. 437.

114. Rev. Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand And Its Inhabitants; Illustrating The origin, Manners, customs, Mythology, Religion, Rites, Songs, Proverbs, Fables, And Language Of The Maori And Polynesian Races In General; Together with The Geology, Natural History, Productions, And Climate of The country; Its State As Regards Christianity; Sketches of The Principal chiefs, And Their Present Position; With A Map And Numerous Illustrations, London, Wertheim and Macintosh, 1854, Facsimile edition, by A.H. and A.W. Reed, Auckland, Christchurch, published 1974.

115. ibid, chapter XVI on the geology of New Zealand; chapter XXV entitled 'Natural History - Manunalia; Birds; Fish; shells; Insects'; and chapter XXVI 'Botany'.

116. ibid, preface, p. vii.

117. ibid, chapter xx.

118. New Zealand Magazine, wellington, 1850, pp. 29f. Taylor cited this in a footnote at the beginning of chapter XX of Te Ika A Maui, p. 219.

119. Richard Taylor, 'The Geology of New Zealand', Chapman's New Zealand Monthly Magazine; Literary, scientific And Miscellaneous, Auckland, G.T. Chapman, undated, November 1862?, pp. 176-85; also Richard Taylor, 'The Geological Age Of New Zealand' , Chapman's New Zealand Monthly Magazine, December 1862, pp. 216-25. 65

120. Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, p. 237.

121. Richard Taylor, 'The Geological Age Of New Zealand', Chapman's New Zealand Monthly Magazine; Literary, scientific, And Miscellaneous, Auckland, G.T. Chapman, 1862, p. 224.

122. Richard Taylor, 'Geological observations on The Book of Genesis', New Zealand Magazine, Wellington, 1850, Vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 21-5.

123. ibid, p. 25.

124. ibid, p. 25.

125. ibid, p. 25.

126. Richard Taylor, 'Geological observations', New Zealand Magazine, vol. 1, no. 1, p. 25.

127. Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, p. 238n.

128. ibid, p. 236.

129. ibid, p. 238.

130. ibid, p. 238.

131. ibid, p. 238n.

132. Richard Taylor, 'Geological Observations On The Book of Genesis', New Zealand Magazine, Vol. 1, p. 25.

133. Richard Taylor, 'The Geological Age of New Zealand', Chapman's New Zealand Monthly Magazine, p. 224.

134. ibid, p. 225.

135. ibid, p. 225.

136. Richard Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, pp. 238-9.

137. ibid, p. 239.

138. ibid, p. 239.

139. ibid, p. 250.

140. ibid, pp. 394-429.

141. ibid, pp. 430-57.

142. ibid, p. 431.

143. ibid, p. 431.

144. ibid, pp. 431-2.

145. ibid, pp. 432-3.

146. ibid, p. 430 and pp. 433-4.

147. ibid, between pp. 463-5. 66

148. A.H. Reed (Ed.), More Maoriland Adventures of J.W. stack, Dunedin and wellington, A.H. and A.W. Reed, 1936, pp. 72-3.

149. w .J. Williams, Centenary Sketches of New Zealand Methodism, Christchurch, Lyttleton Times co., undated, 1923?, p. 29.

150. ibid, p. 29.

151. W.J. Williams, centenary sketches, p. 29. Date of ordination given in W.A. chambers Samuel Ironside In New Zealand, 1839-1858, Auckland, Ray Richards Publisher in association with the Wesley Historical Society of New Ze~land, 1982, p. 266.

152. A.H. Reed (Ed.), Early Maoriland Adventures Of J.W. Stack, Edited, With A Memoir, Dunedin and Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1935, p. 233.

153. ibid, chapter XVI, pp. 236-50.

154. ibid, p. 236.

155. ibid, p. 236n.

156. ibid, p. 233.

157. A.H. Reed (Ed.), More Maoriland Adventures, p. 34.

158. ibid, p. 35.

159. ibid, p. 35.

160. ibid, p. 72.

161. ibid, p. 72.

162. ibid, p. 72.

163. ibid, p. 72.

164. cited by A.H. Reed (Ed.), Early Maoriland Adventures, p. 47.

165. A.H. Reed (Ed.), More Maoriland Adventures, p. 5.

166. R. Glenn, Botanical Explorers, p. 120.

167. ibid, p. 107.

168. ibid, pp. 107-9.

169. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 3, p. 256.

170. ibid, p. 256.

171. R. Glenn, Botanical Explorers, pp. 109-110 and A. Bagnall and G. Petersen, William Colenso, p. 55n. Cf. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 3, p. 256.

172. Linley wood, The History of st Andrew's, The Pioneer Presbyterian church of New Zealand, Auckland, wright and Jaques, 1947, chapter IV, The Panton Controversy", pp. 23-29.; cf. John Rawson Elder, The History of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand 1840-1940, Christchurch, Presbyterian Bookroom, 1940, p. 55. 67

173. J. R. Elder, History, p. 55. cf. Allan K. Davidson, Christianity In Aotearoa; A History Of church And Society In New Zealand, Wellington, The New Zealand Education For Ministry Board, 1991, p. 34.

174. J.R. Elder, History of the Presbyterian Church, p. 55.

175. ibid, pp. 57-8.

176. ibid, pp. 57-8. Elder states that Alexander Reid was Principal of Wesley College at this time, but in fact he was Principal of the College established for Maori education at Three Kings. cf. W.J. Williams, Centenary Sketches, pp. 101-3.

177. R. Glenn, Botanical Explorers, p. 109.

178. David Munro, 'On The Leading Features Of The Geographical Botany of The Provinces of Nelson And Marlborough', TPNZI, vol. 1, pp. 167-68.

179. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 3, p. 256.

180. R. Glenn, Botanical Explorers, p. 110.

181. Walter Lawry, M.S. diary entry, 14 April 1818. Typescript copy held at Auckland Museum & Institute, original in Sydney.

182. ibid, diary entry, 5 March 1818.

183. ibid, diary entry, 5 March 1818.

184. ibid, diary entry, 17 March 1818.

185. ibid, diary entry, 13 April 1818.

186. ibid, diary entries, 30 December 1818, 5 September 1822, for example.

187. ibid, diary entry, 6 November 1818.

188. ibid, diary entry, 1 January 1819.

189. ibid, diary entry, 7 March 1819.

190. Ross Galbreath, Walter Buller, The Reluctant Conservationist, Wellington, GP Books, 1989, p. 13.

191. James Buller, M.S. diary, Hacken Library.

192. ibid, diary entry, 27 May 1836.

193. ibid, diary entry, 22 June 1836.

194. James Buller, Forty Years In New Zealand, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1878, p. 69.

195. ibid, pp. 497-503.

196. cf. colenso's presidential address to the Hawkes Bay Philosophical Institute, 11 May 1896, recorded in TPNZI, Vol. 28, who quotes the same line of Pope's poetry from the 'Essay On Man'.

197. cited by R. Galbreath, Walter Buller, p. 17. 68

198. ibid, p. 17.

199. ibid, pp. 29-31.

200. Walter L. Buller, A History of The Birds Of New Zealand, new edition revised from the second edition of 1888, Whitcombe & Tombs, wellington, 1967; cf. Walter L. Buller, Manual Of The Birds of New Zealand, wellington, George Didsbury, The Government Printer, 1882.

201. See Buller's reply to Major-General Schaw's address to the Wellington Philosophical society, TPNZI, vol 25, p. 77.

202. Auckland weekly News, 23 October 1880, p. 7.

203. Minutes of the 11th Annual Conference, Australasian Wesleyan Methodist church (New Zealand), Wellington, January 1884, p. 6.

204. Auckland weekly News, 23 October 1880, p. 7.

205. John Miller, Early Victorian New Zealand, A study of Racial Tension And Societal Attitudes, 1839-1852, Wellington, oxford university Press, London, New York, Melbourne, 1958, chapter 5, pp. 42- 69.

206. J. Miller, Early Victorian New Zealand, chapter 4, 'Great Expectations', pp. 6f; cf. Charles Heaphy, Narrative of A Residence In Various Parts Of New Zealand, Together With A Description Of The Present state Of The Company Settlements, London, Smith, Elder & co., 1842, A Hacken Library Facsimile, no. 7, 1968.

207. R. Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, 'Concluding Remarks', pp. 458-62.

208. ibid, p. 461.

209. ibid, p. 461.

210. Jessie Arthur?, Rev. Thomas And Mrs Buddle, Pioneer Missionaries To New Zealand, 1840 to 1884: A Tribute To Their Memory By Their Descendants, Auckland, Methodist Literature and Colporteur Society in New Zealand, 1940, p. 10. No author is given on the title page, but a pencil note on the title page of the copy held at the Auckland Institute ascribes authorship to Jessie Arthur.

211. ibid, p. 10. 69 CHAPTER THREE:

SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONTEXT FOR

FAITH AND SCIENCE DURING THE EIGHTEEN FORTIES

AND EIGHTEEN FIFTIES. LEADING TO

THE RECEPTION OF DARWINISM

As the centres of settler population grew in colonial New Zealand, and immigrants brought new ideas from Great Britain, there was to be a slow but definite shift in both scientific and theological emphases. In the churches there was a movement from a missionary orientated theology to settler church clericalism, although the Presbyterians were from the outset a settler church. 1 This was paralleled by a movement among some scientists from being practitioners in the field to being practitioners in the laboratory. 2 The cultural context of the faith-science interaction was also changing against the wider backdrop of society, because the hopes and aspirations of the settlers were distinctly different to those which they had felt in their homelands."3

certainly none of the early settler-scientists or missionary­ scientists who came to New Zealand, or even their British counterparts, could have foreseen all the enormous scientific changes that were about to occur, not only in biology with the advent of Darwinism and the development of cell theory in the latter half of the nineteenth century, but also the powerful modern theories of heat, light and electro-magnetism. 4 The rate of scientific discovery was very fast, often bringing tangible benefits. Indeed, the years during the third quarter of the nineteenth century had 'so many eloquent voices' praising the cause of science that the period is correctly characterised as the high point of Victorian scientific naturalism. 6

Many influential colonists swelled the chorus of praise in New Zealand 70 also. In Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch and Dunedin during the eighteen fifties there was consistent, if somewhat limited, discussion about scientific issues in the wider community. This chapter explores aspects of the context into which The Origin of Species and Darwinism was received, without claiming to be exhaustive. Each of the main centres had communities where faith was lively, churches were active, and general interest in science was shown. But perhaps it was in

Dunedin that most explicit reference was made to an interaction between faith and science prior to the publication of The origin of Species.

The settlers were, for the most part, preoccupied with at first survival then comfort, as, region by region, the European population grew. Those whose who ships sailed to destinations in the north of the

North Island soon found that Auckland had natural advantages in terms of climate and conditions, which led to its early designation as the capital. 6 The city of Auckland, officially founded 18 September 1840 by Captain William Hobson, 7 the Lieutenant-Governor of New Zealand, was not built as a religious settlement nor as an extension of an 'imperial ideal'. 8 Rather it was from the beginning a settlement founded on a commercial basis. Deservedly or not, Auckland commerce had the reputation of being a 'hotbed of iniquity' . 9 "'The whole & entire object of everyone here is making money,"' said John Logan Campbell. 10

Dr. Andrew Sinclair, in his capacity as colonial Secretary, estimated

Auckland's population in 1841 to be 1500 persons, 11 and nearly double that a year later'because of the influx of 552 immigrants on the Jane

Gifford and the Duchess of Argyle. Within a decade it was further estimated by the members of the Auckland Provincial council that about

80,000 or three-fifths of the entire population of New Zealand, native and European, lived within the boundaries of the newly created Auckland

Province. 12 Despite Auckland's fiercely commercial nature, among the first institutions to be built were churches of the Anglican, Roman catholic, Wesleyan Methodist and Presbyterian denominations. 13 James

Buller was instrumental in establishing the original Methodist society in Auckland. 14 The place of worship for the commencement of English language services was a saw-pit at Mechanics Bay, 15 aptly named because 71

1 16 it was the 'humble home of the workmen and artisans • The New Zealand Company promoted model settlements in Wellington,

Christchurch and Dunedin, initially with a quite different philosophical base for the pattern of development compared to

Auckland's laissez faire approach. Christchurch and Dunedin were, of course, begun as religious settlements. Yet, within a short period of time, no matter where the colonists settled, they began self­ consciously replicating the social, educational, theological and political traditions of their homelands. 17 Walter Lawry was appointed to Auckland as superintendent of the 'Missions In New Zealand' in 1843, and within seven years was convinced that there was a need for a Wesleyan seminary. 18It was precisely this replication factor which was to enliven the New Zealand faith-science interaction. The assumptions of the missionary-scientists, in particular their implicit Baconianism, would come under increasing scrutiny as a wider group of their scientific and theological peers began debating the issues of the faith-science interaction which were setting all Britain ablaze. The first of Edward Gibbon Wakefield's (1796-1862) New Zealand company settlement schemes was planned for Port Nicholson, Wellington. 19 on paper it provided a framework for an orderly social and political life, based on religious respectability. 20 Those immigrants of 1840 expected cheap and fertile land, something approaching a sub-tropical climate, and if not a ready made paradise, an environment that would be sufficiently pliable for their needs. 21

Although the New Zealand Company's agents in England painted a picture in '"glowing but false colours" 122 the scientific information they received from their naturalist Dr. Ernst Dieffenbach (1811-55) in New Zealand was of the highest standard. 23 Dieffenbach was the son of a

Lutheran pastor-professor, although he has been described as 'staunchly anti-clerical'.M

Despite the lure of paradise, the settlers found in practice that wellington was a difficult geographic area, prone to earthquakes, and often smitten with high winds. 25 James Buller who visited Port Nicholson in 1840 declared it to be '"a wild waste"'.a The original 72 landing area proved flood-prone, and as the inunigrants moved to take land from the local Maori, racial tensions were soon heightened. 27

Nevertheless, worthy attempts at adult education were begun very early on, perhaps with at least some hope of countering superstition and overcoming prejudice. H.S. Chapman, a Supreme court Judge in Wellington from 1843-52, wrote in his The New Zealand Portfolio of 1843 that the absentee land proprietors residing in London should form an Association for economic and political gain. 28 Three fifths of the Wellington land sold by the New Zealand Company, and similarly fourth fifths of the

Nelson land, was purchased by absentee speculators. 29 Besides opening up obvious lines of conununication between the proposed Association, the

New Zealand Company and the various governmental agencies, the new group 'should also open a conununication with such societies as the

Horticultural Society of Wellington, the Mechanics' Institutions, and with any other similar associations which may be formed' . 30 The very word science was dominant in Chapman's thinking about colonization. As a willing disciple of Wakefield's, he had written in 1841 that "'The light of science has shed a brilliant ray on the modern practice of colonization" ' . 31 Chapman was to be one of the original members of the

New Zealand Society founded in 1851 in Wellington. This was the forerunner of the New Zealand Institute. The scientific method was almost sacrosanct among some of the founding members such as Walter

Mantell, George Grey and Chapman, but there were also clergy in their ranks whose faith provided a different perspective on scientific matters. These clerics were the Revs. Richard Taylor, John Woodward and

Octavius Hadfield.

The elevation of science, its importance and the effects of its progress, meant that many of the colonists were intent on keeping abreast of scientific developments. By 1850 the Wellington settlers had established a Mechanics' Institute Hall, and a lending library of some seven hundred 'sensible and improving' volumes. 32 The more serious minded of the conununity attended lectures on such subjects as 'The

Inunortality of the soul'; 'The Anatomy and Physiology of the Human Body in Relation to Vital Principle or Electricity'; and 'Hobbes' Theory of 73

Laughter. ' 33 For highly educated men such as Thomas Arnold, such lectures were a means of self-help by which the working class might overcome their unscientific and rather superstitious approach to life. 34 Arnold had been one of the original contingent which had sailed on the John wickcliffe in 1847, destined for settlement in otago. 35 He had studied in Germany and then in Dublin under Archbishop Whateley, 36 an influential and persuasive logician and a member of the oxford noetics.

The noetics were dons who, dissatisfied with the traditional expressions of orthodoxy, sought to broaden the church of England's theological spectrum. 37 Whateley's noeticism undoubtedly had an effect on Arnold who found the propaganda of the New Zealand company distasteful. He wrote in a letter of October 1848 that the idea of settlements based upon religious affiliations indicated an 'extremely absurd' exclusiveness. 38 At another juncture Arnold drew an interesting analogy between art and science, and geographic setting. 39 He was familiar with the landscape of Lycia in Asia Minor, and saw resemblances between it and aspects of the New Zealand landscape. '"But how different the civilisation of the two places! Science thrives in

New Zealand. Art flourishes in Lycia." , 4o

Evidence for at least the former part of Arnold's observation is readily found in the rapid spread of the Mechanics' Institutes. They were also to be found in other major settlements, such as Nelson,

Auckland and Dunedin, almost from their founding. As early as May 1841 the Nelson 'Literary and Scientific Institution' was constituted aboard the barque Whitby, 41 only seventeen days after it had sailed from

Gravesend. 42 This supremely confident effort to reproduce patterns of both scientific societies and educational facilities was to bear much fruit. It was in Nelson Boys' College that young Ernest Rutherford was to demonstrate his outstanding abilities in languages, science and mathematics. 43 Later the Cawthron Institute of Nelson would be endowed by Thomas Cawthron (1833-1915) with a gift of $240,000, making it the largest private institution of its kind in the country. 44

The Auckland Mechanics' Institute and Library had been founded 74 before Auckland was declared a city, and a substantial hall in Chancery street was opened in September 1842. 45 It was the conununity focal point for public meetings for many years, 46 until falling into disuse some thirty eight years later. 47 st. Andrew's Presbyterian church owed something of its origin to meetings held in the Chancery Street

Institute. At the inaugural meeting of the trustees, 22 September 1847,

Dr. Andrew Sinclair was appointed along with seven others to negotiate with the Governor-General in order to find a suitable site for the first Presbyterian church in Auckland. 48 similarly in south Canterbury, both the Presbyterian cause, 49 and the Wesleyan Methodist cause, 50 were launched with inaugural services held in the Mechanics' Institute

Hall. It was the indefatigable James Buller who conducted the Wesleyan service in April 1863 . 51

But in their prime, the Institutes were regarded not so much as a focal point for conununity activity and meetings as rather 'the Mecca of all things intellectual'.52 This was the case throughout the young colony, and the clergy were among those seen as educators in that context. on one occasion James Buller gave a lecture entitled 'New

Zealand, The Future England Of The south Hemisphere; or, The Natural

Advantages of New Zealand Compared With Those Of The Australian colonies' at the Wellington Athen~um. It was so well received that he was urged to repeat it at the Mechanics' Institute. 53 On another occasion, at the Auckland Mechanics' Institute, the Rev. Thomas Buddle delivered two lectures on 'The Aborigines Of New Zealand' in early

1851. 54 Clergy with as much' experience as Buller and Buddle were welcome speakers on any kind of topic, but especially where there was some connection with scientific material, such as ethnology. Another important speaker was the Rev. Thomas Cheeseman (1815-1907), originally a Methodist minister in circuit work in various parts of

England. 55 He migrated in November 1853 on the Artemisia, and made his home in Auckland on arrival in April 1854. 56 Instead of continuing in full-time ordained ministry, Cheeseman became a successful businessman and politician. 57 But his interest in science, astronomy in particular, did not wane. He had his own observatory, constructed telescopes, and 75 collaborated with visiting American astronomers . 68 As in the case of the Buller family, Cheeseman's interest in science was taken up by a son, Thomas Frederick Cheeseman ( 1846-1923) who became one of New

Zealand's leading botanists.

Dunedin, settled as an outpost of the Free church of Scotland in

1848, is particularly interesting, as from the earliest the settlers debated aspects of the faith-science interaction in their community halls, in the newspaper columns, and through the various church courts.

The Mechanics' Institute was the focal point of early community interest in science, with lectures and instruction being promulgated in such diverse subjects as '"Natural Philosophy, History, Astronomy,

Geology, Chemistry, Political Economy, Architectural and Mechanical

Drawing, Music, Language, etc, " ' . 69 The popular nature of certain branches of science, indicating widespread community interest, can be shown by the relative size of the crowds drawn on some occasions. For example, on 12 June 1852 a lecture on astronomy was held in the school hall under the auspices of the Mechanics' Institute. 60 Presumably it both entertained and informed, drawing a crowd of some two hundred people. The Mechanics' Institute acquired its own premises during the course of the following year, 61 with no diminution of enthusiasm.

McLintock records that the winter of 1857 was no hindrance to the three hundred or so men, women and children of the town's eight hundred population, who sought entertainment and 'intellectual stimulation' in the lectures. 62 It is astonishing how seriously the community regarded the topics, given that their energies were necessarily devoted to turning the rugged terrain into economic farmland and usable town space, building a community infrastructure beginning with a population of barely five hundred people, as well as coping with the geographical and spiritual isolation of being taken literally to the ends of the earth. 63 The way in which faith and science interacted had a measure of importance to many of the people of Dunedin, who would, as Matheson notes, turn out for a lecture on 'the properties of heat to natural theology'. 64 In fact, Dunedin became the centre of the later controversies over Darwinism and Biblical interpretation, although 76 initial reactions surfaced in Christchurch.

Why, then, did the Scottish class settlement come to such prominence? What lay behind the Rev. Thomas Burns' (1796-1871) choice of topic for his 1852 lecture in the Mechanics Institute, grandiosely entitled, '"Pleasures and Advantages connected with the Pursuits of

Literature and Science; or the value of Intellectual Self-Culture to the Working Man" '?65 Paradoxically, the answer lies both in Dunedin's pre-Disruption heritage and its Free Kirk ethos. Dealing with the former, the Scottish love of learning is legendary, and no more so than in the Kirk where 'there was a universal insistence that religion and education went together' • 66 It would be too narrow a view to ignore this broad respect for literacy, which had its roots laid well before the Scottish reformation but came to fruition during the latter half of the sixteenth century. Al though standards varied considerably over time, the concept of a broad arts and divinity education became a permanent feature of Scottish theological training. 67 The need for an adequate knowledge of natural philosophy assumed a greater significance over the next two hundred years. By 1835 there was very considerable pressure on the presbyteries of Scotland to enforce standards of ministerial selection with preliminary examinations. Divinity students had to demonstrate competence in 'Literature, Science and Philosophy, particularly Greek and Latin'. 68 Those who came to Dunedin thus brought an understanding and appreciation of an intellectual legacy which spanned centuries, and which, they were confident, was the most godly means to future success. 69 The Rev. James Chisholm was not ashamed in

1898 to quote the strictures of the First book of Discipline in educational matters, including the necessity of 'logick' taking pride of place in the curriculum. 70

However, we must also bear in mind that Dunedin's ministers and elders were participants of the Scottish Disruption which split asunder the Established church of Scotland in 1843. one grievance in the politics of the disruption was over the rights of the congregations to have a measure of control over clerical appointments. The 474 (out of

1203) 71 church of Scotland ministers who left their manses and their 77 livings and formed the Free Kirk, with Thomas Chalmers at their head, did not turn away from the Scottish tradition of a highly trained and intellectual clergy as laid out in the First Book of Discipline, viz,

"'(F)or as the youth must succeed us, so we ought to be careful that they have the knowledge and the erudition II f necessary for the maintenance of the Kirk. 72 If anything, the breakaways were to take an equal pride in the value of a university education. Even more importantly the Free Kirk believed passionately in the value of an education, specifically Christian in its orientation, for all the children of Scotland, but most of all for the children of the poor. 73

Although there were extremely sacrificial offerings required for the founding a new national church, nevertheless within two years five hundred places of worship had been opened, 74 along with schools and later the Free Kirk's own theological colleges.

some of the Free Kirk theologians regarded the new scientific learning with considerable caution. When James MacGregor was a theological student he records in his diary entry 6 May 1853 that 'in the study of the Bible, a student is especially exposed to the danger of looking on what he reads with an excessively scientific interest, , 75 the implications of which he was later to fully develop in New Zealand in his great dogmatic work, The Apology Of The Christian Religion. 76

At that time, however, MacGregor was caught in the cross fire between the claim of science and the claim of Revelation, which has been succinctly summarized thus:

"The rock on which Scottish presbyterianism had stood for centuries fell before the onslaught of the scientific spirit of the nineteenth century. The intellectuality of its faith, once its greatest strength, was now a grievous weakness .•• " 77

But the Free Kirk could be more flexible in its approach than even students with as acute a mind as MacGregor might at first have realized. we have already noted in chapter one that Thomas Chalmers made considerable advances in a critical assessment of natural theology and its relation to Biblical revelation. Chalmers was not only keenly interested in astronomy, but was also aware of the Church's need to develop a general theology of science. As a result of his personal 78 enthusiasm he firmly advocated teaching science as a necessary part of the theological curriculum, which became a vital point for him after the Disruption. Thus when New College, Edinburgh, opened in 1846

(albeit without any buildings) there was not only a chair of Natural science, but also a tutor in mathematics and a professor of Logic. 78

Aberdeen and Glasgow, the other seminaries of the Free Church, also made similar provisions, though questions of status and length of tenure plagued the various appointments. The professorships of mathematics and logic soon disappeared, but the chair of Natural

Science remained in the divinity faculty until 1934, in spite of some spirited resistance. 79

This intention to have an educated clergy and laity was transported directly into the New Zealand churches. As the pioneer the

Rev. James Chisholm wrote in 1898 looking back to the foundations of

New Zealand Presbyterianism:

church and school - the minister and the schoolmaster - have been the chief moulding agencies of Scottish character. By these were the people that founded otago prepared; by these will people of equal worth be perpetuated. 80

This attitude was not solely the preserve of the otago Presbyterians.

The 1862 General Assembly of the Presbyterian church of New Zealand

(usually called the northern Church to distinguish it from the independent synod of otago and southland), urged the national and provincial governments to establish '"on a broad and unsectarian basis such intermediate schools and colleges as should give an education at once scientific, classical and philosophical."' 81 Thus the northern and southern Presbyterians in New Zealand brought into the colonial context not only the Scottish emphasis on education generally, but also stressed the importance of science even at junior school levels.

Besides these high aims, it was also the case that over the next three decades, Presbyterian ministers came to New Zealand with fresh experiences of the divisions which had plagued Presbyterianism as a result of the Disruption. 82 Equally, some brought with them an abiding interest in all theological developments, especially the faith-science interaction, which was such an integral part of the wider Presbyterian 79 tradition. Dunedin eventually earned the reputation of being a dour

Presbyterian city, in certain respects an unmerited image in view of the colourful debates over Darwinism and Higher Criticism. Within a few years of settlement, we find fragments of ideas not only reflecting intellectual progress from their distant homelands, but also suggesting the future form of the faith-science interaction in New Zealand. For example, in 1851 the otago Witness reprinted in full a lengthy review by Hugh Miller of a book by the Scottish scientist David Balfour. The editorial justification was that not only was there 'highly entertaining and instructive information' for every class of reader but also the sheer quantity of factual knowledge was worthy in its elf. 83

The article, 'Phyto-Theology', clearly implied that stories like the

Creation and the Fall are for moral rather than scientific instruction. significantly, Miller also argued that the phrase from Genesis where humanity is made in the 'image of God' must include the 'intellectual image also, and that portion of the Divine image man has not lost., 04

Miller, who was enormously popular in Scotland, was thus read and discussed in Dunedin some seven years before The origin Of Species itself raised questions about the literal accuracy of the book of

Genesis. 85 There appears to have been no recrimination or countercharge through the correspondence column, but possibly the editor was not of a mind to inflame doctrinal division, and did not allow further debate.

It has already been noted that the Mechanics' Institute was also a place where such topics might be debated. Attendance at these kinds of public lectures waxed and waned, a fact lamented in the newspaper.

In 1860, by way of a response to an editorial plea for serious entertainment during the colder months, the leading ministers, Revs.

D.M. Stuart (1819-94) and Thomas Burns (1796-1871), along with some of the Presbyterian lay notables, gave a series of lectures. Among the topics discussed were, 'The importance of scientific knowledge'; 'The present political and ecclesiastical crisis in Europe'; 'Mahomet and

Mahometism'. 86 These attracted audiences of up to three hundred, which again reminds us that those who spoke from the rostrum of the lecture hall or from the pulpit were important voices in the cornrnuni ty. It 80 cannot be decided if the lecture on science was occasioned by news of the reception of Darwin's The origin Of Species or is merely a further indication of the Victorian preoccupation with science. The 18 6 3 catalogue for the Athenffium of the Mechanics Institute does not record an entry for a copy of Darwin's The Origin of Species. 87 There were, in fact, less than a dozen works on biological science generally, but upwards of fifty on mathematical topics and applied mechanics. Among the several hundred general works are Paley's Evidences, and Chalmers'

Evidences from the Bridgewater Treatises.

There is, perhaps, a greater measure of symbolic importance to this church sponsored lecture series by Burns and Stuart than might at first be realised. In one respect it represents an important dividing line, not so much the end of an era, but the beginning of the end.

Burns had been educated at Edinburgh University and Divinity Hall in the eighteen tens and twenties, 88 well before the debates on Biblical criticism really brought theological matters to a head. Although Stuart was more forward thinking theologically, he did not embrace the new learning altogether. It was a hard blow to him when, later on during the eighteen seventies, his son Alexander became an ardent atheist and

Darwinist. 89 Nevertheless, the atmosphere engendered by Free Kirk righteousness was already drawing to a close in Dunedin by the eighteen sixties, the 'visiting book of Thomas Burns' revealing the 'chasm

90 between Free church ideals and the realities of early Dunedin 1 • The days of referring to the Anglican elite (who were a majority of the bench of magistrates) as the 'little enemy' were numbered. 91 New enemies to the civic and theological faith of Calvinism, 92 and far more threatening ones at that, were appearing. chief among these was to be an increasing appetite among some clergy for the new approach to history and Biblical criticism, although this was still several decades away from fulfilment.

In fact, Christchurch was where Biblical criticism and Darwinism were brought before the public eye quite dramatically. Christchurch, or more correctly, the Canterbury settlement, was another of Gibbon

Wakefield's projects, 93 the first colonists arriving in December 81

1850. 94 During the next three years some 3,400 members of the church of

England immigrated to the Canterbury settlement, with pastoral oversight provided by twenty members of the clergy. 95 Like their counterparts in Wellington, Dunedin, and Nelson they found 'The reality was very different from the expectation'. 96 It has been claimed that

Canterbury was the one Wakefield project that most nearly succeeded in terms of the original vision. 97 Yet, the unifying factor of a common religion among the immigrants was not observed by the colonial Office, nor could it be policed in New zealand. 98 Nevertheless, the expectation about the ethos of the coming settlement was well captured by the Rev.

H.T. Purchas when he wrote that the Canterbury Pilgrims thought they would build in New Zealand 'an English county with its cathedral city' • 99 That also meant the establishment of a university, a bishopric, the establishment of an aristocracy along with the concomitant division of labour central the English class system. Moreover, according to

Purchas, there would be 'no dissent', that is, the exclusion of any who were unwilling to conform to the established church. 100 Life in the

Canterbury settlement was, however, free from 'much nonsense' found in

'the old country'. 101 Naturally the high aims and ideals were not realised. William Fox writing to J.R. Godley, whose aspirations had helped in large measure to found the Canterbury Association, said bluntly in a letter of 1858, 'As regards its ecclesiastical aspect, I think it has failed altogether to realise the aspirations of its founders. ' 102

The first Bishop of Christchurch was H.J.c. Harper, recommended to the Canterbury Association by Selwyn in 1855. 103 Harper was later to become Primate when Selwyn left in 1868. Under Harper's influence the church of England made steady gains, in terms of churches built, endowments secured and pastoral influence generally. He was a founding member of the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 104 and enjoyed a cordial relationship with one of Canterbury's leading scientists, sir

Julius van Haast ( 1822-87) . 105

Haast was born in Bonn, 1 May 1822, the son of a prosperous merchant, and brought up in the Catholic faith. 106 He studied geology 82 and mineralogy at the university of Bonn, although he did not graduate. 107 He spent some years exploring mountain regions in various of Europe, gaining invaluable practical experience in mineralogy. 108

Little is known of his life in the period between leaving university and his emigration to New Zealand in 1858, although his son makes the interesting observation that 'In addition to his "wander-lust" it is probable that his "Liberal" opinions in the Germany of that day made a change to a new country and freer atmosphere advisable. 109 Von Haast arrived in Auckland 21 December 1858 on the Evening star to investigate the potential for a large scale emigration for Germans, and, coincidentally, the following day the German geologist Ferdinand

Hochstetter arrived on the Novara. 110 The two travelled throughout New

Zealand for the following nine months. 111

In November 1860 Haast was commissioned to investigate the suitability of a tunnel linking the port of Lyttleton to Christchurch through the Port Hills. 112 The contractors initially appointed had abandoned the project when they had struck deposits of very hard rocks, trachyte diorite. 113 This investigation was to prove the making of

Haast•s reputation. His recommendation for the tunnelling to proceed was based upon detailed geological observations, and concluded that even the hardest rocks, trachyte dolerite, formed only a small part of lava streams to be worked. 114 Haast•s predictions were vindicated during the actual construction. consequently, in February 1861 he was appointed Provincial Geologist, and in the same month became a naturalised British subject. 115 Haast did not directly contribute to the faith-science dialogue, remaining rather ambivalent over the nature of the church. When a German language church was opened in 18 7 2,

Haast•s wife, Mary, preferred the family to attend it rather than other denominations, believing it to be the least objectionable place of worship. 116 Haast was certainly a theist, once referring in a speech at a graduation ceremony to the '"purpose of the universe"' and the ability of the ordinary human to be '"in communion with that wonderful power around him, which the most exalted idealism can neither reach nor conceive"' . 117 However, like his wife, he displayed much uneasiness 83 with attempts by the church to stifle new scientific advances, preferring the principle of 'Lehrfreiheit', or liberty for the teacher. 118 The German Church of Canterbury eventually became the 'headquarters of the Free-thought Association'. 119

Haast enjoyed a wide circle of friends and colleagues. His scientific achievements led in 1862 to a doctorate from Tlibingen, election to the Royal society in 1867 and a Doctor of science from

Cambridge in 1886. Some regarded him as a "'jolly, joyous'" man, with an irrepressible sense of humour. 120 Haast was to make the acquaintance of Samuel Butler through the Canterbury Club in 1861, 121 a friendship which undoubtedly helped Butler with the formulation of his initial understanding of Darwinism.

Turning now to Butler, his impact on the early formulations of the faith-science interaction in New Zealand was highly significant.

Tracing his background will shed some light on why this was the case.

Samuel Butler was born on 4 December 1835, at the Rectory, Langar,

Nottinghamshire. His grandfather, the Rev. Dr. Samuel Butler, was headmaster of Shrewsbury school from 1798-1836 and, subsequently Bishop of Lichfield. 122 Dr. Butler taught Charles Darwin at Shrewsbury, an education which has been assessed as one of the best of its kind in

England in the early nineteenth century. 123 It included not only the classics and mathematics, but also a little history and geography. 124

However, Darwin loathed Shrewsbury School and later wrote that this period of his education was simply a blank in his mind. 125

Butler was the second child in the family. He had an older sister Harriet, and a younger brother Tom and sister May. Samuel was educated at Shrewsbury, then under the direction of Dr. Kennedy, and in 1854 entered st. John's College, Cambridge. His public school education was centred on the classics, but during his first year at university he began to seriously study mathematics only to abandon it quite quickly. 126 This failure with mathematics is a significant precursor to his later disenchantment with all forms of strict logical analysis. In

Luck or cunning, published in 1887, he was to write, 'Logic has been the true Tower of Babel, which we have thought to build up so that we 84 might climb into the heavens and have no more miracle' • 127 This stands in marked contrast to the colenso brothers, Bishops Nevill and Suter in

New Zealand, and Baden Powell in England, who, from a base of mathematics, logical analysis and reasoning, found they could generally assent to the developments in evolution and science without stumbling over any of the reservations which were to dominate Butler's mature thought. Nevertheless, Butler's approach was in accord with much New

Zealand Presbyterian theological reflection on science and mathematics in the eighteen sixties, seventies and eighties, which will be examined subsequently.

However, as far as Butler's undergraduate career was concerned there was nothing apart from that brief excursion into mathematics which would indicate the course of future developments. Butler did not waste any further time with counter-productive studies and applied himself to that which he knew best. When he finally took the Classical

Tripos, he performed creditably. 128 During these years he was free from the heavy handed influences of Langar. 'At Cambridge he was for the first time consciously happy. ' 129 He enjoyed student life, finding time for other pursuits, and, in particular, he occupied himself expanding his musical knowledge. Handel was a consuming passion to him, and had been so from age thirteen, but now he made a conscious effort to play and understand the music of J. s. Bach and Beethoven. 130 He eventually came to regard Handel as musicus maximus, 131 and modelled his cantata

Narcissus (written jointly by Butler and Festing Jones) in the

'Handelian form'. 132 His other main student interest was rowing, and he was cox for the college's team.

Butler wrote occasional satirical articles for The Eagle, a magazine for student publications at st. John's. It is noteworthy that in the posthumous tide of enthusiasm for Butler's philosophy, even these were taken seriously. 133 The objects of his derision were the ordinary institutions of college life, such as exams, chapel, and of course teachers. 134 Despite the rather heavy handed undergraduate satire, however, these early efforts were subsequently useful to

Butler. In particular, comparing 'Butler and the Simeonites' (a student 85 essay which was not rescued from oblivion until 1913), with his great novel The way of All Flesh, illustrates how the religious themes which became so important to him were refined over a lifetime of experience. 135

After the pleasant years of Cambridge, canon Butler expected his son Samuel to enter holy orders. 136 For a short time in 1858 Butler worked in a London parish as lay assistant to a curate. 137 His task was simply to live and work among the poor. Butler's ever observant eye was to see much in this context that he would later satirize in the partly autobiographical novel The way of All Flesh. 138 such experiences are nowhere better summed up than in Butler's alter-ego, 139 Ernest Pon­ tifex' s encounter with the wealthy, gracious Towneley, when Pontifex was working as a curate among the London poor.

Towneley said a few words of common form to Ernest about his profession as being what he thought would be most likely to interest him, and Ernest, still confused and shy, gave him for lack of something better to say his little threepenny bit about poor people being so very nice. Towneley took this for what it was worth and nodded assent, whereupon Ernest imprudently went further and said, "Don't you like poor people very much your­ self?" Towneley gave his face a comical but good natured screw, and said quietly, but slowly and decidedly, "No, no, no," and escaped. 140

Lest it be misunderstood that this is merely Butler's fiction, 141 it needs to be remembered that this attitude was espoused over and over again in various ways in his other writings. He loathed the poor for being poor. 142 This hatred is all the more apparent when contrasted with his liking for the well-off. In typical Butlerian parody he wrote,

'The true laws of God are the laws of our own well-being. , 143 This concept became, in fact, a central tenet of his evolutionary biology expounded in Evolution, old And New. 144

Even more unsettling than working among the poor, was Butler's firsthand experience of having to minister whilst disbelieving an important point of Anglican doctrine, namely, the efficacy of baptismal regeneration. 145 Infant baptism did not make either theological or practical sense to Butler, a difficulty which naturally arose in the course of his duties. These included teaching the working men and the boys of the parish poor. It dawned on him that not all the boys he took 86 for instruction in the faith had been baptised as infants, which, initially, 'seriously and painfully shocked' him. 146 However, after further reflection on the matter, he realised that 'no one, merely judging by their conduct and character, would ever have been able to separate the sheep from the goats. ' 147

once the seeds of doubt were sown, they grew quickly to include more matters of Anglican doctrine, culminating in a complete rebellion against the perception that his father demanded that he present himself for ordination. 148 It was a false appraisal, for Canon Butler, although disappointed, reiterated that he did not 'want to drive' his son 'into a line of life" which was distasteful. 149 A lengthy correspondence ensued over alternative employment, which further raised Canon Butler's ire. 150 It was in this period also that Butler's boyhood enthusiasm for painting re-emerged. It had lain dormant during his Cambridge years, but now Samuel Butler expressed a strong desire to train as an artist. 151 Stillman details the course of the ever widening rift between father and son over a suitable vocation. 152 Words like 'anger' ,

'distress', 'misunderstanding' 'offensive', and 'compel' permeate the correspondence on both sides. 153

Eventually, 9 May 1859, the matter came to a head, and a letter was written by canon Butler to his son, the majority of which was featured prominently in The Way of All Flesh. Festing Jones says there is 'not much to choose between the two' versions, the original and the later fictional version. 154

You shall not receive a single sixpence from me until you come to your senses. Should you persist in your folly and wickedness, I am happy to remember that I have yet other children whose conduct I can depend upon to be a source of credit and happiness to me.155

Perhaps it is not surprising to learn that many years afterwards, when thinking of the possibility of meeting his father in the afterlife,

Butler categorically denied that he ever wished to see him again. 166 of more immediate consequence, however, it was settled that Butler should emigrate to New Zealand, a victory for canon Butler, in so far as the dalliance over art school was brought to a halt. once established in the colony, Samuel Butler should in due time receive a 87 capital sum sufficiently large to allow him to purchase sizeable assets. Thus, he was not cut completely adrift from the family's

financial resources. Butler's passage was booked, and he left England

1 October 1859, the same month that The Origin Of Species was entirely

presold prior to its official publication date of 24 November. Butler's

retrospective assessment of the enormous problems he saw within

traditional theology, were highlighted by the following incident.

A change of plan meant that Butler did not embark on the Burmah

as originally intended, but went instead on The Roman Emperor a few

days later. This had no significance for him when he sailed away from

England to his new life. However, at journey's end, as twilight gave

way to night, with the ship rounding the headlands of Banks Peninsula,

Butler settled down in his armchair, smoked his pipe, and felt 'the

intensest satisfaction' . 157 This, however, gave way to an emotion of

a quite different kind within an hour or two.

Presently we saw a light ahead from a ship: we drew slowly near, and as we passed you might have heard a pin drop. "What ship's that?" said a strange voice. - The Roman Emperor, said the cap­ tain. "Are you all well?" - "All well." Then the captain asked, "Has the Robert Small arrived?" - "No," was the answer, "nor yet the Burmah." You may imagine what I felt. 156

In fact, both of these vessels were lost at sea with no survivors.

surprisingly, the significance of this incident has been overlooked by

the majority of commentators. It forms the basis for Butler's later

attitude towards, and theology of, divine providence. 159 Whatever else

providence might be, Butler was to argue that it included a large

element of luck rather than the working out of the plans and

interventions of God. 160 It is an attitude which contrasts markedly

with that of the orthodoxy displayed by Buller, swainson, and Lawry. It

may be recalled that in the face of similar incidents and personal

survival they attributed the cause not to happy chance but divine

providence. Butler's understanding of providence was to alter

profoundly his conception of the purposive nature of evolution. 161 In

the meantime, however, Butler wrote home about this incident, the first

of many letters which have proved difficult for some biographers to

accurately categorize in terms of his ever deepening theological 88

awareness. 162 canon Butler's action in collecting his son's letters home, editing them, and publishing them as A First Year In Canterbury Settle­ ment was a real source of grievance to Samuel. He detested this

collection, regarded the letters as 'priggish', and wished they had never seen the light of day. Canon Butler, in his preface to A First Year In Canterbury settlement begins with the story of the ill-fated Burmah. His son 'was most providentially induced to change his

ship. ' 163 This phrase caused Samuel Butler's most intense loathing when it subsequently came to his notice. After all, he had refused ordina­ tion because of his doubts on the efficacy of infant baptism, a doctrine which involves at its heart theological arguments about the

prevenient grace of God, the nature of divine providence, and the election and predestination of the saints. How galling it was,

therefore, to have a theology of divine providence applied to his lucky escape.

setting aside Butler's own harsh judgement on A First Year In Canterbury settlement, there is now no doubt of its historical and literary distinctiveness. Even in its own time Charles Darwin suggested to Butler that his talent with words could be put to good use writing

'a colonist's life' unaware that this had been attempted under Canon

Butler's guiding hand. 164 It is obvious, however, the letters of ~ First Year In Canterbury settlement were manufactured specifically for

consumption at Langar. They leave out far more than they tell, notably in terms of his theological development. Despite this inherent difficulty, a number of features are worthy of mention. The

descriptions of the great braided river systems of the Canterbury

plains, and the dangers associated with them, serve as a salutary

reminder of pioneer hardships. Under cross headings such as 'Crossing the Rakaia, Rain and Flood, Crossing the Rangitata', are vivid

descriptions of 'freshes and swells'. 165 In some sections Darwin drew

attention to Butler's 'rare powers of writing. 1166

Having to adapt to a harsh environment, so far removed from Langar or Cambridge, sometimes took Butler by surprise. He soon found 89 work on a sheep station, but was at first surprised and disturbed at the kill of fresh meat. 167 After a period of looking for suitable land, which took him both north and south of Christchurch, he finally ventured far up the Rangitata river, close to the headwaters. The

Mesopotamia station altogether cost around £4,000, most of the capital coming from canon Butler. He had established himself there by midwinter

1860, with a shepherd and two cadets. 168 To the settlers of chr istchurch and the Canterbury Plains it was an '" out of the way place"', according to Butler. 169 In February 1861 Haast selected the source of the Rangitata River as the base for his geological explorations of the Canterbury hinterland, and chose Mesopotamia station as the natural headquarters. 170 His companion for this major survey was Dr. Andrew Sinclair, already sixty seven years old, but still seeking adventure. 171 The third member of the party was Richard stringer. Mesopotamia proved to be ideal for the explorations of the

Godley glacier, Mount Tyndall and the Tyndall Range, 172 and the expedition was rarely more than three days journey away. on 25 March

Sinclair wished to return to Mesopotamia station, for he expected

Butler to have brought letters from Christchurch. 173 He and stringer set out to return taking Butler's pack horse. However, the Rangitata was 'high, swollen and dirty, 174 and the horse bolted from Sinclair during the crossing. He attempted to catch it but was swept away. Haast was deeply affected by the loss. 175

What little initial scientific knowledge Butler had was undoubtedly rapidly extended by the influence of visiting scientists like Sinclair and Haast. In a letter to his aunt in 1861 he wrote of the '"immense intellectual growth"' he had experienced since leaving

England, '"a growth which has left me a much happier and more liberal minded man."' 176 Besides reading Gibbon's Decline and Fall on the voyage out to New Zealand, which unsettled him in the same way as it had caused James Stack to reevaluate Christian origins and orthodoxy,

Butler also studied another important if considerably less famous work of the time, Leibig's Agricultural Chemistry. 177 As a result Butler understood enough to realise that he had to become a practitioner of 90 applied science or face failure as a sheep farmer. Breeding for optimum wool production was the aim of the squatters like Butler. The period

1859-64 saw an increase in sheep numbers from around one million to almost five million. 178 The major problem for New Zealand agriculture at that time was scabies, brought in by infected Australian stock. 179

However, the wool boom did not last through to the eighteen seventies, and it was not until 1882, when a cargo of frozen mutton was sold in

London, that sheep numbers soared again. 180 In any event, Butler, by judiciously applying his new found scientific knowledge, had every chance during his period in New Zealand of reaping the profits of the wool boom. In fact, when Butler sold out he had doubled the original investment to £8,000. It was one of the few times he ever recorded a profit from any venture, whether in stocks and shares, or from his efforts as an artist or author. Nevertheless it was not farming that really held Butler's attention.

What captured Butler's imagination during the first half of his

New Zealand sojourn was The origin of Species, although it is not clear exactly when he first read it. 181 The first two chapters of The origin of Species are concerned with variation under domestication and variation in the wild, both highly pertinent to Butler's immediate task of increasing both flock numbers and yield. Perhaps it was the combination of reading this provocative new scientific work coupled with his burgeoning practical experience of breeding sheep which led him into a lengthy newspaper correspondence on evolution. Butler's literary powers and the fecundity of his imagination began to develop in this period. The silence of inland South Canterbury, the intensely blue sky, the howling nor'westers in summer, the snow, the alps and the huge river were to remain indelibly impressed on Butler's imagination.

That he set about writing them up first in a practical, factual way in the letters and essays collected in A First Year In Canterbury settlement, and later as the geography of the mythical land of Erewhon, is not in the least surprising. Similar works can be found in this period and, a proportion, like Butler's, in some measure indicate 'much wider and deeper currents of geographical and theological thought in 91 the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. ' 182 When Rutherford

Waddell published his highly regarded essay 'Possibility and Prospects

of N. z. (sic) Literature 1183 sixty years later, he drew attention to

the influence which landscape had played, and would continue to play,

in New Zealand writing. 184 On 20 December 1862 Butler's article 'Darwin on the origin of

Species, a Dialogue' was published in the Christchurch Press. 185 we

have in this essay, and the ensuing correspondence, perhaps the single

most important measure of the reception of Darwinism at an early stage

in colonial New Zealand. The dialogue itself is written in the

traditional Socratic style, one of the characters an ardent convert to

the new theory, and the other opposed to it, on the grounds that

Darwin's evolutionary theory undermined traditional Christianity. The

advocate was impressed by Darwin's logicality, despite the fact that

the book was 'hard and laborious reading.' 186 The 'judicial calmness',

1 the absence of all passion, the air of extreme and anxious caution',

are prerequisites for 'any really valuable and scientific

investigation' . 187 The opposing argument is on quite different grounds,

namely the inability of science to answer questions beyond the realm of

logic: 'science is all head - she has no heart at all. ' 188 Even at

Butler's level of scientific knowledge at this time, he had, in fact,

subconsciously anticipated the chief argument with which he was to

spearhead the later reaction to scientific naturalism. 189 As he became

better versed in the technicalities of philosophical biology this

initial argument was sharpened and refined both in his scientific works

and the novel The Way of All Flesh.

From the outset, however, it is also apparent that Butler did not

fully appreciate the enormous difficulties of the subject he wished to

popularize in the Press. He displayed little comprehension of the

nuances of the philosophical presuppositions of British science as it

then stood. An educated amateur scientist of this period might be

expected to have a good grasp of the empirical tradition yet implicit

in the article are assumptions about the scientific method. It proceeds

from a base of logic and ratiocination, Butler seems to suggest. May he 92 not catechise in order to prove, he asks rhetorically? The flavour of such questions is reminiscent of the methodology of Cartesian rationalism, rather than the British empiricist school. It would only be fair to add, however, that he was not utterly opposed to the

Baconian tradition. Some dozen or so years later he was to write,

'Someone should do for morals what that old Pecksniff Bacon has ob­ tained the credit of having done for science'. 190

Short though the 'Dialogue' is, Butler tried to establish three major points about evolution. In the first place, he contrasted the natural increase of a population with a fixed or diminishing food supply. We have already seen how important this Malthusian principle was to Darwin and Wallace in formulating their theories of evolutionary mechanisms. They had readily acknowledged their debt, but, oddly enough

Butler failed to draw attention to the source, although the Malthusian principle formed a substantial part of his argument. second, Butler sought to draw out the implications of the concept of the struggle for existence. The third point related to the extremely puzzling question of why offspring sometimes have significant variation from their parents. Also Butler asked why are some characteristics passed on down the generations, causing changes in species?

... (S)light variations are often ..• capable of being perpetuated by inheritance. Indeed, it is only in consequence of this fact that our sheep and cattle have been capable of so much improve­ ment .•. with the lapse of time slight deviations would undoubtedly become permanent and inheritable, those alone being perpetuated which were beneficial to individuals in whom they appeared. 191

It is interesting that Butler muddled these evolutionary concepts with

Darwin's key idea of natural selection. As we noted in chapter one, natural selection functions like a principle or mechanism to explain change. It is independent of, but acts in conjunction with and upon the variables of nature, such as increasing population, availability of food, conducive environment, the survival of the fittest, and variation of offspring. H.B.D. Kettlewell's famous example of camouflage on the moth Biston betularia may be of help differentiating between the terms natural selection, survival of the fittest, and evolution. 192 This moth may be seen in two types. It has either a light peppered colouring or 93 a darker melanic colouring. Prior to the industrial revolution the lighter type was the commoner of the two. 193 During the first half of the nineteenth century the melanic type became the dominant type in industrial areas, while the peppered type remained commoner in non­

industrial areas. The reason for the changes in relative proportion is

explained by the increased discharge of soot into the atmosphere, which

eventually accumulated on tree-trunks and destroyed the lichens. 194

originally, the peppered type of moth was camouflaged by the lichens,

and the melanic type was not. But when the lichens disappeared the situation reversed, and the melanic type had a superior camouflage

against bare branches. Thus, the birds were able to see better the

peppered type, and ate more of it, drastically reducing its numbers.

The melanic coloured moth was now the type better adapted in the

competition for survival in the industrial towns. It will be clear from

this example that, while there was a natural selection of the favoured

type, the reasons for the type being favoured varied according to time

and place, and the balance swung to and fro. Natural selection may favour a type and later discount it. In Darwin's own words, unless

'profitable variations' occur against the backdrop of changing

conditions 'natural selection can do nothing. 1195 It took Butler many

more years before he came to a proper appreciation that in biology, or indeed any science, terms could not always be used interchangeably or

in a loose, undefined fashion. In Unconscious Memory, 196 published in

1880, he admits he confused the terms at this early stage, but

characteristically apportions blame elsewhere, in this case to Darwin's

writing. 'If I was misled, I was misled in good company. 1197 Turner

gives credence to this claim, noting that there was widespread

misunderstanding. 'Like many other people of the day, Butler confused

the ideas of evolution and natural selection. Not until 1876 did he

come to understand they were separate concepts. ' 198 His close study of

the work of Mivart sharpened the focus, over a decade since Butler

first became a Darwinian, and curiously, primarily as a reaction to

that scientific movement. It is noteworthy that subsequent to the first

edition of The origin of Species Darwin himself grew uneasy with 94 connotations associated with the twin phrases 'survival of the fittest'

1 1 and 'natural selection • M

However, in the 'Dialogue' Butler really wanted to establish that the consequences of evolution impinged not only on scientific matters, but also on theology. In fact, although Butler was ignorant of the

scientific issues, he had comprehended inunediately the implications of the new theory for Christianity. Evolution and Genesis were, in

Butler's estimation, contradictory at so many points that a

reconciliation of faith and science was beyond the bounds of

possibility. The anti-Darwinist says

But it is utterly subversive of Christianity; for if this theory is true the fall of man is entirely fabulous; and if the fall, then the redemption, these two being inseparably bound together. 200

Butler had thus come to believe that with evolution as a cudgel, there

was every chance of delivering a fatal blow to Christianity - a

prospect he relished at this stage.

It is worth mentioning that the end of the article reveals a

typical piece of Butlerian subterfuge: he deliberately lays a false

trail, away from his personal beliefs such as they stood at that time.

The catechist tells us that he believes in Christianity and Darwin.

'The two appear irreconcilable,' a surface contradiction which is

'temporary, not real. 1201 However, on 14 August 1862, four months prior

to this article, Butler had written to an unnamed correspondent, 'For

the present I renounce chr istianity altogether. ' 202 The reason was

decidedly simple. He stated that just a few days previously he had come

to see that 'the death of Jesus Christ was not real. 1203 Many times

afterwards critics would accuse Butler of never saying what he truly

meant. 204

A heated exchange of views soon followed in the Press, and a

careful reading of these reveals foundations on which Butler's later

works were constructed. Butler's opponent, probably the then Bishop of

Wellington, Charles John Abraham, wrote a first rebuttal entitled

'Barrel organs', and subsequent to that a further letter under the

pseudonym 'The Savoyard.' It was Butler who identified Abraham in a 95 letter to Darwin of 1865 . 205 There is little to choose between the sarcastic tone of the two chief protagonists. However, it may be adjudged that the Bishop was the ultimate victor, in more ways than he could ever have realised. Not only was his background knowledge of the history of British science considerably greater than Butler's, but also his comments were ultimately to undermine Butler's trust in science. He wrote .•• ( T) he Darwinian theory of the development of species by natural selection, of which we hear so much ... is nothing new, but a rechauffee of the old story that his namesake, Dr. Darwin, served up in the end of last century to Priestley and his ad­ mirers •.• 206

This rejoinder is absolutely crucial in establishing the origin of the line of thought that Butler was to follow so ardently in his dispute with Charles Darwin. In Evolution, Old And New, Unconscious Memory, and

Luck or cunning, Butler repeatedly levelled the criticism that

Darwinism owed more to Darwin's predecessors than to Charles Darwin, criticism which was aimed at 'exposure and discomforture' . 207 Yet, in the eighteen sixties, he was the scientist's early champion in

Canterbury settlement, if not all New zealand. 208 Yet it is also important that weight should be given to Abraham's incidental comment that 'so much' attention was being focused on the theory of natural selection. By 1862 it appears that evolution had become a topic of considerable moment at least among a few thinkers in the colony, capable of drawing responses on scientific, theological, educational, and moral grounds. Moreover, after Butler left Canterbury, Darwinism and its theological implications was to be taken up by others, such as the Rev. Charles Fraser, F.w. Hutton, Julius van Haast.

What gives the correspondence in the Press an added importance is that Darwin became aware of it, through two different sources, one unknown, while the other was Butler. Dealing with the former, Darwin received a copy of 'The Dialogue' and on 24 March 1863 sent it on for republication in an English journal. Darwin had no idea of who the author was, but remarked that it gave a 'clear and accurate' account of his theory. 209 He also thought it 'remarkable' that a colony of only some twelve years standing should be pursuing such ideas where 96

'material interests' would more than likely dominate. Darwin at this stage refrained from commenting on Butler's confusion over the interchangeability of terms, because he also was engaged in the process of clarifying the implications of these terms.

Fuelling the flames of controversy seemed to come naturally to

Butler as he gradually learnt the craft of writing for a wider public than Cambridge students reading the Eagle. He had the time, the money and a choice of environment in which to write, either from Mesopotamia station or his club in christchurch. 210 satire involves pushing situations and ideas to their limits, and Butler's sense of irony became ever sharper • 211 He readily discerned how the concept of evolution might be applied beyond conventional scientific boundaries, from the domain of sentient biological life into the domain of non­ sentient existence, in this case the mechanical. 'Darwin Among the

Machines' was first published 13 June 1863 in the Christchurch Press, under the pseudonym cellarius. with this article, and the next, the intellectual framework for the novel Erewhon was substantially completed. 212 He began with the simple observation that the many

'mechanical appliances' which are constantly being improved, have brought obvious benefit to all a matter for 'great con- gratulation. ' 213 Will there be further improvement in the future, that is, can the machine become self-evolving? Of course, since the question is asked humorously we would expect a humorous reply, yet, even at this formative stage Butler's answer shows why he believed the problem ought to be taken seriously. If Darwinism were true, then natural law and the mechanical universe were indeed supreme. Even the most beautiful artifact of nature would be merely a by-product of mechanism. Darwin himself put this most succinctly some years later, the following quotation representing the major thrust of his later thought on the question of design:

We can no longer argue that, for instance, the beautiful hinge of a bivalve shell must have been made by an intelligent being. There seems to be no more design in the variability of human beings and in the action of natural selection, than in the course which the wind blows . 214

However, from the outset Butler intuitively concluded that any concept 97

that elevated the mechanism of law and random effects was inadequate as

a full explanation of the meaning of human existence. The consequences

of doing so might be disastrous. Already machines were taking over the

human race. 'Day by day we are becoming more subservient to them. 1216

A virtual state of slavery will soon exist where the purpose of

humanity will be merely to devote the 'energies of their whole lives to

the development of mechanical life. 1216 The solution can only be the

destruction of the mechanical kingdom in its entirety.

The satire may be somewhat heavy handed, nevertheless, the

underlying theme is more than worthy of consideration, particularly

when viewed in the light of Charles Babbage's (1792-1871) visionary

contribution to this very problem of machine evolution, which was

formulated in the same period. Babbage's invention of the 'analytic

engine' was the true forerunner of the modern computer. 217 It is

possible that Butler may have been acquainted with Babbage's ideas

either directly from his •sat Cambridge (where Babbage was Lucasian

Professor of Mathematics), o:. . perhaps later on, through Babbage's

relatives in colonial New Zealand. 218 Tee states that Babbage included

among his manifold interests natural theology, although all of these

were eventually subsumed in the great work on the analytic engine. This

was begun around 1834 and worked at consistently until 1848, and then

again from 1 1856 onwards he attempted to construct simplified

versions. 1219 A number of parts of this and the earlier difference

engine are held in private New Zealand collections. The ripples caused

by Babbage's peculiar and misunderstood work may have been slight, but

it is exactly the kind of idea which would have attracted Butler's

attention. Indeed, a fruitful comparison could be made of the two in

terms not only of their strength of commitment to visionary ideas, but

also the stormy progress of their worldly success. Babbage, like

Butler, was to achieve posthumous fame, the former developing a concept

of the machine as an extension of human logicality, the latter coming

to a rejection of anything that was predicated upon rationality and

logicality, which included advanced machinery, in favour of human

instinct. Babbage's unique contribution to the Christian doctrine of 98 miracles will be examined in chapter five.

Butler composed one further article which was published in the

Press, 'Lucubratio Ebria', 29 July 1865. This was written after he had

returned to London. It further develops the connection between man and

machine. Cellarius was mistaken, and it was incorrect to 'consider

machines as identities, to animalise them and anticipate their final

triumph over man. 1220 Instead,

(I)t must be remembered that men are not merely the children of their parents, but they are begotten of the institutions of the state of the mechanical sciences under which they were born and bred. We are children of the plough, the spade and the ship; we are children of the extended liberty and knowledge which the printing press has diffused •.. By the institutions and state of science under which a man is born it is determined whether he shall have the limbs of an Australian savage or those of a nineteenth-century Englishman. 221

In this neglected passage, which was to shape not only his conception

of the fictitious Erewhon but also the scientific work Life and Habit,

the Victorian symbolism of machine and mechanism is more clearly stated

than in any of the previous articles. Just as it was futile for the

ancients to see spirits in trees and mountains and streams, so it is futile for cellarius to ascribe life to machines. on the other hand,

the ancients were products of their beliefs about their environment,

and the environment created by the human race included tools and

machines. In that sense machines must exert their influence, just as

surely as change in the food supply would exert an evolutionary

influence. Machines are limbs, and 'the new limbs were preserved by

natural selection and incorporated into human society' . 222

It ought to be clear, then, that during his years as a sheep

farmer, Butler's mind was engaged in serious reflection on the inter­

related themes of the status of the Bible as history, and the

philosophical implications of Darwinism for natural theology. Yet,

Butler was by no means living as some sort of intellectual hermit at

this stage. Life in New Zealand had dealt kindly with him, in spite of

pioneering hardships. He grew physically stronger, his wealth grew

apace, he found freedom from parental restraint, and studies of the

faith-science relationship genuinely delighted him. His letters were

full of rapid, often contradictory shifts of opinion regarding his 99 personal faith, 223 as he absorbed new scientific and theological concepts, along with a shift in cultural perspective, the by-product of

life in the antipodes. Through his association with the Press Butler increasingly took

trips to Christchurch and not unnaturally sought the company of people

from his own middle class, well-educated background. Jones has it quite

emphatically, 'the squire of Mesopotamia moved in a highly literate

circle' . 224 Among his friends were provincial politicians,

entrepreneurs, and scientists. He greatly admired William Sefton

Moorhouse, 'one of the finest men whose path I ever crossed' . 226 The

owner and editor of the Press, James E. Fitzgerald, was 'an intimate

friend' . 226 Both men were superintendents of Canterbury Province, south

Is land politicians of note. Butler was a member of the Canterbury Philosophical Institute, which gave him the opportunity to air his

opinions among the south Island's best scientific and literary minds.

The Canterbury Institute was founded in 1862 by Butler's friend Julius

van Haast.

As already mentioned Haast was responsible for the completion of

the Christchurch-Lyttleton rail tunnel. Given the size of the

settlement, the project involved a financial undertaking of

considerable magnitude, but Moorhouse was a pragmatic, populist politician who wanted to achieve results. When the rail link was

established Moorhouse's reputation grew along with Haast's. 227 Haast's

friendship with Butler stood the test of time, but with Moorhouse there

was a breach of faith. When Butler returned to his homeland, he left

money in New Zealand, invested in a mortgage to Moorhouse. In 1869 he

called it in, at a time when money was tight, thereby causing

Moorhouse's financial downfall. Butler was afterwards repentant, but it

was a grievous blow to Moorhouse. 228 There were many other

acquaintances, who had an interest in scientific developments, and

although we cannot assess how much Butler influenced their thought on

the faith-science interaction, nonetheless his opinions were known and

discussed. For example, people such as J. H. Baker, the Government

surveyor, Frederick Broome, another Canterbury run-holder, later to be 100

Governor of western Australia, and George Sale, professor of Classics at the University of otago, were numbered among his intellectual peers. 229 'To a young man in Butler's shoes the opportunity of knowing immediately such people as these was an immeasurable advantage. 1230

Equally, Butler's unconventional thought would have had an effect on his acquaintances. Butler seemed prosperous and contented, with the prospect of being able to make a significant contribution to the intellectual development of colonial New Zealand had he stayed.

Canterbury, during Butler's time, could 'boast' that there were men who could not only 'drive a straight furrow' and 'drench a cow' but also

'write Greek iambics, and understand Newton', according to Judge c.w.

Richmond. 231 However, his disastrous friendship with Charles Paine

Pauli (1838-1897) led him to return to England in June 1864, where eventually he lost most of the small fortune he had amassed during his four years in New Zealand.n2

From 1865 until his death in 1902 Samuel Butler contributed an enormous amount to the faith-science interaction, initially championing the cause of science but latter regarding it with as much, if not more abhorrence, than he felt for the Church. The original . spirit of

Christianity, which he conceived as primarily ethical, had been corrupted by the Church. Similarly, the high priests of science were liars from beginning to end, which he set out to prove in a variety of ways. 233 Butler's five great scientific works were Life And Habit,

1877; 234 Evolution, Old And New, 1879; God The Known And God The

Unknown, 1879; 235 Unconscious Memory, 1880; Luck Or cunning, 1887. In particular he attributed the origin of Life And Habit to the articles written in the Press . 236 His other major non-fictional works were the lengthy pamphlet, The Evidence For The Resurrection of Jesus Christ As contained In The Four Evangelists critically Examined, 1865; The Fair

Haven, 1873; Alps And Sanctuaries, 1881; Ex Voto, 1888; The Life And

Letters Of Dr. Samuel Butler, 1896; The Authoress of The odyssey, 1897; along with numerous other articles. The three important novels Butler wrote were Erewhon; or over The Range, 1872; Erewhon Revisited, 1901; and The Way of All Flesh, published posthumously in 1903. of these The 101

Evidence For The Resurrection was written in New Zealand, although not published until Butler was re-established in London. Many of the essential ideas underlying most of his major works also had their origin and initial development in New Zealand. 237 His scientific books were read in New Zealand by scientists such as Haast and Hutton, and intellectuals such as Judges Richmond and Alpers . 238 How far beyond this circle Butler was read or discussed is open to further investigation. However, Butler's satires in the Press introduced

Darwin's The origin of Species to a wider audience than otherwise might have occurred.

In conclusion, it can be seen that the widespread community interest in science provided a helpful context for initial discussion of Darwinism, although there was to be much more thorough and detailed analysis than :sutler' s satires could provide. It would take three further decades of debate, discussion and extension of the original concept of evolution by natural selection before a substantial majority of clergy were sufficiently persuaded to accept it. But they were not alone, and many faithful church goers would refuse to accept Darwinism at all. Indeed, even by the turn of the century some amateur scientists were still unclear about the meaning and mechanisms of evolution. Among the reasons why acceptance was slow, was the enormous change in theological outlook about to be wrought by Higher Criticism. 102

1. Dennis McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, 1840-1990, Wellington, The Presbyterian Church Of New Zealand, 1990.

2. c. Raven, Natural Religion, Vol. 1, p. 181. This movement felt particularly in Europe, less in Great Britain, is shown by the rapid growth of museums with attached laboratories. (E.g. see H.F. van Haast, Life And Times, p. 225 and p. 609.)

3. H.R. Jackson, Churches And People In Australia And New Zealand, 1860-1930, Wellington, Allen & Unwin/Port Nicholson Press, 1987, p. 167.

4. c. Ronan, History, see chapter nine, pp. 419-479.

5. F.M. Turner, Between Science And Religion, p. 9.

6. A.W. Reed, Auckland, The city of The seas, Wellington, A.H. & A.W Reed, 1955, pp. 39-64. Reed tells of how the site near Oka (Shelley Beach) was finally chosen on the basis of a golden sunset.

7. John Barr, The city Of Auckland New Zealand, 1840-1920, Auckland, Christchurch, Dunedin, Wellington, Whitcombe & Tombs Ltd, 1922, p. 35.

8. R.C.J. stone, Makers of Fortune, A Colonial Business community And Its Fall, Dunedin, Auckland University Press, oxford university Press, 1973, p. 5.

9 . New Zealander Inspector of the Bank of New South Wales to a colleague - cited by R.C.J. stone, Makers of Fortune, p. 6.

10. ibid, p. 5.

11. J. Barr, The city of Auckland, p. 53.

12. ibid, p. 87.

13. ibid, pp. 67-70.

14. w.J. Williams, Centenary Sketches, p. 93.

15. James Buller, Forty Years, p. 82. It is an open question as to who led the first services of worship. W.J. Williams, Centenary sketches, p. 93, maintains it was Buller, but E.W. Hames, out Of The Common Way, p. 6 believes it was Mr. Florence Gardiner.

16. A. Reed, Auckland, The city of The seas, p. 63.

17. H. Jackson, Churches And People, p. 45.

18. Minutes of the several conferences Between the Wesleyan churches, 1856? FIND

19. John Miller, Early Victorian New Zealand, A study of Racial Tension And Societal Attitudes 1839-1852, London, oxford university Press, 1958, chapter 1, 'Design For A colony', pp. 1-12. Wakefield's basic hypothesis was that. migration served the twofold function of alleviating distress among the lower classes and supplying opportunities for the over-supply of professionals to pursue a career and invest their capital. The Church was to play the crucial role of inculcating uniformity of belief, especially among the lower classes.

20. ibid, p. 6. 103

21. ibid, p. 7.

22. ibid, p. 7, n6.

23. An Encyclopaedia Of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 472.

2 4. Henry Richardson (Ed. ) , Patricia Burns, A History of The New Zealand company, Auckland, Heinemann Reid, 1989, p. 208.

25. ibid, chapter 19, 'Crises At Port Nicholson', pp. 151-164.

26. James Guy and Williams. Potter, Jubilee Memorial Volume, or Fifty Years of Primitive Methodism In New Zealand; A Series Of Historical And Biographical Sketches, From The Establishment Of Primitive Methodism In This colony To Its Jubilee Year, 1893-4; complied By Instruction of The conference, New Zealand, The Primitive Methodist Book Depot, Wellington, 1893, p. 81.

27. J. Miller, Early Victorian New Zealand, chapter 5 and 6, pp. 42-96.

28. H.S. Chapman, The New Zealand Portfolio; Embracing A Series Of Papers on subjects Of Importance To The Colonists, London, Smith, Elder & co. 65, Cornhill, 1843, (facsimile edition published by the Hacken Library, university of otago, Hacken Library Facsimile No. 9, 1969), pp. 51-72. Chapman was quite insistent that as long as the absentee proprietors remained 'individually isolated and disunited, you are in a false position towards the colonists'. (p. 53.)

29. J. Miller, Early Victorian New Zealand, p. 31.

30. H.S. Chapman, The New Zealand Portfolio, p. 71.

31. New Zealand's Heritage, p. 340.

32. J. Miller, Early Victorian New Zealand, p. 183. This is quite in keeping with the mood evoked by Samuel smiles in his book self Help, which was very popular. smiles placed enormous value on acquiring the sense of discipline by which one might attain knowledge and self­ understanding.

33. J. Miller, Early Victorian New Zealand, p. 183.

34. Thomas Arnold, a son of the famous educator Matthew Arnold, wrote of the working classes in early Wellington, that in an era of materialism and the technological innovations of steam there were people who still people who could think 'that a fiery spirit as big as a man's leg once appeared in an iron furnace at Turnbridge a few years ago'. (Cited in J. Miller, Early Victorian New Zealand, p 183.) Arnold did not disapprove or denigrate such beliefs, which were surely grounded in the apocalyptic imagery of the Book of Daniel. He argued instead that religion and its concomitant superstition was necessary for the good of the working class.

35. James Bertram (Ed.), Letters of Thomas Arnold The Younger, 1850- 1900, Dunedin, Auckland university Press, oxford university Press, 1980, p. xviii.

36. ibid, p. xix.

37. See P. Corsi, Science And Religion, for a definitive account of Whateley's influence, particularly on Baden Powell.

38. J. Bertram (Ed.), Letters, p. 89. 104

39. cited by David Hall, The Golden Echo, some Aspects of New Zealand social History, Auckland and London, Collins, 1971, p. 78.

40. ibid, p. 78.

41. Ruth M. Allan, Nelson, A History Of Early Settlement, Wellington, Auckland, Sydney, A.H. and A.W. Reed, 1965, p. 177.

42. ibid, p. 55.

43. A.S. Eve, Rutherford, Being The Life And Letters of The Rt. Hon. Lord Rutherford, O.M., Cambridge, At The university Press, 1939, p. 4.

44. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. II, pp. 643-4.

45. J. Barr, The city of Auckland, p. 75.

46. ibid, p. 75.

47. ibid, p. 146.

48. Linley wood, The History of st. Andrew's, The Pioneer Presbyterian church of New Zealand, 1847-1947, Auckland, wright and Jaques, 1947.

49. oliver A. Gillespie, (second edition, 1971), South Canterbury, A Record of settlement, Timaru, The south Canterbury Centennial History committee, 1958, p. 382.

50. ibid, p. 384.

51. N.W. olds (Ed.), one Hundred Years of Methodist witness To The Gospel of Jesus Christ In Timaru, Timaru, The Timaru Methodist centenary Committee, Wesley Church, Bank st, 1965, p. 4.

52. J. Barr, The city of Auckland, p. 159.

53. James Buller, Forty Years, Appendix A, p. 458. The lecture was reprinted from the Wellington Independent.

54. Thomas Buddle, The Aborigines Of New Zealand: Two Lectures, Auckland, no publisher noted, 1851.

55. Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. One, p. 153.

56. Auckland Public Library, New Zealand Department, Passenger Index.

57. New Zealand Herald, 26 September, 1907, p. 6, obituary.

58. Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. one, p. 153.

59. cited by A.H. McLintock, The History of otago, The origins And Growth of A Wakefield class settlement, Dunedin, otago centennial Historical Publications, 1949, p. 423.

GO.When the Mechanics Institute acquired its own premises, the otago witness duly reported the speeches, one of which quoted the Earl of Carlisle, on a similar occasion at Lincoln, England. The enemies of the Mechanics Institutes charged that these organisations made the mechanics and other working men 'puffed, presumptuous, conceited and discontented'. The Earl went on to deny the charges, and the implication was that if that was the case in England, then it could not be different in Dunedin. 105

61. A. McLintock, History of otago, p. 423.

62. ibid, p. 423.

63. D. McEldowney, (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, pp. 24-5.

64. ibid, p. 35.

65. A. McLintock, History of otago, p. 423.

66. D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, p. 35.

67. Stewart Mechie, 'Education For The Ministry In Scotland Since The Reformation', Records Of The Scottish Church History Society, Vol. XlV, part 11, 1961; Vol. xlv, part 111, 1962; Vol. XV part 1, 1963, examines the changing face of theological education in Scotland from the Reformation.

68. ibid, Vol. XlV, part 111, p. 168.

69. J. Elder, History, p. 42, states that' Perhaps no colonial settlement since the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers in North America has had so auspicious an origin as otago.' (p. 42).

70. James Chisholm, Fifty Years syne, A Jubilee Memorial of The Presbyterian church of otago, Dunedin, J. Wilkie And co., New Zealand Bible, Tract, And Book Society, 1898, p. 30.

71. ibid, p. 29.

72. ibid, p. 30.

73. Alec. R. Vidler, The church In An Age of Revolution, 1789 To The Present Day, Middlesex, England, Penguin Books, 1978, p. 58.

74. ibid, p. 61.

75. James MacGregor, M.S. entitled 'Stray Thoughts And suggestions; Miscellaneous And Fragmentary: Occasional Writing 1853-62', p. 20.

76. James MacGregor, The Apology Of The Christian Religion, Historically Regarded With Reference To Supernatural Revelation And Redemption, Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark, 1891.

77. William Fergusson, cited by A.C. Cheyne, The Transforming of the Kirk; Victorian Scotland's Religious Revolution, Edinburgh, The saint Andrew's Press, 1983, p. 178.

78. Hugh Watt, New college Edinburgh; A Centenary History,Edinburgh, oliver and Boyd, 1946, chapter 111 gives reasons why the scope of the college went beyond the usual bounds of the theological curriculum.

79. ibid, p. 53f.

80. James Chisholm, Fifty Years syne, p. 31.

81. cited by B. Michell, M.Th. thesis, p. 106.

82. J. Elder, History, pp. l63f.

83. otago Witness, 3 January 1851 106

84. ibid, 3 January 1851.

85. Hugh Miller's Footprints of the creator and Testimony of the Rocks s.old tens of thousands of copies. Geology, when properly understood, did not conflict with revelation, in Miller's estimation.

86. cited in A.H. Reed, The story of Early Dunedin, Wellington, A.H. & A. w. Reed, 1956, p. 155.

87. catalogue of The Library of The Dunedin Athen~um And Mechanics Institute Established 1859, Dunedin, 1863, archives held at Dunedin Public Library.

88. J. Elder, History, p. 43.

89. D.M. Stuart, M.S. transcript, collected papers, 15 January 1877, 13 May 1878, Early Settlers' Museum, Dunedin.

90. D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, p. 28.

91. Erik olssen, A History of otago, Dunedin, John Mcindoes, 1984, p. 39f. argues that too much has been made out this term. However, it does at least express something of the intense denominational antagonisms which the founders like Cargill and Burns expressed. Cf. A.H. Reed, The story of Early Dunedin, for a broader interpretation of the term 'little enemy' •

92. see J. Elder, History, chapter I, 'The Rock From Which They Were Hewn' for a fuller discussion of the moral aspects of the Dunedin's Free Kirk Calvinistic tradition.

9 3. w. P. Morrell, The Anglican Church In New Zealand: A History, Dunedin, Anglican church of The Province of New Zealand, 1973, p. 51.

94. H.T. Purchas, Bishop Harper And The Canterbury Settlement, second edition, revised and enlarged, Christchurch, Wellington and Dunedin, N.Z., Melbourne and London, Whitcombe & Tombes Limited, 1909, p. 88.

95. ibid, p. 88.

96. w. Morrell, The Anglican Church, p. 52.

97. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 208.

98. w. Morrell, The Anglican Church, p. 52.

99. cited by H. van Haast, Life And Times, p. 132.

100. H. Purchas, Bishop Harper, p. 31.

101. Samuel Butler, cited by H. van Haast, Life And Times, p. 139.

102. James Hight and C.R. straubel (Eds.) A History of Canterbury, Vol. I: To 1854, Christchurch, Canterbury centennial Association, Whitcombe And Tombes Limited, 1957, p. 227.

103. H. Purchas, Bishop Harper, p. 47.

104. H. van Haast, Life And Times, p. 221.

105. ibid, p. 150.

106. ibid, p. 1. 107

107. ibid, p. 1.

108. ibid, p. 3.

109. ibid, p. 5. llO. ibid, pp. 1-8. lll. ibid, p. 11.

112. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 892. ll3. H. van Haast, Life And Times, p. 120. ll4. ibid, p. 121. ll5. ibid, p. 123. ll6. ibid, p. 643. ll7. ibid, p. 859. ll8. ibid, p. 861.

119. ibid, p. 644.

120. ibid, p. 173.

121. ibid, pp. 139-40.

122. Henry Festing Jones (Ed.), The Notebooks Of Samuel Butler, with A New Introduction By P.N. Furbank, London, The Hogarth Press, 1985, p. 1. .

123. A.J. Marshall, Darwin And Huxley In Australia, Sydney, Hodder & Stoughton, 1970, p. 16.

124. ibid, p. 16.

125. ibid, pp. 16-7.

126. Clara G. Stillman, Samuel Butler: A Mid-Victorian, London, Martin Secker, 1932, p. 37.

127. Samuel Butler, Luck, or cunning, As The Main Means of organic Modification? An Attempt To Throw Additional Light Upon Darwin's Theory Of Natural Selection, second edition, London, A.C. Fifield, 1920, p. 36.

128. H. Festing Jones (Ed.), The Notebooks, p. 1.

12 9 • c. Stillman, Samuel Butler, p. 3 6; also C. E. M. Joad, Samuel Butler, London, Leonard Parson, Boston, Small Maynard and co., 1924, p. 7.

130. H. Festing Jones, The Notebooks, pp. 110-113.

131. c. Stillman, Samuel Butler p 37. At least during the early stages of his stay in Mesopotamia Butler continued to display a greater catholicity of musical taste. Whilst extolling the unsectarian nature of New Zealand society, he nevertheless is cautious about displays of intellectualism. 'It does not do to speak about John Sebastian Bach's 108

Fugues or pre-Raphaelite pictures.' p 50. The later obsession with Handel is one further indicator of what Muggeridge called Butler's sick personality.

132. H. Festing Jones, The Notebooks, p. 5. The cantata was jointly composed by Festing Jones and Butler.

133. W.G. Bekker, An Historical And critical Review of Samuel Butler's Literary works, Utrecht, 1925, writes 'We may date his work in the fields of literature from his university-days and we may call it the "Cambridge Period" of his pre- Erewhonian career •.. (His) satirical vein may be traced in his earliest literary products', (pp. 73-4).

134. see the collection in Thomas Butler (Ed.) A First Year in Canterbury settlement, with other Early Essays, London, Jonathon Cape, 1923. The titles include "The Great Split society," "A skit on Examinations," "The Two Deans" and "The Battle of Alma Mater".

135. Samuel Butler, The Way of All Flesh, Middlesex, Penguin, 1953, pp. 190f.

136. Peter Bromley Maling, Samuel Butler At Mesopotamia; Together With Butler's "Forest Creek" Manuscript, And, His Letters To Tripp And Ackland, Wellington, E.R. Owen, Government Printer in conjunction with the National Historic Places Trust, 1960, p. 10.

137. H. Festing Jones, The Notebooks, p. 1.

138. Arnold silver (Ed.), The Family Letter of Samuel Butler, 1841- 1886, London, Jonathon Cape, 1962, pp. 14-17.

139. ibid, p. 15. silver is adamant that The Way of All Flesh is completely indicative of what it was like to have grown up in canon Butler's 'household'.

140. ibid, p. 233.

141. As is noted by c. Stillman, Samuel Butler, p. 19, Butler 'told the story of his own youth "so frightfully well," as Shaw has said, that whatever details we may add or subtract in the light of the other sources of knowledge, it is young Ernest who eternally stands before us when we try to evoke the image of young Sam'.

I 142. 'To be poor is to be contemptible,' H. Festing Jones (Ed.), The Notebooks, p. 316.

143. ibid, p. 26.

144. Samuel Butler, Evolution, old And New, (third edition), London, Jonathon cape, 1921.

145. In a letter to his father of 9 May 1859 Butler points out his objection to Article xv of the Thirty Nine Articles formally adopted by the church of England in 1571. Differing interpretations of the significance of this discomfort over the doctrine of baptismal regeneration may found in F.M. Turner, Between Science And Religion: The Reaction To Scientific Naturalism In Late Victorian England, New Haven, Yale university Press, 1974 p. 168; C.G. Stillman, Samuel Butler, p. 44; Petronella Jacoba De Lange, Samuel Butler, Critic and Philosopher, zutphen, W.J. Thieme & Cie, 1925, p. 7; W.G. Bekker, Historical And critical Review, p. 11; H. Festing Jones, Samuel Butler A Memoir, Vol. I, London, Macmillan and co., 1920, p. 61.

146. H. Festing Jones, Samuel Butler A Memoir, p. 61. 109

147. ibid, p. 61.

148. A. silver (Ed.), Family Letters, p. 17.

149. ibid, p. 67.

150. ibid, pp. 64-90.

151. A letter of 12 May contains a fleeting reference to the possibility of life as an artist, A. Silver (Ed.), Family Letters, p. 79. By July 1859 the idea was fully developed, see letters pp. 84-87.

152. c. Stillman, Samuel Butler, p. 45.

153. A. silver (Ed.), Family Letters, pp. 64-90.

154. H. Festing Jones, Samuel Butler A Memoir, p. 65.

155. cf. Samuel Butler, The Way Of All Flesh, p. 38 and H. Festing Jones, Samuel Butler A Memoir, pp. 62f.

156. H. Festing Jones (Ed.), The Notebooks, p. 32.

157. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year In Canterbury settlement, p. 28.

158. ibid, p. 28.

159. H. Festing Jones does deal with it in some detail, Samuel Butler A Memoir, p. 72. Cf. Butler's own interpretation, A First Year In Canterbury Settlement, p. 6.

160. H. Festing Jones, (Ed.), The Notebooks, p. 322.

161. ibid, pp. 321-3.

162. c. Stillman, Samuel Butler, p. 77. When Stillman, who is widely regarded as Butler's definitive biographer, contends that A First Year In Canterbury settlement 'is not interesting', and 'is in fact extraordinarily dull', one may suspect an unwillingness to see the possibility that the majority of his ideas were first formulated in New Zealand, and that his critical and creative faculties were sharpened in the emerging cultural context of the colony.

163. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year In Canterbury Settlement, p. 5.

164. ibid, p. 154, from a letter of Darwin's to Butler, 6 October 1865.

165. ibid, pp. 73, 77, 143-8.

166. ibid, p. 154.

167. ibid, p. 51.

168. H. Festing Jones, Samuel Butler A Memoir, p. 81.

169. P. Maling, Samuel Butler, p. 12.

170. H. van Haast, Life And Times, p. 173.

171. ibid, p. 173.

172. ibid, pp.173-8. 110

173. ibid, p. 179.

174. ibid, p. 179.

175. ibid, pp. 180-1.

176. P.B. Maling, Samuel Butler, p. 12.

177. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 22.

178. An Encyclopaedia Of New Zealand, Vol. 3, pp. 230-1. significantly, the article notes Butler's comment that the 'all engrossing topic of conversation in Christchurch was sheep, horses, cattle, dogs, English grasses, paddocks, bush and so forth.' (P· 231)

179. ibid, Vol. 3, pp. 233-4.

180. A.H. McLintock, An Encyclopaedia Of New Zealand, Vol. 3, p. 234.

181. R.A. Streatfield, in the prefatory note to the Darwin correspondence in A First Year In Canterbury Settlement, p. 149. Butler does not recall whether he first read The origin of Species in 1860 or 1861. Cf. Samuel Butler, Unconscious Memory, London, A.C. Fifield, 1909, p. 4.

182. Robin Butlin, 'George Adam smith and the historical geography of the Holy Land: contents, contexts and connection', Journal of Historical Geography, 14:4, p. 381. one of the most important historical travelogues was Darwin's account of his voyage on the Beagle.

18 3. Rutherford Waddell, Memories And Hopes, Wellington, Dunedin, Invercargill, N.Z. Book Depot (N.Z. Bible And Book Society), undated, pp. 71-98.

184.R. Waddell, Memories And Hopes, pp. 7lf. Waddell cites George Adam smith's work The Historical Geography of the Holy Land as being particularly relevant to the New Zealand context in a most surprising manner. climate and landscape conspire against 'man's efforts" in the Holy Land and "thus man is driven to go outside the forces which he himself can operate. So the great thinkers of Israel were forced to bring in a Providence into the natural order.' (P 81) However, in the more temperate climate of New Zealand, where if a farmer 'does his duty, he is comparatively sure of a return for his labour.' The upshot of this relative ease was 'to produce a secular spirit' which saw no need to invoke a doctrine of Providence.

185. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, pp. 155-64.

186. ibid, p. 156.

187. ibid, p. 156.

188. ibid, p. 156.

189. F. Turner, Between Science And Religion, pp.178-87.

190. s. Butler, The way of All Flesh, p. 39.

191. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 160.

192. M. Ridley, The Problems Of Evolution, p. 27. 111

193. ibid, p. 27.

194. ibid, pp. 27-8.

195. c. Darwin, The origin of Species, p. 92.

196. Samuel Butler, Unconscious Memory, London, A.C. Fifield, 1920.

197. s. Butler, unconscious Memory, p. 4.

198. F. Turner, Between Science and Religion, p. 170.

199. c. Darwin, The origin of Species, pp. 90f.

200. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 162.

201. ibid, p. 162.

202. H. Festing Jones, Samuel Butler A Memoir, p. 98; also cited by F. Turner, Between Science And Religion, p. 170.

203. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 98.

204. Butler himself noted that some critical reviews treated Life And Habit as 'a gigantic joke ... not in the best of taste,' Samuel Butler, Unconscious Memory, London, A.C. Fifield, 1920, p. xii.

205. H. Festing Jones, Notebooks, Hogarth edition, p. 40.

206. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 164.

207. H. Festing Jones (Ed.), Notebooks, Hogarth edition, p. 374.

208. ibid, p. 40.

209. ibid, p. 150.

210. A.C. Brassington and P.B. Maling (Eds.), A First Year In Canterbury settlement By Samuel Butler, Auckland and Hamilton, Blackwood & Janet Paul, 1964, p. 37, n. 2. The Brassington & Maling edition expands with some detail the reasons why canon Butler could not have known.

211. F. Turner, Between Science And Religion, pp. 166-7, argues that Butler's personality can be understood according to Kierkegaard's ! description of 'the ironic subject'. I j 212. H. Festing Jones, Notebooks, Hogarth edition, pp. 40-1, on the j contrary, argues that these articles cannot be regarded as the germs of Erewhon and Life And Habit, but rather the preparation of the soil in I which the germs 'sprouted and grew'. I' 213. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 179. ~

214. cited in T. Cosslett (Ed.), Science and Religion in the Nineteenth century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 2.

215. Thomas Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 184.

216. ibid, p. 184.

217. c. Ronan, History, p. 458. 112

218.See Garry J. Tee, 'Charles Babbage and his New Zealand Connection', The History of science in New Zealand. During the eighteen thirties Babbage developed the Difference Engine, a mechanical adding machine of great intricacy and power. The concept of an analytic engine, which was far in advance of its time, 'included all the fundamental components of personal computers - input and output devices, control, store and mill. .. He adopted punched cards as the principal medium for input, output and storage .•• printing, typing and curve drawing mechanisms' ( p. 3) •

219. ibid, p. 3.

220. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 190.

221. T. Butler (Ed.), A First Year, p. 191.

222. ibid, p. 191.

223. A. silver (Ed.), Family Letters, p. 94.

224. J. Jones, The cradle of Erewhon, p. 93.

225. ibid, p. 69.

226. H. Festing Jones, Samuel Butler A Memoir, p. 99.

227. H. van Haast, Life And Times, p. 122.

228. Malcolm Muggeridge, The Earnest Atheist: A study Of Samuel Butler, London, Eyre & Spottiswood, 1936, p. 104 makes the interesting observation: 'To Butler, getting money out of anyone except his father was to do an irreparable injury' . Hence his acute sense of having failed Moorhouse in this matter.

229. J. Jones, The Cradle Of Erewhon, has researched Butler's network of friendships. See pp. 58-92.

230. ibid, p. 79.

231. Nelson College 1879 Examination, Judge Richmond's Address, delivered Thursday 15 December, Nelson, Luckie and Collins.

232. See A.C. Brassington, Samuel Butler in Canterbury: The Predestined choice, Christchurch, The Pegasus Press, 1972, p. 11-18; cf. Geoffrey Keanes and Brian Hill (Eds.) The Letters Between Samuel Butler And Miss E.M.A. savage, 1871-81, London, Jonathon cape, 1934, pp. 142f.

233. Samuel Butler, The Way Of All Flesh, explanatory note.

234. Samuel Butler, Life And Habit, London, Jonathon cape, (new edition with addenda and preface 1910), 1924.

235. Samuel Butler, God The Known And God The Unknown, London, A.C. Fifield, 1909.

236. s. Butler, unconscious Memory, pp. 12-5.

237. Butler wrote that Erewhon was his 'opening subject' then after 'modulating freely' through all his other works he returned to the 'original key' in the novel Erewhon Revisited. cited by c. Stillman, Samuel Butler, p. 300. 113

238. O.T.J. Alpers, Cheerful Yesterdays, Auckland, Christchurch, Dunedin, Wellington (N.Z.), Melbourne, Sydney, London, Whitcombe & Tombes Ltd., 1930, pp. 101-111. 114

CHAPTER FOUR:

THE THEOLOGICAL TURBULENCE FROM THE

EIGHTEEN SIXTIES TO THE TURN OF THE CENTURY -

DARWINISM AND HIGHER CRITICISM

IN CRITICAL INTERACTION WITH THE CHURCHES

In 1860 the publication of Essays And Reviews had not only an enormous effect on the Anglican communion, but also proved a catalyst for further theological reflection in other denominations. Samuel

Butler's assessment of its impact is stated in The Way Of All Flesh:

... (T)hree works in quick succession arrested the attention even of those who paid least heed to theological controversy. I mean "Essays And Reviews", Charles Darwin's "The Origin Of Species," and Bishop Colenso's "Criticisms on the Pentateuch". 1

Butler's assertion was true for England and New Zealand, though in the latter case it took longer for matters to build to a head. In New

Zealand there was a complex interaction of Darwinism with Biblical criticism, with Butler one of the first people to consider the implications of both concepts together. However, if the rate of interaction was to prove somewhat slower in New Zealand during the early eighteen sixties, by the end of the decade the tempo had increased. The validity of the two concepts would be vigorously contended in the Anglican, Methodist and Presbyterian Churches for a further thirty or more years. In this chapter a range of considered reactions to Darwinism and Biblical criticism will be examined. It is not intended to be an exhaustive review of all people and places in New

Zealand, but rather a representative selection of opinion, with particular reference to those with authority in the Anglican, Methodist and Presbyterian denominations. What emerges is a thematic unity of fruitful yet complex interaction between science and theology, during a period of turbulent changes in both. Whilst the military metaphor of 115 science and faith locked in outright war in this period has proven inadequate for historical analysis, indeed was regarded as inadequate by many of the participants in the debate, 2 equally lacking is the image of an easy adjustment for the Church and for the scientific community in the face of profound changes and challenges which had to be faced.

To appreciate the enormous problems generated during this period it is necessary to first consider briefly the rise of modern Biblical criticism. The movement of Biblical and historical criticism which had begun with F.C. Baur's (1792-1860) school at Tlibingen eventually spread into Great Britain, although Baur himself was hardly known at all. 3 The well known problems associated with establishing the most accurate text of the Bible in the original languages, was called Lower Criticism.

Higher criticism, on the other hand, was really Baur's application of sober and responsible historico-literary assessment to the books of the

Bible.

It proved difficult maintaining Biblical faith in the face of the conclusions apparently uncovered by the method. Higher criticism seemed to demonstrate a considerable amount of historical and scientific error, contradiction, and repetition in the old and New Testaments. The position held by such scholars as D.F. Strauss (1808-74) took the matter to its extreme. Strauss argued that the supernatural or miraculous elements in Christianity were not historically true, but were later mythological additions to the ordinary human life of Jesus.

The effects of such scepticism were felt by many to be very damaging. 4

Although Essays And Reviews did not adopt the extreme position advocated by Strauss, nevertheless the authors suggested that the new literary and historical methods had to be taken seriously. It was the work of seven Anglicans, six of whom were clergymen. The two most important authors were Jowett and Temple, who had conceived the work as an attempt to break an 'unhealthy' silence among the educated class. 6

They argued that results of science and history were being glossed over by the church, which was not in accord with being led by the Spirit in the search for truth. The tenor maintained throughout Essays And 116

Reviews, was that this quest for truth, often obscured by the Church throughout its history, is nonetheless an integral part of the gospel.

In New Zealand, these themes were subsequently taken up by Bishop S.T.

Nevill. In his Diocesan Synod address of 1890 he noted the deaths of four prominent clerics, Dollinger, Lightfoot, Liddon and Newman. 6 The work of the first three, Nevill thought invaluable in the advancement of historical understanding and both Higher and Lower Criticism.

Indirectly, perhaps, Essays And Reviews exerted an influence on F.W.

Hutton, who later on attempted the difficult question of whether a science of history was possible. 7

one of the most agreeable aspects of Essays And Reviews is the overall quality of the essays, in so far as they never lost sight of the goal of seeking truth. The historical essay by Mark Pattison remains highly regarded, but it is those essays which are perhaps seen as more dated, or of lesser importance, that give much pause for thought in the faith-science interaction. 8 Two stand out in this regard, Baden Powell's essay on miracles, and c.w. Goodwin's essay on the Mosaic cosmogony. The latter expressed very clearly the extreme difficulties presented by pursuing a strictly literal interpretation of

Genesis, on account of both the external evidence of modern science, and the internal contradictions implied by the two creation stories and their cosmogonies.

In truth, however, if we refer to the plans of conciliation proposed, we find them at variance with each other and mutually destructive. The conciliators are not agreed among themselves, and each holds the views of the other to be untenable and unsafe. The ground is perpetually being shifted, as the advance of geological science may require. The plain meaning of the Hebrew record is unscrupulously tampered with, and in general the pith of the whole process lies in divesting the text of all meaning whatever. 9

Goodwin suggested that the most satisfactory method of understanding the Mosaic account of creation is to regard the author ( s) as the patriarchal equivalent of a Newton or Descartes. Alas, that was hardly an adequate solution. More importantly, it can be observed throughout

Goodwin's essay that Biblical criticism and science were constantly compared and contrasted. Thus, the groundwork was laid for a Baconian­ like division to be made by the reader, a splitting of faith and 117

science. This was reinforced by many other aspects of Essays And

Reviews, particularly Baden Powell's 'On the study of the Evidences of

Christianity'. It will be shown later on that Bishop Nevill came to reject this application of Baconianism, but he was one of the few to do

so in New Zealand.

Baden Powell's essay is about the extraordinary problems posed by

orthodox Christian interpretation of miracles. What is the nature of miracles, asked Baden Powell? They are supernatural, 'but no testimony

can reach to the supernatural; testimony can only apply only to

apparent sensible facts.' 10 The underlying assumption is that nature,

being perfectly regular in its workings, can only be comprehended

rationally. Baden Powell's construction of the universe was

mathematical, which was totally in keeping with his vocation as the

savilian professor of Geometry at Oxford. The new techniques of

Biblical criticism were clearly congenial to the rational minds of

Baden Powell and Bishop colenso, both trained in the mathematical arts.

Nevertheless, how did Baden Powell keep his faith, in view of the

highly developed Humean scepticism by which he wrought his

philosophical concepts of cause, mechanism and natural law, which

governed the universe? Baden Powell kept faith, in fact, by being

scrupulously Baconian.

All reason and science conspire to the confession that beyond the domain of physical causation and the possible conceptions of intellect or knowledge, there lies open the boundless region of spiritual things, which is the sole domain of faith. 11

Essentially Baden Powell made a strict, indeed, an absolute dichotomy,

between faith and science. This was not because of an antagonism

between the two disciplines. Rather, the role of faith was confined to

the world of spiritual things, in order that science might reign

unfettered in its expanding kingdom. This was to particularly infuriate

Samuel Butler in his mature thought.

How is it possible to account for the Biblical miracles if the

universe has always been uniform and predictable? As Baden Powell

conceived it the answer was found by reconsidering the problem in a

different light. To attribute some phenomenon to a supernatural cause 118

is to misunderstand the true nature of testimony. In fact, it is to not understand the nature of testimony at all, argued Baden Powell. For if one could explain miraculous events, there would be no need to invoke the supernatural. What this amounts to is simple: the miraculous is

squeezed out of the universe, by definition. Baden Powell called into question the Biblical miracles on the grounds of what is true

testimony. without denigrating the integrity of the gospel authors, he

argued that 'the probability of some kind of mistake or deception

somewhere, though we know not where, is greater than the probability of

the event really happening in the way and from the causes assigned.' 12

The apostolic age was the last for miracles. 13 In any event, as

knowledge advances, so the progression of Christianity 'as a real

religion, must be viewed apart from physical things.' 14 Perhaps of all Baden Powell's essay, it is this misreading of the nature of

Christianity that ought to be highlighted: he understood the human

creature to be a soul encapsulated within a body.

Even though Baden Powell was unable to free himself from such an unsatisfactory dualism, nevertheless he made a most significant

contribution to the church by raising these profound and painful

issues. Indeed, in fairness it must be pointed out that his

understanding of the theological significance of Darwin's The origin of

Species was masterly, given the very short time he had to consider its

implications. Baden Powell wrote of the 'grand principle of the self­ evolving powers of nature', which was another concept that Samuel

Butler was to develop most profoundly during the next twenty or so

years, and call his own. 16

The reception of Essays And Reviews was of much wider interest

than the reception of Darwin's The origin Of Species. 'Disraeli

remarked that it was convulsing Christendom. ' 16 Some extent of the

division caused by this book can be seen from the following figures: -

twenty three out of the twenty six English bishops condemned it; some

eleven thousand clergyman put their signatures to a formulae which

declared that the Bible was the literal Word of God, divinely inspired: one hundred and thirty-seven thousand laymen congratulated the bishops 119 on their actions. 17 However, Essays And Reviews was not the only theological work causing trouble. starting in 1857 every year for

almost the next decade there appeared to be 'a new and deliberate assault on established religious truth. ' 18 Bishop Colenso, Lyell,

Huxley, as well as Darwin, wreaked theological havoc among those who believed in Biblical infallibility. The Protestant cause, founded on

the authority of Scripture alone, was being shaken to its very roots. Intelligent, scientifically educated lay people, such as Haast and

Hutton began to question the ability of the Church to provide credible answers in terms of traditional dogmatic belief.

Certainly, after Butler's introduction of the two topics considered together, the stage was set for detailed discussion in the

church during the late eighteen sixties onward. Looking ahead, it may be said that despite the origin of Essays And Reviews the Anglicans

held together considerably better than the Presbyterians who for a lengthy period enjoined in an acrimonious battle over science and faith. It was fought not only in their own church courts but also publicly through newspapers, pamphlets, and in secular boards and institutions including the one university in New Zealand with strong initial links to the Presbyterian Church, to which attention is now

given. The Provincial council of otago established its university in

Dunedin by an ordinance on 3 June 1869. 19 This was an extraordinary step, 20 given the minuscule population of the province and its relative

isolation. 21 However, the prior discovery of gold in May 1861 by Gabriel Read, and the wealth generated by pastoral farming, had

combined to make Otago the most buoyant of the New Zealand provincial economies in the eighteen sixties. 22 The population had expanded much

more rapidly than would otherwise have been the case. Chisholm notes

that in 1860 the entire population of otago was estimated at 12,500,

with 69 vessels entering the port over the year. 23 A year later the population was around 30,000, with 256 vessels, many of much heavier

tonnage, entering the port. 24 The Moderator of the first synod of otago-southland held during January 1866, was Dr. Burns, who drew 120 attention to the huge problems now facing the Kirk, including the provision of pastoral care for the estimated 57,000 then in the

Province. 25

During this period, southerners were exceedingly cautious about any outflow of wealth to the poor relations of the North Island, especially funding any national system of education. 26 By the same token, it was very expensive to send sons back home for an education, although the wealthy did. James Chisholm made enough money on the gold fields, over just a few months, to afford the costs of a theological training in Edinburgh, the first lay person from otago so to do. 27

However, his heal th was not good and he found the Scottish cold disagreeable, so Chisholm was forced to abandon his studies, just prior to the final examinations. 28 He returned to New Zealand where he completed his tuition under Dr. Stuart and Dr. Watt in Dunedin, the first New Zealand theological student to be licensed by the otago

Presbytery. 29 Despite the early educational setback Chisholm eventually become one of the Presbyterian church's most able and respected ministers. 30 The rapid growth of the province ensured that providing theological education for future ministers would never be far from main church concerns. 31 similarly, the provision of a university had been one of the founding association's ideals. One third of the endowment funds derived from the original tax on land purchase32 was meant to be allocated for the provision of a university.

On the one hand, this fitted in well with the Scottish tradition of education, which was so highly valued by the settlers. Moreover, the gold rush and the success of pastoral farming had brought to public attention the necessity of at least establishing a School of Mines and

Agricultural chemistry. 33 on the other hand, the otago Presbyterians believed they had the right to partial control of the university environment, by endowing chairs and retaining the rights of selection over some of the professorial candidates. 34 It seems that the early

Free Kirk leaders wanted to recapture the same spirit and commitment which had built New College, thereby providing a first rate theological education from the Free Kirk perspective, but set within the larger 121 framework of a university. A hint of this is found in the otago

Presbytery instruction given to the Rev. William Will, when he returned to Scotland on furlough in 1863, having completed ten years as the second Presbyterian minister in otago. 35 '(H)e was given authority "to procure a Professor competent to teach Theology and Natural science". ' 36 It was a quite specific ideal set within the larger vision of a university related to a theological hall, which also captured the imagination of the Presbyterians in the Northern church. 37 The 1864

General Assembly agreed that theological training would best be carried

38 out in 'Otago than in any other part of New Zealand 1 • It was expected that the growth of a theological institution and the university would be plaited together into a common life, thus preserving something of the Free Kirk ethos for a long time to come. 39 It was all to prove a vain hope, however, because the demographic changes caused by the gold rushes had already resulted in the rapid erosion of the Free Kirk ethos in Dunedin, among both lay and ordained. 40

on the surface, the relationship between the university and the

Church seemed to contemporary observers to be both sound and mutually beneficial. 41 From the church's point of view the synod of otago­

Southland funded the chair of Mental and Moral Philosophy and Political

Economy, thus giving it a measure of ecclesiastical power. 42 From the university's side, it was the financial beneficiary of generous church help. Moreover, a number of university office bearers were key figures in the church. For example, Burns and Stuart were both chancellors, the former from 1869-71, and the latter with a distinguished contribution as vice-Chancellor from 1871-79 and Chancellor from 1879-94.

Nevertheless, from the earliest, the relationship of the church to the university of otago showed signs of strain. The very first choice of professor to the Church funded chair, Duncan MacGregor, was not to the

Synod's liking. 43 They had, however, only themselves to blame, for they had invited a committee of divines in Scotland to make the choice. 44

The problem came to a head when MacGregor wrote an article for the New

Zealand Magazine entitled 'The Problem of Poverty'. 46 MacGregor's strict social Darwinism were not appreciated by most members of the 122 synod. 46 synod moved in 1877 to fetter MacGregor without actually dismissing him. 47 It was proposed to divide his responsibilities in two, thereby creating a new chair. one was to be the chair of Mental and Moral Philosophy with a new Synod appointee, while MacGregor could continue to teach Political Economy and Logic. The University council demurred, as did a minority of Presbyterian clergy, for while there was sufficient reason to doubt MacGregor's theological soundness, the alternative was to allow an intolerant Church control of the fledgling university. 48 The dispute between the synod and University council over various professorial chairs dragged on for a decade. When MacGregor resigned in 1886 in order to take up a civil service position one might have expected the matter to end, but the entire question of theological

'soundness' in professorial candidates was paramount in the minds of synod members. 49 Moreover, the synod, believing that it had control over appointments to that particular chair at least, appointed the Rev.

William Salmond to a reconstituted chair of Mental and Moral Philosophy in 1887 without consulting the university authorities. 50 Although this step embarrassed the university, almost immediately afterward the

Dunedin Presbyterians were made to look most foolish indeed, because

Professor Salmond was arraigned on a heresy charge. This trial will be examined subsequently, but, in the meantime salmond's background ought to be considered.

Apart from a small amount of published material, Salmond has left virtually no other written sources. Nevertheless, his forceful personality and 'lucidity' made a considerable impact upon his contemporaries within the Presbyterian Church. 51 Salmond was called from a successful parish ministry in North Shields to be the first professor appointed by the church in Otago. 52 While in North shields he wrote two pamphlets in 1872, The Christian Theory of Morals Versus

Utilitarianism, 53 and The Limits of Comprehension Within The Church. 54

The former of these was written to counter Darwin and other authors on evolution, according to notes left by his grandson Arthur Salmond. 55

When Salmond left North Shields the local newspaper expressed admiration for his ministry. Salmond had made a 'Gospel of Light unto 123 our feet amid the oppositions of science - falsely so-called. , 55 The latter phrase was to appear in the Dunedin Darwinian debates as well, and, curiously, it again shows up in a newspaper. Amid high praise,

Salmond emigrated in 1875 to take up the first theological professorship in Dunedin. He had been chosen by a committee of Scottish divines (Principal Fairburn of Glasgow, Professors cairns and Rainy of

Edinburgh), in the same way as MacGregor. Curiously, his appointment was treated with suspicion by some local Presbyterians. 57

A comparable set of events had begun in 1877, when the synod made another serious error of judgement concerning the university. This time it directly affected the faith-science interaction. The synod, ever mindful of the increasing importance of science, decided to endow a chair of Natural Science, but ended up blocking the appointment of F.W.

Hutton (1836-1905) to it, on theological grounds. 58 Hutton, who was to later figure prominently as a layman in the faith-science interaction, was the obvious choice of candidate, but the synod failed to recognise this. 69 Frederick Wollaston Hutton, born in Lincolnshire November 1836, was the son of an Anglican vicar. 60 on his mother's side there was an illustrious background of scientific thinking, with the claim made that the Wollaston family had 'given the Royal Society more Fellows than any other'. 61 After a career in the military, serving as both a naval and army officer, Hutton emigrated to New Zealand in 1865 with his wife and family. 62 But he soon found work on the major geological surveys then being carried out, which was to bring him under the aegis of sir James

Hector and Haast. These three were, in fact, largely responsible for the shaping of the colony's emerging scientific community. 63 Hutton became the Assistant Geologist to Hector in the regional surveys, and was eventually appointed as the Provincial Geologist of otago, and then head of the otago Museum. 64 Certainly in the decade between his arrival and the furore over the professorship of Natural science, Hutton had contributed enormously not only to the store of geological knowledge but also in zoology, particularly in conchology, entomology and vertebrate zoology. 65 Nevertheless a contemporary observer, G.M.

Thomson, noted that Hutton could be 'too pungent' in his criticism of 124 ideas with which he disagreed, 66 and this may have had some bearing on the synod's refusal to appoint him.

The university responded to the synod's decision by funding the chair from its own resources, and by appointing Hutton as the first

incumbent. 67 This action effectively destroyed any hope of the faith­

science interaction being able to flower in Presbyterian Dunedin as it was to do in the Scottish colleges. Just as seriously, a determined minority of the synod seemed unable to recognize the shifting

perspective in New Zealand society, particularly the desire to be unfettered by ties with the church. 68 Among educationists, the climate

of opinion was not only for freedom from the old pattern of established churches with monopolies over the institutions of higher education,

which many saw as bastions of privilege, but also freedom from

sectarian strife. 69 When the University of New Zealand had been

established in 1871 by act of Parliament, with Colleges in Auckland,

wellington and Christchurch, they were begun as secular institutions,

free from church interference. 70 It was almost certain that the otago

university council would not long tolerate interference from the

synod. 71 Indeed, the regulations governing the otago University council implied some measure of freedom from ecclesiastical domination by

requiring a majority of six laymen on the council. 72 In any event, the

Presbyterian commitment to the pursuit of intellectual truth meant they

could not very well restrain the movement towards a scientifically rather than a religiously orientated society. It may perhaps be

concluded that the otago Presbyterians were now on the threshold of an

unwanted and cruel discovery. The discipline of science, which they

promoted, had begun to erode many aspects of the Christian faith as

they understood it. Across the theological spectrum, such diverse

characters as the Revs. Copland and Will, occupying the Biblical

literalist position, Salmond the middle ground, and the Rev. Charles

Fraser the liberal position on matters of science, were all forced into

a new style of theological reasoning, which had to critically discern

between faith and science. significantly, in the same year that Hutton found his 125

appointment blocked by the Church, the government legislated for the

free, compulsory and secular education of primary school children. 73

The 1877 Act meant that freedom from sectarian religion had been

achieved at all levels of the New Zealand education system. It was a

decision which proved to be an enduring and contentious issue for the

churches. 74 one of the few times that the protestant denominations

achieved a semblance of unity was in their effort to prevent Roman

catholic schools from gaining additional help from the state. 76

Although there were many complex factors which governed the

prevailing attitudes to education at levels, from primary school to

professorial appointments, there is no doubt that the Darwinian

controversies were to the fore. Early in 1876 F.W. Hutton published an

article, 'The History of Creation' in the New Zealand Magazine. 76

Hutton had already been cited by Darwin as one of the very few who

really understood the implications of evolution through natural

selection. 77 The point that Darwin made was that the changes of species

could not be shown directly, but only perceived through the patterns of

evidence. Darwin judged it "'really curious"' that so few were able to

understand this. 78 It must not be thought, however, that Hutton was in

agreement with Darwin's dismissal of orthodox teleology. The two were

certainly not close on matters of how religion might relate to science.

We have already mentioned Darwin's general agnosticism, which meant his

rejection of most of the dogmatic assertions about Christianity. It is

a matter of much curiosity, therefore, that Darwin should end the sixth

and final edition of The origin Of Species with these words:

There is a grandeur in this view of life, with its several powers, having been originally breathed by the Creator into a few forms or into one; and that, whilst this planet has gone cycling on according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple a beginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have been, and are being evolved. 79

It seems as if Darwin was not prepared to countenance any form of

divine interference, or miracle depending on one's point of view, after

the instant of life's creation. once created, life looked after itself,

without the teleological purposes implied by Christian theology. In

sharp contrast to this, Hutton's mature works Darwinism And 126

Lamarckism, 80 and The Lesson Of Evolution,~ completely reject this desertion of teleological principles in nature. Furthermore, Hutton held to a lively Christian faith, and did not cease to attend church in spite of his apparent unorthodoxy.

Hutton's thoroughly professional approach to science is attested by the substantial contribution of accurate and painstaking papers he had published in the Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand

Institute. 82 But this particular article was more philosophical, and aimed to give a popular review of The Evolution Of Man, Ernst Haeckel's magnum opus. Haeckel was the German equivalent of Huxley, except in respect of his Christian faith, which was of importance to him although he saw it as having absolutely nothing to do with the materialistic progress of science. 83 He was a very popular lecturer in France and

Germany, 84 although his speculative philosophy certainly did not find favour with the English empirical school of scientists. Hutton's review rejected Haeckel' s synthesis of Darwinism and positivism, not just because of its thorough-going materialism, but also on the grounds that

Haeckel's science did not stand up to rigorous scrutiny. Haeckel had not truly presented Darwinism so much as imposed his own speculations on that theory, turning good science into bad. 85

Nevertheless, despite Hutton's dislike for Haeckel's methodology, he conceded 'there is one point Professor Haeckel makes abundantly clear, and this is that the study of zoology is the moving spirit of the age. The paramount importance of astronomy and geology has passed away. 186 This remark deserves attention, for although it is by no means a major part of his argument, nevertheless it reveals the changing status of various branches of science at least through the eyes of an highly important New Zealand scientist. with the advantage of hindsight it is somewhat easier to see that as much ferment was occurring in mathematics and physics. But in colonial New Zealand, as elsewhere, public attention focused upon Darwinism. Hutton soon learnt that not everyone in Dunedin shared his enthusiasm for Darwin's theories.

Fresh from Scotland, and newly appointed to the task of training ministers at the Presbyterian Theological Hall, Professor William 127

Salmond took exception to Hutton's Darwinian stance. 87 He counter­ attacked with an ill conceived article in the New Zealand Magazine, 88 only to find later that year one of his northern colleagues, the Rev.

Charles Fraser of Christchurch, defending Hutton's position with a series of three articles, entitled 'Evolution and Christianity' in the same periodical. 89 Fraser indicated an extraordinary willingness to let theology be led by science, a marked contrast to Salmond's more conservative approach. Fraser was one of the most distinguished liberal

Presbyterian clergyman, until his career came unstuck after an extra­ marital affair.

Fraser's major aim in the New Zealand Magazine articles was to establish the fact that evolutionary processes, in the course of time, led to a point where the mortality of humankind would bring about changes allowing the human creature to achieve a kind of immortality.

That is to say, 'evolution itself seems to demand' human immortality, because the whole realm of scientific investigation 'opens the door' to such a possibility. 90 Indeed, Fraser further indicated that the scientific evidence made the Christian claim of immortality not merely possible but probable. It was by no means a powerful intellectual argument, but nevertheless, is illustrative of genuine reflection on the meaning of the new science for Christian theology. Moreover, these articles show clearly that some Presbyterian clerics of the New Zealand

Church were not afraid to tackle very contentious theological issues.

If we compare Fraser's and Hutton's position with salmond's, it will become clear that the latter was defending doctrine without taking into account all the available scientific evidence, let alone allowing the necessary freedom for others to hold a contrary opinion. His position was in no doubt when he declared that evolutionary doctrine

'must' necessarily contradict the Christian concept of 'Immortality'. 91

Moreover, he went so far as to state that evolution and Christianity would be 'forever irreconcilable' . 92 This pugnaciously dogmatic mood was certainly in keeping with the spirit of his sermon in North Shields on The Christian Theory of Morals Versus utilitarianism. When Salmond considered Genesis, it was abundantly clear to him, from the internal 128 evidence of chapters one and two, that Adam and Eve were the result of a Special creation by God. Darwinism 'flatly' contradicted the revealed, historical basis of Genesis. 93 The historical truth of the scriptures was the key element for Salmond. This is completely understandable in view of that high view of the Bible propounded in Calvinism whereby the veracity of all the books of the Bible had to be defended as the revealed Word of God. They were accurate and truthful without exception. In this case the enemy was science, and it was undermining the foundational story of scripture. The whole scheme of creation, paradise, fall, sin, and redemption was threatened. Salmond wrote that German scholarship had amply demonstrated what storms were unleashed if and when a Biblical narrative was treated as if

'mythical' . 94 Salmond was equally, if not more, alarmed, at the combined effects of Biblical criticism and evolution. 'Almost anything' might be read into the Bible. Indeed, once a narrative was assumed to be wholly or partly mythical Salmond argued that it was as if an axe were cutting through the roots of the 'tree of historic Christianity. , 95 Salmond wrote that the ordinary Christian would in all probability abandon his faith when faced with a choice between evolution presented as scientific fact and Biblical Christianity presented as a myth.

Evolution expressly contradicted well known and appreciated doctrines of Christian faith such as Christ's pre-existence, the miracle of his conception, his state of being without sin, and, indeed, the resurrection itself.96 closed though his mind was at this time to the new science, Salmond had been quick to realise that was not where the real danger to faith lay. It was a chilling fact that the Church was involved in a 'flirtation' with evolution, but utter ruin would result from the marrying of Darwinism and Higher Criticism. Whilst one or the other might be counter-attacked, it was that much harder to deal with their combined threat. Yet this was precisely what the church had to confront.

The otago Institute, the main scientific institution for the province, began to examine the implications of evolution in the latter 129

half of 1876. There was a stormy meeting where Salmond clashed with

Hutton. What happened was that the president of the otago Institute,

Robert Gillies, a Presbyterian elder, presented some revolutionary

German ideas during the course of a popular lecture of evolution. 97

unwisely, Gillies had chosen to present the scheme of evolution as

Haeckel conceived it. Hutton, who had been quite condemnatory in his

attack on Haeckel, spoke heatedly against this view of evolution.

Salmond spoke against any view of evolution whatsoever, and found an

ally in Stuart. The debate between supporters of evolution and the

supporters of the literal truth of Genesis assumed serious proportions

as others joined in the evening's deliberations on the origins of life.

Heated opinions were expressed. In the end a compromise was agreed to.

A series of lectures was to be arranged later in the year so that

Salmond, Hutton, Bishop Nevill, and Stuart, who was now Chancellor of

otago university, could air their views. However, some tempers were not

cooled by the passage of time. Within a few months Stuart would resign

from the Institute rather than be 'associated with atheists'. 98 In this

same period, another of Dunedin's leading clerics became involved in a

public dispute over Darwinism and Higher criticism. This time, however,

these two disciplines were enthusiastically embraced by a clerical

proponent of theological change as indispensable aids to serious

theological reflection, much to salmond's discomfort.

In 1876 the Rev. Alfred Robertson Fitchett ( 1836-1929) was

appointed for the second time in his career as a Methodist minister, to

Dunedin's Trinity church. 99 Fitchett was unquestionably one of the New

Zealand Wesleyan Church's ablest ministers. One of five children of a

Lincolnshire Wesleyan local preacher who emigrated to Geelong under a land settlement scheme in 1849, 10° Fitchett grew up in a church orientated family. His brother William Henry Fitchett (1841-1928) was

to become widely known throughout the Australasian Wesleyan Connexion,

being twice elected as President of the Conference of Victoria and

Tasmania, in 1886 and 1902. W.H. Fitchett also became the first

President of General Conference of Australasia from 1904-7,

contributing enormously to the reunification of the formerly divided 130

strands of Methodism. 101 Moreover, he was to become famous 'throughout the British Empire' through his books, newspaper articles and editorships of various church publications. 102 A.R. Fitchett was to similarly show great literary ability in the New Zealand context,

although not achieving the same level of international acclaim as his

brother. The third brother, Frederick Fitchett, was to become the

Solicitor-General of New Zealand, yet a further indication of the great

energies and talents in the family line.

A.R. Fitchett was ordained in Melbourne in 1863. Shortly

afterwards he was sent to Wanganui during the Taranaki wars. We have no

way of knowing how much of Fitchett's ready acceptance of Darwinism was stimulated by the 'Gorilla warfare in Melbourne' which began in July

1863. 103 Like his brothers he clearly took to heart the Wesleyan

virtues of hard work and self-education. 104 A.R. Fitchett is first

listed as a marriage celebrant in New Zealand in 1864, 105 but certainly

from the outset he established himself as a person of distinct literary

talents and theological acumen. Fitchett's first ministry at Dowling

street Methodist Church, Dunedin, was from 1867-70, in which he

distinguished himself with his preaching and pastoral abilities. 106 He achieved a great deal in the short term of his appointment, including

the building of a new church, Trinity, sited just above the city's

octagon. The Rev. Dr. Stuart from Knox church, and the Rev. J.

Williams, a Baptist minister, were invited to preach at the opening

ceremonies. 107

Fitchett's second appointment to Trinity was made in 1876. It was

also to be for the standard three year term, a rule applied quite

rigorously by the Methodist conference at that time. Between these two

appointments, while Fitchett was a circuit minister in Christchurch, he

was also made the editor of New Zealand's first nationally distributed

church journal, the New Zealand Wesleyan. As editor he practised a

broad ecumenism, and solicited regular articles from Baptist,

congregational and Presbyterian ministers. From the Wesleyan's

inception, it was clear that its editor's natural abilities were

coupled with a desire to engage readers with the latest theological 131 thought. Fitchett came to Dunedin a convinced evolutionist, and he handled the matter in a manner that brought him credit among some of his contemporaries. William Morley, writing at the turn of the century, says of Fitchett, 'The then new question of "Evolution" was handled with distinct ability' . 108 Morley's estimate of Fitchett was generous, calling him a 'man of great versatility', and 'he also had a strong vein of satire'. 109 Again, according to Morley it did not stop him from being 'genial and popular', 110 but one may question whether this sardonic manner hindered his ministry. Hames was more sharply critical of Fitchett's personality as it gradually unfolded in his writing. Why was Fitchett, who so strongly attacked the ritualism of high Anglican worship, finally 'constrained to seek episcopal ordination 1 ? 111 others were less urbane: they considered him something of a traitor to the Methodist cause. 112 The crusty anti-drink campaigner, the Rev. r.w.

Isitt, himself no stranger to controversy either within Methodism or on the larger stage of relentless temperance campaigns throughout New

Zealand, was later to denounce Fitchett 's conversion to Anglican sacerdotalism. 113 However, from 1871 until 1878 Fitchett was anything but a sacerdotalist, and his pen was free to write as he saw fit, and he wielded it to good effect in furthering the cause of making known the results of modern Biblical scholarship in the church. Fitchett was essentially a man of broad sympathies, although not always generous in his judgement of colleagues. For example, in 1874, he lamented the decline in the standard of Methodist preaching from the time of Wesley.

Too often the preachers did not go straight to the heart of the matter.

Too often too much time was wasted trying to fight particular aspects or expressions of 'Rationalism, Ritualism, Darwinism, spiritualism,

Universalism, Annihilationism. 1114 He believed in the power of informed preaching and Christian comment. There is not the slightest doubt that he rendered Wesleyan Methodism a great service by bringing about a general awareness of the faith-science interaction. Indeed, as early as

1873, in the article 'Physicists and Theologians', by the Rev. David

McNicoll, analysis of the reasons for the great contemporary conflict between science and religion were dealt with. 115 McNicoll believed that 132 the two modes of knowledge were essentially in combat, and the major

source of discontent was the discrepancy between geological records and the Genesis accounts of creation.

In 1876 Fitchett published a small booklet, The Ethics of

Evolution, favourable to Darwin's theory of evolution and against a

literal interpretation of Genesis. 116 But just before this, the board

of the Dunedin Young Men's Christian Association had, without prior

knowledge of that article, invited him to consider membership of the

board. When two of the governors read or heard of The Ethics of

Evolution they concluded his views were contrary to the Word of God.

Fitchett heard about their complaints but felt it was his civic duty to

let his name go forward. At the next board meeting a vote was taken,

and only the original two were against him. However, under the

constitutional rules this was enough to stop the nomination.

Interestingly, the same pair had tried to oust a sitting member, the

broad-minded Congregational minister, Dr. Roseby, a little time

previously, but this attempt had failed. Roseby was one of Dunedin's

most influential ministers, prominent in civic affairs, a member of the

university council and a stimulating scholar. Having considered the

initial events we can ask, what was it in Fitchett's comments that had

so offended the two governors?

The Ethics of Evolution is a modest essay compared to any in

Essays And Reviews, yet it is very close to the spirit of Goodwin and

Baden Powell. Its major theological aim is to make science a Christian

endeavour, rather than a purely secular form of knowledge. Fitchett

laid no claim to scientific expertise, but tried to relate Darwin's

theory of evolution to belief in God, and belief in the Biblical scheme

of the Fall and Redemption. Two phrases particularly stand out. First,

Fitchett argued that evolution is a 'continuous creation'. what he

meant by this was that the universe is evolving towards more complex

and 'richer' organic life, and that 'existing organisms' are similarly

on the road upwards to higher perfection. 117 At no stage did he attempt

to relate this growing complexity to the second law of thermodynamics,

which, in fact, pointed to the opposite phenomenon of increasing 133

entropy, a winding down of order in the universe of matter. William

Thomson ( later Lord Kelvin) had by 1852 formulated the concept of maximum entropy throughout the universe, although the term entropy was

coined by R.J .E. Clausius in 1865. 118 It is significant that a

professional scientist like Hutton did not overlook this kind of

objection, but often the amateur scientists and interested clerics,

such as Fitchett, were unable to see the problems let alone offer

solutions. 119 However, even had Fitchett been aware of the problem, it

is my estimation that he would have been unconcerned. Evolutionary

progress, by whatever means, and, more importantly, against whatever

odds, perhaps offered the theologian a way to counter this gloomy

prognosis about the future end of the universe. On balance, it seems as

if Fitchett wanted continuous creation to be understood as the natural

theology for his times, serving the same function as Paley's argument

from design. 120

The other notable thought in Fitchett's pamphlet finds expression

in the concept that evolution is rather like a continuous miracle. Like

many who wanted to preserve the status of natural theology, Fitchett

believed that Darwinism was a neutral scientific description which

neither denied nor affirmed religious faith. overall, however, evolving

nature itself pointed toward the existence of God. He likened it, in an

arresting phrase, to a stream rising above its own source, 'the effect

transcending the cause. 1121 of course, Fitchett was blind neither to

the brutality of nature, nor to the effects of suffering and evil.

Indeed, he argued that theology had to understand that although

scientific Darwinism was neutral, the effects of evolution were not. In

his estimation, suffering seemed explicable within the new scientific

framework, in a way that was not previously possible. Thus, he wrote

that 'evolution will help theology' to find convincing explanations to

the problem of evil. 122 Fitchett's opponents took the opposite view,

that ultimately faith would help explain the meaning of evolution.

These views, which by any standard today would seem pedestrian for an

educated clergyman were anathema to Fitchett 1 s opponents. The Ethics of

Evolution was enough to ensure that Fitchett would be regarded by many 134 of Dunedin's Presbyterians as a decided enemy of the faith.

The otago Daily Times heard what had befallen Fitchett. In a brief paragraph, 14 October 1876, it called the result of the vote against Fitchett 'remarkable' • 123 By 17 October the editor had marshalled his facts and analyzed the situation thus: there was indeed a war between science and religion and any attempt to reconcile the two was 'useless,. 1M Forced reconciliations were out of the question, and the editorial leader strongly urged the public to take sides in the debate. 125 '"Science, falsely so-called," must be discouraged. ' 126

Reference was also made to Herbert Spencer, whose popularization of evolution had brought him into high regard. curiously, the senate of the University of New Zealand later that year banned Spencer's books. 127

However, there is more in this satirical attack than might at first be realised. The phrase 'science, falsely so-called' provides a very important illustration of the transplanting of the faith-science interaction from Britain to New Zealand, and its subsequent development. It has already been observed that particular phrase was used by the North Shields newspaper in its honorific for Salmond.

Professor John Fleming's inaugural lecture at the formal opening of the buildings of New college, Edinburgh, 1850, also used that phrase. 'But, however hostile to a sound faith has ever been the science that is falsely so called, the science that is truly so called, if but enough prosecuted, will be ever found to overmatch and neutralize it. , 120

Fleming, who had held the chair of Natural science since the inception of the college, attributed the phrase to Chalmers. Thus, the Dunedin

Presbyterians who initially dominated anti-evolution sentiment were making distinctions about false science and true science, on the basis of Chalmers' theological insights. These were qu{te out of kilter with the changes in scientific and Biblical knowledge that had occurred in the thirty years since his death in 1846. Fitchett had embraced these changes, however, and this in turn meant he had little difficulty in adjusting the myth of Genesis to the science of Darwin.

unfortunately, in the long term there were serious consequences 135

for both Salmond and Fitchett as a result of their highly publicized views. A special meeting of the Young Men's Christian Association was

called in response to the editorial lampooning. Deep divisions soon

became apparent. The feelings of those opposed to Fitchett may best be

summarized in the words of Mr. Graham, who, apparently unaware of the

long history of the faith-science interaction declared that 'pulpits

had been degraded by the introduction of scientific subjects' . 129 The

Baptist minister J. Upton Davis 'objected to the word "degraded" as

applied to pulpits' , as did a number of others. 130 However, the

opposition won the day. The special meeting voted against Fitchett

being a member of the board of governors on the basis of what they

construed the Ethics Of Evolution to mean. Roseby, along with Dr. R

Borrow, tendered their immediate resignations, and Upton Davis a short

time later followed suit. Borrow, a member of Fitchett 1 s congregation,

was a notable medical figure in early Dunedin. 131 (He was tragically

killed in a horse and carriage accident the year after Fitchett

resigned from Methodist ministry.)

The otago Daily Times was outraged by the turn of events. The

editorial highlighted the inhumane things that had been done in the

past in the name of religion. In a vitriolic attack it was suggested

that 'three centuries' previously the 'young Christians' of Dunedin

would without doubt have burned Fitchett at the stake for his alleged

heresy. 132 In an earlier age they would have 'stoned him' to death. 133

But, constrained by a more civilised society they could but 'blackball'

him, unsatisfactory though that course was to their natural

inclination. 134 The newspaper then exhorted Fitchett not to be worried

by this 'miserable outrage' for the majority of Christians took his

view, and would 'regret the injury done to religion' . 135

Once the inflammatory language is discounted, perhaps the most

pertinent question that arises is to do with the claim about majority

support for Fitchett 1 s position. For if it were true, it would indicate

a remarkably quick acceptance in Dunedin of the new ideas about both

Darwinism and Higher criticism. Evidence that points towards such a

conclusion is certainly found in the trend toward a secular education 136 system, which has already been examined. Yet, there is equally evidence to the contrary. The Fitchett affair itself surely indicates a rejection of both Darwinism and Higher criticism among the 'young

Christian men of the city. ' 136 Although the otago Daily Times claimed majority support for Fitchett's views, there was strong and consistent

Presbyterian opposition. Moreover, there was opposition among some of

Fitchett's Methodist colleagues. The Ethics of Evolution was reviewed in the Christian Advocate. Noting that the review was an 'exceedingly distasteful task', the reviewer suggested the material of the lecture was not at all what one would expect from a Wesleyan preacher. 137 It went on to argue strenuously that a Wesleyan minister should not have made a public stand on evolution. The reason they offered was simple - it might upset the faithful. Whether the majority of Christians were in favour of Fitchett's views on Darwinism is thus an open question.

Perhaps the matter is best summed up by noting not only the ferocity of the opposition, but also their own assessment of their strength. The

Rev. Dr. James Copland M.D., ch.B., M.R.c.s., L.R.C.P., Ph.D, who was a contestant for the Chair of Mental and Moral Philosophy ten years later in 1886, wrote that 'superciliousness, arrogance and dogmatism' were the chief characteristics of many evolutionists. 138 Even more galling was the feeling that failure to adopt to the evolutionary

139 position meant being satirized as a 'relic of medieval times 1 •

Even if Darwinism and Higher criticism were not generally accepted in Dunedin in 1876, as claimed by the otago Daily Times, it seems they were a decade later, which offended Copland and his followers so much. Copland was not a creative theologian, but his high academic attainments allowed him the latitude of choosing between pastoral ministry, an academic career, and a medical practice. 140

Moreover, his background as a ship's surgeon and the minister of the gold mining town of Lawrence from 1865 to 1871, gave him wide pastoral experience. 141 Although he resigned from the ordained ministry of the

Presbyterian Church in 1881, he did not cease to play an active role in the ministry of the laity, until his death in 1902. 142 Copland strongly opposed Fitchett's theology, and his appointment to the board of the 137

Y.M.C.A. Perhaps the strength of that opposition can be gauged from his subsequent writing on evolutionary theory where he maintained that human origins were clearly set out in the book of Genesis, which, being correct in every detail could not be impugned 'without destroying' the very authority of the entire Bible. 143 However, one of the key features that we should note about Copland's attacks on evolution, is that he brought to bear what scientific knowledge he could muster, and this included references to Darwin's The origin of Species, and The Descent

Of Man, along with The Vestiges of Creation, and comments upon such distinguished scientists as Lyell, Huxley, Mivart, Thompson and Tait.

It should also be mentioned that his objection to evolutionary theory had a methodological query also, in so far as evolution could not be directly proved. This was a perception of Darwinism which was widely held among, and, as will be shown subsequently, caused deep division within the New Zealand Institute.

Nevertheless, the immediate problem that faced the Christian community and the Y.M.C.A. in Dunedin needed resolution. The question of the truth of evolution began to be debated in wider circles than just the Y.M.C.A. board, and began to envelop other clergy, along with laity. Professor Salmond, up until then rather vehemently opposed to

Darwinism, began to reconsider his opposition. As previously mentioned the Otago Institute arranged a series of lectures on evolution, the highlight of which was to be Hutton's lecture. In truth it turned out to have a salutary effect upon the Professor of Theology. Salmond went to hear Hutton, sure of the truth of his own opinions, but came out an

'evolutionist, of the Hutton kind' according to a newspaper report. 144

It could be argued that a real conversion had indeed taken place, a conversion to belief in the truth of evolutionary science. After all, the press congratulated Salmond 'on having made a gigantic stride towards captain Hutton's side. ' 145 Admittedly, the editor was not prepared to let Salmond off too lightly, and reprimanded him for the

'extreme harshness' of his previous views. Even the public apology he had made to Hutton was done too 'jauntily' and with an 'insufficiently apologetic tone'. 146 Interestingly, the otago Daily Times was not 138 prepared to let the matter rest there. A week later it was raised again, noting that it was quite certain where the blame ought to be

laid for the unchristian controversy which had divided Dunedin. It was

at the feet of William Salmond. 147 After all, he had been willing to

undertake a public crusade for orthodoxy and literal belief in the

scriptures, against Darwinism. The olive branch offered to him at the

time of his conversion was thus wielded as a cane within a week!

In fact, however, Salmond had not undergone such a radical

conversion as was implied by the otago Daily Times. His original

article in 1876 was about the destruction of faith, caught between the

pincer-like movement of Darwinism and Higher criticism. But in early

1877, in the New Zealand Magazine, he explored yet again the same

interplay of forces and their effect on faith. 148 'The Christian

Doctrine of creation' essentially espouses the same high view of the

Bible and orthodox doctrine. All that had changed was Salmond's notion

of how evolutionary science could be fitted inside the unchanging and

irreproachable framework of the book of Genesis. At this stage there

was, in fact, no radical revision of Salmond's beliefs at all. It was,

he declared, absolutely 'vital' that science and the Bible should not

be shown to be mutually contradictory in any respect. 149 If it were

shown to be so, the entire foundation of Christian faith 'would be

shaken'. 150 on reflection, there is more than a hint of Calvinism in

salmond's approach to the scriptures at this time. Salmond knew full

well that within the strict borders of Calvinistic doctrine, the whole

canon of scripture must fall, if, even a single part were shown to be

at fault. 151 Evolution appeared to be showing the weaknesses inherent

in Genesis, but that was inconceivable. Salmond's solution was that

although the Bible was complete and perfect, it nevertheless could not

possibly contain all knowledge. The new science was merely filling in

the gaps of knowledge. The scriptures infallibly record the guiding

hand of God in creation without 'specifying' exactly how this act is

achieved. 152

on the cosmological problem of the origin of the universe and

life on earth, Salmond claimed that 'out of nothing by a word, by a 139 breath' the grand miracle of life is brought into being, and no other miracle can compare to it. 153 This great act of God, however, did not instantly bring all things into being. Salmond argued that the Creation story was 'narrated as a process,' and, moreover, one in which the operation had a divine momentum in an upwards sweep. 154 This concept of process, of course, allows for real geological time spans, without apparently contradicting Genesis. But what of the origin of the human race? Salmond believed that all depended on correctly understanding this supreme act of God as recorded in the Bible. Therefore, on the genesis of humanity, we ought to take 'special notice' • 166 Salmond, with characteristic assurance states that 'indubitably' the human creature, in physical body and in the soul, is a 'special supernatural creation'. The supernatural aspect of the soul was a notion to which

Hutton ascribed and had adduced evidences, according to salmond. 156

What, then, can be made of William Salmond's confession to being an evolutionist of the Hutton kind? Equally, it must be asked, Salm~nd still believed in the inviolability of scripture, but did Hutton? It is clear from Hutton's writings that he was a Darwinist, although he often disagreed with Darwin's explanations of various points in evolutionary biology. What Hutton always maintained as his fundamental tenets were the truth of natural selection and evolution its elf. 157 Darwin and

Hutton were, however, totally opposed on the matter of spiritual and psychological evolution. Hutton's biology was always modified by his insistence that life 'is spirit and not physical energy'. 158

Salmond, of course, would have found this an intellectually congenial position. Nevertheless, Salmond made it quite clear that his blend of evolution and special creation did not equate to Darwinism with God aiding the process at critical times. He completely rejected the proposition that God waited until the evolutionary process had allowed an 'anthropoid ape' to achieve 'a certain degree of perfection' and then created in it and for it a 'rational soul' . 159 such a proposition was a 'grotesque' distortion of scientific method, argued

Salmond. Two stark alternatives presented themselves, either a totally naturalistic evolutionary process or the teaching of scriptures. 160 140

Thus, salmond's picture of human evolution, body and soul, was thus one of progress ever upward, which had begun from an act of special creation. It was a very different kind of response compared to Fraser's or Fitchett's acceptance of both Darwinism and Higher Criticism.

over the next eleven years, however, William Salmond began to seriously reconsider those unchangeable principles he held dear.

Nevertheless, it still comes as a surprise to learn that he was brought before the Dunedin Presbytery in 1888 to face a charge of heresy. 161

His own Calvinistic orthodoxy was called into serious question. The charges related to a small pamphlet, The Reign of Grace, 162 in which

Salmond promulgated the opinion that strict adherence to the doctrine of predestination was no longer tenable. Instead of some being willed by God to everlasting salvation and some to everlasting damnation,

Salmond argued for the possibility that all might be saved. 163 This was, of course, very close to the Arminianism adopted and developed by

Wesley. 164 The Presbytery found Salmond guilty of publishing heretical notions by sixteen votes to eight, and ordered the suppression of his booklet, an action which no doubt increased its sales, or so Salmond himself implied in the foreword of the first reprint. All in all, the pamphlet sold several thousand copies, running to five editions. 165

Before then, however, a majority wished him out of the ministry altogether, a step the Presbytery was not competent to take, but the synod was. 166 Thus, the matter was duly brought before the higher ecclesiastical court. The synod of otago-Southland declined to take further action, because, as we recall, it had just appointed Salmond to the chair of Mental and Moral science. For the synod to have acceded to the wishes of the Dunedin Presbytery could only have resulted in general public derision. The majority had a sensible desire for no further adverse publicity. But the opposition rallied over a lengthy period, and, two years later, forced the heresy trial of the Rev. James

Gibb, the minister of First Church of Otago. After Gibb declared his disbelief in the Calvinistic doctrine of double predestination, as set down in the Longer And Shorter catechism and the Westminster Confession of Faith, he too found himself on a charge of heresy, and even the best 141 efforts of Rutherford Waddell and Salmond could not prevent Gibb eventually being rebuked for his indiscretion. 167 But it was around

Salmond, rather than Gibb, that the deeper theological controversies arose.

What forces were at work that Salmond should have arrived at a position so radically different from that which he held a decade before? stenhouse has suggested that science was a contributing factor. 168 Matheson argues that Salmond 'quickly repented' of his much earlier rash statements. 169 There certainly was a theological awakening and a broadening of outlook on Salmond's part. These were both, perhaps, spurred on by the world-wide interest in the long running heresy trial, between 1876 and 1880, of the Free Kirk minister and scholar, William Robertson Smith (1846-94). Ostensibly it was an article on the old Testament he wrote for the Encyclopaedia Britannica which formed the basis for discontent, although there were other more complex factors at work as well. Robertson smith's methods revolved around the latest devel9pments in Higher Criticism, new formulations which were understood by many of his contemporaries as an outright attack on belief in the direct inspiration of the production of the

Word of God. The trials and tribulations of the advocates of the new methods were felt everywhere throughout the world church. Eventually he was deposed from his professorship at New college, Aberdeen. But the school of Biblical enquiry, which he and A.B. Davidson and George Adam smith had developed, proved vitally necessary for theological training in Scotland almost immediately. Riesen observes that the trial

'comprehended within itself' all the key determinants of the faith­ science interaction, namely new dimensions of Biblical and historical knowledge, burgeoning awareness of the possibilities of scientific knowledge, and the nature of authority in the church, and its relationship to academic freedom. 170

All these factors were also present in the Dunedin trial. 171

Indeed, Salmond was in a unique position among the Dunedin clergy to reach such conclusions, distressing though they were to some of his colleagues. 172 Not only was he at the centre of the stimulating 142 intellectual environment of the University and Theological Hall, but he was free from many of the pastoral restrictions inherent in parish ministry. That is not to imply that Salmond was immune to the practical outcomes of debating Darwinism and Higher criticism in Church life. 173

At least one important duty obliged him to consider these from many different points of view. He and Stuart were made the joint editors of the New Zealand Presbyterian at its inception in 1879. They had a moral responsibility to report the affairs of the various Presbyterian denominations in Scotland, which they did, although there was not as much coverage of the Robertson smith case as we might expect.

However, the New Zealand Presbyterian, although loath to give publicity to the divisions caused by Darwinism and Higher Criticism, could not avoid the issues they raised. once in a while, the editors chose their target well, and on one occasion broached an argument with the Times of London over a thinly disguised attack on the British and

Foreign Bible society. 174 Sometimes the editors were well short of the mark, however, and chose to mock rather than intelligently discuss. For example, in the edition of 2 January 1882, the New Zealand Presbyterian included two short pieces on science. They thought it a huge joke that

Darwin had written a book on worms, 'a whole volume on worms'. 176 The source of their amusement lay in the fact that so eminent a scientist could spend 'years and years' upon such a field of enquiry. 'What grovelling materialism!' they noted, and wondered whether or not human reason could 'descend to anything lower' . 176 Darwin's original motivation on that particular subject had been to ask what were the activities of earth worms and what beneficial effects might these activities generate? As Bowley observes, to one 'steeped' in evolution the questions are important, but that may be less obvious to others. 177

Adjacent to this article was another written in similar tone.

This time it was a Christian comment on 'Clifford's tombstone'. The reference is to W.K. Clifford, the celebrated, atheistic mathematician, to whom further reference will be made in chapter five. Apparently the headstone carried the following inscription - 'I was not and was conceived: I lived and did a little work: I am not and grieve not' . 178 143

The editors of the New Zealand Presbyterian believed that the

'inscription' could equally apply to a 'dog or horse'. 179 They wondered if such a statement could be a creed to which the words 'science,' "exact thought', 'fearless enquiry', and 'thorough investigation' could be applied. In their opinion the life of the mathematician, understood in the terms suggested by the headstone, was a cheerless prospect.

Was it the case that, by repeated innuendo and ridicule, the New

Zealand Presbyterian hoped to dismiss the opponents of Christian faith, particularly if they were as famous as Darwin and Clifford? In this edition there was more than a hint of Presbyterian reluctance to constructively engage in scientific, philosophical or theological conversation with these new patterns of thinking which were re-shaping many commonly held beliefs about the nature of the world. 180 Yet, on other occasions, there was a much more satisfactory engagement with new scientific thought. However, the occasional lapse into idiosyncratic journalism was by no means confined to Dunedin's Presbyterian clergy and laity.

The New Zealand Christian Record, begun in 1873, was intended from the outset to be evangelical but wide ranging in spirit, distilling the best of the overseas churc~ journals for local consumption. With Roseby as one of the editors, and Upton Davis the other, a broad yet discriminating understanding of science and Biblical criticism was to be expected. 181 The first edition of the New Zealand

Christian Record quoted with approval a sermon of Henry ward Beecher.

He contrasted some of the positive benefits which result from scientific progress with the some of the regressive forces of religion. 182 While science expanded knowledge on every front, there were still people to be found quoting their 'little Bibles', and resisting change on the grounds it would destroy the integrity of the scriptures.

The irony is that within the decade, this newspaper began to do the very thing it had originally deplored, particularly when modern astronomical knowledge appeared to contradict Genesis.

The New Zealand Christian Record adopted a literalist approach to the Bible. There was a regular column entitled 'Literature, Science and 144

Art' , but, it soon become apparent that any hint of unorthodoxy stemming from any of these fields would not be tolerated. More importantly, it can be observed that the New Zealand Christian Record drew a hard line around Robertson smith's views as they came to prominence. While the Presbyterians were more circumspect, the editors of the New Zealand Christian Record were far less reticent, labelling his works as 'notorious productions' and his views heterodox. 183

However, despite surface appearances to the contrary, the church newspapers were gradually assimilating the deeper concept that scientific knowledge contributed to general Christian understanding.

Indeed, by the eighteen nineties the New Zealand Methodist could boast a 'science corner' in its pages.

During the trials and tribulations of Presbyterian heresies, the

Methodist preacher A. R. Fitchett' s ministry, and, aspects of his theology, underwent radical change. Under the discipline of the

Australasian Methodist Conference, Fitchett was moved around various

New Zealand circuits. 184 At that time the regimen of Methodist itinerancy was applied severely, ministries usually ranging from one to three years duration. 185 This was a cause of discontent and hurt among some clergy families. The Church was no longer missionary orientated but increasingly under the guidance and direction of clergy who wished for greater stability in their personal lives. Fitchett began to feel keenly the futility of attempting to establish a fruitful ministry in the face of frequent moves. The Darwinian debates in Dunedin had not soured his personal position, and he had retained the congregational support of Trinity Church. But the controversy made him more determined than ever to use his literary gifts in the service of Christian truth.

When he was confronted in 1878 with the necessity of another move he rebelled, finding his personal ties to Dunedin now too strong to break for a second time.

one important component of Methodist discipline requiring assent at ordination had been formulated in Wesley's day. It was that should a minister find himself at odds with the church, he should withdraw

'quietly'. 186 True to his vow, Fitchett made no public fuss, and simply 145 announced in a speech after morning worship that he no longer could submit to the discipline of Methodist stationing, which he now felt 'to be an absolutely intolerable law'. 187 The next day the otago Daily Times reprinted his resignation speech in full, and as in the Darwinian debate two years previously, offered some pertinent advice. Fitchett ought not to leave Dunedin, but stay where he had 'many friends'. 188

This, indeed, was his course of action and within a few months he was ordained an Anglican priest by Bishop Nevill. 189

The problem arises, to what extent did the Darwinian controversies unsettle Fitchett from his Methodist profession? According to stenhouse, Fitchett was particularly keen to offer an easily assimilable message to the secular mind, so much so that he

'virtually abandoned' the Christian faith in its orthodox form. 190

Stenhouse points out how easily Fitchett embraced the formal worship and liturgical structure of Anglicanism, which he had previously utterly rejected. Moreover, it is a fact that Fitchett delighted in the regularity and dependability of nature, that is, the mechanistic universe. 191 Yet Evans, in Southern see, presents a different interpretation of Fitchett's personality in the same set of events. 192 Archdeacon Whitehead said in 1929 that although Fitchett was a theological liberal, 'and deeply appreciative of the scientific criticism of the scriptures, the Dean had no patience with those who would whittle the Christian faith away. , 193 It would seem on the basis of Fitchett's life and service in the

Anglican Church he was indeed as 'great and revered' a figure in that communion as he was in the Wesleyan communion. 194 He became the vicar of the parish of All Saints, Dunedin, and enjoyed pastoral responsibilities there for another fifty one years. 195 Fitchett had almost as lengthy an association with st. Paul's Cathedral to which he was appointed Dean in 1894. 196 Fitchett's literary talents soon found an outlet in the Dunedin newspaper, and he wrote a weekly column for over twenty years, which, although under a pseudonym, often betrayed the author as having a lively, warm and intelligent Christian faith. 197 The university of Toronto bestowed on him an honorary Doctorate of 146

Divinity.

It has already been noted how Morley's assessment of Fitchett's personality and gifts was generous. Rutherford Waddell referred to

Fitchett a few times, and always approvingly. That Fitchett indeed had the reasoned theological approach of the latitudinarian has to be balanced against the warmhearted and successful ministry which he performed. That he had changed denominational allegiance on a matter of principle was rather more common then than today. Another who did so was one of the most important Primitive Methodist Church leaders, the

Rev. Daniel Dutton (1848-1931).

Dutton was born in Staffordshire, into a family with strong links to the Primitive Methodist Church. At the age of fourteen he underwent the primary test of membership in that denomination, which was publicly witnessing to the experience of trusting in God, and God alone, for his salvation. As a young man he trained as a mining engineer, which increased his early desire for scientific knowledge. However, at the age of twenty he candidated for the ministry, and spent the next four years studying the theological disciplines. Ordained in 1872, his intellectual talent was quickly recognized, and he was appointed to important circuits. He did not, however, let circuit duties interfere with his thirst for science. In 1876 he was made a Fellow of the Royal

Astronomical Society, always making the time 'during these busy years to keep up his scientific reading' under the direction of a professional astronomer. 198 He contributed steadily to a variety of scientific journals in the next few years and in 1880 was elected a

Fellow of the Royal Geological Society. But between these two honours,

Dutton had emigrated to New Zealand, in response to an urgent need for competent ministers in the rapidly expanding colony. His original intention was to serve overseas for seven years and then return home.

Dutton soon found that the New Zealand Primitive Methodist Church stationed its ministers even more frequently than the Wesleyans. He was moved by stages from Auckland to Wellington to Invercargill over a period of some six years. Like Fitchett he grew weary of the disruption to his family life because of the frequency of shifts, and so he 147 resigned. This was a great theological loss to the Primitive

Methodists, because none of the other ministers could even approach

Dutton's level of scientific awareness.

Fitchett sought refuge with the Anglicans of Dunedin, whereas

Dutton found his way to the Presbyterians. An opportunity arose for a

short assistantship at First Church, Dunedin, followed by a supply at

st. Andrew's Dunedin, where he stood in for Rutherford Waddell who had

been granted an extended leave to Great Britain. Dutton proved

acceptable. In January 18 8 6 the synod of otago-southland formally

processed his application for recognition as a Presbyterian minister.

some raised an objection to his request on theological grounds. Were

not Methodists believers in the Arminian system of salvation, and was

that not opposed to Calvinism? Perhaps this was a forewarning of what

was to flare into the Salmond heresy trial in the Presbytery later that

year. The Rev. James Gibb spoke on Dutton's behalf, noting that besides

his disenchantment with the itinerant ministry of Methodism, there were

other factors behind the change including Dutton's 'natural affinity'

for the Presbyterian ethos. 199 Salmond also made the point that the

Presbyterian Church would 'benefit immensely' by including those who

had the sense of evangelistic fervour often associated with

Methodism. 200

once accepted, Dutton served the church with great zeal and

energy in a variety of roles. His first, and last, appointment was to

caversham Parish, where he remained for the next thirty one years until

retirement. He was the first New Zealand Army chaplain, being posted in

both the Boer War and World War one. This latter posting was due to an

extraordinary public campaign of popular acclaim to send the sixty six

year old to minister to the soldiers. The government allowed Dutton to

travel on a troop ship to Cairo, but that was all. If we may anticipate

somewhat, in 1921 Dutton was elected Moderator of the General Assembly.

on this important occasion, something of a personal triumph for the

refugee from Primitive Methodism, it was observed that during the years

of his ministry he had given unstinting service to many congregations

through lecturing on 'scientific subjects, especially on astronomy. 1201 148

Yet despite his delight in science, Dutton grew wary of it in later life. But that was not a consideration at the time he changed denominations. Given the nature of the Primitive Methodist system, it seems likely that Dutton' s considerable energies would have been dissipated had he remained in that communion. Dutton was on very friendly terms with Rutherford Waddell (1849?-1932), who came to equal prominence in the Presbyterian church at this time. 202 Waddell, the son of a Presbyterian cleric, was born in the village of Glenarm,

Ireland. 203 Like Samuel Butler he recorded his hatred of school, and was 'constantly devising ways and means to dodge attendance' • 204 Waddell' s somewhat heterodox Calvinism has been mentioned previously, although very few would have seriously questioned him in quite the same inquisitorial spirit that Salmond had faced. 205 Waddell was not a scientist, although he drew on an extensive storehouse of examples from nature in simple, yet, profound, illustrations of theological points. 206 various estimates, all deservedly generous, have been made of

Waddell' s overall contribution to the Christian cause . 207 Gibb had a highly pertinent comment relevant to Waddell 's contribution to the faith-science interaction. 'His method was not that of the scholar strictly so called. He was too much of the poet for that. 1208 His courageous stand, in 1888, against sweated labour won him few friends in the Dunedin Presbytery. 209 Yet, though his life and witness were orientated towards issues of social justice, Waddell' s outstanding contribution was in a ministry of preaching and writing. He had the eye and the ear that the artist needs to create the telling phrase. His production of flawless writing perhaps owed more to George MacDonald's influence than is commonly realized, although Waddell's literary knowledge was quite exceptional. 210 certainly MacDonald and Waddell were alike in their ability to coin the telling phrase, and thereby win audiences. Yet his success did not inflate his own ego. Waddell was generous in praise of his local contemporaries. William Salmond' s

Christian Doctrine of Immortality is mentioned alongside of such notables as Horace Bushnell, Thomas Carlyle, and Robert Browning. 211

Occasionally Waddell would illustrate an essay or sermon with a 149 scientific concept that revolved around comparisons of magnitude in relation to the human scale. unexpected numerals appear in the midst of literary allusions, of which an extended example is found in the essay

'A Stradivarius as a Wheelbarrow' . 212 waddell's fertile mind could take the most unpromising material and turn it into a fit sermon subject.

Proper sewerage, for example, was an important scientific issue throughout New Zealand during the early colonial period. The value versus the cost of sewerage schemes caused many local controversies. 213

Waddell' s 'Beelzebub the God of Flies' , with a few well chosen numerical examples about the reproductive capability of flies, made proper sanitation not so much a matter for debate but a Christian necessity.

Nevertheless, in spite of the fact that Waddell used extensive scientific illustrations, his knowledge of science was superficial. science was not an end in itself to Waddell. Rather, it signified beauty, which in turn pointed towards the Creator.

But the atom is only one of the immense surprises stored up in this world stocking. There are multitudes more. Here, for instance, is beauty. In what endless forms it streams in upon us. It is omnipresent, inexhaustible, and free as the air. And it is constantly changing its forms, and rearranging its colours. You can't open your eyes without its offering itself to you in strange and wondrous ways. 214

But it was not only the natural world which evoked this kind of response in Waddell. Technological advances were held in similar high regard. The invention of the 'audiophone', for instance, he called a

'wonder' • 215 It reflected the universe in miniature with its preservation and reproduction of sound energy. Without doubt, Waddell understood that science itself had the power to evoke the poetic response. But how representative is the above quotation? Even the most cursory reading of waddell's published works reveals that the majority of essays are tinged with the kind of scientific questions which arise in the mind of a keen observer of nature and an imaginative response to them. After his death it was recalled by A.C. Stewart in a letter to waddell's widow how 'Doc' rarely missed a daily walk from Roslyn up to

Flagstaff, a nature trail full of delights for the keen observer. 216

This sense of joy in nature is mirrored in parts of his notebooks, 150 eclectic collections of material culled from many sources as well as his own thoughts. For example, he copied into his notebook a quotation

from Henry van Dyke which laid great stress on being glad of life, for

life itself gave the chance not only for love, work and play, but also

to be able to 'look at the stars' . 217 The notebooks, which are written

in a barely legible script are cluttered with numerous references to

science for its own sake. At one point he quoted Goodwin on a secondary

school mathematics and science curriculum: 'Science subjects (should)

be Practical' . 218 In Volume three there are a number of references to

Malthusianism. And there is a passing critique of his own on Darwinism

in volume seven, 'It will not do to translate the law of the "survival

of the fittest" into "whatever is surviving is fittest"' •219 No deep

understanding of science and mathematics was necessary, for it was

always only a starting point by which he might capture the attention of

the enquiring mind. The end point was to increase faith or theological

understanding not scientific knowledge. 220 Al though he produced no

systematic theological investigation of this relationship, he was the

perhaps the foremost Presbyterian cleric in New Zealand who was

comfortable using a natural theology that owed its origins to Paley.

Moreover, he believed, just as S.T. Nevill had come to accept, that the

application of a rigorous Baconian distinction between the realm of

faith and the realm of science ought not to be applied any longer. 221

science was but one method of examining 'Man as the poem of God', as

indeed was the whole universe. 222 Yet the functioning of that universe

was underscored by mathematics . 223

Naturally there were few clerics who claimed to be systematic

theologians in Victorian New Zealand. As we have already seen, this did

not mean that serious theological issues were not debated. However,

there were very few original contributions to the theological task.

Waddell was, without doubt, one of the exceptions, in his chosen field

of exploring the theological dimension of literature. Another

Presbyterian, the Rev. Dr. James MacGregor (1830-94), also demonstrated

an outstanding talent, in the rather different arena of the history of

theological thought. But, whereas Waddell was always the most liberal 151 of Christian thinkers, MacGregor was to prove very conservative, particularly over science.

MacGregor was a professor of theology at New College, Edinburgh, prior to emigrating to New Zealand. He came from a poor background, but with a great effort of will he graduated first from Edinburgh

university and then New College in 1855. 224 In that year he was

licensed to preach and later fulfilled his calling with an appointment

to Barry Free church from 18 5 7 -61. 225 From there MacGregor went to

Paisley Church, from 1861 until 1868, and from there he was appointed

Professor of systematic Theology at New college. 226 His call to columba

church in oamaru was chosen with due regard for his health, but despite

continuing problems he worked hard in his parish, and came to be highly

regarded as a minister and theologian. His major New Zealand works, An

Apology of the Christian Religion, The Revelation And The Record, and

studies In The History of Christian Apologetics, were completed just

prior to his death in 1894 . 227 It is the first of these which deals

with the vexed question of the new scientific learning in relation to

the Bible. What can be gleaned in general terms from MacGregor's

Apology about the faith-science interaction? The answer is that there

is a measure of the forces emerging in reaction to the strong

secularist tendencies being felt everywhere in the Church, not just in

New zealand. 228 MacGregor felt moved by a deep resistance to the

scepticism unleashed by the new scientific approaches to history and

literary criticism, but he pleaded that the mind had to 'exercise' its

229 way to the truth. • MacGregor was the first to formulate in rigorous

terms for the New Zealand Church the new conservative theology centred

upon proof by appeal to Biblical miracle. It was, of course, by no

means a new Christian stance, but rather an old idea was strengthened

to stand up to new intellectual scrutiny, and MacGregor poured all his

powers of reason into the defence against the new learning. For those

Christians distressed by the shifting ideas of Darwinism and Higher

criticism it seemed to offer a solid rock upon which to stand, for here

was one who had reasoned his way through the problems, and knew their

emotional difficulty. 'So the controversies of the time are not only 152 reflected, but enacted, in every soul. ' 230 MacGregor was to emerge as a sharp, quick-witted conservative, opposed to liberal innovation, whether represented by Salmond's heterodoxy or Waddell's liberalism.

The leading exponent of this defence of Christianity in England was J.B. Mozley, whose Barnpton lectures, On Miracles, were not merely

a reaction to Essays And Reviews, but indicative of the deep rooted

need to 'prove the truth of the revelation.' 231 Chadwick regards these

lectures as an important divide, and although conservative clerics

applauded Mozley's stand, the persuasion of scholarship in time brought

the majority over that difficult pass. 232 MacGregor's beliefs were

closely allied to Mozley's, and the New Zealand champion of orthodoxy

found a ready audience. Many lay people as well as many clerics

continued to argue traditional dogma by appealing to Biblical miracles,

the supernatural character of Christianity and the uniqueness of

revelation. The weight of tradition behind the traditional notion of

providence meant that it also could not be easily ignored. MacGregor

used these traditional themes, in a closely reasoned argument which

compared patristic theology with the thought of the Victorian era. The

line taken by Baur, Renan, 233 and Strauss, 234 and the subsequent

erosion of Christian standards into an indeterminate agnosticism, 235

was completely untenable in MacGregor's eyes, and he took considerable

pains to explain why.

Miracle is now felt as being the central matter in the question of the truth of Christianity, while the "works of Christ" are the central ground for study of the Apologetic question as to miracle. The question as to miracle branches into three: - 1. Is miracle a proof of doctrine? 2. Is it extraordinary, supernatural? 3.Has it a moral character evincing its truth?236

It ought to be mentioned that this is not merely an isolated quotation

taken out of context, but is in fact the central thrust of the second

half of The Apology, as evinced by the chapter title in which it

occurs, 'The Chief Corner-Stone'. The ground by which MacGregor

distinguished between heathen miracles and those originating from the

God of the New Testament was by appeal to the moral authority inherent

in the miraculous works. He claimed of Christianity, 'There never was

a miracle of this religion that did not look and work toward "a 153 restitution of all things", in the sense of restoration of that moral order which is highest in the universe.' 237 In fact, so strong was his belief in the supernatural, miraculous character of Christian faith,

MacGregor declared that 'The temple of Jehovah without the Bible miracles would be a mere Hall of science and art, or philosophical

Porch or grove, or deistical chapel' • 238

one tendency throughout MacGregor's thought was his suspicion of logic as a tool of theology. Zeno and his paradoxes are anathema to the theologian, futile displays which lead only to 'wool-gathering bewilderments' • 239 This closely parallels the doubts felt during this period by Samuel Butler over the elevation of logic. However, it is also of some considerable interest that a Presbyterian theologian should be so uneasy with logical analysis. After all, this directly contradicted the prescriptions for theological training subscribed to by the Presbyterian Church, at least in theory, since the First Book Of

Discipline. However, MacGregor was by no means opposed to the use of reason, and had in his early days at Barry Free church written an apologetic for natural theology based on the claims of reason, scripture and orthodoxy. 240 This was to some extent taken thematically in the Apology, where MacGregor drew a sharp distinction between

'simple apprehension' and the 'rational action' of the mind. 241 The former term was a 'crude make-shift for convenience of the schools of logic', implying a naive realism. 242 The latter term was of an altogether different order, and meant the perception of external events, and their ordering into the structure of the mind its elf. 243

But even though this was the heart of the rational process, it was still not necessarily 'formal' and 'syllogistic'. 244

certainly MacGregor's attitude to the formal study of logic must have mystified Salmond. Salmond's proposals to the 1879 otago-southland synod over theological training recommended that the entire second year be 'devoted to the study of Logic and Psychology, and to the exercises of the New Testament' . 245 The theological contrast between these two leading theologians had become marked.

MacGregor also displayed extreme caution over various scientific 154

developments. Although admitting that a geological time scale, and some mode of the evolutionary process might harmonize with Genesis, he was

far from happy with this kind of reconciliation. 246 warning against

haste, he shrewdly hit upon the fact that science changes its images of

reality sufficiently often, to make one suspicious of any claims that

it had the final word: 'Eagerness to grasp at schemes of reconciliation

is not favourable to ascertainment of truth. ' 247 His explanation that

Biblical miracles, whether authentic or not, at least had a 'high and

true' moral purpose, was an unsatisfactory attempt to smudge the line

of facticity and myth in the Bible, especially when contrasted with his

declaration that it was necessary to come without flinching to a

'resolute clear decision' in all aspects of the Christian claims to

truth. 248

MacGregor's work is crucial in any attempt to understand the

history of thought and ideas in New Zealand. However, his explanations

could be too long winded, including those found within his sermons. In

a letter of resignation from MacGregor's oarnaru congregation, Robert

Peattie thanked his minister for the booklet Day of Salvation, which he

found to be 'the epitome of many sermons, of various essays, and of

much church history', likening it to using a 'sledge-hammer to kill a

flea' • 249 This parishioner was aware well aware of the contrasting

views of MacGregor and Salmond, and tarring them both with the same

brush made the following somewhat sarcastic comment: 'Conundrum - when

is a fish not a fish? When a Salmon(d) is an Ass'.30

Nevertheless, it is because MacGregor was able to understand the

concerns of the laity over the apparent erosion of Biblical belief,

that he was a popular minister. 251 His address to the otago Institute

on evolution, later published in booklet form as Regarding Evolution,

The Previous Question of science, indicates how clearly he saw the

contradictions between the new science and the Bible. 252 His method of

defence was to attack the assumptions of evolution. He argued that

'there is not one clear case of actual evolution of species' actually

having occurred in natural history as far as was known to mankind. 253

And that in turn implied that if evolution had been a fact previously, 155

'why are there no clear traces of it here and now?' . 254 MacGregor went on to appeal to the 'Cartesian prescription of "clear and distinct

ideas"' upon which the scientific method was predicated, and which was

notably lacking in the process of evolution. 266 MacGregor insisted that

the physical world was not the only yard-stick to measure 'reality'. 266

True discernment saw through the outward form into the underlying mind

which had created the universe.

In MacGregor two trends emerge as dominant theological themes. on

the one hand, there is a very clearly articulated primacy of revelation

over natural theology, without necessarily dismissing the use of the

latter. There is thus a movement away from Paley's reasoned approach to

nature in which many still found strong evidence of a creator. On the

other hand, McGregor shifts the ground of the debate about revelation.

The problems of Christian revelation in general, of verbal inspiration,

and of inerrancy, had first to be viewed in the light of the miracles

of Jesus. This was in complete opposition to Baden Powell's stance, and

that of MacGregor's former pupil at New College, Robertson smith. 257

It was, as we have already seen, also in opposition to an increasing

number of Christian thinkers in New Zealand.

If one considers the slowly shifting patterns of Presbyterian

theological thought between the eighteen sixties and eighteen nineties,

it is clear that science and Higher Criticism combined to make the

clerical mind painfully aware that faith required reasoned, rational

defence. Whether one accepted MacGregor's claims about the primacy of

revelation, or preferred to move easily along with Waddell's

superficial understanding of natural theology, inevitably it was found

that reason could not be dispensed with. Although views about science

and Darwinism were diverse, although antagonisms developed between some

proponents of the various factions, there remained one common factor in

the debate. This was the appeal to reasoned argument. The 'predominance

of Darwin, with his "Struggle to live"', was giving way to 'the

humanitarian conception of a struggle to let others live', according to

the Rev. H.T. Purchas. 258 He attributed this shift of emphasis to the

rise of the labour movement. 259 Whatever the reasons, there was no 156 doubt that Anglican and Methodist attention to nuances of the faith­ science interaction was as marked as Presbyterian interest in it.

Those New Zealand clerics who read Essays And Reviews, The

Pentateuch, glanced at any of Butler's articles in the Press, or similar literature, would have found the new theology of miracles and easy acceptance of Darwinism far removed from the practical theological issues they faced. Yet they could not ignore the stormy changes occurring in Church thought and secular thought. Two such clerics were the Anglicans Maunsell and stock, who typified opposite kinds of reactions to the effects of Darwinian and Biblical criticism. Their responses are representative of the intellectual and emotional struggle so many of the clergy had to face during the eighteen seventies and eighteen eighties. In 1871 Archdeacon Robert Maunsell (1810-1894), a missionary contemporary of William Colenso, made a scathing attack on

Darwinism and the tendency of materialist thought. He had originally studied law at Trinity College, Dublin, subsequently feeling a sense of divine call to overseas mission. 260 His sharp natural intelligence coupled with his missionary experiences meant he had an appreciation, if not a deep knowledge, of the natural world. 261 Nevertheless, in general, Maunsell was not in sympathy with the trend towards a liberalisation of Christian dogma because of the pressures of either scientific advance or Biblical criticism. Indeed, Maunsell, colenso,

Dieffenbach and Lady Franklin had all been present at a great ceremony in 1841 at a gathering of around two thousand five hundred Maori people. Dieffenbach was later moved to comment upon it, noting perhaps with some surprise, the presence of both missionaries and scientists together on such an occasion. 262 For many years Maunsell laboured on a translation of the Old Testament from Hebrew to Maori, being reckoned among the foremost Maori scholars by his contemporaries • 263 He collaborated with the Wesleyan missionaries Buddle, Reid and Hobbs, along with William Williams, on translating the Old Testament for the

Maori people. A disastrous fire ruined in 1843 ruined his life's work, and he lost his 'dictionary of the New Zealand language' along with the great translation. 264 Maunsell 's letter to the Church Missionary 157

Society explaining his grievous loss was published in the Times, London, and evoked by way of response gifts of books for his lost

library and ~200 in cash. 265 Despite being unsympathetic to the new trends in theology,

Maunsell had a love for nature and 'reverence for the Author of nature' . 266 But a measure of how unsympathetic he was to the developments in biology can be gauged from his 1871 lecture, Man And The Monkey, subsequently published as a pamphlet. Without calling

Darwin by name, he declared that the latest scientific idea was to

attribute human origins to the apes or monkeys. Moreover, the same 'eminent naturalist' asserted that the human mind, with all its powers, was the result of an evolution from the 'dim sensations of a shell

fish' • 267 In Maunsell 's terms, to agree with these statements would destroy Biblical belief. To assent to the new biology implied

considering •whether we shall not throw our Bibles into the fire'. 268 At the other end of the spectrum to Maunsell was Archdeacon

Arthur Stock of Wellington, a leading figure in the life of the New

Zealand Institute. In 1875 he delivered a lecture at st. John's church, Wellington, in which he noted the effects of the confluence of Biblical criticism and science. 269 He quoted the great German critic and theologian Strauss' opinion that there had been grief over the loss of the Christian doctrine of providence, which had been supplanted by the

image of the '"enormous machine of the universe"' and '"the incessant whirl and hiss of its iron-toothed wheels". ' 270 stock, whose particular

scientific interest was astronomy, 271 did not agree, but nevertheless he readily conceded that the climate of the times was against

traditional Christian doctrines.ll2 In particular, the belief in the

'impossibility of miracles' was a chief objection, originally

introduced by David Hume, 273 because of the 'unvaried and invariable'

laws of nature. 274 stock argued that science in fact taught 'the very

opposite', namely that the universe is in a state of flux. 275 Because of this continuous change, there was 'constant interference', 276 which,

by implication, was not incommensurate with the character of miracle. stock argued for the inherent reasonableness of approach to scripture 158 in Paley's Evidences, even though scientific knowledge had grown enormously. 277 Certainly the greatest English scientists, Newton,

Faraday and Herschel had found no objections to belief in the truth of the Gospels on account of their scientific investigations . 278 stock's lecture he later published as the book The Early Date And Consequent

Truthfulness of The Four Gospels, and whilst not agreeing with the theories of the 'late Dr Strauss' was not uncomfortable in acknowledging the need for historico-critical assessment of the New

Testament. 279

The contrast of these brother ministers in Christ, Maunsell and stock, could not be more marked. Joined by ministry in the same communion, they were nevertheless fundamentally at odds over scientific and theological matters. Both were highly respected men, who had laboured long for the Christian cause in New Zealand. However, the most significant Anglican leadership involved in the faith-science interaction was to come not from the ranks of the clergy. Rather it was from the Bishops Hadfield, Suter and Nevill, who similarly found themselves polarized around the same issues their clergy grappled with.

Their leadership in the faith-science interaction from the Anglican perspective is highly significant. The two bishops who became primates,

Hadfield and his successor Nevill, were to typify the division of theological opinion on matters of faith and science.

Octavius Hadfield ( 1814-1904) has been noted by stenhouse as important in the faith-science interaction. 280 He had a distinguished life as a churchman, initially as a missionary involved in the lonely struggle for justice for the Taranaki Maori during the land wars of the eighteen sixties, 281 and later as Bishop of Wellington from 1870 and

Primate from 1890. 282 He had been offered the See of Wellington in 1848 but ill-health at the time meant that he had to decline. 283 Hadfield had arrived at the Waimate mission in 1839, but within a short time had begun his great thirty year work at Otaki and waikanae. Hadfield, however, could not be said to stand in that strand of the Anglican tradition exemplified by his contemporaries of the mission field

Colenso, stack, and Stock where faith and science were juxtaposed 159 rather than opposed. 284 certainly Hadfield was in no doubt over the unique and overarching significance of the Christian scriptures. At the

General synod of 1888 in Napier he preached a sermon typifying a more literally minded Biblical conservatism than was held by some of his

fellow bishops such as Suter of Nelson or Nevill of Dunedin. 285 Hadfield argued the 'whole Bible to be the word of God' . 286 This was achieved by the direct inspiration of the Holy Ghost who not merely revealed to the 'sacred writers' but 'intended them' to record the

absolute truth. 287 Hadfield was convinced that the concept of the Bible merely containing truth or conveying aspects of truth was inadequate. The Bible was 'infallibly truer.as

But the malaise of the Christian cause was not due solely to the

influence wrought by Biblical criticism, Hadfield noted. The popularity of science had also confused doctrinal understanding and clarity.39

The language of scientists, words and phrases such as '"natural forces, " molecular forces, " "laws of nature, " "protoplasm, " "evolution," "differentiation"' had caused a 'scare'. 290 Hadfield's sermon was scathing in his denunciation of the 'jargon of modern

scientists', whilst admitting a heartfelt yearning for the lucidity of

the medieval schoolmen who had so recently been derided. 291 Yet,

setting aside the fact that the science rested solely upon the observation of the senses, and by implication was fallible in contrast

to the 'infallible word of God' there was no denying the physical sciences had achieved 'highly beneficial' practical results. 292 That

much Hadfield was prepared to concede to science, but no more. Hadfield commanded respect but his fight over Darwinism and

Higher Criticism was in reality a rear-guard action. Many clergy accepted Darwinism and were prepared to admit that the truth of Genesis

had to be found in terms of inner meaning rather than scientific accuracy. The Rev. Charles Bodington in 1885 lectured in the three

churches of st. Mary's, Parnell; st. George's, Thames,; and, st. Sepulchre's Auckland on the difficulties of Christian belief. 293 Darwin

had not only revealed 'design in nature' at every level, but also, although evolution was not 'absolutely proved' but was 'highly 160 probable. ' 294 Hadfield remained resolutely steadfast in his attempt to counteract what he perceived as the dangerously undermining forces of Biblical criticism. Four years later in 1892, when he again addressed the next General synod at Wellington, he talked of the 'crude theories' of higher criticism which were receiving so much attention in

England. 295 People would no longer find the Bible 'trustworthy', particularly the 'miraculous elements. ' 296 one senses that Hadfield was at pains to safeguard the authority of the church and the Bible, without which the weak and the helpless would find mercy in the cold, hard world of Darwinian survival of the fittest. Hadfield retained the position of Primate for only three years, and resigned believing that he was not equal to the task. 297

His successor as Primate, Bishop s.T. Nevill (1837-1921) of

Dunedin, was quite the opposite temperament. While not wholeheartedly welcoming Darwinism and Higher Criticism, nonetheless he believed that faith must seek reason, not oppose it. For Nevill, the crucial question was, whether or not Darwin's chance universe seemed to devalue the most precious element of the God-given creation, life itself. In January 1891 he preached at Christchurch cathedral to the scientists attending the congress of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of science, held for the first time at a New Zealand venue. 298 His starting point was particularly important in as much as it is completely at variance with the expected Baconian position. He distinguished natural science from 'spiritual science', and the failure of their respective practitioners, scientists and clerics, to observe the implications of such a division. 299 Natural scientists were inclined to say that they were concerned with 'the actual', with

'objective fact', whereas the cleric dealt with the 'fanciful', the

'subjective emotion'. 300 This, in his opinion, meant that natural scientists had largely forgotten their intellectual debt to theology as queen of the sciences, the position of respect accorded by Bacon. 301

Later on he analyzed why a pure Baconianism is bc;mnd to fail in biological science. When the biologist wants to account for the origin 161 of life, 'the Baconian system fails him', for the simple reason that no direct observational data could ever be acquired for its definitive proof. 302 This, it will be recalled, was a prime objection to evolution in MacGregor's thought.

Nevill went on to tackle, albeit briefly, a basic tenet upon which any natural theology must be constructed, and which was alluded to at the start of chapter one. He argued that scientific history was based on an underlying assumption about the power of human thought to transcend the secrets of nature. Drawing attention to the history of the development of intellectual thought, Nevill cited such diverse cultures as the ancient Israelites, the 'subtle intellects• of the middle east, the •mathematical genius• of ancient Persia and India, and the philosophers of Greece, to illustrate his notion of the search for truth. 303 when scientists neglected this fact, their enterprise and the enterprise of spiritual science (which term he uses interchangeably with metaphysics) were bound to clash. 304 This could be avoided only if one was able to understand the material realm within the wider context of the spiritual realm. 305 viewed from the lesser context miracles were inexplicable, but from the other, broader perspective they did not break natural laws at all. Nevill then related this to the problem of the creation of life as conveyed in the book of Genesis through a very fine exegesis, which has not significantly dated. Nevill treated the material as myth which contained universal moral truths, and also scientific truths appropriate to the age in which they were written. The address raised contentious issues about the origin and purpose of life. What was not at issue, however, was Nevill' s contention that the focal point of intellectual debate seemed to be concentrated around biology. Hutton had already made a similar claim, which, if we accept at face value, can only serve to obscure the historical movement towards the mathematization of the universe.

Nevertheless, it was perfectly true that biological science had indeed

sharpened basic theological and philosophical questions about life itself.

others in the Anglican and Wesleyan churches were convinced of 162 the need for further debate and education on the implications of scientific Darwinism.The Rev. Charles Bodington, on a lecture tour in

1885, preached in three Anglican churches on 'Some Difficulties Of

Belief'. 306 He was certain that the writings of Darwin had revealed design in nature, albeit over a very broad time-frame. Moreover, even if the doctrine of Darwinism was not 'absolutely proved', it was at least highly probable. 307 The 1893 Wesleyan Conference lecture by the Rev. Charles Hughlings Garland (1856-1918) is indicative of this. At the same time as Nevill demonstrated fine intellectual leadership, Garland also began to demonstrate the same qualities, albeit in a different denomination with unfamiliar emphases. Garland lacked a formal university education, but his friends knew him to be a gifted preacher and 'original thinker'. 308 Garland, in fact, was a man of great importance in the life of the Methodist church and the significance of his contribution ought not to be overlooked. He was not a scientist, but his broad range of interests in the intellectual climate of his times meant he had sympathy for scientific thinking and its consequences upon social life. 309 Born in London in 1856, his parents were very active in the Wesleyan Seaman's Mission and encouraged him in various aspects of church life. 310 This included such diverse duties as playing the organ at services, conducting cottage meetings and becoming a local preacher at the age of sixteen, although his close friend C.H. Laws noted that Garland's initial attempts were not indicative of the 'pulpit gifts' which were to follow. 311 Garland was a school teacher until the age of twenty when he entered Headingly and Handsworth Colleges for theological training. 312 His upbringing in a background of Wesleyan piety in mid-Victorian London well suited him to life as a minister, and he had little difficulty relating to many different types of people. 313

In 1881 the British Conference received an urgent request for three trained students to overcome the shortage caused by the untimely deaths of the Revs. J.B. Richardson and J. Armitage who were drowned when the ship 'Tararua' sank off Waipapa Point, on 29 April. 314 They were returning from the General Conference of Australasia, and their 163

loss had a severe impact on New Zealand Methodism. Richardson,

President of the New Zealand annual conference was a very able minister, not only in terms of raising congregations, and housing them in suitable church buildings, but also because of his concern for theological education. 315 Armitage was also a capable parson. In 1870

he had started the undenominational newspaper The Christian observer which a year later was transformed into The New Zealand Wesleyan, no

longer under Armitage's guidance but controlled by a church committee

based in Christchurch. 316 Armitage was subsequently appointed to the

editor ship after Fitchett resigned from the Methodist church. 317 Thus

the tragedy of the 'Tararua' placed the Church under considerable pressure. The British Conference responded by sending the Revs. C.H.

Garland, McKenzie Gibson, and T.N. Griffin, but it was Garland who was to display great talent and aptitude for the ministry. 318

Whereas Fitchett and Dutton had eventually balked at the sheer

grind of itinerancy, Garland accepted the discipline, and served at

various times in Christchurch, Auckland, Cambridge, Wanganui, New

Plymouth, Nelson, and finally in Auckland as the Principal of the

theological college. 319 He held a wide variety of District and conference administrative and secretarial responsibilities, and was

President of the Conference in 1909.uo

However, it was his delivery of the Wesleyan conference Lecture,

in March 1893, at Dunedin, that brought recognition of his theological

talents. The lecture was entitled "The Bearing of Higher Criticism on

Leading Evangelical Doctrines" and subsequently published in full. 321

The introduction to the lecture has an interesting anecdote about the

widespread growth of rationalism and higher criticism. 322 Garland had

asked a Sunday School boy how the old Testament accounts of David's

slaying Goliath could be reconciled in the following instance. At 1

Samuel 16:31-40 it is clear that Saul knew who David was, while in the

same chapter at verses 55-58 it is clear that Saul does not know who

David was. According to Garland the Sunday school boy replied 'the

documents of which the story was compiled had got mixed'. 323 Moreover,

the boy 'directed me to the "Cambridge Bible for our Schools and 164 colleges"'· The particular point Garland stressed was that Biblical criticism was not a phenomenon which could be ignored, and had already taken root not just among the clergy - 'It has entered our homes.' 324

But it was not merely higher criticism which occupied Garland's

thinking. Rather, he identified three strands woven together to form a

single cord, but 'in a threefold cord it is not easy to gauge the exact

value of a single strand. ' 325 The strands were 'the advanced physical

sciences, modern philosophy, and higher criticism'. 326 Garland was well

aware of the cumulative effects of all three together, and perceptively

remarked on the vast educational and theological changes that had

occurred during his lifetime. He had been taught to read the Pentateuch

as if it had been 'dictated verbatim to Moses by God or by an

angel. 1327 But that applied to most, if not all the people at the

conference, so that no one in the recent past would have accepted 'any

geological truth' if it could not fit into the scheme of Genesis • 328

Garland maintained that the real change wrought by Higher criticism

showed that Genesis was neither history nor science, but a magnificent

epic. 329

on the question of inerrancy and the nature of Biblical authority

Garland was particularly lucid. His selection of Biblical texts to

illustrate the inconsistencies and inaccuracies of strict literalism is

of particular interest. Besides various Pentateuchal references,

Garland alluded to the Methodist preoccupation with the evils of drink.

In a reference to Methodism's most ardent temperance clergyman, Garland

judged that on no account would the Connexion's doughty temperance

campaigner the Rev. L.M. Isitt be prepared 'to endorse' certain Old

Testament verses, which encouraged the liberal use of strong drink. 330

similarly, later on in the lecture Garland referred to the practice of

the Methodist Church appointing women to speak and preach in Church, as

recorded on circuit preaching plans.u1 This plainly contradicted the

authority of Paul's first letter to the Corinthians on the matter of

women keeping silence in Church. Garland peppered his lecture with

other examples showing the difficulties of holding to a strictly

orthodox doctrine of Biblical inspiration. He finally arrived at the 165 conclusion that the authority of the Bible rested not on its literal contents, but upon the gospel within the Gospel, a concept articulated by Martin Luther. 332 Garland argued that the Bible is not the word of

God, but contains the word of God. 333

Direct references to the scientific and philosophical strands are

few, but nevertheless exert a strong influence on Garland's thinking.

He quoted sir John Herschel on Darwinism in particular, which had

appeared as an implacable foe of the Christian faith in its early

stages, but now with the advantage of hindsight could be seen more

truly as a friend. 334 Garland went on to argue that Darwinism had

forced a theological sharpening of the understanding of God's

immanence, having noted that it was false to believe 'that God can be

an occasional visitor' . 335

How was this material received by the Dunedin Conference? Had

they found the approach acceptable or not? Certainly the concepts were

by no means new to the clergy, and Garland carefully underscored that

point. 336 However, he also suggested that the majority of the laity

would have 'scarcely read a line on Higher criticism' . 337 But Garland's

assessment on this point deserves critical scrutiny. For later in his

argument he adverted to the earlier work done by the Rev. c.w. oliver

at the 1885 Conference lecture, also held in Dunedin. 338 Oliver had

attacked the theory of the verbal inspiration of the Bible using the

methods of Higher Criticism. Moreover, some of the laity present were

well acquainted with Fitchett's able defence of it in the New Zealand

Wesleyan two decades before. 339

Despite this previous exposure to the methods and content of

Higher criticism Garland was sensitive to the laity who wanted to know

whether it was 'friendly or hostile to the precious old Book' •340 Most

of the New Zealand Methodists were immigrants from Great Britain, and

it has been noted that among the religious public 'the Wesleyan

Methodists were the most anti-Darwinian of the Free churchmen, equalled

only by the Anglican evangelicals'. 341 This may explain Garland's

insistence that although prominent English Methodists had until as

recently as 1891 held to a doctrine of verbal inspiration, it had since 166 been 'solemnly abandoned' . 342 Some of the conference reacted favourably to Garland's lecture, but not all were impressed. In particular w. shepherd Allen, a highly influential layman from the Morrinsville circuit, was moved to publish a polemical reply of considerable magnitude. 343 Allen had emigrated to New Zealand with both money and influence as a member of the British House of Commons for twenty years. 344 But although a Liberal and generous benefactor to the

Methodists both in England and New Zealand, he was very conservative theologically. 345 According to Allen, few of Garland's colleagues in the ministry shared the views expressed at the Conference, and among the laity such ideas were generally 'condemned' . 346 While the great majority of Allen's attack is concerned with issues of Higher criticism, namely (a) the authorship of the Pentateuch; (b) the authorship of Isaiah; (c) the new doctrine about the limitations of

Christ's own knowledge; (d) the assertion that the Bible contained rather than was the Word of God, thereby displacing it from its position of prime authority.

However, Allen's attack on evolution is much more limited. Widely differing views on evolution abounded, Allen fairly claimed. He stated that some push the evolutionary theory it to 'an absurd extent' .

Moreover, Garland was numbered among these, which accounted for 'many things in his lecture. , 347 In Allen's final summing up he noted that such a lecture delivered in the context of the British Methodist

Conference would have resulted in 'a storm' of protest. 348 Allen was clear in his denunciation of Higher criticism, articulated against the equally clear proposition of Garland, namely, 'Higher criticism, physical science, modern philosophy, are certainly our allies' . 349

Further afield, however, a cartoon in the Auckland observer, depicted

Garland as a heretic burning at the stake. 360

Allen was by no means the typical Methodist layman in late

Victorian New Zealand Methodism, and his reaction was not necessarily typical. The question must be raised, what impact did Garland's speech have on the wider church beyond the confines of the conference?

Wesleyan local preachers in Auckland had indeed discussed the topic of 167

Higher Critic ism's methods long before Garland's speech. 351 In 18 8 5, the Rev. T.G. Carr had delivered a lecture on hermeneutics to

Auckland's Wesleyan lay preachers. He had quoted 'Ellicet' (sic,

presumably c. J. Ellicott) who had constructed a methodology which

brought systematic Biblical study to all serious students of the

scriptures, including the desire to study grammatical construction and

meaning, as well as paying close attention the context of the texts. 362

But discussion also ranged over the scientific problems of Darwinism.

In 1886 the lay preachers were introduced to Drummond's Natural Law In

The Spiritual World, which, in the opinion of Mr. Jessop was a 'total

failure', a judgement which again caused serious discussion. 353 His

opinion was hardly shared by all of his colleagues, some of whom

regarded his conclusions as beyond the pale. In 1898 the Wesleyan

ministers in Auckland debated various competing theories with much

vigour. 354 The Rev. J. Chapman presented a paper 'Evil and Evolution',

to five of his ministerial colleagues, which drew the ire of the Rev.

J. H. Simmonds in a severe critique. 355 When the subject was opened for

general discussion it generated considerable interest. Science had

rapidly become the new centre within the locus of intellectual belief.

Just as science had gained a rightful foothold in the universities, it

could not be denied a place in the discussions of a well educated

ministry. The universities could not grant science degrees until

18 84. 366 The humanities and the sciences were still not considered

separate disciplines. But it suited unorthodox Christians, such as

Hutton, to explore the implications of their relationship.

'(T)heologians had to recognise Darwinism as "one of the foundations -

perhaps the corner stone of Natural Religion." , 357 These words taken

from Hutton's important lecture, 'Biology in An Arts curriculum',

delivered to the 1882 opening session of Canterbury College,

illustrates well the general reluctance to acknowledge the increasing

importance of science.

However, a different sort of division was evident in otago

University by the eighteen seventies. A strict line of demarcation was

drawn between theology and all other branches of learning. This 168 demarcation was not the result of the relationship problems between the synod and the university, although that undoubtedly played some part.

Nor could it be solely attributed to an increasingly educated and secularist society throughout New Zealand. What had happened was that science was making its mark upon the Biblical scholars.

Nineteen years after his vigorous and largely popular Dunedin speech, when Garland was appointed Principal of the Methodist theological training institution, he deeply impressed his students with his 'fertile, discerning, discriminating' mind, which often found a theological lesson from the 'Word in Nature', according to c. H.

Laws . 358 It was not a view shared by all. His old opponent, Shepherd

Allen, had returned to England. Allen's opinion of the doctrines espoused by Garland were attacked with renewed polemical vigour. The pamphlet The Present Position Of Wesleyan Methodism And The causes of

Its Decrease In Numbers ran to two editions and ten thousand copies. 359

Allen believed that Higher criticism was full of baseless assumptions, 360 caused 'incalculable' harm, 361 and was work achieved only 'by leading an unnatural life'. 362 The dispute in New Zealand had by now run its course, and Garland's position was very different from the time of the provocative Dunedin conference. Laws had been asked to take up the position of Principal in 1912, but instead he had nominated

Garland. 363 During the war years the theological college was depleted, as indeed was the supply of ministers for the general work. 364 By 1916 there were no students left in the college. All had either enlisted for war service or been appointed to fill vacancies in the Circuits . 365

Garland accepted the position of minister at Mt. Eden Methodist church, in addition to numerous other administrative duties. After Garland died in 1918, there was a temporary appointment, and then Laws was appointed. 366 Garland's achievements in ministry were manifold, and he was greatly admired during his principalship. Although C.H. Laws stated at Garland's funeral service that his friend had not sought academic distinction, nevertheless, his ministry 'was modern', . embracing new learning and new directions. 367 science was undoubtedly a corrective for theological error in Garland's philosophy. This would have had some 169 influence on his pupils, many of whom regarded him as the 'perfect principal', according to Hames. 368

During the late eighteen nineties there were continuing debates over Biblical criticism, and biological Darwinism played every bit as much a parallel role as it had in the decade of The origin Of species and Essays And Reviews. 369 Nothing new or constructive appeared out of the welter of church opinions at this stage. The old divisions were entrenched, as more clerics came to realise that no matter what they thought, science would be triumphant. The inherent difficulties of a strict biological Darwinism meant it lost its favoured status as the correct explanation of evolution. Nonetheless, science itself had lost none of its status as the most reasonable way to truth. But, to many of the Presbyterians of otago and Southland, there remained an indomitable belief that ultimately science was to be judged by Biblical revelation rather than vice versa. The continuing pressure by the more literally minded clerics to deny the results of Higher Criticism, met with equal resistance by liberals determined that the church should accept it. For example, in 1894 the Presbyterian church appointed Rutherford Waddell to edit a new journal entitled the Christian outlook. Waddell did not hesitate to promulgate the results of Old Testament criticism in a way that was bound to cause injury among conservative Presbyterians, because he claimed certainty for the scholars' endeavours to prove that the Creation, Fall, and Deluge were 'part of the common stock of primeval tradition of Semitic peoples' • 370 Yet Waddell had little or no sympathy for the Presbyterian minister S.J. Neil who broke away from the Church that year to start 'unsectarian services' in Auckland. 371 such a move was based on a false estimate of science, tradition and criticism.

Perhaps what is most surprising in this period is not the various voices of the opposing factions, but the more significant silence of some of the important Presbyterian theologians. Notably, Professor John

Dunlop (1837-1909), who succeeded William Salmond in 1887, came with an impeccable background from an outstanding parish ministry in Dundee, and, before that, from the university of Glasgow, where, as a student 170 he had excelled in the Kirk's traditional scholastic virtues of Logic,

Mathematics, Natural Philosophy and Moral Philosophy. curiously, the few existing fragments of his thought indicate a deep rooted ambivalence on the faith-science interaction. on the one hand, in a sermon preached in Dundee he made a strong plea for a revival of

Scottish scholarship, citing William Robertson Smith as a model for

'free and fearless' investigation. 372 Furthermore, he made the highly

interesting observation that 'compared with Professor Smith's

1 373 speculations, Luther's are daring, sweeping and even reckless • on

the other hand, in New Zealand he wrote disparagingly on at least one

occasion of those who questioned the adequacy of traditional belief in

the Biblical miracles. The only evidence for this is found in the small

collection of papers he left. 374 Dunlop's contribution to the life of

the Theological Hall was very influential, and he had the respect of

colleagues and students. 375 Yet, we are entitled from a distance to draw the tentative conclusion that Dunlop was really unable to

integrate the movements in Biblical scholarship and science with his

personal belief. He felt estranged from the methodology and results of

physical science, believing that they were responsible for the 'materialistic tone to the mode of thought characteristic of our

time' • 376 Dunlop' s opening address to the students of the Theological

college in 1895, published over three issues in the Christian outlook,

was on Evolutionism in relation to Christian doctrine. Although it was not a creative insight, nevertheless, it provides us with a useful

indication of how an important leader of the Presbyterian Church

discerned and tested the prevailing spirit of the time. He was adamant

that evolution had to be dealt with, for it was 'in the air', and he

went on to claim that

rt is impossible to avoid coming into intellectual contact with able and much-lauded theologians whose religious beliefs have been profoundly influenced by Evolutionary philosophy of the idealistic or naturalistic type. surely our first duty is to recognise the manifest antagonism between supernatural religion, and that thorough going Evolutionism which affirms the principle of absolute dynamic continuity. 377

Besides the obvious indication that the prevailing spirit was now

scientific rather than religious, there is a second, and possibly more 171 important point to be gleaned from the last innocuous phrase "the principle of absolute dynamic continuity". It is clear that Dunlop regarded it as a principle to be resisted, and a moment's reflection reveals why. Absolute dynamic continuity implies there are no discontinuities in nature, that is, no act of special creation as recorded in Genesis and no breaks in the laws of nature on account of miracles. scientific naturalism, in fact, revolved around absolute

dynamic continuity - such a view of the universe and its processes

signified change, vitality and life without the need for any further

reference to the Divine or the miraculous. Whilst embracing Biblical

scholarship, and allowing science every right to proceed according to

its own standards, nevertheless Dunlop finally needed to resolve the

tensions thus generated by affirming orthodoxy as central and final. 378

During the next decade, in spite of Waddell's best efforts, the

critics of Darwinism and Higher criticism gained rather than lost

ground. A pamphlet Faith and Credulity, by James Aitken, contained some

stinging attacks on scientific materialism. 379 In one letter Alexander

Reese was able to construct a formidable list of international

authorities who opposed the findings of modern theology as well as Darwinism. In fact, he appears to be quoting from an 1865 manifesto,

signed by six hundred and seventeen members of the British Association

for the Advancement of science, who placed primary emphasis on the

Biblical claims to truth, rather than scientific ones. There were, indeed, many important names attached to the manifesto, including

Balfour, owen and Sedgwick, but nevertheless, it was almost forty years

out of date. Reese was concerned that the combined effect of Darwinism

and the new theology made a false philosophy which took the edge off a

3 credible evangelism. ~ This problem was often raised in the

correspondence columns of the outlook. A.B. Chappell was 'painfully

aware of the influence' of the Rationalist Press Association among 'the

thinking young men of today'. 381 J.C. Jamieson believed that as people

matured 'mentally, they outgrew the crude opinions' which they

originally held, and which were akin to Reese's stage. 382 Whilst many

shades of belief can be discerned in the outlook, perhaps the 172 overwhelming impression to the outsider was that it had all been said before. Yet, despite the apparent calm, the forces of reaction and conservatism were slowly ranged against one outspoken critic, the Rev.

J.H.G. Chapple.

chapple's case has been made famous in New Zealand, through the novel Plumb. Time and space do not permit a detailed analysis here, but there is little doubt in my mind that the fictional Plumb is a rather more gloomy character than Chapple appears to have been. The case against him, heard by the Timaru Presbytery, was essentially over chapple's preaching and public utterances that seemed more to accord with Rationalism than Christianity. 383 What gives the case some considerable importance in the history of the faith-science interaction is Chapple's consistent plea against the false theology which sought to control the direction of science. Chapple could claim that the truth of evolution was no longer questioned despite the rise and fall of biological Darwinism, and indeed had become 'the crowning triumph of the Victorian age' . 384 Moreover, it was the new science which had, in chapple's estimation, finally overthrown the foolish theology of the past. 'In this matter it as well to remember that a false theology has successively fought against the astronomy of Copernicus and Galileo, the geology of Lyell, and now the biology of Darwin, and execrated each of these men as the enemy of God. , 395

The members of the Timaru Presbytery were not impressed. They found that Chapple had demeaned his position as a clergyman having presided at a lecture delivered by 'Mr. Joseph McCabe, the well-known

Rationalist' on 'The Present conflict between science and Religion', along with intemperate remarks in the newspaper and the provocative act of preaching in the soon to be vacated Unitarian parish in Auckland. 386

In their deliverance, the Presbytery strongly advised, in a not discourteous manner, that the Rev. Chapple ought to withdraw from the st. Andrew's charge. Eventually this was done, and later that year

Chapple attempted to establish a unitarian cause in Timaru. This judgement of the Timaru Presbytery was the last really significant reaction against the movement of Darwinism and Higher criticism in the 173

Presbyterian church for some considerable time to come. 174

1. s. Butler, The way of All Flesh, p. 176.

2. For example, the notable Scottish Professor of Theology, Henry Drununond, argued that the contradiction between Genesis and science 'simply disappears' because the new Biblical criticism showed the Scriptures to be 'absolutely free of natural science' (that is, science in its modern form), Natural Law In The Spiritual World, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1883, p. 239. Despite the enormous popularity of this work, even Drununond recognised later on its many inadequacies and assumptions. See George Adam smith, The Life Of Henry Drununond, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1899.

3. It took time for England to catch up with the movement of German scholarship. o. Chadwick, The Victorian Church, Vol. 2, p. 68.

4. 'The abyss of historical scepticism had been terrifyingly uncovered.' Alan Richardson, The Bible In The Age Of Science, p 50. cf. o. Chadwick, The Victorian Church, Vol. 2, Section 11, History and the Bible, pp. 40-111.

5. o. Chadwick, The Victorian Church, Vol. 2, p. 75.

6. Diocese of Dunedin, synod Proceedings, Dunedin, 1890.

7. Frederick Wollaston Hutton, Darwinism and Lamarckism Old And New, London, Duckworth & Co. 1899, pp. 128-33.

8. o. Chadwick, The Victorian Church, Vol. 2, p 76, suggests more unevenness of quality, and historical importance than I would be willing to concede. of Goodwin's essay in particular he says, "since many educated men (clergymen or laymen) accepted this as an axiom by 1860 the essay was of little importance." The essays in Essays And Reviews are: Frederick Temple, "The Education of the World"; Rowland Williams, "Bunsen's Biblical Researches"; Baden Powell, "On the study of the Evidences of Christianity"; Henry Bristow Wilson, "Seances Historiques de Geneva, The National church"; c.w. Goodwin, "On the Mosaic Cosmogony"; Mark Pattison, "Tendencies of Religious Thought in England 1688-1750"; Benjamin Jowett, "On the Interpretation of Scripture"; and a Note on Bunsen's Researches.

9. Essays and Reviews, p. 211.

10. ibid, p. 107.

11. ibid, p. 127.

12. ibid, pp. 106-7.

13. ibid, pp. 127f. The conservative Presbyterian settlers were to vigorously oppose this interpretation, their champions being the Rev. ors. James MacGregor and James Copland.

14. ibid, p. 128.

15. ibid, p. 139.

16. o. Chadwick, The Victorian church, Vol. 2, pp. 75f. Also see Alec Vidler, The Church In An Age Of Revolution, pp. 123f.

17. Figures cited in David L. Edwards, Leaders of The church of England 1828-1944, London, Oxford university Press, pp. 110-11.

18. J. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies, p. 32. 175

19. J. Elder, History, p. 52.

20. A. McLintock, History of otago, p. 511.

21. ibid, p. 356.

22. E. olssen, History of otago, p. 67.

23. J. Chisholm, Fifty Years syne, p. 181.

24. ibid, p. 181.

25. ibid, p. 186.

26. A. McLintock, History, p. 691.

27. John Chisholm, Rev. James Chisholm, For Forty Years A Minister Of The Gospel In The Presbyterian church In Otago, Dunedin, J. Wilkie & Co. Ltd., 1917, p. 5.

2 8. ibid, p. 5.

29. ibid, p. 5.

30. Cf. J. Elder, History, p. 156; D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, p. 44.

31. c. Stuart Ross, Education and Educationists in otago, Dunedin, wise & caffin, 1890, p. 137.

32. ibid, p. 137. The first pamphlet advertising the otago settlement in 1845 emphasized that provision would be made for a university, so as to induce prospective emigrants to 'surrender more cheerfully' the educational opportunities they could enjoy at home.

33. A. McLintock, History, p. 512.

34. cf. W.P. Morrell, The University Of otago; A Centennial History, Dunedin, university of otago Press, 1969, chapters 1-3; G.E. Thompson, History of The otago university, 1869-1910, Dunedin, J. Wilkie & co., undated, p. 13, notes that the 1861 synod proposal for a university was for two teachers: 'one for Greek and one for mathematics, at a salary of £300 and £400 respectively; and two others at £500 each for the more advanced courses in Philosophy and Theology'.

35. J. Elder, History, p. 385.

36. ibid, p. 385.

37. ibid, p. 382.

38. ibid, p. 383.

39. c. Stuart Ross, Fifty Years syne, p. 211.

40. As Matheson notes in D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, p. 41, 'The pluralism of the early colonial colony did affect attitudes.'L. Barber's M.A. thesis 'The Otago Church Defence Society', Table Lv, p 51, otago university, shows from which theological colleges some of the otago ministers graduated. Many, of course, are graduates of more than one institution.

41. J. Chisholm, Fifty Years syne, pp. 210-2. 176

42. ibid, p. 211.

43. J. Elder, History, p. 368.

44. A. McLintock, History of otago, p. 515.

45. J. MacGregor, 'The Problem Of Poverty', The New Zealand Magazine; A Quarterly Journal of General Literature, no. 1, Dunedin, undated, (1876/7?), p. 60.

46. cf. A. McLintock, History, p. 524; E. olssen, History, pp. 95-6.

47. A. McLintock, History, pp. 524f.

48. ibid, p. 524.

49. ibid, p. 526.

50. ibid, p. 526.

51. J. Chisholm, Fifty Years syne, p. 212.

52. ibid, pp. 211-2.

53. William Salmond, The Christian Theory Of Morals Versus utilitarianism - A Discourse, North shields, John Hall printers, 1873.

54. William Salmond, The Limits of comprehension Within The church; An Address Delivered At A Meeting of The English Presbyterian synod In Bridge End church, Monckwearmouth, Sunderland, William Salmond Of North Shields, 14 October 1873, Edinburgh, Murray and Gibb, 1873.

55. Arthur Salmond, typescript notes, in the archives of the Theological Hall, Knox college.

56. ibid.

57. J. Chisholm, Fifty Years syne, p. 213.

58. A. McLintock, History, p. 524.

59. see J. stenhouse, Ph.D. thesis, p 197.

60. Encyclopaedia Of New Zealand, Vol. Two, p. 127.

61. H. von Haast, Life And Times, p. 666.

62. Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. Two, p. 127.

63. H. von Haast, Life And Times, pp. 667-8.

64. ibid, p. 666.

65. ibid, p. 667.

66. ibid, p. 667.

67. A. McLintock, History, p. 524.

68. ibid, pp. 522-6.

69. ibid, p. 522. 177

70. ibid p. 522.

71. ibid, p. 523.

72. w. Morrell, The university of otago, maintains that it underscored 'a trace of anti-clericalism'. (p. 15) Perhaps it was justified, however, in terms of the severe way in which some Presbyterians wished to impose 'certain standards upon an unwilling community', (A. McLintock, History, p. 522).

73. c. Stuart Ross, Education and Educationists, p. 56. Ross believed that the Act was 'absolutely and severely secular'. Because of this rigid, dogmatic approach, it went against the accumulated 'wisdom and experience' of previous generations. See also I. Breward, Godless schools A study In Protestant Reactions To The Education Act of 1877, Christchurch, Presbyterian Bookroom, 1967, for a full account of the wider debate.

7 4. G. W. Rusden, History of New Zealand, Vols. 1, 2, 3, Melbourne, Melville, Mullen & Slade, second edition, 1895, commenting upon the turbulence caused by the 1877 Act noted that the 'secular fervour' had not lost any power over the intervening years. Cf. Rev. P.B. Fraser's Mental Mutilation of the People's Children By Exclusion of the Bible From schools, oamaru, 1892, the title of which gives some indication of the fervour generated among those who wished action to be taken re­ introducing religious education into schools. Interestingly, the reader's attention is drawn in Fraser's pamphlet to the status of science in relation to other branches of learning. Given Fraser's literalist position, there is a rather perceptive analysis of the role of scientific language in forming religious opinions or convictions. For a full discussion of this notably eccentric Presbyterian cleric see Allan K. Davidson, 'A Protesting Presbyterian: The Reverend P.B. Fraser and New Zealand Presbyterianism, 1892 .•• 1940', The Journal of Religious History, Vol. 14/2, 1986.

75. As Evans has shown, this involved an interesting paradox, where the separate denominations were perfectly at ease accepting state aid for their own charitable work. ( J. Evans, unpublished paper 'Christian Social Services, the state and Human Freedom' Library of the Theological Hall, Knox College, 1990.)

76. F.W. Hutton, 'The History of creation', New Zealand Magazine, 1876, p. 262. This publication was New Zealand's leading intellectual journal for seven years. Hutton was a key member of the editorial panel. We may gauge the long term nature of the Darwinian debates from the way they ran their course in this journal and also the New Zealand Institute. Twelve articles out of sixty six were devoted to either Darwinian ideas in conflict with Christianity or directly associated topics such as the significance and function of natural theology in terms of Darwinism.

77. J. Moore, Post-Darwinian Controversies, p. 196.

78. ibid, p. 196.

79. c. Darwin, The origin of Species, pp. 484-5.

BO.Frederick Wollaston Hutton, Darwinism And Lamarckism, old And New, London, Duckworth & co., 1899.

81. Frederick Wollaston Hutton, The Lesson Of Evolution, Second edition, printed for private circulation, 1907.

82. Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. Two, p. 127. 178

83. H. van Haast, Life And Times, p. 859n.

84. c. Ronan, History, p. 431, and p. 481.

85. As Parsonson has pointed out, it was Baconian induction that Hutton cited as the final arbiter in the construction of scientific theories. 'If more than one hypothesis were suggested as an explanation, one decided between them by means of what Lord Bacon called the crucial instance.' (G. Parsonson, 'The Darwinian Debate in Otago', History of science in New Zealand, Wellington, Alexander Turnbull Library, 1983, p. 13.)

86. F. Hutton, New Zealand Magazine, p. 266.

87. The Hall was only two years old, and was known as the Theological college. However, for the sake of clarity it will be referred to as the Hall. At that stage it was not a building, but students took lessons in salrnond's study in the manse. Eventually Salmond was appointed to the chair of Mental and Moral Philosophy, after Duncan MacGregor left.

88. W. Salmond, 'The Doctrine of Evolution and Christianity', New Zealand Magazine, no. 3, 1876, p. 267.

89. Rev. Charles Fraser, 'Evolution And Christianity' New Zealand Magazine, no. 4, p. 433.

90. c. Fraser, New Zealand Magazine, no. 4, p. 433.

91. w. Salmond, New Zealand Magazine, no. 3, p. 270.

92. ibid, no. 3, p. 266.

93. ibid, no. 3, p. 267.

94. ibid, no. 3, p. 267.

95. ibid, no. 3, p. 267.

96. ibid, no. 3, p. 270.

97. G. Parsonson, 'The Darwinian Debate in otago; 1876', The History of science in New Zealand.

98. ibid, p. 17.

99. For a different interpretation of the events surrounding Fitchett, see J. stenhouse, 'The Battle Between Science And Religion', Ph.D. thesis.

100. Bede Nairn and Geoffrey serle (Eds.), Australian Dictionary of Biography, Vol. 8, Melbourne, Melbourne university Press, 1981, pp. 511-2.

101. B. Nairn and G. serle (Eds.), Australian Dictionary of Biography, Vol. 8, p. 512.

102. ibid, Vol. 8, p. 512.

103. Barry w. Butcher's paper, 'Gorilla warfare in Melbourne: Halford, Huxley and "Man's place in nature'", in R.W. Horne (Ed.), Australian science In The Making, Cambridge, New York, New Rochelle, Melbourne, Sydney, Cambridge university Press, 1988, chapter 7. 179

104. Australian Dictionary of Biography, Vol. 8, p. 512.

105. Microfiche system published by New Zealand Society of Genealogists, compiled from the New Zealand Government Gazettes, 1848- 1900.

106. w. Morley, The History Of Methodism In New Zealand, Wellington, McKee & co., 1900, p. 475.

107. ibid, pp. 475-6.

108. ibid, p. 372.

109. ibid, p. 372.

110. ibid, p. 372.

111. E. Harnes, out of The common way, p. 58.

112. For example, W. Williams, also an editor of the New Zealand Wesleyan, merely records in his Centenary Sketches of New Zealand Methodism, that Fitchett was the first editor, p. 173. There is, amid lavish praise for a number of unexceptional ministries, not the slightest recognition of Fitchett•s talents.

113. I.W. Isitt, Sacerdotal Pretensions, Or Fitchett The Priest Of 1885 Answered By Fitchett The Pastor Of 1875, Christchurch, J.T. smith.

114. New Zealand Wesleyan, Vol. 4, no. 47, 1874, p. 221.

115. ibid, 2 June 1873.

116. A.R. Fitchett, The Ethics of Evolution, Dunedin, 1876.

117. ibid, p. 9.

118. c. Russell, cross-currents, p. 202.

119. See F. Hutton, The Lesson of Evolution, pp. 29lf where an paper of Kelvin's is reprinted, 'On a Universal Tendency in Nature to the Dissipation of Mechanical Energy'.

120.The question arises, how influential was Paley's Evidences in New Zealand at this time? The answer is, it continued to be a widely read and discussed book, in theological curriculum of at least the Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian and Baptist theological institutions. Not all, however, were impressed by Paley. The Rev. w.c. oliver writing in the New Zealand Wesleyan, 2 January 1873, on the subject of plagiarism in pulpits and among authors noted, 'All may not be aware that the "Natural Theology" which forms a clerical textbook in a large section of the Protestant church might be mistaken for the reprint of an old Dutch work - published under the title of the "Religious Philosopher." Did Paley forget his inverted commas? or did his printer, by mistake, leave them out?' Of course, Oliver was writing a few years prior to the establishment of New Zealand theological institutions. But Paley, condemned as plagiarist or not, as the case may be, continued in the New Zealand theological curriculum well past the turn of the century.

121. A.R. Fitchett, The Ethics Of Evolution, p. 9.

122. ibid, p. 8. 180

123. otago Daily Times, 14 October, 1876. There is a minor reporting error in the account, subsequently corrected.

124. ibid, 17 October 1876 p. 2.

125. ibid, 17 October 1876, p. 2.

126. ibid, 14 October 1876, p. 2.

127. ibid, 4 November, 1876, p. 2. 'We speak of their zeal for orthodoxy. It may not be generally known that, animated probably by the same spirit which animates the younger Christians of this town, they have in their wisdom put Mr. Herbert Spencer into their index expurgatorius.' Spencer's philosophy turned out, in the long run, to be more enduring in America than England. While he made much use of Darwinian concepts, his scientific abilities were of little consequence.

128. Hugh Watt, Inaugural Lectures, New College, Edinburgh, Edinburgh, oliver and Boyd, 1946, pp. 220-1.

129. otago Daily Times, 24 October 1876, p. 3.

130. ibid, 24 October 1876, p. 3.

131. w. Morley, History, p. 477.

132. otago Daily Times, 25 October 1876, p. 4.

133. ibid, 25 October 1876, p. 4.

134. ibid, 25 October 1876, p. 4.

135. ibid, 25 October 1876, p. 4.

136. ibid, 25 October 1876, p. 4.

137. The comment is found in the pamphlet Review of The Rev. A.R. Fitchett's Lecture on Evolution, reprinted from the Christian Advocate, Dunedin, 1876

138. James Copland, The origin and Spiritual Nature of Man, Dunedin, Horsburgh, 1885, p. iii. Copland's pamphlet attempts to analyze the major features of Darwinism and expose the weaknesses. His major point, however, was hardly original in 1885, when he argued that humankind's highly developed sense of morality could not be explained by a purely mechanistic evolutionary process. such a morality made an 'insuperable difficulty' for the doctrine of evolution. (p. 23.)

139. ibid, p. iii.

140. J. Elder, History, p. 151, notes that he was a 'very successful gold-fields minister' in his first appointment at Lawrence, near the Tuapeka Diggings.

141. Peter Matheson, ''A Time of Sifting': Evangelicals And Liberals At The Genesis of New Zealand Theology', Presbyterian Historical society of New Zealand; 1900 Occasional Publication, 1991, p. 2.

142. J. Elder, History, p. 411.

143. J. Copland, The origin, p. 1. 181

144. otago Daily Times, 19 October 1876, p. 2.

145. ibid, 19 October 1876, p. 2.

146. ibid, 19 October 1876, p. 2.

147. 'Professor Salmond will be the first to regret the action of these bitter and unchristian Christians' because he first 'asserted the irreconcilability of Evolution and Christianity, of which this burst of venom is the logical outcome'. ibid, 25 October 1876, p. 4.

148. w. Salmond, 'The Christian Doctrine of Creation', New Zealand Magazine, no. 5, 1877, p. 2. Although this article appears without an acknowledgement of authorship, it was in fact written by Salmond. A hand written list of authors and titles for each edition is inserted in the copy of New Zealand Magazine, held at Dunedin Public Library.

149. ibid, no. 5, p. 2.

150. ibid, no. 5, p. 2.

151. G.R. Elton, Reformation Europe 1517-1559, London and Glasgow, Collins, 1966, p. 220; cf. John H. Leith, An Introduction To The Reformed Tradition; A Way Of Being The Christian Community, Edinburgh, The saint Andrew Press, 1978, p. 97-110.

152. w. Salmond, New Zealand Magazine, p. 4.

153. ibid, p. 4.

154. ibid, p. 4.

155. ibid, no. 5' p. 9.

156. ibid, no. 5' p. 9.

157. The enlarged edition of F.W. Hutton's, The Lesson of Evolution second edition, printed for private circulation, 1905, is perhaps the clearest exposition of Darwinism written in New Zealand up to the turn of the century.

158. ibid, p. 290.

159. ibid, no. 5, p. 10.

160. w. Salmond, New Zealand Magazine, no. 5, p. 10.

161. L. Barber, 'An otago University Academic On Trial For Heresy: 1888', Forum, Vol. XXVlll, no. 10, 1975, p. 9.

162. William Salmond, The Reign of Grace, A Discussion of The Possibility Of salvation For All Men In This Life, or In The Life To Come, Dunedin, James Horsburgh, 1888.

163. ibid, p. 56.

164. Justo L. Gonzalez, A History of Christian Thought, vol. III, Nashville, Abingdon Press, 1975, pp. 283f.

165. P. Matheson, 'A Time Of Sifting', Presbyterian Historical Society of New Zealand, p. 8. 182

166. L.H. Barber 'An otago University Academic on Trial For Heresy:1888', Forum, Vol. XXVIII, No. 10, Wellington, Ministry Committee Of The Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, 1975; cf. P. Matheson, "A Time Of Sifting', Presbyterian Historical Society Of New Zealand, 1991, p. 8.

167. See L. Barber, 'James Gibb's Heresy Trial, 1890', New Zealand Journal Of History, Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 146-157.

168. J. Stenhouse, 'The Wretched Gorilla Damnification of Humanity', New Zealand Journal of History, Vol. 18, No. 2, 1984, p. 153.

169. Peter Matheson, 'A Time Of Sifting", Presbyterian Historical Society, Of New Zealand, p. 8.

170. Richard Allen Riesen, Criticism And Faith In Late Victorian Scotland; A.B. Davidson, William Robertson smith; George Adam Smith, New York, London, university Press of America, 1985 p. 94.

171. E. Olssen, History, pp. 137-8. The reference to the heresy trial of Dr. J.R. Salmond (pp. 138-9) perhaps is meant to mean Prof. w. Salmond. cf. p. xiv.

172. ibid, p. 139.

173. D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians in Aotearoa, p. 54.

174. New Zealand Presbyterian, 1 March 1881, p 163. The Times article was in agreement with the tenants of Higher Criticism. The Presbyterian editors of Dunedin regarded this as a dismal attack which cut to the very 'joy' of Christian faith and life by bombarding believers with 'doubts insinuations, sneers and sinister prophecies'.

175. New Zealand Presbyterian, 2 January 1882, p. 123.

176. ibid, 2 January 1882, p. 123.

177. J. Bowlby, Charles Darwin, p. 214.

178. ibid, 2 January 1882, p. 122.

179. ibid, 2 January 1882, p. 122.

180. P. Matheson, '"A Time Of Sifting'', Presbyterian Historical Society Of New Zealand, p. 11.

181. Upton Davis was the minister at Hanover Street Baptist Church, which was to subsequently play an important evangelical role among1the inner city churches. However, Upton Davis found that his increasingly liberal views led him into conflict with the congregation, and led to his resignation. The otago Daily Times of 15 October 1881 noted his stated intention to leave the following month. 'It is said that he will not again undertake a pastoral charge.' we should be aware that, by and large, relationships between the Presbyterian and Baptist denominations was cordial enough for the Baptists to send their ministry candidates to Knox Theological Hall for training up until 1920.

182. otago Christian Record, Vol. 1, No. 9, 1873

183. New Zealand Christian Record, No 368, 1 October 1880, p. 9. Originally called the Otago Christian Record the readership grew sufficiently within the first year to justify a name change from the provincial to the national title. (The numbering sequence changed at the same time.) 183

184. Dictionary Of National Biography, p. 255.

185. E. Hames, out of The conunon Way, p. 82.

186. Standing Orders of the British Methodist Conference, cited in the Methodist Church of New Zealand's, Minutes Of The Annual Conference, Held At Dunedin, 1940, Christchurch, Willis & Aitken, 1940, p. 80.

187. otago Daily Times, 16 December 1876, supplement.

188. ibid, 16 December 1876, supplement.

189. J. Evans, Southern See, The Anglican Diocese Of Dunedin, New Zealand, Dunedin, Published for The Standing Conunittee of the Diocese of Dunedin by John Mcindoe Ltd, 1968, p. 84.

190. J. stenhouse, 'The Battle Between science And Religion', Ph.D. thesis, p. 154.

191. ibid, p. 154, argues that in the latter stages of Fitchett's ministry the 'substance' of Christian faith had all but gone. Moreover, Fitchett's 'chilling cerebral' understanding of God was removed from the 'personal' and 'intimate' conception originally offered by Jesus Christ.

192. John H. Evans, southern see, pp. 212-3.

193. otago Daily Times, 20 April 1929, Also cited by J.H. Evans, southern see, pp. 213-3 and p. 295 n.24.

194. J.H. Evans, southern See, p. 212.

195. Dictionary of National Biography, vol. One, p. 255.

196. J. Evans, southern See, p. 212.

197. Dictionary Of National Biography, vol. 1, p. 255.

198. The outlook, 21 November, 1921, p. 16.

199. ibid, 21 November 1921, p. 16.

200. ibid, 21 November 1921, p. 16.

201. ibid, 21 November 1921, p. 16.

202. J. collie (Ed.), Rutherford Waddell M.A., D.D., Minister of st. Andrew's church, Dunedin, 1879-1919, Memoir And Addresses, Dunedin and Wellington, A.H. Reed, 1933.

203. ibid, p. 21.

204. ibid, p. 23.

205. ibid, notes that Waddell knew he was not thought orthodox by some, and indeed regarded with suspicion by some. However, his own congregation were 'enthusiastically loyal'. (p. 57.)

206. For example, his children's talk 'Snowdrops' in Rutherford Waddell; Memoir and Addresses, p. 227, demonstrates the keenness of his powers of the observation of nature. But it is no isolated example. Evidence of these powers is repeated time and again in such essays as 'The Lure Of The Trout', The Fiddles of God, Wellington, New Zealand 184

Bible And Book Society, undated, (1926?), pp. 32-41; 'The Idyll Of The cow" (pp. 88-99); and also in his admiration for other 'Nature students', in 'How Far Are we From Home?' (pp. 100-111).

207. J. Collie, Rutherford Waddell, pp. 9-15. But also particularly James Gibb's Preface to this biography (pp. 1-7) illustrates the quality and the frailness of Waddell's personality.

208. ibid, pp. 1-7.

209. D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, p. 63.

210. See, for example, the essay 'God As A Bed-Maker', Memories and Hopes, p. 108, where he quotes MacDonald at length. Collie observes that Waddell knew MacDonald personally, 'and knew his writings well, both prose and verse'. (J. collie, Rutherford Waddell, p. 123.)

211. R. Waddell, Behold The Lamb Of God! A series Of Discources Tracing The Evolution And coronation of The Lamb, second edition, Hodder And Stoughton, London, 1903, p. 224.

212. R. Waddell, The Fiddles of God, pp. 22-31. Waddell mentioned the hundreds of centuries which had been required to produce the human body where every function was purposefully designed and adapted to its environment (There is an unquestioned assumption on his part about the continuing status of natural theology as a way to argue the existence of God); a quotation about the molecular intricacy of the universe; an estimate of the twenty thousand billion cells which make up the human body; a reference to the number of windows in New York city; further references to the 'countless cells' of the body. In a lesser essayist such an eclectic collection of numbers would have failed.

213. See, for example, E. Dobson's presidential address to the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, delivered 5 November 1866, in TPNZI, Vol. 1, pp. 188f.

214. R. Waddell, Memories and Hopes, pp. 13-4.

215. Rutherford Waddell, At The Turn Of The Year; A Christmas Booklet, Dunedin, Wellington, Invercargill, New Zealand Bible, Tract and Book society, 1912, p. 24.

216. Letter from A.C. Stewart to c. Waddell, 11 July 1933, Waddell collection, Hacken Archives.

217. Rutherford Waddell, MS, Notebooks, Vol. 17.

218. R. Waddell, Notebooks, vol. 11.

219. R. Waddell, Notebooks, Vol. 7.

220. Collie reached much the same conclusion, and indeed, gave it a broader context, claiming that analytical studies, such as science as well as systematic theology held no intrinsic interest for Waddell. Alexander Hodge's systematic Theology was a standard work, and Waddell was acquainted with it from his Belfast student days. collie says the mature Waddell dismissed it with, 'Oh, Hodge is humbug'. (J. collie, Rutherford Waddell, p. 32.)

_,,221. R. Waddell, Notebooks, Vol, 11, have two references to the Baconian distinction.

222. R. Waddell, Memories and Hopes, p. 43. 185

223. ibid, p. 40. on this point Waddell quotes a Dr. Fitchett but it is not clear which of the brothers is his source.

224. Dictionary Of National Biography, vol. 2, p. 16.

225. John w. Kedie, Rev. James MacGregor (1830-1894), A Bibliography With A Brief Biographical sketch, 1972, Knox Theological Hall Library, New Zealand Presbyterian Collection, Dunedin, p. 2.

226. ibid, p. 3.

227. James MacGregor, An Apology of The Christian Religion, Historically Regarded With Reference To supernatural Revelation And Redemption, Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark, 1891, James MacGregor, The Revelation And The Record, Edinburgh, 1893, James MacGregor, studies In The History of Christian Apologetics, Edinburgh, 1894, cited by J. Kedie, Rev. James MacGregor, p.3.

228. ibid, pp. 11-16.

229. ibid, p. 211.

230. ibid, p. 211.

231. o. Chadwick, The Victorian church, Vol. 2, pp. 31f.

232. ibid, pp. 31f.

233. J. MacGregor, Apology, p. 283.

234. ibid, p. 12.

235. ibid, pp. 207-9.

236. ibid, p. 270. cf. pp. 282, 299, 306.

237. ibid, p. 306.

238. ibid, p. 305.

239. ibid, p. 283; cf. pp. 298, 306.

240. James MacGregor, A Vindication Of Natural Theology On The Grounds of Reason, scripture And orthodoxy, with Special Reference To The Glasgow college Case And The Recent Publications Of Professor Gibson, second edition, Edinburgh, Andrew Elliot, Glasgow, David Bryce, 1859.

241. J. MacGregor, Apology, p.328.

242. ibid, p. 328.

243. ibid, p. 329.

244. ibid, p. 329.

245. Professor salmond's 'Proposals Anent Theological Training', Proceedings of the synod of the Presbyterian church of otago and Southland, January 1878, Dunedin, 1878, Appendix, p. 34.

246. J. MacGregor, Apology, pp. 459f.

247. ibid, p. 468. 186

248. ibid, p. 207.

249. Robert Peattie in the James MacGregor collection, MS correspondence, New Zealand Presbyterian collection, Knox Theological Hall Library, Dunedin.

250. ibid.

251. D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, p. 53.

252. James MacGregor, Regarding Evolution, The Previous Question Of science, oamaru, James Horsburgh, undated.

253. J. MacGregor, Regarding Evolution, p. 3.

254. J. MacGregor, Regarding Evolution, p. 3.

255. J. MacGregor, Regarding Evolution, p. 4.

256. ibid, p. 7.

257. D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians In Aotearoa, p. 53.

258. H.T. Purchas, A History Of The English church in New Zealand, Christchurch, Simpson and Williams Ltd; Melbourne, G. Robertson and Co. Ltd; London, Sampson Low, 1914, p. 225.

259. ibid, pp. 224-5.

260. H.E.R.L. Wily and H. Maunsell, Robert Maunsell, p. 28.

261. ibid, p. 175.

262. ibid, pp. 71-2.

263. Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 2, p. 521.

264. H.E.R.L. Wily and H. Maunsell, Robert Maunsell, p. 82.

265. ibid, p. 83.

266. ibid, p. 175.

267. R. Maunsell, Man And The Monkey, A Lecture Delivered In The Choral Society Hall, Auckland, Upton & Co., 1871, p. 3 ..

268. ibid, p. 3.

269. A. stock, The Early Date And Consequent Truthfulness of The Four Gospels, Wellington, Lyon and Blair, 1875,

270. A. stock, The Early Date. This pamphlet was originally a lecture delivered at the schoolroom of st. John's church, Wellington.

271. Archdeacon Stock, The Transit Of Venus And How To Observe It, Wellington, T.A. Bowden, 1874; Archdeacon stock, Astronomy For Beginners Who Live In The southern Hemisphere; With Maps of The Northern And southern constellations, Wanganui, A.D. Willis, 1897, second edition.

272. A. stock, The Early Date, p. 22. 187

273. ibid, p. 23.

274. ibid, p. 23.

275. ibid, p. 23.

276. ibid, p. 23.

277. ibid, p. 12.

278. ibid, p. 23.

279. ibid, pp. 6f.

280. J. stenhouse, 'Science Versus Religion in Nineteenth century New Zealand: Robert stout and social Darwinism', Pacifica, No. 2, 1989, pp. 64-5.

281. w. Morrell, The Anglican Church, pp. 73-4, and p. 77.

282. An Encyclopaedia Of New Zealand, Vol. one, pp. 894-896.

283. ibid,Vol. One, p. 896.

284. cf. J. stenhouse, Pacifica, No. 2, 1989, pp. 64-5.

285. Octavius Hadfield, A Sermon Preached At The opening Of The General synod In The church of st. John, Napier, on Tuesday April The 3rd, 1888 By the Bishop Of Wellington, published by private request of the synod. The copy at Dunedin's Hacken Library has no cover.

286. ibid, p. 12.

287. ibid, p. 12.

288. ibid, p. 12.

289. ibid, p. 13.

290. ibid, p. 13.

291. ibid, p. 13.

292. ibid, p. 13.

293. Charles Bodington, Some Difficulties of Belief, The substance of A Lecture Delivered In st. Mary's church Parnell; The st. George's Thames; & st. Sepulchre's, Auckland, Auckland, William McCullough, 1885.

294. ibid, pp. 5, 6.

295. Proceedings of the General synod of the church of the Province of New Zealand, Wellington, Wellington, 1892, pp. !Of.

296. ibid, p. 10.

297. An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 896.

298.Samuel Tarrant Nevill, The Word Written And The Word Wrought, An Eireniconic Comparison, Christchurch, Smith, Anthony, Sellars & co., 1891. 188

299. ibid, p. 2.

300. ibid, p. 2.

301. ibid, p. 2.

302. ibid, p. 4.

303. ibid, p. 2.

304. ibid, p. 3. Nevill was dismayed by the apparent conflict between material and spiritual science. 'To fight is at once to abandon reason and disregard truth', irrespective of which side one had chosen.

305. This point he later developed in a passing critique of Henry Drummond's Natural Law in the Spiritual World. see Nevill 1 s two lectures spiritual Philosophy: Two Lectures Delivered On Successive Sundays In The cathedral of st. Paul, Dunedin, London, Longmans Green, 1909.

306. c. Bodington, Some Difficulties Of Belief

307. ibid, p. 6.

308. Memorial, Minutes of Conference, Methodist Church of New Zealand, 1919, p. 15-6

309. New Zealand Methodist Times, Vol IX, No. 24, p. 381, 29 March 1919

310.ibid, p. 232. Cf. E.W. Hames, , 100 Years In Pitt Street, Centenary History of The Pitt Street Methodist Church, Auckland, Auckland, Pitt street Methodist Church Trustees, undated, 1965?, p. 36.

311. New Zealand Methodist Times, 29 March 1919, p. 232.

312. ibid, 29 March 1919, p. 233.

313. see obituaries by C.H. Laws and J.T. Pinfold, ibid, Vol IX, no. 15, 23 November 1918, pp. 232-3.

314. w. Williams, Centenary Sketches, p. 172.

315. E. Hames, out of The common way, p. 49.

316. w. Williams, Centenary Sketches, pp. 173-4.

317. ibid, p. 174.

318. see the obituaries by C.H. Laws, J.T. Pinfold, and H.E.B., New Zealand Methodist Times, vol IX, no.15, 23 November 1918, p. 232; and an appreciation, "Memories of C.H. Garland" ,by S.E. Hulbert, New Zealand Methodist Times, Vol IX, no 17, 21 December, 1918, p. 267.

319. J.T. Pinfold, Conference List of Ministers, Minutes Of Conference, 1913, pp. 12-3.

320. ibid, pp. 12-3.

321. C.H. Garland, The Bearing of Higher criticism on Leading Evangelical Doctrines, 1893, Dunedin.

322. ibid, p. 2. 189

323. ibid, p. 2.

324. ibid, p. 2.

325. ibid, p. 3.

326. ibid, p. 3.

327. ibid, p. 5.

328. ibid, p. 5.

329. ibid, p. 5.

330. ibid, p. 8.

331. ibid, p. 13.

332. ibid, p. 13.

333. ibid, p. 13.

334. ibid, p. 15.

335. ibid, p. 15.

336. ibid, p. 3.

337. ibid, p. 3. Perhaps it is from this suggestion that Allan K. Davidson & Peter J. Lineham, Transplanted Christianity; Documents Illustrating Aspects Of New Zealand church History, second edition, Palmerston North, Dunmore Press, 1989, p. 211, have highlighted the 1893 Conference with the words, 'C.H. Garland introduces Methodists to Higher criticism'.

338. c. Garland, Bearing of Higher criticism, p. 10.

339. See A.R. Fitchett's article on 'Spirit Deliverance', New Zealand Wesleyan, May 1873, which critically assesses the adequacy of theories of verbal inspiration.

340. c. Garland, Bearing of Higher criticism, p. 3.

341. John Kent, From Darwinism to Blatchford: The Role of Darwinism in Christian Apologetic, 1875-1910, 1966, London

342. C.H. Garland, Bearing of Higher criticism, p. 10.

343. William shepherd Allen, A Reply To The Lecture Delivered By The Rev. C.H. Garland On "The Bearing Of Higher criticism On Leading Evangelical Doctrines", Auckland, Wilson & Horton, 1893.

344. w. Williams, Centenary Sketches, p. 191.

345. w. Williams, centenary Sketches, p. 193.

346. w. Allen, A Reply, p. 5.

347. ibid, p. 40.

348. w.s. Allen, A Reply, p. 44. 190

349. c. Garland, Bearing of Higher criticism, p. 15.

350. cited by E. Hames, 100 Years In Pitt st, p. 38.

351. Local Preachers Association Minute Books 1884-87, Friday 3 October 1884.

352. ibid, 3 October 1884-87.

353. Local Preacher's Association, Minute Book, 1884-87.

354. Wesleyan Minister's Association, Minutes Book, 1898.

355. ibid, 12 September 1891.

356. This was in line with oxford and Cambridge finally recognizing the status of the sciences as disciplines in their own right.

357.F.W. Hutton, Darwinism And Lamarckism, Old And New, pp. 109-28. The lecture is published in this volume as 'Darwinism and Human Affairs', but is essentially a reprint of the earlier essay. The preface to Darwinism And Lamarckism is another significant illustration of Hutton's belief that science illuminated the humanities. (p. vii)

358. New Zealand Methodist Times, Vol IX, no. 15, November 1918, pp. 232-3.

359. w. Shepherd Allen, The Present Position Of Methodism And The causes of Its Decrease In Numbers, Manchester, J. Brooke & co., London, R.S. James, 1911.

360. w. Allen, The Position, p. 33.

361. ibid, p. 36.

362. ibid, p. 35.

363. Wesley Parker, Rev. C.H. Laws, B.A., D.D., Memoir And Addresses, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1954, p. 68.

364. E. Hames, out of The common way, p. 130.

365. New Zealand Methodist Times, Vol IX, no. 15, November 1918, pp. 232-3

366. w. Parker, Rev. C.H. Laws, p. 68.

367. Reprint of C.H. Laws address at Garland's funeral, New Zealand Methodist Times, Vol IX, no. 15, 23 November, 1918, p. 232.

368. E. Hames, out of The common way, p. 130.

369. There are numerous references to Darwinism in the outlook, but among some of the more interesting are 13 October 1894, p. 417; 27 April 1895, p. 152; 4 May 1895, p. 164; 11 May 1895, p. 176; 8 June 1895, p. 217; 20 March 1907, p. 4; 6 March 1909, p. 5. The conflict of science and religion, in more general terms than just Darwinism, also mentioned: 26 August 1899, pp. 7-8; 30 September 1899, pp. 3-4; 14 March 1903, p. 36; 28 March 1903, p. 34; 6 May 1905, p. 25; 4 May 1907, p. 4.

370. outlook, Vol. 1, No. 11, p. 128. 191

371. ibid, Vol. 1, No. 19, 23 June 1894.

372. John Dunlop, Genuine and Spurious Protestantism, Dundee, 1880, p. 15.

373. ibid, p. 15.

374. 'The exaggerated estimate cherished by many, both of the results and method of physical research, has led to the adoption of philosophical principles inconsistent with Christian and even Theistic belief. It is notorious that a large proportion of second and third rate scientists choose to call themselves agnostics. Nor is the influence of this materialistic philosophy confined to avowed non­ believers. Disbelief in the miraculous constitutes a large, though not always an avowed ingredient, in much of the critical procedure which passes under the name of the higher criticism. Of course the denial of the miraculous makes short work of Christianity.'J. Dunlap's papers.

375. cf. J. Elder, History p. 387; D. McEldowney (Ed.), Presbyterians in Aotearoa, p. 98.

376. Papers of John Dunlop.

377. The Christian outlook, 27 April 1895, p. 164.

378. ibid, p. 196.

379. James Aitken, Faith and credulity: An investigation of the theories of unbelief concerning the Resurrection of Jesus from the Dead, wanganui, 1903.

380. The outlook, 16 July 1904.

381. ibid, 13 August 1904,

382. ibid, 20 August 1904,

383. ibid, 27 September 1910, p. 6 and p. 20.

384. ibid, 27 September 1910, p. 20.

385. ibid, 27 September 1910, p. 21.

386. ibid, 27 September 1910, p. 22. 192 CHAPTER FIVE:

SPECULATIVE SCIENCE AND NATURAL THEOLOGY

IN THE LIFE AND DEBATES

OF THE NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE

The final manifestation of the faith-science interaction in colonial New Zealand to be considered in this thesis provides a quite distinctive context for those scientific ideas with far reaching philosophical and theological implications. It is found in the life of the New Zealand Institute, the forerunner of the Royal Society of New

Zealand. All shades of opinion were represented, and perusal of the yearly membership lists for each branch indicates that considerable numbers of clergy were active members. 1 Because the New Zealand

Institute had primarily a scientific function, funded from the public purse, the members could not afford to break with strong social conventions which governed colonial society by debating religious issues in a sectarian way. 2 Nevertheless, the New Zealand Institute did debate and did publish a number of stimulating papers either directly about natural theology, or indirectly about aspects of the faith­ science interaction in the fields of astronomy, mathematics and biology. 3 Surprisingly, there do not appear to be any extended debates about the theological implications of geology, which might have been expected, given that there were capable theologians, clerics and laity actively promulgating the truth of the Flood and associated Old

Testament themes. The controversies which had so occupied Richard

Taylor and William swainson during the fifties were being replaced by new topics. Although they by no means faded away, nevertheless every major scientific advance caused a new evaluation of current theological interpretation, sometimes eclipsing substantial, yet, unresolved, issues. Evolution was accepted by a majority of members of 193 the New Zealand Institute from the outset, but because of its enormous

significance still dominated discussion until the turn of the century

as fresh evidence and proofs were adduced and their implications

examined scientifically. As a consequence of the prominence of the

Darwinian debates, the process of the mathematization of the sciences

and its importance for natural theology has been overlooked. Hence, the

aim of this chapter is to attempt to redress the balance by considering

the two in conjunction. Although there will be a concentration upon the

internal debates of the Institute, the issues were occasionally more widely discussed, particularly in the case of astronomy.

It is in the latter discipline that the precursors of a great

world-wide change of thought began to be felt by scientists and clergy

in the New Zealand context. The history of the mathematization of the

sciences has, of course, been extensively written about over the last

fifty years by historians of mathematics, beginning notably with the

many works of Kline and Bell. 4 However, until comparatively recent

times few historians have assessed the significance of this process for

studies in broader societal issues. 5 The award winning work of Purcell

shows how, in the twentieth century, the symbolic value of non­

Euclidean geometry, as typified by Einstein's Relativity theory, helped

undermine traditional religious values, which, until the publication of

the Special Theory of Relativity, were widely perceived to be claims to

absolute truths. 6 one by one, religious values, moral values, and

ethical values, along with truths of science, 7 and, truths of

mathematics, 8 were progressively understood to be relative and

comparative. The evidence to be presented hereafter seems to indicate

that this process had begun and was felt in the latter half of the

nineteenth century, and that because of its small size and centralized

records, a study of the New Zealand Institute offers fresh insight into

how these new ideas and concepts were gradually assimilated in the

faith-science interaction.

To begin with, it is necessary to understand why the New Zealand

Institute developed a programme that allowed such a fruitful faith­

science interaction. While the Mechanics' Institutes of early colonial 194

New Zealand were of much benefit to the working class man seeking to better his knowledge, they were very limited in their scope and

function. As already shown, scientific subjects were considered

entertaining and hence given a good airing, but it was not feasible to

pursue studies in depth. Because of their leadership and general

abilities those clergy who were amateur scientists also gave public

talks on science, some devoting considerable energy to this aspect of

their ministries. Men of the calibre of Stock, Dutton and Fairclough,

to choose representatives from each of the major protestant denominations, were tireless workers in the cause of taking science and

refining it into the material of natural theology. Nevertheless, along

with most of the New Zealand clergy, these men were in what was

essentially a missionary situation, and their energies were spent

mostly on building up their ecclesiastical causes. Even the

establishment of universities did not address the urgent need for the

development of the sciences as a priority in the colony. The very word

'scientist' was looked down on by some. 9 Far more of the university funds went into the establishment of arts and humanities programmes

than into science, a blistering sore which caused righteous indignation within the New Zealand Institute over at least two decades. 1° For example, E. Dobson's presidential address to the Philosophical

Institute of Canterbury on applied science bemoaned the fact that

science appeared to be either ignored or, at best, tolerated at the

university level, but the 'study of dead languages' received greater

attention and money. Twenty years later the Auckland teacher James

Adams lamented the same fact, deploring the fact that the teaching of

Latin and Classics in schools continued to take precedence over lessons

in practical science and mathematics. 11

During the eighteen fifties and sixties, the idea of a national

scientific organization for all of New Zealand grew in appeal, although

it was by no means a foregone conclusion. 12 Immediate practical

considerations were forced on both national and provincial government

because of the rapid population increase. Land surveys for each

province were of pressing concern, and there was also an urgent need 195

for a general geological survey. 13 The potential for exploitation of mineral resources was a major motivating factor in getting the survey under way, and once begun the employment of professional scientists was

necessary. similarly, the practical problems of farming and agriculture meant an increasing reliance on specialised scientific knowledge. one

of the first attempts to create a specialist society for the promotion

and dissemination of science was in 1861, under the guidance of the

Governor-General, Sir George Grey (1812-98), but the exigencies of

colonial life in general, and the Taranaki Land Wars in particular,

caused it to founder. However, by 1868 the Wellington Philosophical

Society was reconstituted, and, along with it, thirty or so other

regional Philosophical Societies or Institutes were brought under

central control. Together the affiliated societies formed the basis for

the national scientific organization, the New Zealand Institute. The

importance of the Institute cannot be over-emphasized, in both the

early development of New Zealand science and for the faith-science

interaction.

Grey's vision was achieved largely through the energy and

commitment of one man, Sir James Hector (1834-1907). Born in Edinburgh,

Hector studied medicine there, but also assisted the professors of

botany and zoology. His graduation thesis, 'The Antiquity of Man',

presented in 1856, may well have owed something to Lyell. 14 Hector was

a qualified doctor who turned his hand to geology, botany and zoology,

while he trained his eye as an artist and his ear as a violinist. 15 He

was an explorer as well, and spent three years in British Columbia and

the Canadian Rockies from 1857-60 on the geological survey. This work

earned him election to a Fellowship of the Royal society of Edinburgh.

In 1861 he was offered geological work in New Zealand or Kashmir, and

he chose to do the survey of otago. Within a few years of his arrival,

Hector had set up and was in control of the Colonial Museum, the

colonial Laboratory (principally used for the assaying of gold), and

the Meteorological Office, all located in Wellington. Indeed, it is a

measure of Hector's stature that he was eventually elected the

chancellor of the university of New Zealand in 1885. In the late 196 eighteen-sixties, however, Hector was busy consolidating his own position as the foremost scientific administrator in the colony, nationally coordinating the publication of scientific papers and setting overall directions for scientific investigation through the New

Zealand Institute. 16 He devoted himself to the cause of scientific progress with a great deal of energy, and the period up to the turn of the century has generally become known as the Hector period. Although he does not appear to have written directly about the theological

implications of new scientific ideas, Hector was not averse to the

Institute debating these issues and occasionally publishing outstanding

contributions. Having ultimate editorial responsibility, he exercised

it wisely. For example, in 1893, in a debate over the fact of evolution

versus special creation, Hector, whose earliest training totally

inclined him to Darwinism, believed that the disputed problems were

'most interesting and suggestive' and would inevitably lead to a

controversy. 17 Yet he did not attempt to censor the debate, which at

times became acrimonious.

Nevertheless, Hector's personality, which so thoroughly shaped

science in colonial New Zealand, had a streak of dogmatism which was

not always easy to cope with. One of his close friends was Bishop

Nevill of Dunedin. Sometime in the eighteen seventies, while visiting

Auckland, Nevill decided that he would take a kauri seedling to plant

in his Woodhaugh residence~ 18 He mentioned the matter to Hector who

scornfully declared it would be a waste of time, for kauri could never

grow in the Dunedin climate. However the Bishop was not so easily

deterred, and he took the thirty inch seedling back to Woodhaugh. Some

fifteen years later, when Hector was in Dunedin, Nevill invited him to

lunch, and, on a tour of the garden 'pointed to the now thriving kauri

and asked, "Can you tell me what tree that is doctor?"'. 19 Nevill

records in his diaries that he and Hector were invited by the Governor­

General, sir James Fergusson, to explore otago's west coast, on the 62

tonne yacht, The Blance. Nevill, according to the Anglican tradition,

held morning and evening worship which Hector participated in. 20 It

seems that Hector was always willing to listen to Nevill preach. on an 197 earlier occasion, when Nevill was staying one Sunday in a hotel at

Pakuratai in the Hutt Valley, the indefatigable Hector arrived leading an party to explore for a new 'lower' pass over the rugged Rimutakas. 21

Learning that Nevill was about to leave to conduct evening worship at the local mill, Hector's group said they would join in, despite the fact that 'dinner was prepared' and they had already had a long journey that day. 22 It is clear that Hector respected the Bishop's learning and insight into the nature of science, and there was a mutual willingness to discuss the ways science modified theology, in settings as diverse as the pulpit and the scientific institutions.

Examining the aims and objects of the New Zealand Institute reveals a remarkably broad range of interests, which, in turn, reflects the characters of the members. Although the New Zealand Institute was of the utmost importance for the small core of professional scientists, the membership was predominantly lay. This eclecticism was highly valued, in keeping with the spirit of egalitarianism fostered in the colony. The Governor-Generai, Sir George Fergusson Brown, gave the inaugural address to the New Zealand Institute (at the local Wellington

Philosophical Society), in 1868, which captured the ethos of the old world scientia, and the new colonial egalitarianism.

I assure you that it will always be one of my highest pleasures, as well as one of my most important duties, to meet, as on the present occasion, members of all religious communions, of all social classes, and of all politic al parties, on the common ground of education, science and literature. 23

It is surely most suggestive that science and the humanities were regarded as unifying factors, whilst religion and politics were divisive. It may be taken as a further indication of how the religious mind had to accommodate itself to the bracing winds heralding the universal claims of science.

Nevertheless, the New Zealand Institute aimed to accommodate scholarship at both ends of the spectrum of knowledge, but, in practice, as we might expect, there was a totally unbalanced distribution of papers published by the Institute. The first forty volumes ( 1868-1908) of the Transactions and Proceedings of the New

Zealand Institute contain thousands of mainly short scientific papers, 198 and abstracts or references to papers presented at local branch meetings, with only some longer papers. The life sciences and geology totally dominated the various fields of specialisation. The miscellaneous non-scientific papers or references to local Institute debates are minuscule by comparison, with only seventy-eight entries.

(See Table A for the numbers of papers for each specialist field.) In the period 1909-19 this figure had dropped to six literary papers. From

1920-34 there were no contributions from the humanities accepted for

publication, although sequestered anthropological and historical

sections had been created which also published separately from the

TPNZI. over time, it is clear that the general interaction of the

sciences and the humanities ceased to take place in the Institute, and

this worthy goal had no practical significance. Brown probably did not

foresee anything of this dilenuna when he argued that his own oxford

education, mathematics, history, the classics and ethics was inadequate

for the future well-rounded scholar. 'The intellect of the existing

generation appears to be most progressive in the physical and natural

sciences, ... 124 Now, it is precisely this assumption about the

decreasing importance of mathematics and logic in the face of the

advances of natural science, which seems so strange to modern ears, to

whom the mathematization of science is virtually axiomatic. How this

came about is now traced through the course of the debates in the local

branches of the New Zealand Institute. The first direct contributions to the faith-science interaction

recorded in the Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand

Institute are Judge c.w. Richmond's papers 'Man's Place in creation'

and 'The Modern Aspect of Natural Theology' delivered in June and

August 18 6 9, respectively, to the Nelson branch of the Institute. 25

c.w. Richmond (1821-95) was a leading personality in colonial life. 26

Born in London, educated at a unitarian school, he qualified in law.

However, after emigrating he, along with his brother J.C. Richmond, 27

was soon sought for political appointments in national and provincial

government. He played a key role for the Government in the Taranaki

Land wars but found that politics was not to his liking and, he was 199 glad to be quit of it, when, in 1862, he was appointed a Supreme Court Judge. His essays repay careful study, 28 briefly touching upon the great theological themes associated with the history of British science, namely, Baconian induction and the problem of miracles, the problem of religious faith in the Newtonian universe, the problems of the status of natural theology and Biblical revelation.

It was noted at the time that even those 'generally repelled' by theological issues, would find Richmond's treatment of them 'lucid and

attractive. ' 29 On reflection, these papers indeed demonstrate Richmond's deep knowledge of the historical trends in science and theology. 30 In the light of this, it is difficult to assess the extent

to which Richmond was in the vanguard of free-thought in New zealand. 31

Indeed, Richmond considered that the ancient belief in God would

continue despite the succession of new scientific theories about the

physics of the universe, and faith would prove vindicated over science. He sought to show this with reference to (a) the philosophy of materialism which underpinned much of the enterprise of science and

scientists; (b) the nature of space, time, mind, and matter.

The first point of interest relates to Richmond's use of the

word physics in connection with a teleological universe. It is

necessary to understand what was symbolized by the word physics at any

given time, and here also we need to be aware of those implications.

'Thus, the great questions of the Nature and Destiny of Man, heretofore

thought exclusively the property of theologians, seem to be brought

into close relation with modern physics'. 32 In saying this, Richmond

adverted to the widespread discussions in the literary world on this

very subject. The point at issue is not so much the teleology of

biological evolution, but rather the relationships between the physical

world and the phenomenon of mind. Richmond believed that the proper

study of physics somehow touched on this relationship. It is not

without significance that Richmond should quote Punch in order to

illustrate this:

What is matter? Never mind! What is mind? No matter! 33 200

The witticism became a minor literary landmark during the course of the

Darwinian debates, and pointed out the dilemma of conceptually reducing biological phenomena to principles of physics and mathematics. It is interesting to realise, therefore, that not only does Richmond quote

Punch against this reductionist view, but also it was used in similar fashion by the Rev. R. Kidd six years later, in an important article on logic and the philosophy of physical science. 34 During the decade of the eighteen seventies, the domain of the evolution debate seemed to expand to include physics and astronomy. This was because, on the one hand, all biological problems appeared to be reducible to physical quantification, and on the other hand, astronomy was the descriptive science of origins par excellence. Richmond reacted strongly on this very issue when he dismissed Huxley's proposition that mind was merely

11 35 '"the expression of molecular changes '.

The second point that arises in Richmond's papers stems from this attack on the philosophy of materialism and its advocates among leading scientists. With unerring aim for poor science, Richmond set about demolishing one of the materialistic consequences of Darwinism, the

'seemingly close affinity' between the brute creation and humanity. 36

Anatomy, it is said, can detect no difference between the brain of a Newton and that of the last discovered Ape. Is it indeed so? so much the worse then for anatomy! 37

In his opinion there was an obvious and 'immense chasm' separating the two, that materialistic philosophy could not explain. 38 Whilst Huxley was merely misguided, William Draper of New York (referred to in chapter one), was cast in a very bad light. He was the worst kind of materialist, and Richmond's judgement was damning.

And as to the mere dogmatists of the dissecting room - men, who like Draper of New York, will tell you that those whose fingers have never puddled in the dead brain, can know nothing of the living mind - we must recollect that "the dyer's hand is subdued to what it works in. 1139

Thus some six years before the publication of Draper's The History of the conflict Between science and Religion, the American scientist was given a poor scientific press in New Zealand, limited though that was.

But what did Richmond propose as an alternative to materialism? He believed that the most satisfactory scientific explanation for 201 biological life was to be found in precisely the dichotomy that Punch had satirized. In fact, his explanation of mind was tantamount to

Cartesian dualism. He maintained that even though brain processes and the phenomena of mind are concurrent, it is nevertheless absurd to consider them identical. 40 Arguing from his perspective of the scientific relationship between physics and physiology, he draws the conclusion that 'Man has always perceived within himself the contest of double nature'. 41

The third point needing to be highlighted, and perhaps the most critically tenuous to establish, concerns Richmond's references to concepts of space, time and number in 'The Modern Aspect of Natural

Theology'. underpinning this essay is Richmond's conviction that both the inorganic world and the biological world reveal purposeful order, and are governed by predictable laws, which are capable of mathematical expression. However, this in no way weakened his case against reductionism, but rather provided a way of understanding the functioning of the universe. 'And the laws of nature are found to be as universal in space as invariable in Time. 142 Having established the rule of physical law, Richmond then attempted to explain what the concept of miracle might imply in such a universe. The parallels between this and the theology of Essays And Reviews are abundantly clear. For example, the New Testament healing miracles are but 'small things' compared to the 'repairing power of nature'. 43 Life, which renews itself in ever increasing complexity and attains self-will, is the greatest miracle, of even greater importance than the Resurrection. 44 Moreover, Richmond believed that the conditions of space and time were infinite, and this allowed for the possibility of life beginning on other planets. The existence of natural law itself was a miracle, rivalled only by the power of the human mind to have discovered it. Thus, Richmond was not prepared to make false distinctions between miracles and natural law. 'The antithesis of miracle and natural law, as one divine, the other undivine, is, here, a false one; for the Power of God is no more at work in miracle than in Nature. , 45 202

Above all else, the case that Richmond really wanted to establish was the mathematical basis of nature. Thus, although there was a mental construction, which we might call the abstract and necessary truths of mathematics, these, in fact, corresponded directly to nature. 46 Given then, this close identification of nature with mathematics, we ought not to be surprised to find the Pythagorean ideal of number and harmony making an appearance among the well chosen examples with which Richmond made his case. Perhaps the single most important example he used was not in the main body of his work, but appeared in a footnote. This was his argument that the law of gravity itself was the simple expression of an a priori truth dependent upon the abstract conception of Force, and on the geometrical relation subsisting between the superficial areas of spheres of different magnitudes. 47 of course, later on this Kantian definition turned out to be a completely mis leading concept, 48 but Richmond was not to know at the time. He is typical of the great majority of amateur scientists and mathematicians, who intuitively followed Immanuel Kant's (1724-1804) argument that Euclidean geometry 'was a science which determines the properties of space synthetically, and yet a priori'. 49 It is also worth noting in this regard that Kant argued that the sciences developed according to their degree of mathematization. 50

Richmond was certainly a most able and articulate proponent of the Newtonian-Darwinian synthesis concerning space, time and the process of the mathematization of nature. Nevertheless, what is equally of interest is the sharp distinction that can now be drawn between

Butler's increasing distrust of logic and mathematics to describe biological phenomena, and Richmond's certainty that this was a valid procedure most of the time, provided that it did not lead to a total scientific reductionism. Moreover, whilst Butler intuitively came to understand the contingency, or particularity, of the universe, along with its finiteness, Richmond saw it as infinite, and unending, with every possibility of other planets with evolved, intelligent life.

Butler could not define God the Unknown who was beyond the bounds of this universe, but in Richmond's picture of the universe, there was no 203 need to invoke more than the one God, among whose attributes was the

ability to deal with the infinite. Thus, we can see in these two

thinkers opposing aspects of the faith-science interaction, despite

Richmond's appreciation of Butlerian thought and work.

How widespread in the Institute, and beyond into the community, were Richmond's views on the mathematical determination of nature and

natural theology? At least they were interesting enough to the Bishop

of Nelson, A.B. Suter, to comment on. 51 He declared that the reception

of Richmond's views in Nelson was 'certainly a sign for good', showing

some movement away from the 'Voltairean school formerly very popular

here' . 52 caution was still necessary, however, because Richmond's

profession of Christianity was distinctively different from the

'features' expressed in the traditional creeds of Anglicanism. 53

Moreover, further caution had to be displayed over embracing the

theories of Darwin and Huxley which needed 'revision'. 54 In particular,

Huxley's enthusiasm and 'devotion' to physical science had resulted in

his depreciating the mathematical approach. 56

on the positive side of science, however, Bishop Suter argued

that the Bible could not be interpreted as a truly scientific document.

Literary and historical criticism had enabled the church to understand

that the Bible, indirectly, uses popular language on scientific

subjects yet never professed to teach science in the modern sense. 66

In that way, the medium through which God 'has seen fit' to reveal his

will, that is, the Bible, is 'an imperfect medium', but the

imperfections were a result of imperfect human understanding. 57 Suter

thus sought to preserve a status for the revelation of Holy scripture

that Richmond was less committed to, and Butler not at all. The

weakness of suter's position was that he sought scientific verification

of certain scriptural passages that were not worth preserving in that

way. For example, he argued that Sodom and Gomorrah were very probably

destroyed by an unusually dense 'vertical shower' of magnetic

meteors. 58 Presumably he meant that the blinding light associated with

the destruction of the two cities of the Plains was generated by the

interference of the magnetic meteorites with the earth's magnetic 204 field, an attractive but unsupported hypothesis. Thus, suter's position was to conserve the scriptural accounts, harmonising with science where possible, with science also taking account of the underlying mathematical structures of reality.

There were also a number of papers presented to the Institute relevant to the issues raised by Richmond, although not necessarily as a direct reaction. Indeed, the recurrence of these issues is an indicator of how enmeshed scientific and theological approaches truly were, even though protagonists sought to distance themselves according to the traditional Baconian distinctions. The first example, 'On Modern

Methods of Geometry', might appear initially to be the least substantial because it dealt with the teaching of geometry at the secondary school level. 59 However, the discussion it generated at the otago Institute in March 1870 reveals some interesting details. Mr. D.

Brent, the mathematics master at otago Boys High school, had adopted teaching methods in geometry which did away with a strict treatment of

Euclidean geometry in favour of a more 'sensuous' approach, by which it was meant an experimental, heuristic approach to the subject.

There are also many other objections to "Euclid" as a system of logical reasoning. His treatment of parallels is a well known instance, for it rests on an axiom which is not axiomatic. Others of his axioms are not axioms at all, but definitions or theorems, as "The whole is greater than its part. 1160

Now, this is of singular importance, and for the sake of clarity the

Euclidean system is noted. The five Euclidean axioms are:

(a) a straight line segment can be drawn joining any two points;

(b) any straight line segment can be extended indefinitely in a straight line;

(c) given any straight line segment, a circle can be drawn having the segment as the radius and one point as centre;

(d) all right angles are congruent;

(e) if two lines are drawn which intersect a third in such a way that the sum of the inner angles on one side is less than two right angles, then the two lines inevitably must intersect each other on that side if extended far enough.

An alternative way of describing the fifth axiom is to say that 205 parallel lines do not intersect. Euclid's second axiom, which effectively meant that a straight line was infinite, was to be challenged, as was the fifth axiom (e), which implies that through any given point, one, and only one, straight line can be drawn parallel to a given straight line, in the same plane.

This axiom was independent of Euclid's first four axioms, which in effect meant that it could not be logically deduced from them. Brent understood enough to have correctly pointed this out to the meeting. In

1826 Farkas Bolyai and Nicolai Lobachevski independently published papers that posed the question, what if the fifth axiom were replaced with another, mutually exclusive, axiom, namely that more than one line could be constructed through the given point parallel to the given line? From this, of course, an internally consistent geometry can be constructed, and the question arises whether or not this new system corresponds to the physical world. Such a concept was inconceivable to the vast majority at that time, although a small but increasing number of mathematicians realized that a geometry could be seen as a completely arbitrary, system with its only 'necessary characteristic' being self-consistency. 61 It is apparent in hindsight, but was by no means so clear at the time to the clergy or to the laity, that the

scientific replacement of a Euclidean universe with a non-Euclidean

universe would simultaneously relieve certain problems associated with

natural theology, whilst creating new ones. Paley's natural theology was increasingly under attack during the Victorian era, yet the mathematical and physical revolution was concurrently bringing about

such a radically new way of looking at the universe that the methodological validity of natural theology was to some extent being

restored.

In the eighteen fifties the mathematician Georg Bernhard Riemann

(1826-66) challenged the implication that a straight line is infinite,

which led directly to the geometry upon which Einstein's Special Theory

of Relativity was predicated. 62 The outstanding English representative

of these new mathematical approaches during this period was William

Kingdom Clifford (1835-1879) a disciple of Riemann. Clifford lost his 206 religious faith as an undergraduate, and was noted later for his virulent attacks on Christian orthodoxy. Occasionally he is cited in various New Zealand religious sources, not often with approval. 63 His book The Commonsense of the Exact Sciences was published posthumously, but the section on 'The Bending of Space', gave an English audience the first popular taste of a non-Euclidean universe. 64 However, Brent was unable to convince the Institute members that there was anything substantial in the methods of the new geometry. Mr. Hawthorne, a colleague of Brent's at the High School, argued that 'the abandonment of "Euclid" would be introducing too much of the sensuous into the educational system, and was calculated to produce very serious injury'. 65 Hawthorne's remarks were quite disparaging, and by no means were unrepresentative, for apart from J.S. Webb, and A. Eccles in the chair, Messrs. Bathgate, Gillies, Cargill and Stuart took umbrage over

Brent's paper. Hawthorne argued that the 'modern system' was not merely illogical but, worse, the proof of certain theorems involved 'mental impossibilities'. 66 He deplored the 'abandonment' of Euclid. The ever alert minister of Knox Church, the Rev. D.M. Stuart, considered that

An acute reason.er might find flaws in Euclid's definitions, but the results were marvellous, and the fact that all our geometry had grown out of Euclid's plane geometry, was one reason why we should revere him. 67

It was constantly reiterated that Euclidean geometry taught sound, logical thinking.

The underlying assumptions are of importance in this debate, and point towards the extreme difficulty people felt in moving away from

Euclidean geometry, which seemed to underscore the very basis of nature, and hence natural theology. Although the debate was inconclusive and primarily about teaching methods, it is noteworthy in that already the first stirrings against the strong psychological grip exerted by Euclideanism were being articulated. Around this time Samuel

Butler was working on his autobiographical novel, and his cultivated dislike of logic, and the appearance of Euclid's fifth postulate in The way of All Flesh, point to an increasing awareness of the importance of the elevation of mathematics and logic. Butler reacted by rejecting the 207 logical in favour of the intuitive.

It would be unfair to say that the clerical mind, or at any rate the religious mind, had the greatest difficulty abandoning Euclid, but it was undoubtedly a hard process for clerics like Stuart. As the pace of change quickened it unsettled doctrines and dogma that had been hard won and relatively unchanged for decades or even centuries. It is likely that in the Otago Institute debate a few may have realised that if Euclidian geometry could be challenged by changing the fifth postulate, then other laws of mathematics, other truths of logic, might similarly be placed under scrutiny. 68 As Purcell notes, on both sides of the Atlantic, the new insights were generating an 'intense' debate among logicians and mathematicians', who began, perhaps for the first time, to consider seriously the possibility of alternatives. obviously such debate was confined to a very small group in New Zealand, but it happened nonetheless. The general reaction to Brent's ideas was not so much incomprehension as disbelief which later turned to ridicule.

Brent's competence as a mathematician was called into question a few years later when the 1873 Provincial Council of otago conducted an enquiry into the standards of teaching of classics and mathematics at the Boys High School. 69 Hawthorne had recently been appointed Rector of the school, and had been made aware of a general impression in the community that the mathematics department was in an 'unsatisfactory state'. 70 Hawthorne conducted his own investigation into the allegation that Brent was unfit for his position, fortunately arriving at the conclusion that in fact he was a very able mathematician indeed. 71 In the end Hawthorne found the only major criticism which could be

sustained was that Brent had badly neglected the boys' study of

Euclid. 72

However, despite the troubles Brent faced in the Institute and the High school, there were some New Zealand clerics who readily

appreciated what he had been trying to achieve. In particular, the Rev.

Robert Kidd ( 1818-94), who was perhaps the most able logician and

philosopher of science in New Zealand at this time. 73 Kidd knew the

influential William whewell, and Archbishop Whately, and it is possible 208 that the three may have discussed the theological problems associated with science, logic and the problems of induction, reaching something of a common mind. 74 certainly the calibre of Kidd's contribution can be gauged from the three substantial papers he read to the Auckland

Institute during the first half of 1874. 75 When Kidd arrived in

Auckland in 1863, employment for logicians was not so readily found, and he turned his hand to editing a magazine, tutoring at the Methodist and Anglican schools, and starting his own school. He became the registrar of the University College of Auckland and, eventually he was appointed first headmaster of the prestigious Auckland college and

Grammar school. His association with Wesley college is worth mentioning, if for no other reason than to redress an unmerited judgement by Principal Hames of Trinity Theological College, Auckland.

The original Wesley College was primarily for the education of Maori youth, and the sons of itinerant ministers. 76 The Taranaki land wars saw widespread dissatisfaction emerge among the indigenous people, and church membership among Maori people plummeted from some three thousand in 1855 to less than four hundred in 1874. 77 Wesley College was not exempt from this very natural reaction and it was reported that 'the youth' were disruptive and ill-mannered. 78 Numbers steadily declined during the eighteen sixties, and it was eventually closed down in 1869.

When relocated and reopened in 1876, its aim had broadened, perhaps because of the pressure exerted by secularism in education generally, and the College was now charged with 'the more efficient training of

Candidates for the ministry, both Native and European'. 79 By the fourth year of operation, Wesley College had nineteen English students and thirty nine Maori students at various stages of training. 80 But how effective was the education offered at Wesley College? Principal Hames, when writing the history of Wesley College, recollected one of his early predecessors, the Rev. William Laws, saying that the

theological training was beneath contempt. (He could be very critical.) There was a visiting tutor to help with secular subjects. All one could say was that it was better than nothing. 81

But the visiting tutor in the early years was Kidd, who taught the 209 mathematics curriculum which consisted of Euclidean geometry, algebra and arithmetic in the first year, and Euclidean geometry along with theology in the second year. 82 If Hames had gone further, he might have balanced Laws' views with the remarks of one of Kidd's contemporaries, the Rev. W.J. Williams who found Kidd of 'sound scholarship and in keen sympathy with Methodism'. 83 Further evidence of this can be seen in a warm letter to the College authorities when Thomas Buddle died, 24 July

1883. Writing in his capacity as Registrar of the university College

Kidd praised the Wesleyan missionary as having done much to further

Wesleyan interests. 84

Kidd's first paper to the Auckland Institute, 'Induction And

Necessary Truth', was a resume of the history of the inductive method

from Bacon and Newton through to Whewell and Sir John Herschel. The process of the mathematization of the sciences is explicitly dealt with, 85 arguing that if it were possible to 'thoroughly' understand the nature of what is ordinarily called matter, it would be impossible to conceive matter without gravitation or similar qualities. 86 In that

sense, to understand what matter was meant that one understood or knew

all the qualities associated with it. Now the 'process of discovery' was in effect to remove 'propositions' from the category of inductive

propositions to the category of deducible propositions. 87 To know what matter really was its qualities, such as its gravitational effect, were

deducible in effect. This deducibility was inherently mathematically

based.

Two concepts are immediately noteworthy in Kidd's argument.

Firstly, Kidd assumed the radical dependence of gravity and matter, without bothering to elucidate any further. obviously he believed his

audience understood it perfectly. Equally, it was self-evident to them

that the Newtonian concept of the action of gravity, force at a

distance, was a function of matter. To have suggested that gravity was

better understood as a function of the space-time continuum would have

been out of the question, so strongly entrenched was Newton's equation,

2 F = Gm1m2 /r • Secondly, Kidd saw the programme of science as moving from the experimental to the strictly logical, from the inductive to the 210 deductive, which is, of course, the process of mathematization. The theological implications of the problem of induction were dealt with in

Kidd's second paper. After a careful· discussion on the nature of probability, he attempted to evaluate what might be meant by the phrase

'belief in a Probable God'. He sought to demonstrate that such a term was consistent with the method of scientific induction.BB The third paper dealt with the same themes as the previous two, and once again the priority of mathematics for the sciences was perhaps the single most important of these. Kidd at no time, however, made reference to non-Euclidean geometries, although he cannot have been unaware of the debate which had emerged around them.

Precisely the same topic reappeared in the TPNZI a few years later, this time in a more substantial form with an altogether stronger advocate of non-Euclideanism. F.W. Frankland (1856-1916) was an outstanding commercial actuary who later became the Government statistician and Actuary. He wrote papers for a number of scientific and mathematical journals, including the publications of the London

Mathematical Society and the American Mathematical Society. Moreover,

Frankland also enjoyed a reputation for his literary, theological and philosophical contributions to the intellectual life of the colony.B9 significantly, he was also a long standing friend of Herbert Spencer, whose philosophical interpretation of evolution was so influential in

America and Great Britain. Fleming has dismissed Frankland's particular contribution to this debate in the life of the New Zealand Institute as a mere 'storm in a teacup', a curious judgement. 90 It might be argued that because the debate spans some ten years, and unless one knows something of the general history of mathematics, the significance of some of the papers might well be misinterpreted. 91 However, Frankland's first paper, read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 11

November 1876, began with a resounding statement, the importance of which he was in no doubt, and which ought to capture the historian's eye.

Among the most remarkable speculations of the present century is . the speculation that the axioms of geometry may be only · approximately true, and that the actual properties of space may 211

be somewhat different from those which we are in the habit of ascribing to it. It was Lobatchewsky (sic) who first worked out the conception of a space in which some of the ordinary laws of geometry should no longer hold good. Among the axioms which lie at the foundation of the Euclidean scheme he assumed all to be true except the one which relates to parallel straight lines. 92

Frankland went on to acknowledge that the source of his original inspiration was W.K. Clifford, but, as far as Frankland was aware,

Clifford had not worked through in any detail what he was about to demonstrate. 93 These were: ( a)

Assuming, then, as the fundamental properties of our surface, that every straight line is of finite extent (in other words, that a point moving along it, will arrive at the position from which it started after travelling a finite distance), and that two straight lines cannot have two points in common, the first corollary I propose to establish is, that all straight lines in the surface are of equal extent. 94 and (b) 'that all points in the surface opposite to a given point lie in a straight line' . 96

Clifford had, in fact, reached similar conclusions, demonstrated in his posthumous publication The Common sense of the Exact sciences. 96

It is not surprising that such an eminent mathematician had worked his way through to that point, but it does not detract from Frankland's achievement. Nevertheless, Frankland's route to the same conclusions was different. using the simplest continuous manifold as an example, he surmised that the universe could well be of finite extent, and that

each of its geodesic lines may return into itself, provided only that its total magnitude be very great as compared with any magnitude which we can bring under our observation. 97

However, it is not just the results themselves which are of such importance. Frankland's personal interpretation of these results is equally interesting. He was in total agreement with Clifford's i~terpretation, whom he cites thus:

In fact, I do not mind confessing that I, personally, have often found relief from the dreary infinities of homaloidal space in the consoling hope that, after all, this other may be the true state of things. 98

This was surely an extraordinary notion to develop at this time, irrespective of the country or date of its origin. Whether Clifford's or Frankland's idea, it implies what is now called the singularity of the universe, representing the shift from infinite time and space to at

least a universe with a definite beginning. 99 When it is remembered 212 that since the time of Newton up to the mid-Victorian period the vast majority of hymns, Christian poetry, theological and philosophical assumptions were based on an infinite universe, it is quite apparent that there was much to militate against a believer arriving at that conclusion. Moreover, neither Clifford nor Frankland ever claimed that ultimately the universe was based on a non-Euclidean geometry, but

simply raised that possibility and found on reflection that it was a more emotionally satisfying concept. 10° Frankland's next paper 'The Doctrine of Mind-stuff' completes the philosophical and theological

picture suggested by this concept.

'The Doctrine of Mind-stuff' explored some of the implications

that might arise in a non-Euclidean universe. Frankland acknowledged

Clifford's influence in this article, but again claimed that he had -

along with some others - arrived at similar conclusions independently,

as far back as 1870. 101 The critical point that Clifford and Frankland

wished to establish was that any form of Cartesian dualism, which

postulated an existence of spirit separate from matter, was

scientifically untenable. Frankland tried to demonstrate this by first

arguing, in the tradition of Bishop Berkeley's philosophical idealism,

that what we call external reality is best understood by initially

taking stock of one's own innermost thoughts and processes. Each person

lives within an individual stream of consciousness and is aware of the

existence of other such streams, which are the personalities of our

fellows. One's constructions of the external world are projections of

one's own inner life, and these constructions Frankland called

'ejects'. It is only the ejects of other streams of consciousness and

not the elements or elemental forces which form the truth of the

external world. 102 of course this line of reasoning, which was not so

very different from Descartes' starting point, was well known, but

Frankland moved the matter forward with the following three questions:

'"Are there ejects which form no part of any conscious? Are there non­

personal ejects?" and to the further question: "If so, what is their

nature?" 1103 In other words, he reformulated the Cartesian problem

which asks are there any real existences? But the manner in which he 213 framed the questions allowed a possible answer which diverged quite markedly from the traditional answers of Cartesian rationalism and

Berkleyan idealism. Whereas philosophers like Kant, Mill and Spencer would claim that there were real existences, but that the true nature of such existences were necessarily unknowable, Frankland claimed that not only can one identify soul with mind and with matter, but also one can know external reality, by both introspection and scientific analysis.

If the physiology of the human brain is taken into account then there are strong grounds for thinking

that some of the changes in the grey matter of the brain correspond to feelings or thoughts in the mind of the person to whom the brain belongs. 104

Naturally similarities can be detected between this idea and some of

Butler's work, but there is also the fact that almost a decade before

Richmond had written so vehemently against this identification of matter with spirit. Biblical and theological evidence had, in the past,

been used to support either case, but Frankland clearly implied that

the point at issue was not amenable to a theological solution, and the

answer he proposed was, at best, neutral in relation to theology. 105

His answer was that 'our minds', but not our bodies 'are strands' in

the interconnected web-like structures of the world. 106 The feelings

or thoughts associated with brain processes are the noumena, that is,

the 'things-in-themselves', which constitute reality. 107

Given all of this, what is the purpose of biological life?

Frankland believed that through all stages of evolution, from the

higher forms to the lower, and even into inorganic matter, everything

participates in the flow of consciousness within the great noumenal web

of existence. The elementary forms of matter and the complex functions

of biological life, including the human mind, are identical in essence,

only they combine in more or less complicated ways. 108 This bears a

close resemblance to Butler's thought, but the cardinal difference is

that Butler worked logically through the scientific and theological

ramifications, but Frankland confined his remarks to short papers, as

if he were simply seeking reaction to the ideas and concepts. The most 214 instructive example of this is when Frankland asked how the doctrine of mind-stuff stood in relation to the 'theories of atoms, ether, ultrarnundane corpuscles, ring-vortices and the like?' 109 For the historian of science such a list is of much interest, for it indicates the large range of scientific issues that were being discussed, yet all centring upon one conceptual difficulty.

The vexed question of the ether was the outstanding problem. It was exceedingly difficult for physicists at that time to comprehend that a wave might be propagated without a medium in which to travel. 110

This medium, the ether, was not detectable to the ordinary methods of physical investigation, a profoundly unsatisfactory state of affairs. 111 The ether was so refined compared to 'ordinary gross matter', and, of such rare density in the universe, the problem of vortex-motion caused by the friction of the motion of stellar bodies was considered negligible. 112

In fact, the year after Frankland wrote this paper, A.A.

Michelson and E.W. Morley began to collaborate, and, based on

interferometer experiments to determine the speed of the earth through

the ether, came to the now celebrated conclusion that the ether did not

exist. 113 Up until then the New Zealand scientists were like their

overseas counterparts, conceptually bound by the presumed existence of

the ether. Therefore when Frankland presented his new insights into the

mathematical structures of space it was to be expected that these would be assessed in relation to current scientific concepts. What makes

Frankland's ideas distinctive in this context, was that he regarded all

of those previously mentioned scientific theories as ultimately

mechanistic, and therefore they could not suffice for an explanation of

mind. The transcendental geometry, however, revealed the deeper

structures of reality, including the curvature of space, and the new

sciences of psychology, physics and physiology seemed to imply that

even mass, momentum and energy, were ultimately connected mathematically. 'Hence every conception of mechanical science must

denote what would be called in mathematics some function of Mind­

stuff. , 114 In other words, 'Mind-Stuff' created or, as it would be put 215 today, maps the universe. Thus, even the biological life of the universe is entirely mathematical. This did not necessarily negate 'the belief either of the spiritualist or of the theologian'. 115 Yet, it did not help the cause of theology, and clearly the implications of the doctrine of 'Mind-stuff' brought into severe question the validity of much traditional Christianity. The inter-relationship of 'Mind-stuff', mathematics and matter was finally made explicit in a footnote, when

Frankland claimed

An ultimate atom of matter (perhaps infinitesimal as compared with the chemical atom) would on that view be merely an infinitesimal crumple in space. All physical science would then be reduced to transcendental geometry, and all space-elements would be the analogues of Mind-stuff units. 116

From this can be seen some evidence which suggests that besides the movement towards scientific reductionism, there was a concomitant process of mathematization. This had ramifications for natural theology, and perhaps strengthened those whose philosophy was moving towards the secular. If life itself could be reduced to mathematical expressions, there was, in their opinion, no need to invoke the image of God as creator or sustainer of the universe. 117

The replies to Frankland centred upon two major categories of disagreement. on the one hand, there were those who tried to counter these speculative methods of science and transcendental geometry from

a scientific basis, and on the other hand, there were more stringent

philosophical criticisms. The latter reaction was led by Richmond in 'A

Reply To Mind-stuff'. 118 However, it can be said that he offered no

substantially new evidence in the debate, not moving from his already well-stated position on mechanistic biology. However, in at least one

arena, his suspicion of reductionist tendencies brought him into

substantial agreement with Frankland. Nevertheless, leaving that aside,

Richmond thought that the problem of relating mind to matter remained

irreconcilable except in terms of dualism. The answer of dualism was

further elucidated by an Anglican scientist with deep interests in

philosophy. J.T. Thomson of the Southland Institute found much more in

Frankland's paper to criticise on theological and philosophical grounds, but his ineluctable opposition was founded on a strict 216 adherence to a form of Christian dualism. 119 He believed in two existences, 'the one Existence of matter finite, the other Existence of spirit Eternal' • 120 The tendency to think in dualistic categories has been a persistent feature of some streams of Christian theology. While

Thomson's ideas were not original, nevertheless they were representative of that stream, which has continued to be developed to the present. 121 It is when one turns to the reactions over the mathematics upon which 'Mind-stuff' was predicated, that we can observe once more the reluctance to give up the identification of Euclidean geometry with physical reality. While Frankland could easily talk of the curvature of space, such an idea was still conceptually and experimentally meaningless to many members of the Institute. 122 William skey, an analyst associated with the geological survey and a protege of

Hector's, launched a scathing attack in 'Notes Upon Finite Manifoldness'. 123 The major mathematical problem for skey was the

paradoxes that occurred around the use of the word 'infinite'. Lobachevski, Clifford and their disciple Frankland were guilty of

'stultifying the Universe to us', bringing it down the limited plane of human comprehension by insisting on finiteness. 124 Disappointed that

a scientist of Clifford's standing should want relief from the 'dreary infinities of a homaloidal space', Skey considered such a concept most

appealing. The attractive images of the heavens revealed by Sir John Herschel's telescopes showed 'the universe infinitely extended' and

'its constituents are infinite in kind, infinite in quantity, presenting aspects infinitely diverse to us'. 125 Almost parenthetically

he added that the truly scientific approach was to attempt to comprehend the infinite universe, whilst admitting that finite minds

could never resolve all there was to know. Forsaking geometry in favour

of the new 'transcendental philosophy' would prove an 'illegitimate'

move in the development of ideas. 126 In 1884, some eight years after Frankland's paper on finite

manifoldness was published, he wrote a reply to his critics, 'The Non­ Euclidean Geometry Vindicated'. 127 By then his papers had been 217 discussed beyond the bounds of the Wellington Philosophical Society. 128

In a pointed conunent about Skey' s belief in '"geometers of the

Euclidean school"', Frankland noted there were none such left, in the sense that Skey intended. 129 Frankland claimed that "The triumph of the non-Euclidean geometry, or, I will say, the "general" geometry, has been complete. I can safely appeal, on this point, to any distinguished member of any Mathematical Society in Europe or America'. 130 If

Frankland's assessment was correct, and there seems to be no reason to doubt it, it is clearly evident that one of the most important divides in the history of science had now been passed. The mathematical

foundations were laid upon which Einstein would build a brilliant new conception of the physical universe.

Yet, despite the simplicity of the geometrical concepts under

discussion, the transition was barely noticed. It did not attract much

attention, failing to capture the popular imagination as Darwinian evolution had done. The process of mathematization involved ever

increasing reliance on the manipulation of symbols and levels of

abstraction which were simply not understood by any except the

initiates. 131 G. Hogben, a science teacher and Fellow of the Royal

Geological Society, who was later appointed as Inspector-General of

schools for New Zealand, challenged Frankland's assertion in his paper

'Remarks Upon Non-Euclidean Geometry'. 132 However, the attempt failed.

He understood space to be an absolute, in the Newtonian sense. Physical

reality for Hogben was completely characterized by Newton's laws

operating in and across this absolute space defined mathematically by

three dimensional Euclideanism. Although more than competent at

producing proofs in three dimensional trigonometry and elementary

calculus, Hogben was unable to grasp the subtleties of non­

Euclideanism.

one could only gaze in wonder at those superior beings who roamed at large in space of the (n+l)th degree, while we poor mortals had to be content with three dimensions. 133

Hogben could not countenance a finite universe, such a phrase was

'meaningless'. 134 He declared that 'the universe of space cannot be

finite' • 135 Moreover, time, gravity and matter were independent of this 218 concept of space. The most telling point that Hogben made was in his final paragraph in which he appealed to the measurable standards of the physical universe. These were mapped in one to one correspondence, as it were, by the tenets of Euclidean geometry. 136 If Euclideanism failed in this test, it 'would have to go' . 137 Equally, if another geometry succeeded, it too would have to stand alongside the powerful Euclidean description of reality. Until such time as one or other proposition was re-evaluated, non-Euclidean geometry was merely a 'pretty' concept exercised in the imagination only.

When we consider Hogben and skey's comments, it seems clear that they were indicative of the attitude of many scientists who were unaware of the deep transformations occurring in mathematics at that time. In effect, the position they held, was no different to that advocated by Kidd. For them, science was a process that apparently moved some propositions from the realm of inductive truth to the realm of deductive proof. once a fact was established deductively it fitted

into the Euclidean geometry of the universe. This popular view of

science was decidedly hard to break with. Frankland's claims of victory were valid, but applied mostly to a small circle of mathematicians and

scientists. Widespread acceptance of a non-Euclidean universe would be

a long time coming.

The last contribution to the New Zealand Institute on this topic was in 1901 at the Hawkes Bay branch, and fittingly, it was delivered

by a clergyman. The Rev. Herbert W. Williams read a paper 'some

observations on the Fourth Dimension'. 138 In hindsight this was a

particularly interesting time to present such a paper, because in 1905

Einstein was to publish the Special Theory of Relativity. Assuredly it

was not the quality or originality of thought that characterised

Williams' paper, because he laboured with little mathematical

comprehension at all. Nevertheless, it is an indicator that some clergy

were still prepared to grapple with the implications of mathematics and

science for the purposes of natural theology. He cited two principal

authorities on which his ideas were founded. First, there was the 219 anonymous author of Flatland, a popular exposition of how three dimensional phenomena would appear to the inhabitants of a strictly two dimensional existence. The second authority cited was W.K. Clifford, from which it may be reasonably assumed that his major source was The commonsense of the Exact Sciences. Williams' theological curiosity was aroused by the question of whether two bodies could occupy the same space if the universe were more than three dimensional. This is reappearance of a rather delightful, if somewhat old, theological problem from the period of the medieval schoolmen. Thomas Aquinas was taunted by Erasmus and the humanists for the apparently futile theological exercise of debating how many angels might dance upon the point of a pin. The taunt was unmerited, although the scholastics did consider how the soul, which they conceived as pure spirit outside of

a physical body as distinct from the Hebraic conception of the soul, might occupy the same position in space and time. 139 The implications

of this were of considerable importance for the development of mechanics at that time. 140 So far apart were the two contexts, however, we ought not to be surprised that the Reverend Williams reached quite

the opposite conclusions of Aquinas. Williams believed that science

disproved the possibility of two bodies occupying the same spatial

position at the same time. He even suggested this counted against

spiritualist beliefs. of course, spiritualism was very popular at the

turn of the century, and this alarmed some clerics. Leaving that aside,

it can be noted that the clerical mind was ever willing to press the

apparently assured certainties of science and mathematics into the

service of theology to prove a point. Inevitably, this kind of merging

results in subsequent difficulties as science reformulates and faith

reinterprets.

Turning away from the Institute's debates temporarily, we ought

to mention three books which are cited numerous times in the faith­

science interaction. These are J. W. Draper's The History of the

conflict Between Science and Religion (1874), 141 Andrew Dickson White's

The warfare of science (1876), 142 and later expanded to become the then

definitive work History of the warfare of science with Theology in 220

Christendom, and finally The Unseen Universe ( 1875) which was of particular importance to the New Zealand situation. The importance of the first two books cannot be underestimated. They were widely read and discussed in their time, and both have been through numerous reprintings to the present day.

Draper's work is a popular exposition, written in response to the

Roman catholic determination to close the door to modernism in the church. By 1870 the First Vatican council had formulated the doctrine of papal infallibility in ex cathedra pronouncements. In New Zealand even moderate church leaders voiced their disquiet about it for years to come. In a sermon entitled 'The Christianizing of Christianity', preached in Dunedin in 1889, by Bishop Suter at the request of Bishop

Nevill, there was allusion to the consequences of Romanism, even though the worst enemy was 'our own inconsistency'. 143 Draper reacted angrily to the doctrine of infallibility, seeing in it the recurrence of an

inquisition against science and scientists. His Methodist background had inculcated a suspicion of popish practices, while his scientific outlook helped him to conceive God as the giver,of natural law in the

universe with no further action necessary or desirable. The combination

of these factors meant his work was polemical rather than scholastic in

character. Draper's dismissal of Bacon is illustrative of this

tendency. While Galileo was on the brink of his great telescopic discoveries, Bacon was publishing doubts as to the utility of instruments in scientific investigations. To ascribe the inductive method to him is to ignore history. His fanciful philosophical suggestions have never been of the slightest practical use. No one has ever thought of employing them. Except among English readers, his name is almost unknown. 144

In one sense, Draper was correct to take to task the elevation of

Bacon, when so much of that philosophy of science was clearly

impracticable by the nineteenth century. Indeed, given Draper's

undoubted talent for practical science, Baconianism must have seemed

almost as bad as catholicism. Historical assessment of Draper has often

been harsh because he failed as an historian, while his scientific

1 brilliance has been overlooked. % White's work was altogether

more scholarly, and achieved the balance that Draper's work did not. 221

The question that is asked today of these two works is less to do with their accuracy or influence on the course of the faith-science interaction itself, but rather more about their contribution to the symbol of that debate, the military metaphor. It is perhaps worth noting that when the Rev. John Dickie (1875-1942) was appointed to the

Chair of systematic Theology And New Testament Language and Exegesis at

Knox college in 1910, his inaugural address at First church referred to

White's book. 146 Dickie observed that al though the author was not

always fair to the Christian cause by consistently contrasting the best of science with the worst of the Church, nevertheless White had a valid

point. There had been clerical intolerance and abuse in the past, and theological students needed to face up to the implications.

The third book, The Unseen universe, made a considerable impact

on the thinking of many clerics and scientists in New Zealand during

the eighteen seventies and eighties. 147 Al though published anonymously,

it later became more widely known that the authors were B. Stewart and

P.G. Tait, both highly respected scientists. They attempted to trace

not only a history of the faith-science interaction from the earliest

civilisations, but also to relate the then current state of scientific

knowledge to orthodox theology. 148 All the theories listed by Frankland

(ring vortices, the nebular hypothesis, atomic structure), and

considerably more, are discussed in The unseen universe. It has been

claimed that this book is mandatory reading for anyone who truly wants

to comprehend the Victorian outlook, because of its attempt to bridge

the chasm between the two realms of knowledge in a way that could be

understood by a popular audience. 149 In this regard, stenhouse has

drawn attention to its importance in colonial New Zealand. He rightly

says that The unseen Universe 'aroused considerable interest among

colonists eager to reconcile science and Christianity', but, it would

be too generous to say that this was the mind of an overwhelming

majority of Institute members. 150 More accurately, those who were

anxious to reconcile a certain kind of traditional Christian orthodoxy

to an equally narrow scientific methodology seized upon it most

eagerly. The Revs. Thomas Roseby, theologically moderate, and James 222

Wilson, wrote approving reviews of The unseen universe for the New

Zealand Magazine. stenhouse is convinced that J.S. Webb, who lectured the otago Institute on the book, was in harmony with it. 151 The Unseen universe, however, by no means met with universal approval. In England, Clifford certainly was not in sympathy, and his views appear to have been reflected by Frankland in the paper on 'Mind­ stuff' . 162 In particular, it is quite clear that although the authors had produced a very popular book indeed, they were by no means theologians, or historians, of the quality of Baden Powell or Mark

Pattison, and while the one appeared initially to be universally derided and the other approved, by the turn of the century the situation had reversed. 163 Their various proofs of the existence of a

soul or spirit as distinct from matter, and the dualism implied by that, is not particularly distinguished writing. Nor was it original,

for similar observations had been made by many others. It seems that the conclusion that ought to be drawn from The unseen universe is not that it reconciled science and religion, but rather it was very popular

because it promulgated Christian dualism as the means of avoiding

conflict between the two kingdoms. It could be suggested that a great

deal of the evidence thus far considered points towards a much more widespread Christian dualism than has usually been attributed to the

Victorian period. However, a further comment must be added. Those who

argued for a dualistic understanding of creation were profoundly aware

of alternative explanations, because of the rapid advances in

physiology and physics. For example, in The unseen universe the authors

observed that there were many possibilities to be considered on

scientific and theological grounds. In the preface to the second

edition they suggested that unless one acknowledges an eternal soul as

animating human existence, the only truly scientific alternative is to

postulate 'that visible matter is eternal, and that IT IS ALIVE'. 154

But, it is further stated that no one could be found who would

entertain such notions. Butler's work appears to have been entirely

overlooked or was not known to them. Perhaps the most striking aspect

of The unseen universe is the underlying assumption that the universe 223 was not infinite. But whereas Clifford thought it finite as a consequence of non-Euclidean geometry matching physical reality,

Stewart and Tait believed it finite because that was the picture presented by Christian orthodoxy. 155 sooner or later, what God had created, God would bring to a final end. Another of the noteworthy features of the book is not only its references to Charles Babbage and the calculating engine, but also the theological implications of such a machine. Babbage postulated one of the most innovative theological defences of an orthodox doctrine of miracle, which is of prime importance today. It was based on the notion of the analytic engine, and, we may add, he was so taken with his own argument he wanted to call it the ninth Bridgewater Treatise. 156

Essentially Babbage proposed that an analytic engine could be built, which, 'after having worked for a long time according to a particular method of procedure, should suddenly manifest a single breach in its method, and then resume and for ever afterwards keep to its original

law'. 157 There is an obvious parallel to the universe, as understood

by Christian orthodoxy, which functions regularly but allows for the

possibility of miraculous intervention. The philosophical point at

issue here is one of induction, and Babbage's proposal attempted to

preserve the validity of induction. Nevertheless, Babbage created other

theological problems of determinism as opposed to free will,

particularly when he attempted to discuss the problem of consciousness

and inanimate matter in a universe ruled entirely by law, even law

which understands when and how to break its usual workings.

There were problems inherent in any mechanical description of the

universe, albeit one so unique as Babbage's. one of the recurrent

difficulties with mechanistic theories was the tendency for

reductionist analysis to dominate. Thus, it was pointed out in The

unseen universe,

Mr Babbage ••. has pointed out that if we had power to follow and detect the minutest effects of any disturbance, each particle of existing matter must be a register of all that has happened. 158

This led in turn to the question of how matter was related to mind, in

what ways one could influence the other. This theme was taken up by 224 various members of the New Zealand Institute and beyond. outside the

Institute the topic had already been debated in such places as the

Mutual Improvement Societies, which were often associated with churches. The minute book of the Dunedin Mutual Improvement Society records that there were talks and discussions on evolution and

Darwinism, but also the vexed question of the relationship between mind and matter also had a brief appearance. 159 It can be fairly assumed, however, the topic was discussed in greater detail within the Institute. Although Richmond was the first to discuss the problem, variations on the theme appeared from time to time. The Rev. s. Edgar read a paper to the Auckland Institute in 1880, entitled 'On The Spontaneity or self-Action of The Will, As Opposed To

All Doctrines of Necessity'. 160 Although only an abstract of the paper

is printed in the TPNZI, it mentions that his approach relied heavily

on a dualistic theology wherein the phenomenon of consciousness was

seen as completely separate from the phenomenon of matter. 161

consciousness implied the existence of the force of the will, which in

turn implied moral responsibility. On the other hand, that same year,

Dr. W.I. Spencer talked on a similar theme to the Hawkes Bay Philosophical Institute, 'Life and its Correlation to Physical

Force' . 162 He argued that since life could not be found without matter,

and since matter itself was reducible to energy and motion, it was

altogether reasonable to uphold the claims of materialistic philosophy. Dr. R.H. Blackwell took up the issue five years later with his paper

'Is Life A Distinct Force?' and while agreeing in principle with much

reductionist thought, believed that in the final analysis the

manifestations of life were proof of an extra force beyond the ordinary

forces of nature. 163 This long running debate was inconclusive, yet no

one apparently thought to consider the question in relation to the

finitude of the universe. An infinite universe means an infinite

combination of processes is theoretically possible. A finite universe

implies in some sense a creation and the death of the universe, with

only a finite number of processes, not necessarily involving the

emergence and evolution of biological life. However, this debate was 225 more readily understood in terms of astronomy rather than mathematics, and eventually the mysteries of the universe captured the attention of the general public.

It may be recalled from chapter one that Paley did not believe that astronomy was particularly well suited to the theologian's purposes. Nonetheless, it was a fact that the Bible made many references to the beauty and wonder of the heavens, to celestial phenomena, and even to astrology. 164 Herschel's bigger and improved telescopes pushed observational boundaries far beyond the limitations imposed by earlier equipment, and what was revealed captured the imagination of many. There was a rise in popular appreciation of astronomy, rather similar to the earlier popularity of geology. 165 This was certainly the case in colonial New Zealand. For example, Dunedin's uncertain climate meant that viewing was not always possible, but whenever moderately sized telescopes were set up and public viewing nights arranged, crowds would come out if the weather was

favourable. 166 The transit of Venus in 1874 generated much interest. As

astronomy grew in popularity it began to present as many Biblical dilemmas to the ordinary Christian believer as Darwinism. Problems previously considered by only a few scientists and theologians now became subject to intense public scrutiny. Although much has been made

of the inadequate Biblical cosmology presented in Genesis, sometimes

heated debate centred upon considerably less important texts elsewhere in the old Testament. The Rev. James MacGregor of Oamaru drew attention

to the long standing problem from Joshua 10:12 in his Apology of the

Christian Religion. The miracle in question is where Joshua leads his

army to triumph over the superior Amorites at Gibeon, achieved by

commanding the sun, 'stand thou still at Gibeon, and thou Moon in the

valley of Aijalon. And the sun stood still and the moon stayed, until

the nation took vengeance on their enemies'. For MacGregor there is not

the slightest doubt whatsoever that this miracle occurred, and the

'sun and moon standing still are a trying bizarrerie to an

astronomer' . 167 There were a number of naturalistic explanations put

forward by liberal theologians, in stark contrast to MacGregor's 226 supernaturalism. such explanations extended, of course, to other miracles associated with the Exodus, such as the crossing of the Red

Sea. Clerics like MacGregor believed that if the miracles did not happen, then response of wonder would simply not have been evoked by observing straightforward natural phenomena. others, however, thought that the capacity to appreciate events signified by a deep sense of awe and reverence was not in the least depreciated by knowing they had a naturalistic explanation. Nevertheless, the capacity to appreciate beauty in the observation of nature and its processes was as acute among

freethinkers and materialists, as Christian believers. Therefore, when A.W. Bickerton (1824-1929), professor of Chemistry at Canterbury university College, began to develop his astronomical theories he employed aspects of the traditional language of natural theology, even

though he was an ardent atheist. Bickerton was the first science professor to be appointed at Canterbury, in 1875, perhaps because he

had of a reputation for innovative industrial applications rather than theoretical chemistry. 168 What may cause us to treat Bickerton' s

science rather circumspectly is the curious fact that he had no facility for mathematics at all, and even his arithmetic was

exceptionally poor. 169 In his own mind this lack of mathematical ability was not an irredeemable impediment to the pursuit of a scientific career. one might even reach the very highest pinnacles of achievement, as the two foremost scientists of the time, Darwin and

Huxley, had done. 170 However, it must be added Darwin was at least aware of his deficiency and Huxley made aware of his, 171 yet Bickerton

was completely unworried by his own lack of mathematical appreciation. When he eventually wrote The Romance of the Heavens, it had only the

most elementary arithmetic as a foundation. 172 This book was based on a series of papers presented to the New Zealand Institute which dealt

with his theory of partial impact among stellar systems. Nevertheless,

Bickerton' s reputation was high at that time and he was elected

President of Philosophical Institute of Canterbury in 1879. Bickerton's ideas attracted attention, but in order to comprehend 227 them today it is necessary to be aware of the recent debate about the

terms he used. Bickerton rejected Laplace's nebular theory of stellar

and planetary origins and sought to explain the birth and death of

planets and 'temporary, variable, and double stars' by means of

reviving an older idea, which seemed to fit the observational data

better. 173 Jaki's criticism over Bickerton's use of terms ought to be

noted. In particular Jaki draws attention to the fact that Bickerton

did not call 'temporary stars' by their usual name of novae. Yet, it is

not tenable to suggest, as Jaki does, that Bickerton was too amateurish

to know what the proper name was. 174 Indeed, on reading Bickerton' s

papers it is clear that such nomenclature as 'temporary star' precisely

conveys the meaning he wanted, which was due to the effect of two stars

colliding or passing close to one another. Matter would be torn from

each to give rise to a third stellar body (a temporary phase) from

which another star or planetary system, or both, might subsequently

emerge. Bickerton proposed that stellar phenomena could be explained by

supposing that two universes (which we would call galaxies) were in

collision. The idea became known as the partial impact theory, where

Bickerton himself laid the stress on the word partial. Evolutionary

concepts of birth, growth, change, death and decay are inherent in both

Laplace's nebular theory of origins and Bickerton's exposition of

partial impact. Because of this, an interesting inconsistency often

arose on the part of those who opposed biological evolution but saw the

necessity of evolutionary explanations in the inorganic realm of the

universe. The English astronomer R.A. Proctor drew attention to this in

1874 while on lecture tour in America. 175

Bickerton's use of symbolic religious language in describing the

universe is of great interest. For example, he talks of 'the

possibility of an immortal cosmos, in which we have no evidence of a

beginning or promise of an end' • 176 The Christian doctrines of creation

and the end of time were thus dispensed with, in favour of an infinite

universe in which time itself ran on forever. Bickerton's theories were

stimulating and he was encouraged by favourable comment from within and

without the New Zealand Institute to eventually publish the collection 228 of papers as a single volume, the first serious astronomical work in

New Zealand. Indeed, it achieved recognition in Great Britain, on the

occasion of the discovery of a nova. 177

Bickerton never attempted to take credit for the original concept which he maintained came from Proctor, who achieved international standing as a science popularizer.

Then Proctor's wonderful book, The Universe, fell into my hands. As I studied it, I saw more and more clearly the marvellous coincidence as Proctor's great observing power had pictured it, and the result that could be produced by the grazing but coalescent impact of the two previously existing universes. 178

Nevertheless, Bickerton was responsible for a complete development of

the concept of partial impact and popularizing it, which is why,

perhaps, it became an obsession with him. 179 sir George Grey was an

admirer of Bickerton and the theory of partial impact, 180 but the two most influential were: ( a) the Dunedin watchmaker and mathematician

Arthur Beverly; 181 and (b) the Wellington teacher and mathematician

A.C. Gifford. 182 Bickerton was able to persuade both to attempt

mathematical solutions to the problems associated with the celestial

dynamics of partial impact. The work required was simply massive.

Beverly's notebooks reveal an amazing capacity for such calculation,

but his scientific approach was fundamentally at variance with

Bickerton' s. 183 Equally, so was his teleology. Whereas Bickerton

understood one's present earthly life to be the sum total of existence,

Beverly entertained 'fantastic opinions' about the spirit world which was yet to be enjoyed. 184 Bickerton's gloomy picture of a purely

materialistic universe was balanced by Beverly's belief in

spiritualism. Yet, the mathematician did his best for Bickerton,

attempting over many years to provide a mathematical framework for the

partial impact theory.

Bickerton was also able to inspire A.C. Gifford, whose ceaseless

energy for the project exceeded Beverly's, although like his Dunedin

counter-part he developed the theory in different ways. 185 In such far

spread publications as the Chaldean, 186 published in London, and

southern Stars, 187 the journal of the New Zealand Astronomical Society,

Gifford reiterated Bickerton's theory from the eighteen nineties 229 through to the nineteen forties. Nor was Bickerton popularized only by

New Zealanders. In a reference to Bickerton at a public lecture in

Dunedin in 1909, C.L. Wragge, an Australian meteorologist and

188 astronomer, attributed to Bickerton the 'Law of Impact 1 • In essence,

then, Bickerton's theory has been revived in various forms since its

inception, but met with no further successes. 189 Bickerton's later life

was marred with bitterness and failure on a number of counts. He fell out of favour with the university authorities. 190 He spent the latter

years of his life, as Butler had done in the middle years, living in

disillusioned poverty, expecting the accolades of the scientific

community for his theories. It is worth noting that there was a cordial relationship between Bickerton and Rutherford in the nineteen nineties,

when the latter was a student at Canterbury. 191 It was stretched

somewhat when Bickerton tried to force his opinions on various

scientific institutions in London during the nineteen twenties. 192

Bickerton's not inconsiderable achievements in New Zealand forty years

previously counted for little. What gave added impetus to interest in astronomy in general, and

its relationship to theology in particular, during the eighteen

eighties and nineties, was Proctor's lecture tour of Australia and New

Zealand. Close attention to the ensuing debate reveals in miniature, a

rehearsal of all the major themes of the faith-science interaction

found in British empiricism. Proctor was not only an astronomer of high standing but was a

gifted popularizer of the subject, the author of numerous books and

articles. Naturally there was a ready audience to hear a visiting

speaker of such calibre, and therefore it must have been vaguely

disturbing for readers of the New Zealand Christian Record to find

Proctor had been banned from Sunday lecturing in New South Wales. The

Premier of New South Wales, Sir Henry Parkes, was not prepared to put

up with the 'desecration of the Lord's Day by several itinerant

showmen, lecturers, and others who have invaded the quietness of the

city' . 193 The Christian Record quoted a correspondent to the Sydney

Morning Herald who made an unfavourable comparison of the New Zealand 230

Government's 'indifference and inaction' to Parkes' statesmanlike decision. Lecturing for profit on a Sunday was not going to be tolerated in Presbyterian Dunedin. It is worth noting that the

Christian Record rarely preached an easy tolerance, but took the high moral ground on almost every issue of substance. For example, that very week the leading article made a vicious attack on Freethought. 'The writings of Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant are abominably immoral

in their tendency and deserve to be burnt - like the books of the

Romish priests - by the common hangman'. 194 It was only four years

since Dunedin had heard similar intemperate language in Fitchett' s

case, and although one might be allowed a certain amount of rhetorical

leeway attacking opponents at the opposite ends of the earth, it

appeared no lessons of tolerance at the local level had been learnt.

Thus, although Proctor did not fare as badly as Bradlaugh and Besant,

he was nevertheless described as a 'mountebank playing and lecturing on

Sundays' . 195 However, the following week the Sydney correspondent for

the Christian Record was obliged to correct the motives attributed to

the Premier, who while 'not pretending' that he held rigidly to

sabbatarianism, nevertheless believed that proper Sabbath observance

was in the 'natural life blood' of society. 196 It was especially in the

interests of the 'poorer and weaker class' for Sunday lecturing to be

banned. Parkes argued that it was inconsistent to ban tradesmen from

making money on Sundays, but yet allow the visiting lecturer to do so.

This is further evidence of the widespread colonial aspiration for

egalitarianism. Despite the Governor's explanation, many Christians in

Australia and New Zealand condemned Proctor. The Christian Record

claimed that the astronomer was 'influenced purely by greed of gain',

while the church newspapers in Australia 'with one voice condemns Mr.

Proctor' for his refusal to take any account of the religious feelings

of Sydney society. 197 However, Sydney's secular newspapers were

outraged and saw it as 'Christian persecution', a charge denied by the

Christian Record.

A month's silence then ensued, as far as ad hominem attacks were

concerned. Possibly the editors, aware that Proctor would soon give an 231 extensive lecture in New Zealand, and with more information in their hands, were inclined to be more circumspect. In the edition of 12

November 1880 they acknowledged that the lectures were 'singularly

successful', drawing large audiences. Perhaps alarmed by Proctor's

popular appeal, the Christian Record began to consider more seriously

the theological issues generated by new scientific and astronomical

theories. To this end it drew an important distinction between revealed and natural theology. 198 Anyone ought to be delighted scanning the

pages of the Book of Nature, but the Book of Revelation was even

better. In the latter there was the full story of marvellous 'redeeming

love', which meets the human condition at its deepest needs. Moreover,

in sharp contrast to the tenor of many previous articles, the Christian

Record now professed an 'intense admiration' for the things of science,

despite the limited knowledge of science. The spiritual and

intellectual poverty generated by only scientific knowledge would be

'terrible' . 199 Despite this apparent spirit of reconciliation it is

clear that the Christian Record believed the weight of theological opinion was against excessive claim~ of science in general.

At this time the Christian Record regularly published articles

about the Fall and the Flood which tended to ignore new findings in

literary and historical criticism, let alone scientific advances. 200

Instead, they attacked what they perceived as any weakness. When

Professor Tyndall acknowledged that scientific truth contained a

measure of uncertainty due to its inherent methodological structure,

the Christian Record seized on it, and offered the old religious

verities instead to its readers . 201 They appealed to Baconianism as

opposed to the new scientific methodology, for in traditional science

facts were facts. The new scientific methodologies failed because

'their systems are speculations' rather than theories clearly

demonstrable from the facts, and moreover, 1 the facts advanced have not

sustained the conjectures framed to account for them' . 202 This, taken

with the earlier articles about Proctor highlights a curious blend of

the Baconian tradition and the Reformed theological tradition - English

science and Presbyterian sabbatarianism struggling to make the church 232 relevant in an age of scientific progress against the bracing climate of colonial egalitarianism.

Proctor's lectures in New Zealand saw the conservative wing of the Church further strengthening their case by appealing to the above two traditions. under the rather insulting title 'Coles Circus and Mr.

Proctor' the Christian Record wrote that the Rev. W.J. Williams had, a

few Sundays before preached a 'vigorous sermon' about the evils of attending a circus, which was at the same low level as going to the theatre. 203 Both were the devil's playground. The journalist then went on to report that the Rev. Williams had greatly objected to Proctor's

lectures. He told the congregation that they should pay much more

attention to the psalms of David, from which they might form a sounder

base of astronomical knowledge. Moreover Proctor 'left people in the

dark', not stating whether he was an atheist or a materialist. 204 To

lecture on God's wondrous creation required a style that Proctor did

not have.

The Rev. William James Williams, later editor of the New Zealand

Methodist, was justifiably aggrieved at what transpired to be extremely

poor reporting. It seems that he had been subjected to ridicule in a

Wellington newspaper for the alleged remarks. 205 On Christmas Eve 1880

a 'Correction' appeared, which consisted solely of Williams' letter of

complaint. He called the Coles circus reference 'garbled and

incorrect', and charged the correspondent of the Christian Record with

being 'seriously astray'. 206 Williams claimed that he had preached a

sermon in which he referred to Proctor in the 'most laudatory terms',

and expressed his deep regret that he had not been able to attend

Proctor's lectures. Those who had been able to do so had been granted

'a rare privilege'. Furthermore, he stated that those who charged

Proctor with atheism or materialism were 'altogether wrong' • 207 This

comment deserves some thinking about, for Proctor certainly was not a

Christian. It seems that Proctor's approach to questions of belief

started and finished with natural theology, and Williams, unlike the

more orthodox and literally minded believers, was able to appreciate

this for its own sake. The editors of the Christian Record left their 233 readers in no doubt as to where their sympathies lay, and next to

Williams' letter was printed a lengthy article on 'Embryology and

Evolution' in which the facts presented were said to be 'fatal to the

1 8 materialistic view of evolution .~

Proctor's New Zealand lecture tour was a success, but nowhere more so than in Dunedin where Proctor spoke to audiences of almost two

thousand. Not surprisingly, perhaps, Proctor also encountered some hard

opposition to his views. Gordon Forlong, a local evangelist associated with the Open Brethren churches in New Zealand was conducting a faith mission in Dunedin at the same time as the astronomer visited. 209

Forlong contributed much lengthy material to the Christian Record,

dreary to read and ill-informed exegetically, compared to the standards

of the day. When the provincial personality found his mission disrupted

by an international figure he was not pleased. The evangelist made

known his opinions about the astronomer, objecting not only to

Proctor's anti-sabbatarianism, but also his evolutionary science. These

comments duly found their way into the otago Daily Times, where they

were pounced upon by 'Civis' . 210 The columnist found Forlong's comments

offensive, taking exception to the slurs cast on Proctor's character.

Besides deriding Forlong, he said that the powerful Dunedin Benevolent

Institution Committee (at that time, responsible for the public funds

for poor relief, and notorious for its niggardly approach), had

originally decided to ask Proctor to lecture, the proceeds going to

their own funds. But after violent debate it was decided not to carry

on with the proposal because the 'eminent astronomer's opinions were

not sound' . 211

what had really turned their ideas around, 'Civis' averred, was

Proctor's 'daring assertion' that the universe was far more than six

1 1 212 thousand years old, and was originally created out of a fire-mist •

Although Proctor carefully avoided using the word evolution the 'idea

infects his teaching from first to last', and therefore was

unacceptable to the governors. 213

Proctor himself wrote a reply from Oamaru a few days after this,

and declined to get involved in any further controversy. He made it 234 plain that he was not interested in sectarian squabbles, although he was mystified by the various charges of atheism, materialism, and positivism that were levelled against him. Moreover, as far as he was concerned he found sufficient beauty and wonderment in nature to compel belief in God, and that was sufficient. 214 Nevertheless, in somewhat stark contrast, the majority of Australasian Christians were convinced that Proctor's words were not suitable for Sundays.

It might be asked what positive contribution did Proctor make to the faith-science interaction in New Zealand? It seems as if his astronomical ideas about the age of the universe became a catalyst by which the distinctions between natural theology and revealed theology might be drawn. His defiance of sabbatarian norms, which provoked a negative reaction, has to be balanced by his enthusiasm for astronomy and a gift for lucid explanation, both of which provided inspiration

for the task of creating a relevant natural theology, among such

influential clerics as Williams, Dutton, Fitchett and Fairclough.

Proctor's influence in secular society also ought to be mentioned. A

supreme court Judge in Victoria, George Higinbotham, was greatly

impressed, and a number of years after Proctor's Australian tour wrote

enthusiastically about the astronomer's universe and its relationship

to the narrow picture presented by the Church. 215 In New Zealand the

effects were much the same. As late as 1947 Proctor was still

remembered for his inspirational abilities by F.C. Gibbs. He and Thomas

Cawthorne (who founded one of New Zealand's most important scientific

organisations, the Cawthorne Institute) heard Proctor speak, in

November 1880, in Nelson. This lecture stimulated cawthorne's interest

in science, and he remained a life long advocate of astronomical

research. Gibbs became the curator of the small Atkinson observatory in

Nelson.

It is not known whether Proctor directly influenced the Rev. Paul

w. Fairclough F.R.A.S. (1856-1917), who was to become one of New Zealand Methodism's most outstanding ministers. Fairclough was not an

outstanding preacher or evangelist in the Church's life and witness. 216

However, he had qualities of leadership and administration, and the 235 capacity for individual thought, which are a rare combination.

Moreover, he was a lucid expositor on matters scientific, and it was for this he won widespread respect. Born in South Australia, he eventually worked on the West Coast of New Zealand during the eighteen

sixties as a gold miner. 217 In 1871 he candidated for the ministry of the Wesleyan connexion, and was placed in pre-collegiate training under

the tutelage of A.R. Fitchett, at that time in Christchurch. 218 It is often the case in Christian families that great care is taken to pass

on the faith to the next generation, and this was particularly so in

the small denominations of colonial New Zealand. Much emphasis was laid

upon this responsibility of creating 'the family church', and indeed

continues to be so. It is less usual to see the same phenomenon

operating in terms of the faith-science interaction, but it certainly

appears in these circumstances, with Fitchett training Fairclough and

Fairclough later on training Pinfold. In 1872 Fitchett reported that

Fairclough 'has been under my tuition since December last' and during

that time not only had the initial exercises in Latin and Greek been

done, but also a good deal of algebra to cubic equations and the first

six books of Euclid. 219 The candidate was obliged to undergo a rigorous

test to see what progress he had made. Fitchett and the Rev. W.J.

Habens examined Fairclough. They found he was very good at parsing,

provided accurate literal translations, had mastered Euclidean geometry

but was inclined to make elementary arithmetical mistakes. Consequently

they recommended that he be sent to college for further training, which

was to be at Newington college, Sydney. It would seem that during this

pre-collegiate training Fitchett was able to impart to Fairclough a

love of the natural sciences and theological conclusions which might be

drawn from scientific pursuits. When he was older, Fairclough attempted

to communicate precisely this love of science to younger ministers. The

Rev. J.T. Pinfold recalled that Fairclough's interest in science was 'a

great inspiration in those early days'. Fairclough lent Pinfold a book

that 'light might be obtained upon the meaning of the first chapter of

Genesis', which did not merely fulfil the original purpose but brought

out Pinfold' s own 'great love for science', particularly geology. 220 236

Fairclough wrote extensively on astronomy for the newspapers, as well as editing the Methodist church newspaper for six years. 221

Eventually, in 1897 he was elected to the office of President of the

Methodist church of New Zealand, but still found time for science. In

1910 Fairclough, Roseby and Dutton were prime movers in the formation of the Dunedin Astronomical society . 222 No doubt their cause was greatly assisted by the publicity prior to the appearance of Halley's comet. Later in the year the Evening Star reported that the comet made a very fine appearance in the morning sky. 223 The society waxed bright initially, with over seventy members, but within a few years it had faded to a small core of enthusiasts. The younger generation of clergy were not taking up the cause of science with the same enthusiasm as many of their predecessors.

The first hint of this break with the traditional Presbyterian emphases on a learned ministry familiar with philosophy, logic and natural science came in 1895. The necessity for new skills better

suited to the colonial situation seemed reasonable, and was already put

into practice by some denominations . 224 In an editorial from the

combined Methodist and Presbyterian newspaper it was observed that it was a 'waste of time' to keep some ministry students 'toiling away at mathematics'. 226 In the writer's opinion, the subject would be of no

use to them whatsoever in their labours of ministry.

The comment deserves thought. At that time it seemed that if new ways of thinking theologically were to be initiated, then some of the

traditional theological disciplines would have to go. But the crucial

question was, where the line should be drawn? Natural philosophy, logic

and mathematics were widely perceived as subjects for the secular

curriculum alone, and those who wished to study them could do so at

university. Hence, the request to remove mathematics from theological

training seemed reasonable. Yet there were some clerics who were

attracted to the practice of the art of mathematics, sometimes at a

very advanced level. The common factor that ran through their

theological outlook is a belief in the inviolability of mathematical

truth, a view by no means outmoded even today. 226 This did not mean 237 they necessarily regarded the natural laws of the universe as inviolable, although it so happened that many did. Rather, they believed in what we might call the unique correspondence between mathematical truth and physical reality. However, the vision of the mathematization of the universe was increasingly regarded as irrelevant to theology. Very slowly but surely, the Presbyterian and Methodist

Churches were moving away from the direct engagement of faith with

science and mathematics.

However, in the New Zealand Institute mathematics obviously remained the queen of the sciences even though there were no further

debates over non-Euclideanism. Instead, philosophical biology continue

to generate controversies. During the eighteen nineties the Darwinian

debates seemed to provoke even more feeling than previously, perhaps

because overwhelmingly negative theological connotations had accumulated around the Newtonian-Darwinian synthesis. William w. Carlisle made a series of trenchant attacks on the British scientific

method, and attracted as much attention as Frankland had in the

Wellington Philosophical society. In two papers he described Huxley as

'the amateur' and 'that very Philistine representative of English

empiricism' . 227 Carlisle's belief in rationalism was made plain in a

further paper 'Animal Intelligence', of the same year. 'We may thus

catch, behind the apparently fortuitous processes of nature, a glimpse

of the operations of a mind analogous to our own. ' 228 Answers to the

vexed questions relating to instinct and reason in animals were

considered of prime importance in discussing the nuances of various

evolutionary theories. 229 However, these papers were soon overshadowed

by the presidential speech of Major General schaw (1828-1902), a

retired Indian Army officer, living in Wellington. 230 In some ways this

speech is one of the most interesting in the TPNZI, for it captured the

anti-evolutionary spirit that could pervade even a secular scientific

society. schaw put the case for the Biblical account of creation as

opposed to a strictly mechanistic evolution. 231 He felt there should

be no personal conflict between faith and science, the Book of God's 238 work being in complete harmony with the Book of God's Word. When there seemed to be disagreement, what was required was more thought in all areas related to the problem. In this sense, Schaw was not an unyielding Biblical literalist, because there were instances where the texts needed to be interpreted as poetry or as a 'series of visions' . 232 He was perfectly willing to admit the strong case for

geological time scales and some form of evolutionary hypothesis, 233 yet there were aspects of the Biblical revelation that could not be ignored by science. It was a fine balance. of the first and second days or periods we can of course have little or no trace now left on the face of the earth; yet astronomical science and geology combine their testimony in favour of the probable truth of the statements of Genesis .•. 234

The time periods could not literally be a day, but because Biblical

usage of the word 'day' often implied much longer periods of time,

schaw felt that the scriptural account and nature itself were

essentially in harmony. 235 Very few, if any, of the audience would have

been unaware of this line of argument. Nevertheless, it is interesting

that in presenting it, schaw desired that all difficulties in the war

of science and religion be removed. It turned out to the contrary in this instance, because Schaw

also made some remarkably inept conunents on evolution, which resulted

in fierce opposition, if not battle. He was puzzled by the concept of

slow evolutionary change. If a ground beetle was put into water the

ground beetle will 'inevitably become a dead beetle' • 236 It was

impossible for it to adapt to its new circumstances by growing gills

and becoming an aquatic beetle. Therefore, he concluded that Romanes

was wrong when he had asserted that whales and porpoises were

originally terrestrial creatures that had slowly adapted to aquatic

conditions over the course of time. He said, 'my faith in this teaching

is too weak, my imagination too sluggish, and my hold on the facts of

nature too strong, to allow me to accept this statement without

proof' • 237 Romanes concept of evolution was, in Sc haw's estimate,

tantamount to believing in unsubstantiated claims of the miraculous. 238

Yet many Christian thinkers in the Institute and throughout the Church 239 were prepared to argue that an evolving universe was as great a miracle

as a series of special Creations. This, however, did not convince

schaw, who was certain that the current state of biology was in as

great a state of flux as astronomy had been in the time of

Copernicus. 239 The way forward was the patient accumulation of further

facts, and even if that entailed a long search for truth at least the

results would 'be sure and certain' • 240 In articulating these concerns

Schaw was saying no more than conservatives like Copland and MacGregor

had claimed a decade before. Evolution seemed to be less credible than

Special Creation for many Christians.

But exactly what scientific philosophy did Schaw espouse? In

trying to settle the evolution question schaw appealed to the 'sound

methods of inductive philosophy', that is to say, Baconian

induction. 241 In fact, the major argument against evolution was its

inherent improbability, a fact referred to by schaw on a number of

occasions. 242

It was inconceivable to Schaw that science might, and often did,

so completely contradict the Bible, that Christians would have to

adjust their thinking by abandoning parts of scripture. Rather, schaw

presented his understanding of the meaning of Genesis, which he was

sure was true, and expected that ultimately science would adjust to it.

His emphasis on the harmony of the Bible with science is a reflection

of the preoccupation among Biblical scholars of harmonizing the

variations in the Gospel accounts. After all, F.W. Farrar's seminal

work, The Life of Christ, was only twenty years old, and had already

engendered a number of similar books. 243 However, Sc haw was not

illiberal, despite his deep rooted theological conservatism. Others

would have to make up their own minds on the basis of the scientific

evidence.

I am well aware that in alluding as I have done to the theory of evolution I have, as it were, thrown down the gauntlet and opened the door to criticism and discussion. Evolution at present may be said to be in the air, like Home Rule and the great Labour-and­ capital question, and people hold very different views on such subjects . 244

Despite his belief that science would confirm the 'grand series of 240 pictures' in Genesis, schaw was convinced that is was the proper task of the scientist to seek the truth, 'a search worthy of the highest human intellects'. 246 The address certainly provoked a response. At the conclusion, Sir James Hector moved a vote of thanks, observing that this was a 'most interesting and suggestive address' which would call forth spirited debate . 246

In the year that followed a great deal of attention was given to

Schaw's speech. While it demonstrates today that three decades after the publication of The origin of species, there were still many keen amateur scientists who had not comprehended the thrust of Darwin's argument, the reaction during 1893 and 1894 was quite different. It must be remembered that although Schaw was an amateur in the field of biology, his professional career was scientific. He had completed of a series of important engineering commissions during his army career, from which we may conclude that his mathematical ability perhaps was significantly better than many of the biologists who subsequently opposed his arguments. The strength of the opposition can be gauged by noting that they numbered most of the leading scientists in the colony.

People of the calibre of Hutton, Hector, Haast, along with T. Kirk,

G.V. Hudson, and w. Buller expressed dismay over the beetle illustration, although they were hardly in sympathy with one another over various interpretations of geological and evolutionary data.

However, each of these men received international recognition for some contribution to the sciences, so when they took schaw to task they were doing so from a position of knowledge. There were others less capable who also rose to the bait.

In line with the trend to debate the philosophical issues of biology, Coleman Phillips read a paper 'On a Common Vital Force' to the wellington Philosophical society, which can only be described as a speculative romp through Darwinism, theology and philosophy, while attempting to correct Schaw's concept of the origin of life itself. 247

The following year Buller stated that he regretted that this paper had actually been published in a journal of international repute. 248

Phillips earned himself the reputation of a dilettante as a result of 241 his foray into Darwinian biology. 249 Then, as sometimes happens in the life of such controversies, the field of debate began to widen.

Buller's comments on Schaw were only marginally less damning. Speaking of the beetle illustration he said, 'Now, it seems to me that such a passage is worthy of the Dark Ages of Science'. 250 we would expect

strong condemnation from New Zealand's most distinguished ornithologist, but, what was unusual was that Buller went on to defend his thoroughgoing Darwinism on religious grounds • 251 He did not accept purely materialistic explanations to explain the origin of both the

physical universe and the moral order, but believed that there were

truths of revelation and indeed a 'spiritual destiny' for humankind. 252

In this speech it is seen that although there was not the full blooded

religion of his father, there was a measure of the emerging orthodoxy

of faith found among some members of the scientific community.

Nevertheless, the intemperate part of Buller's speech was thought

to be an attack, which in turn drew fire from W.M. Maskell, a

recognized authority on entomology, and Registrar of the University of

New Zealand. Maskell believed it was a great pity that sir Walter

Buller had referred in such a manner to Schaw and Phillips. It was not

fair that members should be the subject of 'ridicule.'253 Nevertheless,

Schaw was not in the least fazed by the severe criticism and understood

Buller's comments merely as a 'friendly attack', a response which was

generous in the circumstances. But what had really motivated Buller to

express such damning outrage? It appears that he was basically

concerned to defend the memory of the 'great and good Darwin' and that

whenever the forces of unorthodoxy arose to disturb the assured results

and doctrines of modern science, no matter what quarter they came from

he would always be ready to engage in 'combat' . 254 With that comment,

he had, of course, destroyed the credibility of his own case. Schaw's

science might have been straight out of the 'dark ages' but so also was

a science which suppressed ideas merely because they were unorthodox.

G.V. Hudson (1867-1946), one of the most capable of the younger

amateur scientists in the Wellington Philosophical Society, in both

entomology and astronomy, was appalled by Buller's unwarranted 242 conunents. 255 six years later, in his own presidential address, he vigorously and quite properly disputed Buller's appeal to scientific orthodoxy. He pointed out that many of the most 'successful philosophers and scientists' had humble origins as collectors . 256 He might well have mentioned Colenso in the New Zealand context, but the obvious example of Darwin sprang most easily to mind. Hudson correctly pointed out that although universities produced scientific orthodoxy, their methods lacked a certain originality. 257 Here, then, we may see

a strong, and altogether justifiable plea, for the recognition that

science did not necessarily progress along the lines suggested by

Buller. on the contrary, creative and original insights were the result

of a scientific outlook, patient observation, by no means exclusively

cultivated in the university setting. Equally, however, the age of the

significant amateur scientist was virtually over, and it is possible

that Hudson was reacting as much to this as Buller's speech.

Taking into account the papers presented to the New Zealand

Institute between 1893 and 1900 there seems to be a gradual decline in

enthusiasm for debating philosophical and theological issues associated

with the sciences. Ernest Rutherford's first published paper

'Magnetization of Iron by High Frequency Discharges' appeared in 1894,

and there was a completely different tone associated with it than all

the associated physics papers previously published. 268 The experiment,

incidentally, was performed with the most primitive equipment, yet the

presentation of the results was written without any of the extraneous

references to other disciplines that characterized previous papers.

Religious questions seemed to manifest themselves more in the

anthropological work, although the debate about the relationship

between mind and matter continued. 259 T.M. Hacken (1836-1910), the

noted ethnologist and bibliographer in the otago Institute, perhaps

sununed up the question of Creation versus evolution when he wrote 'what

mystery' was associated with the genesis of humanity. 260 conunenting

that seemingly no matter how much energy was expended upon this quest,

all races sought their 'rest in myth', and claimed descent from the

gods .261

") 243

However, Hacken by no means had the last word in the New Zealand

Institute on the subject of ultimate human origins. The old campaigner

William colenso gave, in possibly his finest exposition, his last thoughts after a lifetime's work studying both the book of nature and the Book of Revelation in a presidential address to the Hawkes Bay Philosophical Institute in 18 9 6. 262 Characteristically, colenso had some sharp words for the decline in membership (down four to eighty) over the previous year, 263 but was worried by the comparative lack of interest shown by youth in scientific work. Were there 'none to be found in love with nature and natural science in all its varied forms ... ' 264 As one schooled in an exceptionally hard life, colenso thought the most powerful enemies of science were 'too great a love' of holidays, idleness, frivolity and passing pleasures . 265 While urging higher standards of application Colenso urged that the young seek knowledge for its own sake, rather than any thought of reward or honour • 266

There was no doubt whatsoever in Colenso's mind that the

scientifically trained eye can best see the joy which is in nature,

provided it broadly trained. 267 In fact, the eye and the power of

seeing has a g~eat symbolic significance in colenso's address. There is

a hint of Paley in his description of the human eye as the 'perfect physical mechanism' . 268 He noted the wonderful worlds opened out by the

extension of the eye, through the telescope, and took some pains to comment on the acute sight of the Maori, which included distinguishing

Jupiter's four major satellites. 269 From that point Colenso kept mostly

to the topic of astronomy, only briefly adverting to botany and the

many labours still to be performed. But at the end of his address

Colenso changed tack, observing that although he had avoided

theological matters there was a 'silver thread of true religion running

through' his arguments. 270

A very great deal more could be written about these debates, and

others. However, the chief problem is not so much to report the nuances

of all the evolutionary dialectic and diatribe in the New Zealand

Institute, but to arrive at a reasonable interpretation of the massive 244 detail in the Transactions and Proceedings, given that so many papers were presented. The majority of scientists who debated the issues were concerned that faith and theology take account of the movement of scientific knowledge. colenso, Richmond, Kidd, Hutton, Buller, Haast,

Hudson, and indeed many of the others previously mentioned in this chapter were deeply religious, although not all were orthodox. More importantly, it seems as if many had an implicit belief in the correspondence between mathematical truth and nature which pointed to nature's God. Perhaps it was more than they themselves realised. They believed in biology because it generated truth in much the same way that mathematics generated truth, but they were less sure that

Christian faith could be guaranteed to generate truth in that manner.

The triumph of scientific methodology seemed complete. Yet, surprisingly, eighty years would pass before the theological implications of mathematics were thoroughly discussed again by New Zealand clerics. 245

1. The membership lists of each branch were published yearly in the TPNZI. The Wellington Philosophical Society for a number of years had proportionately fewer clergy than the Auckland Institute.

2. J. stenhouse, Ph.D. thesis, p. 99.

3. See Table One.

4. cf. Morris Kline, Mathematics: A cultural Approach, Reading, Massachusetts, Addison-Wesley, undated; H.R. Cooley, & D Gans, & M Kline, & H. Wahlert Introduction to Mathematics, A Survey Emphasizing Mathematical Ideas And The Relations To other Fields Of Knowledge, London, Bombay, Sydney, George G. Harrap, undated, (1937?); E.T Bell, Men of Mathematics, Vol. one, London, Penguin Books, 1953; the works being written in the nineteen thirties and forties, after the implications of Godel's theorems began to be realised.

5. cf. c. Russell, cross-currents, pp. 188-224; w. Pollard, Transcendence And Providence, pp. 33-73.

6.Edward A. Purcell (Jr.), The crisis of Democratic Theory: scientific Naturalism and the Problem of Value, Kentucky, The university Press of Kentucky, 1973. Purcell's approach has been welcomed by other mathematicians, for example, Philip J. Davis & Reuben Hirsch, Descartes' Dream: The world According to Mathematics, San Diego, Boston, New York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986 pp. 321f, who attempt to deal with the problem of Biblical revelation in relation to mathematical shifts of opinion.

7. Karl. L. Popper, The Logic Of scientific Discovery, London, Hutchinson of London, revised edition, 1972, 'The empirical basis of objective science has thus nothing 'absolute' about it'.

8. J. Puddefoot, Logic And Affirmation, Perspectives In Mathematics And Theology, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987, p. 81.

9. H. Kragh, Historiography Of Science, p. 25.

10. cf. E. Dobson, 'Applied Science In Canterbury Province', TPNZI, Vol. 12, p. 455.

11. James Adams' paper on education, read to the Auckland Institute in 1893, 'Why should school-Teaching Provide only For The counter or The Desk?', TPNZI, Vol. 24, pp. 452-60.

12. F.R. Callaghan (Ed.), Science in New Zealand, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1957, p. 12, claims that without the fever engendered by the 'prospects' to be obtained from gold and coal, it is probable that there would have been no demonstrable need for the employment of professional scientists until the start of the twentieth century.

13 .see the comprehensive essay by B.R. Patterson, 'A Search For A survey system In The Wellington Provincial District 1840-1876' The History of science in New Zealand, on competing methods of land survey not only for Wellington Province but also the South Island. Governor FitzRoy, who, it will be recalled, had helped bring the Huxley­ Wilberforce debate to a close using the Word of God in a dramatic fashion, failed to comprehend the necessity of utilizing the most accurate scientific methods. Patterson contends that colonial science took a turn for the better when Grey replaced Fitzroy.

14. s.H. Jenkinson, New Zealanders and Science, Wellington, Department Of Internal Affairs, 1940, p. 49 cites the thesis title. 246

15. Cf. New Zealand's Heritage, p. 2622; Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, Vol. 2, p. 11.

16. s. Jenkinson, New Zealanders and Science, pp. 49f., and pp. 57f.

17. TPNZI, 1893, p 650

18. Nevill collection, newspaper clippings, 1904-23, Hocken Archives.

19. ibid.

20. S.T. Nevill, Notebook 1876-78, Hocken Archives.

21. 'More Chapters From A Diary: Bishop Nevill's First Impressions', Evening star, Dunedin, 1 June 1922.

22. Evening star, 1 June 1922.

23. TPNZI, Vol. 1, p. 3.

24. ibid, Vol. 1, p. 9.

25. c.w. Richmond, 'The Modern Aspect Of Theology', ibid, Vol. 2, pp. 28lf; c.w. Richmond, 'Man's Place In The creation', ibid, Vol. 2, pp. 267f.

26. Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 3, pp. 237-8.

27. ibid, Vol. 3, pp. 239-42.

28. see also c.w. Richmond, 'A Reply To Mind-stiff', TPNZI, Vol. 12, pp. 215f.

29. From the Anniversary address by the Governor General sir George F. Bowen, ibid, Vol. 3, p 3.

30. Richmond's views on materialism were given an extensive airing in the New Zealand Presbyterian, 1 December 1881, Vol. 3/6, hence his influence spread well beyond the bounds of the Institute.

31. P. Lineham, New Zealand Journal of History, Vol. 19, No. 1, 1985, p. 61, notes that Richmond was never seen in church. Lineham identified Richmond as one of the 'intellectual avant-garde', among whom secularism had taken hold, (p. 66).

32. TPNZI, Vol. 2, p. 267.

33. cited by c. w. Richmond in the footnote, ibid, Vol. 2, p. 280

34. R. Kidd, 'What Is science?' ibid, Vol. 7, p. lx.

35. ibid, Vol. 2, p 279.

36. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 277.

37. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 277.

38. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 277.

39. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 277.

40. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 274. 247

41. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 280.

42. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 283.

43. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 287.

44. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 287.

45. ibid, Vol. 2, p. 287.

46. ibid, Vol. 2, pp. 295f.

47. ibid, p. 296.

48. cf. Victor H. Fiddes, science And The Gospel, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987; S.L. Jaki, The Road To science And The Ways To God, pp. 279f; A.R. Peacocke, Creation And The World Of Science, The Bampton Lectures 1978, oxford, Clarendon Press, 1979, pp. 64-5, n.30.

49. cited by Anthony Flew, An Introduction To Western Philosophy; Ideas And Argument From Plato to Sartre, London, Thames & Hudson, 1976, p. 422. Cf. Cooley, Gans, Kline & Wahlert, Introduction to Mathematics, pp. 529f.

50. cited in Cooley, Gans, Kline and Wahlert, Introduction to Mathematics, p. 592.

51. A.B. Suter, Address of The Right Rev. A.B. Suter, Bishop of Nelson, To The clergy And Lay Representatives of The Twelfth synod of The Diocese Of Nelson, st. Andrew's Day, November 30, 1869, Nelson, c. Eliot, undated (1869?).

52. ibid, p. 8.

53. ibid, p. 8.

54. ibid, pp. 22-3.

55. ibid, p. 23.

56. ibid, p. 30.

57. ibid, p. 31.

58. ibid, p. 17.

59. TPNZI, Vol. 3, p. 59. The paper and subsequent discussion were fully minuted.

60. ibid, Vol. 3, p. 60.

61. E. Purcell, The crisis of Democratic Theory, p. 51.

62. For a full discussion of the implications of Riemannian geometry see Hans Reichenbach (translated by Maria Reichenbach and John Freund), The Philosophy of space & Time, New York, Dover Publications, New York, 1958.

6 3. see, for example, P. B. Fraser, Mental Mutilation of People's Children by Exclusion of the Bible from Schools, p. 12; New Zealand Presbyterian, 2 January 1882, p. 123. However, in J. Giles, 'Evolution Ethics', New Zealand Magazine, Clifford's work is cited with approval. See also TPNZI Vol. 9, p. 274. 248

64. William Kingdon Clifford, The conunonsense of the Exact sciences, London, Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner & co., 1907, pp. 214-27.

65. TPNZI, Vol. 3, p. 61.

66. ibid, Vol. 3, p. 61.

67. ibid, Vol. 3, p. 62.

68. In this regard it is interesting that the work of mathematician Augustus de Morgan was adduced by two opponents in the debate. Morgan's formulation of some important rules of logical analysis now bear his name. Brent used de Morgan to make the interesting and perceptive observation that the critical question was whether geometry was abstract or concrete.

69. statement Made By Mr. Hawthorne Rector Of The High School At The Bar of The Provincial council Dunedin on Tuesday 15th July 187 3, Dunedin, Evening star, 1873.

7 0. ibid, p. 5.

71. ibid, pp. 5-6.

72. ibid, p. 5.

73. 'While Rector of Butley, Suffolk (1856) he published A Delineation of the Primary Principles of Reasoning on the reading of which Dr. Whately wrote that "he did not know of a superior logician at that time"'· (Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 1, p. 464).

74. TPNZI, Vol. 7, p. xl. Kidd certainly acknowledges his intellectual indebtedness to Whewell.

75. Robert Kidd, 'On Probability', ibid, Vol. 7, Appendix pp. xlvi; 'Induction And Necessary Truth', ibid, Vol. 7, Appendix pp. xxxviii; 'What Is Science', ibid, Vol. 7, Appendix pp. lviii.

76. E.W. Hames, From Grafton To Three Kings To Paerata, New Zealand, Wesley Historical society, 1982, pp. 5-9.

77. cited by E. Hames, out of The conunon way, p. 52.

78. cited by E. Hames, From Grafton, p. 8.

79. E. Hames, From Grafton, p. 9. Cf. w.A. Chambers, Samuel Ironside in New Zealand, 1830-1858, Auckland, Ray Richards In Association With The Wesley Historical Society, 19 82, p. 35f. A proportion of the Wesleyan missionaries were given not only a theological education, but also studied in order to 'remedy deficiencies' in their general education. such instruction included 'mathematics, natural philosophy, logic, and philosophy'. However, this was by no means the general situation for all Methodist missionaries, many of whom were not Wesleyans.

80. Report of the Principal, contained in Thomas Buddle's Letterbook 1873-1878, st. John's College archives.

81. E. Hames, From Grafton, p. 9.

82. Thomas Buddle's Letterbook 1873-1878.

83. w. Williams, centenary sketches, p. 175. 249

84. Letter of Robert Kidd, held with the Thomas Buddle's Letterbook of Wesley College 1873-1878, st. John's College archival material.

85. TPNZI, Vol. 7, p. xxxix.

86. ibid, Vol. 7, p. xxxix.

87. ibid, Vol. 7, p. xxxix.

88. ibid, Vol. 7, p. xlvii.

89. Dictionary of National Biogra~hy, Vol. 1, p. 281.

90. A. Fleming, Science, Settlers, and Scholars, The Centennial History of The Royal Society Of New Zealand, Wellington, The Royal Society Of New Zealand, p. 23.

91. It is worth noting the order in which the papers were written in TPNZI: WPS (11/11/1876), F.W. Frankland, 'On the Simplest continuous Manifoldness of two Dimensions and of Finite Extent'. WPS (27/09/1879), F.W. Frankland, 'On the Doctrine of Mind-stuff'. WPS (01/11/1879), c.w. Richmond, 'A reply to Mind-stuff'. WPS (26/06/1880), w. Skey, 'Notes Upon Finite Manifoldness'. SI (26/03/1881), J.T. Thompson, 'Remarks Upon Mind-stuff'. WPS (13/02/1884), F.W. Frankland, 'Non-Euclidean Geometry Vindicated'. PIC (02/10/1886), G. Hogben, 'Remarks Upon Non-Euclidean Geometry'. (WPS is the abbreviation for the Wellington Philosophical Society; SI the southland Institute; PIC the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury.)

92. ibid, Vol. 9, p. 272.

93. ibid, Vol. 9, p. 272.

94. ibid, Vol. 9, p. 275.

95. ibid, Vol. 9, p. 277.

96. W.K. Clifford, common sense of the Exact sciences, in particular, p. 214f, 'On the Bending of Space'. The full text of this book was not available until after Clifford's premature death.

97. ibid, p. 278.

98. ibid, p. 279.

99. Cf. Stanley L. Jaki's The Road of science and the ways to God, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1978 p. 279, for the theological implications of a singularity in the universe.

100. TPNZI, Vol. 18, p. 59.

101. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 205.

102. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 208.

103. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 207.

104. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 209.

105. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 215. 250

106. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 209.

107. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 209.

108. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 209.

109. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 210.

110. c. Russell, cross-currents, p. 204.

111. B. Stewart and P.G. Tait, The Unseen Universe or Physical speculations on A Future state, London and New York, MacMillan & co., 1889, p. 148.

112. ibid, pp. 148-9.

113. c. Russell, cross-currents, p. 205.

114. TPNZI, Vol. 12, p. 211.

115. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 215.

116. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 211, n.

117. see, for example, the Lyceum Handbook, published for the younger children of members of Dunedin's Freethought community. This interesting movement numbered among its members the influential politician sir Robert stout. some of the principal aims of Freethought societies in New Zealand were to replaces oaths with affirmations (which stout succeeded in doing in 1884, two years ahead of the Bradlaugh case in Great Britain), to demonstrate that the Bible was contradictory, and sometimes immoral, to prove that the church was inimical to the cause of truth, and so on. See Peter Lineham, New Zealand Journal of History, Vol. 19, No. 1, p. 61. cf. J. stenhouse, Ph.D. thesis, pp. 104f.

118. c.w. Richrnond,'A Reply To Mind-stuff', TPNZI, Vol. 12, p. 215.

119. J.T. Thomson, 'Remarks Upon Mind-stuff', ibid, Vol. 14, p. 197.

120. ibid, Vol. 14, p. 107. Thomson was a competent geologist employed at one time in the Geological Survey. He considered himself equally competent in philosophy and wrote a number of pamphlets and books, although these never were not particularly well received. His personality did not endear him to members of the New Zealand Institute.

121. John Eccles and D.N. Robinson, The Wonder of Being Human: our Brain And our Mind, Boston and London, Sharnbala, 1985.

122. TPNZI, Vol. 12, p. 211.

123. w. Skey, 'Notes Upon Mr. Frankland' s Paper: "On The Simplest Continuous Manifoldness Of Two Dimensions And Finite Extent', ibid, Vol. 13, p. 109.

124. ibid, Vol. 13, p. 107.

125. ibid, Vol. 13, p. 109.

126. ibid, Vol. 13, p. 109.

127. F.W. Frankland, 'The Non-Euclidean Geometry vindicated: A Reply To Mr. skey", ibid, Vol. 18, pp. 58f. 251

128. ibid, vol. 14, p. 107. Thomson noted that Frankland's paper 'excited considerable attention among the ethical world of Wellington' because it was 'a subject in which interest is ever reviving'.

129. ibid, Vol. 18, p. 60.

130. ibid, Vol. 18, p. 60.

131. A full explanation of the distinction between ordinary, everyday arithmetic and the higher mathematics can be found in Godfrey Harold Hardy's A Mathematician's Apology, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1967.

132. G. Hogben, 'Remarks Upon Non-Euclidean Geometry', TPNZI, Vol. 19, p. 510.

133. ibid, Vol. 19, p. 510.

134. ibid, Vol. 19, p. 510.

135. ibid, Vol. 19, p. 514.

136. ibid, Vol. 19, p. 515.

137. ibid, Vol. 19, p. 515.

138. ibid, Vol. 34, pp. 507-13.

139. R.P. Phillips, Modern Thomist Philosophyi An Explanation For students, Vol. 1, London, Burns, Oates & washbourne Ltd., 1934, pp.36- 127, in particular p. 123.

140. A. Crombie, Augustine To Galileo, Vol. 2, chapters 4 and 5.

141. J. W. Draper, The History Of The Conflict Between Science And Religion, New York, Appleton, 1986.

142. Andrew Dickson White, History Of The Warfare Of Science With Theology In Christendom, London, MacMillan, 1896.

143. Andrew Burns Suter, 'The Christianizing Of Christianity'i A Sermon Preached At The Desire of The Most Reverend The Primatet In st. Paul's Churcht Dunedint By The Right Rev. Andrew Burns Suter DD Bishop of Nelsont At The Opening Of The General synodt February 13 t 1889, Dunedin, James Horsburgh, 1889, p. 17.

144. J.W. Draper, History of the Conflict Between Science and Religion New York, Appleton, 1986, p. 233.

145. James R. Moore, Post-Darwinian controversies, p. 28, astutely points out that Draper's work was a 'tract for its times, not a history of them'. Cf. o. Chadwick, The Victorian church, pp. 13-4; and D.C. Lindberg & R.L. Numbers 'Beyond War and Peace', Church History, Vol. 55, No. 3, 1986.

146. outlook, 23 April 1910, p. 22, where the full text is given.

147. B. Stewart and P. Tait, The unseen universe.

148. cited by Richard Allen Riesen, criticism And Faith In Late Victorian Scotlandi A.B. Davidson, William Robertson Smith and George Adam smith, New York, London, University Press of America, 1985, p. 108, 110. Riesen also notes that William Robertson smith and P.G. Tait, 252 who was Professor of Natural Theology in the University of Edinburgh, were friends.

149. R. Riesen, criticism And Faith, p. 227.

150. J. Stenhouse, Ph.D. thesis, pp. 138f. Copies were also held in the libraries of the Canterbury and Auckland Institutes.

151. ibid, p. 138.

152. The Church Quarterly Review, Vol. 1, p 230, 487 mentioned the popularity of the book as well as Clifford's sarcastic comments about it. The following year there was an extended review which was favourable.

153. The unseen universe went through at least five editions and thirteen printings from April 1875. until January 1889, then its popularity waned as quickly as it had waxed. science and theology had both moved on.

154. B. Stewart & P. Tait, The unseen universe, p. 198.

155. ibid, p. 8.

156. ibid, p. 90.

157. ibid, p. 90.

158. ibid, p. 198.

159. Minute Book of The Dunedin Mutual Improvement Society, 1870-1873, at the meeting 26 August 1873. Dunedin Public Library Archives.

160. s. Edgar, 'On The Spontaneity or self-Action of The will, As opposed To All Doctrines Of Necessity', TPNZI, Vol. 12, p. 440.

161. ibid, Vol. 12, p. 440.

162. w.I. Spencer, 'Life And Its correlation To Physical Force', ibid, Vol. 12, p. 109.

163. R.H. Blackwell, 'Is Life A Distinct Force', ibid, Vol. 17, p. 410.

164.C.H. Irwin and A.D. Adams (Eds.), cruden's complete concordance To The Old And New Testament, London, Lutterworth Press, 1951 lists 48 entries under star or stars, almost all referring to either the majesty of the sky at night, and drawing a conclusion about the nature of God from the observation.

165. see Susan Faye cannon, science In culture, The Early Victorian Period, New York, Dawson and science History Publications, 1978, chapter one for general comments on this.

166. Daily Telegraph, 26 March 1863, p. 2; 7 May 1863, p. 2.

167. J. MacGregor, Apology, p. 306.

168. s. Jenkinson, New Zealanders and science p. 88, and p. 130 for biographical details. Also J. stenhouse, Ph.D. thesis, pp. 114f. 253

169. Arthur Beverly responded to Bickerton's weak excuse that reasonings are better than calculations with the rejoinder that '"hypotheses that will not stand the test of figures are not worth a straw"'. And, on another occasion, told Bickerton that he was '"on the wrong side of the "pons asinorum" of dynamics"'· cited by R.M. Burdon, scholar-Errant, Christchurch, Pegasus Press, 1956, pp. 40-41.

17 0. Stanley L. Jaki, Planets and Planetarians; A Historv of The Theories Of The origin of Planetary systems, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1978, observes that Bickerton's scientific illustrations of how partial impact could lead to a ring type nebular formed around a third body formed in the collision of two stars, were strikingly original and plausible.

171. Sylvester's criticism of Huxley's failure to grasp the process of the mathematization of nature is cited in A.B. Suter, Address, p. 23.

172. A.W. Bickerton, The Romance of The Heavens, London, Swann sonnescein & co., 1901.

173. s. Jaki, Planets And Planetarians, p. 131.

174. ibid, p. 167.

175. Ronald L. Numbers, creation By Natural Law; Laplace's Nebular Hypothesis In American Thought, p. Seattle, university of Washington Press, 1977, 117.

176. TPNZI, 1893, p. 476.

177. stenhouse notes that Bickerton was 'hailed' in the newspapers as a 'neglected genius'. (Ph.D. thesis, p. 114) Jaki, on the other hand, regards Bickerton's scientific contribution to the revival of planetary theories as negligible, but he gives some credit to Bickerton for at least attacking Laplace's nebular hypothesis. This, in Jaki's opinion was a 'major thrust in the right direction, but he failed to advance incisive details'. (Planets and Planetarians, p. 168) The reason he failed to give 'incisive details' is, of course, that he lacked the mathematics and the physics needed.

178. A. Bickerton, The Romance of the Heavens, p. 169.

179. s. Jaki, Planets and Planetarians, p. l69f.

180. R. Burdon, scholar-Errant, p. 40.

181. ibid, p. 40.

182. ibid, p. 104.

183. Bickerton collection, Hacken Archives. See also F.R. Chapman's material for a biography of Arthur Beverly.

184. cited by F.R. Chapman in the Beverly Bequest, Memorandum to the Chancellor from Mr. Justice Chapman, Hacken Archives.

185. R. Burdon, Scholar-Errant, p. 104.

186. The chaldaean, Quarterly Journal of The Chaldaean Society, London, George Philip & Son, No. 23, 1926, pp. 9-13. 254

187. A.C. Gifford, 'The Encounter Theory', southern Stars, The Journal of The New Zealand Astronomical Society, Vol. 9, No. 1, Whole No. 67, pp. 6

188. clement Lindley Wragge, The Majesty of creation, Perth, R.S. Sampson, 1909, p. 6.

189. s. Jaki, Planets and Planetarians, chapters 5 and 7.

190. R. Burton, scholar-Errant, pp. 77-94.

191. ibid, p. 57.

192. ibid, p. 134.

193. New Zealand Christian Record, No. 367, 24 September 1880, p. 3.

194. ibid, 24 September 1880, p. 9.

195. ibid, 24 September 1880, p. 3.

196. ibid, 1 October, 1880, p. 9.

197. ibid, 8 October 1880, p. 9.

198. ibid, 12 November 1880, p. 9.

199. ibid, 12 November 1880, p. 9.

200. see, for example, the article 'The Flood! ! A Few Questions For Deists And Infidels', ibid, 29 October 1880.

201. ibid, 12 November 1880, p. 12.

202. ibid, 12 November 1880, p. 12.

203. ibid, 10 December 1880, p. 5.

204. ibid, 19 November 1880, p. 5.

205. ibid, 24 December 1880, p 12

206. ibid, 24 December 1880, p. 12.

207. ibid, 24 December 1880, p. 12.

208. ibid, 24 December 1880, p. 12.

209. J. Stenhouse, Ph.D. thesis, p. 192.

210. otago Daily Times, 23 October 1880, supplement, p. 2.

211. ibid, 23 October 1880, supplement p. 2.

212. ibid, 23 October 1880, supplement, p. 2.

213. ibid, 23 October 1880, supplement, p. 2.

214. This was confirmed by his daughter Mary Proctor, a capable astronomer in her own right, whose books found their way into the library of Knox college, Dunedin. In particular, she dedicated Evenings With The stars, London, New York, Toronto, Melbourne, Cassell & co., 255

1924, to the memory of her father, and spoke illuminatingly on the role of natural theology. 'To us, also, through every star, through every blade of grass, is not a God made visible, if we will open our minds and our eyes.' In reading both father and daughter's books, it may be fairly concluded that in their case the Victorian ability to see the meaning of the Book of God's Works was passed from one generation to the next.

215. George Higinbotham, Science And Religion Or The Relations Of Modern science With The Christian Churches, A Lecture By George Higinbotham Judge Of The Supreme Court of Victoria, Melbourne, Samuel Mullen, 1883.

216. New Zealand Methodist Times, 28 April 1917, p. 1.

217. ibid, 12 May 1917, p. 12.

218. ibid, 12 May 1917, p. 12.

219. New Zealand Wesleyan, 30 November 1872

220. ibid, 12 May 1917, p. 14.

221. New Zealand Methodist Times, 12 May 1917, p. 12.

222. J.C. Begg, Royal Society Of New Zealand, Astronomical Section; Historical Review, undated, pp. 2-4.

223. Evening star, 6 May 1910. For many years Fairclough wrote the astronomical column for this paper, under the pseudonym 'Ariel'.

224. For example, in 1893 the Methodists students were, for the first time, required to learn Maori as an integral part of their theological training.

225. Christian outlook, 16 March 1895, p. 1.

226. Philip J. Davis & Reuben Hirsch, 'I.R. Shafarevitch and The New Nee-Platonism', The Mathematical Experience, Boston, Birkheauser & co., 1981, pp. 52.

227. William w. Carlisle, TPNZI, Vol. 24, pp. 645-6.

228. TPNZI, Vol. 24, p. 354.

229. cf. G.V. Hudson, 'Instances of Instinct in Insects', ibid, Vol. 24, p. 354.

230. H. Schaw, 'Presidential Address To The Wellington Philosophical Society', ibid, Vol. 24.

231. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 640.

232. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 645.

233. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 641.

234. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 645.

235. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 647.

236. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 645. 256

237. ibid, Vol. 24, pp. 640-1.

238. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 641.

239. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 642.

240. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 642.

241. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 642.

242. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 643, p. 648, p. 649.

243. F.W. Farrar, The Life Of Christ, London, Paris, New York, Cassell, Petter & Galpin, 1874, p. v.

244. TPNZI, Vol. 24, p. 649.

245. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 642.

246. ibid, Vol. 24, p. 650.

247. Coleman Phillips, 'On A Common Vital Force', ibid, Vol. 26, p. 604 and ibid, Vol. 30, p. 122.

248. ibid, Vol. 25, p. 77.

249. Buller also wrote, ibid, Vol. 25, p. 77, that Phillips' essay 'affords pleasant and amusing reading, but it is impossible to take seriously. For example, when a writer, professing to deal scientifically with his subject, brackets together the Moa and our domestic fowl - as "one species alone of living things," there is an end to any attempt at rational discussion'.

250. ibid, Vol. 25, p. 76. Note that the concept of Darwinism had thus become a multivalent symbol, capable of being interpreted in the most positive or the most negative senses. Buller, son of the Rev. James Buller, a Wesleyan missionary, obviously found the negative connotations distasteful to his personal faith.

251. ibid, Vol. 25, p. 103.

252. ibid, Vol. 25, p. 103.

253. ibid, Vol. 25, p. 645.

254. ibid, Vol. 25, p. 646.

255. Hudson won both the Hector Medal and the Hutton Memorial Medal of the Royal society of New Zealand much later on, for his contribution to entomology, having amassed 'the finest and most perfect collection of New Zealand insects ever formed by one person'. (Transactions and Proceedings Royal Society of New Zealand, Vol. 76, p. 265) But it was as an astronomer that he had that rare stroke of fortune (combined with patient observational skill) which comes to few, lay or professional, when he discovered Nova Aquilae in 1918.

256. G.V. Hudson, 'Presidential Address To The Wellington Philosophical Society', TPNZI, Vol. 31, p. 695.

257. ibid, Vol. 31, p. 695.

258. ibid, Vol. 25, p. 481. 257

259. In 1898 Charles w. Purnell wrote an important paper 'A comparison Between the Animal Mind and the Human Mind', Vol. 29, p. 71. cf. his 'Animal Mind as a Factor in Organic Evolution', ibid, Vol. 32, p. 243.

260. T.M. Hacken, 'Presidential Address To The otago Institute', ibid, Vol. 27, p. 616.

261. ibid, Vol. 27, p. 616.

262. William Colenso, 'Presidential Address', ibid, Vol. 27, p. 129.

263. ibid, Vol. 27, p. 131.

264. ibid, Vol. 27, pp. 131-2.

265. ibid, Vol. 27, p. 132.

266. ibid, Vol. 27, p. 132-3.

267. ibid, Vol. 27, p. 133.

268. ibid, Vol. 27, p. 140.

269. ibid, Vol. 27, p. 141.

270. ibid, Vol. 27, p. 150. 258 CONCLUSION

It is conunonplace to talk of the great scientific changes that have occurred in this century. As Bronowski observed,

There is today almost no scientific theory which was held when, say, the Industrial Revolution began about 1760. Most of today's theories flatly contradict those of 1760; many contradict those of 1900. In cosmology, in quantum mechanics, in genetics, in the social sciences, who now holds the beliefs that seemed firm sixty years ago? 1

Few would disagree, yet there has been sufficient evidence adduced to show that sometimes the 'new' theories may have had a long scientific history. As shown in chapter five, the mathematical foundation for

Einstein's Special Theory of Relativity was being laid decades beforehand by Europe's best geometers, and imaginatively talked about by colonists such as Frankland. Similarly, new schools of Biblical criticism are often the result of prior movements of thought. The

literary criticism and historical criticism of the nineteenth century were necessary precursors for the form criticism and redaction

criticism which subsequently appeared during the twentieth century.

This does not necessarily imply that there were no sharp breaks with tradition, no radical discontinuities in either science or faith.

Rather, each differing perspective has to be taken into account,

particularly in attempting to answer the question whether or not faith

and science were at war with one another in the nineteenth century. It

is clear that, from the perspective of some Christian leaders, J.

Copland, for example, that evolutionary science was inimical to faith,

and Higher criticism almost as bad. Yet, others, such as S.T. Nevill,

embraced the changes wrought by both.

It would seem that a New Zealand cleric of the late nineteenth

century who had a university education was certainly critically aware

of science, its success and limitations. The joy and excitement which

some theologians felt for the scientific enterprise was also an

integral part of their personal faith. What they believed about science

was united with what they believed about God. In some instances they

were capable of imparting this belief to another generation of clergy. 259

The line from A.R. Fitchett to P. Fairclough to J.T. Pinfold provides a straightforward example of how this happened, the older minister taking care to evoke the necessary enthusiasm for both science and faith in the younger man. This broad spectrum of intellectual concern helped create a climate of increasing theological liberalism. Indeed, one may conclude that within New Zealand Methodism there was a much more liberal attitude to science than in British Methodism at that time, and this mood prevailed in other areas of Church life. 2

However, many nineteenth century scientists with religious beliefs were less sure of the theological claims of the church. Those whose work was of international standing, such as F.W. Hutton, and J. van Haast were sceptical about too many claims for faith. They were all too well aware of the shameful history of both catholic and Protestant treatment of heretics. Nonetheless, some members of the scientific community were not as free-thinking as they claimed. Those who opposed the speculative thinkers like F.W. Frankland included some of the most important members of the New Zealand Institute. sometimes it was harder

for amateur scientists to abandon an incorrect perception of scientific truth than it was for them to reformulate a religious truth.

Most Institute members were nominally Christian, open to the

leading of scientific knowledge, even if that occasionally meant

abandoning dogmatic orthodoxy in favour of contrary beliefs. They were

prepared to stand their ground against their religious leaders, as J.

Copland, D .M. Stuart and w. Salmond found to their disadvantage.

· Members derived mutual support from one another in the life of the

Institute. It was often the case that their faith seemed to have a

sparkling relevance to their work as amateur or professional

scientists, with S.T. Nevill, c.w. Richmond, and R. Kidd springing

readily to mind. Indeed, from these men's writings, it can be fairly

claimed in the New Zealand context that although the faith-science

interaction did not determine much of the course or content of modern

science, nevertheless it has sometimes enhanced the quality of

scientific debate for all participants.

The one figure from New Zealand who made a substantial and unique 260 contribution to the faith-science interaction during the nineteenth century was, of course, Samuel Butler. His emphasis on the intuitive, his distrust of analysis, and his disdain for authority, ecclesiastical or scientific, have to be weighed against his slow but certain growth of knowledge in the issues of philosophical biology and the history of the faith-science interaction. His unconventional thinking produced results that ultimately enriched rather than diminished the Darwinian debates, despite the invective his enemies heaped upon him. In literary ability, Rutherford Waddell was the New Zealand cleric closest to him, although they were worlds apart in terms of theology and charity.

Although there were clear transplantions of scientific and theological ideas from early nineteenth century Britain into early

colonial New Zealand, the complex interactions of faith and science

during the Victorian period ensured that some distinctions quickly

blurred. Representative of the people who lived through these changes were w. colenso and J. Buller. Figures like w. Lawry and w. swainson did not survive to see the vast changes wrought by Darwinism and Higher

criticism, but Colenso and Buller did. Colenso was more than an avid

botanical collector. Thoroughly imbued with the scientific spirit,

troubled by the contradictions it posed for his religious faith,

Colenso managed to cling tenaciously to both.

colenso saw not only some aspects of Christian orthodoxy under

attack, but also scientific orthodoxy. The presuppositions of the old

science were crumbling. Baconianism, for so long so congenial to the

clerical mind, was no longer possible to maintain. science had impacted

deeply upon the kingdom of faith. Yet, one of the apparently greatest

triumphs of science, the development of the Newtonian universe, was

tottering under an increasing pressure to do away with a purely

mechanistic image of reality. This is seen in the debates of the

Institute which centred around various forms of the question, what is

life? The answers posited by invocation of mechanism alone were usually

found wanting. Life was simply too vibrant to be characterised by a

sterile reductionism, as Butler had so early pointed out.

The biographical details of the major thinkers singled out in 261 this thesis, gleaned from the archival material, indicate that many of the clergy thought deeply about science and faith. They shared common insights, aspirations and fears, yet were often forced far apart theologically, because of science. This can be seen by comparing the

Presbyterians w. Salmond, J. MacGregor, J. Dunlop, and R. Waddell. They shared the intellectual heritage of the Scottish enlightenment, were products of a powerful and influential kirk, yet could not reach a common mind on the question of Biblical miracle viewed in the light of a scientific age. undergirding this was the associated problem of induction and the reliability of the scientific method versus Christian faith. Whilst the metaphor of an outright war in the nineteenth century between science and Biblical faith is untenable, nonetheless there were, and continue to be, fundamental contradictions inherent in the

juxtaposition of the two. Appeals to natural theology rather than

Biblical revelation helped ease the tension.

To some extent the Anglican church fared better than the

Presbyterian church in living with that tension. The breadth of theological diversity in the Anglican communion has always been

noteworthy, and particularly s. T. Nevill highlighted the

reasonableness of the enterprise of natural theology. After the turn of

the century, however, less attention was paid to the faith-science

interaction, until the development of quantum theory in the nineteen

twenties. This returns the discussion to the question of the relevance of

a history of the faith-science interaction for New Zealand. why does it

continue to be significant for the Church and society? While it

diminished during the early part of the twentieth century, it has again

steadily increased in magnitude and now occupies a prominent position

in theological thought. Problems of meaning, in both faith and science,

remain key questions for considerable numbers of church members, and

for an increasing proportion of the scientific community. It seems

desirable to reconstruct the debates of the past, and to attempt to see

the events of the past through the eyes of the characters of those

times, as has been attempted in this thesis, in order to let that 262 history partly signify the relevance of the debate today. Moreover, many questions posed in nineteenth century biology, particularly over the Darwinian versus Lamarckian versions of evolution, have again taken centre stage. This is illustrated by the work of nee-Darwinians such as

Gould and Monad, and the broader perspectives of Morton and Sheldrake. 3

Although during the second-half of the nineteenth century the Darwinian debates overshadowed the quieter, yet, equally significant, controversies in physics, astronomy and mathematics, the meaning and significance of the latter are similarly being currently debated. An awareness of the depth and complexity of those controversies can likewise add to an understanding of the present movement of thought. 263

1. cited by Alister Hardy, The Biology of God, A scientist's study Of Man The Religious Animal, London, Jonathon Cape, 1975. Cf. Martin Rudwick, 'Senses Of The Natural World And senses Of God: Another Look At The Historical Relation of science And Religion', in A.R. Peacocke (Ed.), The sciences And Theology In The Twentieth Century, stockfield, Henley, London, oriel, 1981, for a sharply contrasting view of what the author describes as Bronowski's triumphalist view of science.

2. A wider manifestation of this liberalism was noted by the English preacher, the Rev. Thomas Cook, during a mission tour of 1896. Writing of his New Zealand colleagues he said, 'Our ministers, generally, are aggressive and spiritual, and of liberal and advanced views'. Thomas Cook, Days of God's Right Hand our Mission Tour In Australasia And Ceylon, London, C.Hs Kelly, 1896, p. 245. See also pp. 241-6.

3. See, for example, John Morton, Christ, Creation And The Environment, Auckland, Anglican Communications, 1989; John Morton, Redeeming creation: A Christian World Evolving, Auckland, Zealandia, 1984; John Morton, 'Transcendence', New Zealand Theological Review, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1966; Rupert sheldrake, The Presence Of The Past, Great Britain, Fontana, Collins, 1988; Rupert Sheldrake, The Rebirth Of Nature, The Greening of science And God, London, Sydney, Auckland, Johannesburg, century, 1990. 264

TABLE A

RELATIVE FREQUENCIES OF

TOPICS PUBLISHED IN

THE TRANSACTIONS

AND PROCEEDINGS OF

THE NEW ZEALAND INSTITUTE,

VOLUMES 1-63

There are three indices for the TPNZI, the first covering volumes

1-40 (1868-1907); the second volumes 41-51 (1908-1919); the third volumes 52-63 (1920-1934). This table list the number of papers in each index under the heading Miscellaneous Papers. It is interesting that mathematics, applied mathematics, physics, mechanics and a variety of other subjects were classified under this heading. Mathematical typeface did not arrive in New Zealand in time for the printing of the

first volume of TPNZI. As already mentioned the vast majority of papers presented to the New Zealand Institute and its branches were in the biological and geological sciences.

Subject Index l Index 2 Index 3

Economics 18 0 2 Education 18 0 0 Engineering, Mechanics & Scientific Appliances 78 9 0 Exploration & General Geography 18 0 0 Geometry, Mathematics & Surveying 29 2 0 Mathematics (under a separate title) 0 9 0 History 4 5 0 Literature & Music 11 0 0 Literature & Art 0 5 0 Literature (under a separate title) 0 0 l Medicine & Sanitation 39 0 0 Medicine 0 5 0 Metaphysics 24 0 0 Statistics 9 0 0 Trade & Industry 25 2 0 General 0 9 0 265 PRIMARY SOURCES

A: MANUSCRIPTS, DIARIES, LETTERS, COLLECTIONS OF PAPERS, ETC.

Beverly, Arthur, bequest and collected papers, letters, etc, including F.R. Chapman's material for a biography of Arthur Beverly, Hacken Library, Dunedin

Buddle, Thomas, Letterbook 1873-1878, Trinity College Archives, st. John's College, Auckland

Buller, James, diaries, Hacken Library, Dunedin

Buller, James, letter to Hobbs, J., Auckland Institute, Auckland

Buller, Walter Lawry, letter to Cheeseman, T.F., Auckland Institute, Auckland Cheeseman, Thomas Frederic, papers, letters, Auckland Institute, Auckland.

colenso, William, journals, M.S. Volume 63A, photocopy, Hacken Library, Dunedin

Dickie, John, collected papers, lecture notes, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

Hector, James, collected papers, letters, etc., including biographical material by Professors Benham and Park, Hacken Library, Dunedin

Hobbs, John, letters, papers, Auckland Institute, Auckland

Kidd, Robert, a letter held with Thomas Buddle's Letterbook 1873-1878, Trinity College Archives, st. John's College, Auckland

Lawry, Walter, diaries, 1818-1819, typescript, Auckland Institute, Auckland Lawry, Walter, 'The case of A Wesleyan seminary In course of Preparation At Auckland' , in the Letterbook Of Rev. Thos . Buddle, Trinity college Archives, st. John's College, Auckland

MacGregor, James, M.S. entitled stray Thoughts And suggestions: Miscellaneous And Fragmentary: Occasional Writing 1853-62, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

Nevill, S.T., collected papers, diaries, newspaper clippings, 1904-23, Hacken Library, Dunedin

Peattie, Robert To MacGregor, James, a letter, MacGregor Collection, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

Salmond, William, typescript notes on William Salmond, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

stack, James West, notebook, Hacken Library, Dunedin

Stewart, A.C., To Waddell, c., a letter, Waddell Collection, Hacken Library, Dunedin

Stuart, D.M., transcript, collected papers, Early settlers' Museum, Dunedin 266

Waddell, Rutherford, Notebooks, especially Vols. 7-11, Waddell Collection, Hacken Library, Dunedin

Young Men's Literary Association, Notebooks Of Essays, Archives, First church of otago, Dunedin

B: MINUTE BOOKS, OFFICIAL RECORDS, INCLUDING LOCATIONS

catalogue of The Library of The Dunedin Athenffium And Mechanics Institute Established 1859, Dunedin, 1863, Dunedin Public Library

Diocese Of Dunedin, synod Proceedings, Dunedin, 1890, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

Local Preachers Association Minute Book (of the Wesleyans) 1884-87, MS Trinity college Archives, st. John's college, Auckland

Minute Book of the Dunedin Mutual Improvement Society, 1870-1873, Dunedin Public Library

Minutes Of The Several Conferences Between The Wesleyan Churches, 1856- 1913, Trinity college Archives, st. John's college, Auckland

Minutes Of The Annual Methodist Conference, 1919 1940, Trinity College Archives, st. John's College, Auckland

New Zealand Government Gazettes, 1848-1900, a compilation, published by the New Zealand society of Genealogists in microfiche

New Zealand Institute, otago Branch Minute Book, in the Hector collection, Hacken Library

Passenger Index, New Zealand Department, Auckland Public Library

Proceedings Of The General synod Of The Church Of The Province Of New Zealand, Wellington, Wellington, 1892, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

Pinfold, J.T., Conference List Of Ministers, Minutes Of Conference, 1913, Methodist Church of New Zealand Archives, Auckland

Professor salmond's 'Proposals Anent Theological Trading', Proceedings of The synod of The Presbyterian Church of otago And southland, Dunedin, 1878, Knox Theological Hall

statement Made Bv Mr. Hawthorne Rector of The High school At The Bar of The Provincial Council Dunedin on Tuesday 15th July 1873, Dunedin, Evening star, 1873, Hacken Library

The Lyceum Guide; Compiled By A Committee of The Dunedin Freethouqht Association, Dunedin, Joseph Braithwaite, 1881, Dunedin Public Library

Transactions And Proceedings Of The New Zealand Institute, Wellington, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

Twelfth synod Of The Diocese Of Nelson, 1869, Nelson, c. Eliot, 1869, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

Wesleyan Ministers' Association Minute Books 1898-1903, Trinity College Archives, st. John's college, Auckland 267

C: SERMONS, LECTURES, AND SUNDRY PAMPHLETS

Aitken, James, Faith and credulity: An Investigation of the Theories of Unbelief concerning the Resurrection of Jesus from the Dead, wanganui, (no publisher printed) 1903

Allen, William shepherd, A Reply To The Lecture Delivered By The Rev. C.H. Garland on The 'Bearing Of Higher criticism on Leading Evangelical Doctrines', Auckland, Wilson & Horton, 1893

Allen, William Shepherd, The Present Position of Methodism And The causes Of Its Decrease In Numbers, Manchester, J. Brooke & co., London, S.R. James, 1911

Bodington, Charles, some Difficulties Of Belief, The substance of A Lecture Delivered In st. Mary's Church Parnell; The st. George's Thames; & st. Sepulchre's, Auckland, Auckland, Wlliam McCullough, 1885

Buddle, Thomas, The Aborigines of New Zealand: Two Lectures, Auckland, no publisher noted, 1851

Cook, George, The status Of The church Of England In New Zealand, Dunedin, 1877

Copland, James, The Origin And Spiritual Nature Of Man, Dunedin, Horsburgh, 1885

Dunlop, John, Genuine And Spurious Protestantism, Dundee, no publisher noted, 1880

Fitchett, A.R., The Ethics of Evolution, Dunedin, no publisher noted, 1876

Hadfield, Octavius, A sermon Preached At The Opening of General synod In The church of st. John, Napier, on Tuesday April The 3rd, 1888, Bv The Bishop of Wellington, published by private request of the synod. The copy held at the Hacken Library, Dunedin, has no cover.

Higinbotham, George, Science And Religion or The Relations of Modern Science with The Christian Churches, A Lecture By George Higinbotham, Judge of The Supreme court of Victoria, Melbourne, Samuel Mullan, 1893

Isitt, I.W., Sacerdotal Pretensions, or Fitchett The Priest of 1885 Answered By Fitchett The Pastor of 1875, Christchurch, J.T. smith, 1885

MacGregor, James, Regarding Evolution, The Previous Question of science, Dunedin, James Horsburgh, Oamaru, Andrew Fraser, undated

MacGregor, James, Presbyterians on Trial By Their Principles, Dunedin, Munro, Hutchinson, & Co., 1890

Maunsell, R., Man And The Monkey, A lecture Delivered In The Choral Society Hall, Auckland, Upton & Co., 1871

Nelson college 1879 Examination, Judge Richmond's Address, Delivered Thursday 15 December, Nelson, Luckie & Collins

Nevill, s.T., The Word Written And The Word Wrought: An Eireniconic comparison, Christchurch, smith, Anthony, Sellars & co., 1891

Nevill, Samuel Tarratt, Spiritual Philosophy: Two Lectures Delivered on successive Sundays In The cathedral church of st. Paul, Dunedin, London, Longmans, Green, 1909 268

Review of The Rev. A.R. Fitchett's Lecture on Evolution, reprinted from the Christian Advocate, Dunedin, 1876

Robert, A Charge Delivered To The Diocese of Natal In The cathedral church of st. Peter, Pieterrnaritzburgh, At His Primary Metropolitan Visitation, Pieterrnarizburgh, no publisher noted, 1864 (Note: the author is Bishop Robert Gray)

Salmond, J.D. & Salmond Alex., The World crisis And The Gospel, Dunedin, privately published, 1931

Salmond, William, The Reign of Grace, A Discussion Of The Possibility Of salvation For All Men In This Life, or In The Life To Corne, Dunedin, James Horsburgh, 1888

Salmond, William, The Christian Theory of Morals Versus utilitarianism - A Discourse, North shields, John Hall Printers, 1873

Salmond, William, The Limits Of Comprehension Within The church; An Address Delivered At A Meeting Of The English Presbyterian synod In Bridge End Church, Monckwearrnouth, Sunderland, William Salmond Of North shields, 14 October 1873, Edinburgh, Murray & Gobb, 1873 stock, A., The Transit of Venus And How To observe It, Wellington, T.A. Bowden, 1874 stock, A., The Early Date And Consequent Truthfulness Of The Four Gospels, Wellington, Lyon And Blair, 1875 stock, A., Astronomy For Beginners Who Live In The southern Hemisphere: With Maps Of The Northern And Southern Constellations, second edition, wanganui, A.D. Willis, 1897

Suter, A.B., Address of The Right Rev. A.B. Suter, Bishop of Nelson, To The Clergy And Lay Representatives Of The Twelfth synod Of The Diocese Of Nelson, of st. Andrew's Day, November 30, 1869, Nelson, c. Eliot, undated, 1869?

Suter, Andrew Burns, The Christianizing of Christianity, A sermon Preached At The Desire of The Most Rev. The Primate, In st. Paul's church, Dunedin, By The Right Rev. Andrew Burns Suter D.D. Bishop of Nelson, At The opening of General synod, February 13, 1889, Dunedin, James Horsburgh, 1889

Wragge, Clement Lindley, The Majesty of creation, Perth, R.s. Sampson, 1909

D: NEWSPAPERS, JOURNALS, AND ASSOCIATED ARTICLES

JOURNAL LIST:

Auckland Weekly News, Auckland

Chaldffian Quarterly Journal Of The Chaldffian Society, London

Chapman's New Zealand Monthly Magazine: Literary Scientific And Miscellaneous, Auckland

Christian Advocate, Dunedin

Christian outlook, Christchurch & Dunedin

church Quarterly Review, London, Vols. 1-2 269

Daily Telegraph, Dunedin

Evening star, Dunedin

New Zealand Christian Record, Dunedin

New Zealand Journal Of Science, Dunedin

New Zealand Journal Of Theology; A Journal Of Theological And Religio­ Philosophical Thought, Christchurch

New Zealand Magazine, Wellington, 1850

New Zealand Magazine: A Quarterly Journal Of General Literature, Dunedin, 1876-7

New Zealand Methodist Times, Christchurch

New Zealand Presbyterian, Dunedin

New Zealand Wesleyan, Christchurch otago Christian Record, Dunedin otago Daily Times, Dunedin

outlook, Dunedin

otago Witness, Dunedin

Timaru Herald, Timaru

ARTICLE LIST:

Fraser, Charles, 'Evolution And Christianity', (in three parts) New Zealand Magazine, Dunedin

Fraser, P.B., Mental Mutilation of People's Children by Exclusion of the Bible from schools, oamaru, 1892

Giles, J., 'Evolution Ethics', New Zealand Magazine, Dunedin

Hutton, F.W., 'The History Of Creation', New Zealand Magazine, Dunedin

MacGregor, James, 'The Problem Of Poverty', New Zealand Magazine, Dunedin

Salmond, William, 'The Doctrine Of Evolution And Christianity', New Zealand Magazine, Dunedin

Salmond, William, The Christian Doctrine of creation', New Zealand Magazine, Dunedin

Taylor, Richard, 'Geological observations on The Book of Genesis', New Zealand Magazine, Wellington, 1850

Taylor, Richard, 'The Geology Of New Zealand', Chapman's New Zealand Monthly Magazine

Taylor, Richard, 'The Geological Age of New Zealand', Chapman's New Zealand Monthly Magazine

E: SCIENTIFIC PAPERS IN THE TPNZI 270

Adams, James, 'The Elements of Mathematics', Vol. 9

Adams, James, 'Why Should School-Teaching Provide Only For The counter Or The Desk?', Vol. 24

Bickerton, A.W., 'The Birth of Nebulae', Vol. 12

Bickerton, A.W., 'Synoptic statement Of The Principles And Phenomenon of cosmic Impact', Vol. 27

Bickerton, A.W., 'Genesis Of Worlds And systems', Vol. 12

Bickerton, A.W., 'Origin of Double stars', Vol. 13

Blackwell, R.H., 'Is Life A Distinct Force?', Vol. 24

Bowen, George F., 'Anniversary Address', vol. 3

Brent, D., 'Modern Methods of Geometry', Vol. 3

Buller, W., 'Presidential Address to the Wellington Philosophical Society', Vol. 25

Carlisle, W.W., 'Animal Intelligence', Vol. 26

colenso, William, 'Presidential Address' Vol. 28

Dobson, E., 'Presidential Address To The Philosophical Institute of Canterbury', Vol. 1

Dobson, E., 'Applied Science In Canterbury Province', Vol. 13

Edgar, s., 'On The Spontaneity Or self-Action Of The Will, As Opposed To All Doctrines Of Necessity', Vol. 12

Frankland, F.W., 'On The simplest Continuous Manifoldness Of Two Dimensions And of Finite Extent', Vol. 9

Frankland, F.W., 'On The Doctrine Of Mind-stuff', Vol. 12

Frankland, F.W., 'Non-Euclidean Geometry Vindicated', Vol. 16

Hacken, T.M., "Presidential Address To The otago Institute', vol. 27

Hogben, G., 'Remarks Upon Non-Euclidean Geometry', Vol. 18

Hudson, G.V., 'Instances Of Instinct In Insects', Vol. 24

Hudson, G.V., 'Presidential Address to the Wellington Philosophical Society', TPNZI, Vol. 31, p 695

Kidd, R., 'What Is science', Vol. 7

Kidd, R., 'Induction And Necessary Truth', Vol. 7

Kidd, R. 'On Probability', Vol. 7

Mantell, W.B.D., 'On Moa Beds', Vol. 5

Nevill, s.T., "Presidential Address', Vol. 10

obituaries, Vol. 31, Vol. 32

Phillips, c., 'On A Common Vital Force', Vol. 26 271

Purnell, c.w., 'A Comparison Between The Animal Mind And The Human Mind', Vol. 29

Purnell, 'Animal Mind As A Factor In organic Evolution', Vol. 32

Richmond, c.w., 'The Modern Aspect Of Natural Theology', Vol. 1

Richmond, c.w., 'Man's Place In Creation', Vol. 2

Richmond, c.w., 'A Reply To Mind-Stuff', Vol. 12

Rutherford, E., 'Magnetization of Iron By High Frequency Discharges', Vol. 24 schaw, H., 'Presidential Address To The Wellington Philosophical Society', Vol. 24

Skey, w. 'Notes Upon Mr. Frankland's Paper: 'On The Simplest Continuous Manifoldness Of Two Dimensions And Finite Extent', Vol. 13

Spencer, 'Life And Its correlation To Physical Force', Vol. 12

Taylor, Richard, 'An Account Of The First Discovery of Moa Bones', Vol. 5

Thomson, J.T., 'Remarks Upon Mind-stuff', vol. 14

F: CONTEMPORARY BOOKS

Alpers, O.T.J., Cheerful Yesterdays, cheap edition, Auckland, Christchurch, Dunedin, Wellington (N.Z.), Melbourne, Sydney, London, Whitcombe & Tombs Ltd., 1930

Bickerton, A.W., The Romance Of The Heavens, London, Swan Sonnenscein & Co., 1901 .

Buller, James, Forty Years In New Zealand, Including A Personal Narrative, An Account of Maoridom, And Of The christianization And colonization of The country, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1878

Buller, Walter L. Manual of The Birds of New Zealand, wellington, George Didsbury, The Government Printer, 1882

Buller, Walter L., A History of The Birds of New Zealand, new edition revised from the second edition of 18 8 8, Wellington, Whi tcombe & Tombes, 1967

Butler, Samuel, Luck, or cunning, As The Main Means Of organic Modification? An Attempt To Throw Additional Light Upon Darwin's Theory of Natural selection, second ed.ition, London, A.c. Fifield, 1920

Butler, Samuel, God The Known And God The Unknown, London, A.c. Fifield, 1909

Butler, Samuel, Unconscious Memory, London, A.C. Fifield, 1920

Butler, Samuel, Erewhon Revisited, Twenty Years Later, London, Grant Richards, 1901

Butler, Samuel, Evolution, old & New, third edition, London, Jonathon cape, 1921

Butler, Samuel, Life And Habit, new edition with addenda and preface, 272

London, Jonathon cape, 1924

Butler, Samuel, Erewhon, Or over The Range, second edition, London, Trubner & co, 1873

Butler, Samuel, The way of All Flesh, Great Britain, Penguin, 1953

Butler, Samuel, A First Year In Canterbury Settlement With Other Early Essays, London, Jonathon cape, 1923

Butler, Samuel, The Fair Haven, second edition, London, Trubner & co, 1873

Chalmers, Thomas, On The Power, wisdom, And Goodness Of God, As Manifested In The Adaption Of External Nature To The Moral And Intellectual Constitution Of Man, London, Bell & Daldy, 1871

Chambers Etymological Dictionary Of The English Language, Language, London & Edinburgh, w. & R. chambers, 1900

Chapman, H.s., The New Zealand Portfolio; Embracing A Series Of Papers on subjects Of Importance To The Colonists, London, smith, Elder & co., 1843, Facsimile Library Facsimile No. 9, 1969

Chisholm, Fifty Years syne, A Jubilee Memorial of The Presbyterian church of otago, Dunedin, J. Wilkie & co., New Zealand Bible, Tract And Book Society, 1898

Clifford, William Kingdon, The commonsense Of The Exact Sciences, London, Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1907

Darwin, Charles, The origin Of species, By Means Of Natural Selection or The Preservation of Favoured Races In The struggle For Life, reprint of the 6th edition of the original, Collier-Macmillan Canada Ltd, Toronto 1969

Darwin, Charles, The Descent of Man, And Selection In Relation To Sex, Vols. 1 & 2, London, John Murray, 1871

Darwin, Charles, Journal Of Researches Into The Geology And Natural History of The various countries Visited During The voyage of HMS Beagle Round The World, new edition, J.M. Dent & Sons London; E.P. Dutton, New York, 1920

Davis, John King, History Of St. John's College, Tamaki, Auckland, N.Z., Auckland, Abel Dykes Ltd., 1911

Dickie, John, The organism of Christian Truth, London, James Clarke & Co., 1930

Draper, J.W., The History Of The Conflict Between Science And Religion, New York, Appleton, 1986

Drummond, Henry, Natural Law In The spiritual world, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1883

Drummond, Henry, The Ascent of Man, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1894

Edinburgh. New college of the Free church: Inaugural Lectures, Edinburgh, Johnstone & Hunter, 1850

Essays and Reviews, London, Longmans, Green, 1861

Farrar, F.W., The Life Of Christ, London, Paris, New York, Cassell, Petter, & Galpin, 1874

Galton, Francis, Hereditary Genius; An Inquiry Into Its Laws · And 273 consequences, London, MacMillan & Co, 1914

Galton, Francis, Probability, The Foundation of Eugenics, oxford, Clarendon Press, 1907 Garnett, R.S., Samuel Butler And His Family Relations, London, Toronto, J.M. Dent & Sons, New York, E.P. Dutton & Co.,1926

Gregory, J. Robinson, The Theological student, A Handbook of Elementary Theology, (new edition) London, Robert Culley, 1906

Guy, James & Potter, Williams., Fifty Years of Primitive Methodism In New Zealand; Jubilee Memorial Volume, Wellington, The Primitive Methodist Book Depot, 1893

Heaphy, Charles, Narrative of A Residence In Various Parts Of New Zealand Together With A Description of The Present state of The company settlements, London, smith, Elder, & Co. , 1842, A Hacken Library Facsimile, No. 7, 1968

Hodge, Charles, systematic Theology, Vols. 1,2,3, London, Thomas Nelson & sons, & Edinburgh, 1871

Hoppe, A.J., A Bibliography of The Writings of Samuel Butler, London, The Office of 'The Bookrnan's Journal', no. 28 of 500, undated

Hutton, Frederick Wollaston, Darwinism And Lamarckism old And New, London, Duckworth & co., 1899

Hutton, Frederick Wollaston, The Lesson of Evolution (second edition) printed for private circulation, 1907

Huxley, Thomas H., Evolution and Ethics, The Romanes Lecture 1893, London & New York, Macmillan and Co., 1893

Irvine, R.F. & Alpers O.T.J., The Proqress Of New Zealand In The century, Toronto and Philadelphia, The Linscott Publishing company, Edinburgh, W.& R. chambers, Ltd, 1902

Jones, Henry Festing, Samuel Butler, A Memoir, London, Macmillan And Co., 1920

Jones, Henry Fe sting, The Note-Books of Samuel Butler Selections Arranged And Edited, London, Jonathon cape, 1926

MacGregor, James, A Vindication Of Natural Theology on The Grounds of Reason, scripture And orthodoxy, With Special Reference To The Glasgow College case And The Recent Publications of Professor Gibson, second edition, Edinburgh, Andrew Elliot, Glasgow, David Bryce, 1859

MacGregor, James, The Revelation And The Record, Edinburgh, no publisher noted, 1893

MacGregor, James, Studies In The History of Christian Apologetics, Edinburgh, no publisher noted, 1894

Miller, Hugh, The Testimony of the Rocks, or Geology in its Bearing on the Two Theologies, Natural and Revealed, Edinburgh, William P. Nimmo, 1874

Morley, William, The History Of Methodism In New Zealand, Wellington, McKee & co., 1900

Paley, William, Natural Theology; or Evidences of The Existence And Attributes of The Deity, eighteenth edition, London, James Sawers, no 8 Calton st; and Lackington, Allen & co., 1818 274

Proctor, Mary, Evenings With The stars, London, New York, Toronto, Melbourne, Cassell & co., 1924

Purchas, H. T. , Bishop Harper And The Canterbury Settlement, second edition revised and enlarged, Christchurch, Wellington, Dunedin, N.Z., Melbourne and London, Whitcombe & Tombes Limited, 1909

Purchas, H.T., A History of The English church In New Zealand, Christchurch, Simpson and Williams Ltd., Melbourne, G. Robertson & Co., London, Sampson Low, 1914

Ross, c. Stuart, Education And Educationists In otago, Dunedin, Wise & caffin, 1890 Rusden, G.W., History Of New Zealand, Vols. 1,2,3, (second edition) Melbourne, Melville, Mullen & Slade, 1895 smiles, Samuel, Self-Help; With Illustrations Of conduct And Perseverance, new edition, London, John Murray, 1887 smith, George Adam, The Life of Henry Drummond, colonial edition, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1899

Stewart, B., & Tait, P.G., The unseen universe or Physical Speculations on A Future State, London, New York, MacMillan & co., 1889 streatfield, R.A., (Ed.) Butler, Samuel, The Humour Of Homer, and other Essays, London, A.C. Fifield, 1913

Taylor, Richard, Te Ika A Maui, Or New Zealand And Its Inhabitants; Illustrating The origin, Manners, customs, Mythology, Religion, Rites, Songs, Proverbs, Fables, And Language Of The Maori And Polynesian Races In General; Together With The Geology, Natural History, Productions, And Climate Of The Country; Its State As Regards Christianity; sketches of The Principal chiefs, And Their Present Position; with A Map And Numerous Illustrations, London, Wertheim and Macintosh, 1854, Facsimile edition, Auckland, Christchurch, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974

Temple, Frederick, The Relations Between Religion And Science, London, Macmillan and co., 1884

Waddell, Rutherford, Behold The Lamb of God! A series of Discourses Tracing Through Scripture The Evolution And Coronation of The Lamb, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1903

Waddell, Rutherford, At The Turn of The Year, A Christmas Booklet, Dunedin, Wellington, Invercargill, New Zealand Bible, Tract And Book Society, 1912

Waddell, Rutherford, The Fiddles Of God, Wellington, New Zealand Bible and Book Society, undated, (1926?)

Waddell, Rutherford, The Voyage Of Life: Eight Addresses On Some Aspects of It, Wellington, New Zealand Bible and Book Society, undated

Waddell, Rutherford, Memories And Hopes, Wellington, Dunedin, & Invercargill, N.Z. Book Depot, undated

Walker, Hugh, The Age of Tennyson, London, George Bell and Sons, 1909

Wallace, Alfred Russel, The Wonderful century, Its successes And Failures, London, swan sonnenschein & co., New York, Dodd, Mead, 1901

Whewell, William, Astronomy And General Physics Considered With Reference To Natural Theology, London, Bell & Daldy, 1871

White, Andrew Dickson, History of The Warfare Of Science With Theology 275

In Christendom, London, Macmillan, 1896

Williams, W.J., Centenary Sketches of New Zealand Methodism, Christchurch, Lyttleton Times, 1922 276

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abrecht Paul, (Ed.) Faith And Science In An Unjust world, Report Of The World council of Churches' conference on Faith, Science And The Future, Volume 2: Reports And Recommendations, Geneva, World council of churches, 1980

Allan, Ruth M., Nelson, A History Of Early Settlement, Wellington, Auckland, Sydney, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1965

Anderson, Bernhard w., The Living World of The Old Testament, third edition, London, The Longman Group, 1975

Anderson, Svend, and Peacocke Arthur, (Eds.) Evolution And creation: A European Perspective, Aarkhus, Aarkhus University Press, 1987

Anscombe, Elizabeth, & Geach, Peter Thomas, (Eds.) Descartes, Rene, Philosophical Writings, Australia, Thomas Nelson, 1966

Armstrong, George A.W., Secularization of Religion In New Zealand, Wellington, Dept. of University Extension, Victoria University, undated (1976?) Arthur, Jessie?, Rev. Thomas And Mrs Buddle, Pioneer Missionaries To New Zealand 1840 To 1884: A Tribute To Their Memory By Their Descendants, Auckland, Methodist Literature And colporteur Society In New Zealand, 1940

Ashworth William B., 'Catholicism And Early Modern Science', see David c. Lindberg & Ronald L. Numbers, (Eds.) God And Nature: Historical Essays on The Encounter Between Christianity And science

Austin, William H. The Relevance Of Natural science To Theology, London & Basingstoke, The Macmillan Press, 1976

Avery, Gillian, Victorian People In Life And Literature, London, Collins, 1970

Bagnall, A.G., & Petersen, G.C., William Colenso, Printer, Missionary, Botanist, Explorer, Politician; His Life And Journeys, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1948

Ballard, Martin, (Ed.) New Movements In The study And Teaching of History, Melbourne, Cheshire, 1971

Barber, L.H., 'The Otago Church Defence Society', M.A. thesis, otago, otago university, 1970

Barber, L.H., 'An Otago University Academic On Trial For Heresy: 1888', Forum, Vol. XXVIII, no 10, Wellington, Ministry Committee of the Presbyterian church of New Zealand, 1975

Barber, L.H., 'Australasia's Heresy-Hunters Of The Late Victorian Period', see w. slinn, (Ed.) Australasian Victorian studies Association, Wellington conference Papers, 1977

Barr, John, The city Of Auckland New Zealand, 1840-1920,Auckland, Christchurch, Dunedin, Wellington, Whitcombe & Tombes, 1922

Barrett, Paul H., & Gruber, Howard E., (Eds.) Metaphysics, Materialism, And The Evolution of Mind, Early Writings OF Charles Darwin; Transcribed And Annotated, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1980 277

Begg, J.C., Royal Society Of Dunedin, Astronomical Section; Historical Review, Dunedin, undated

Bekker, Willem Gerard, An Historical And critical Review Of Samuel Butler's Literary Works, Utrecht, np publisher noted, 1925

Bell, E.T., Men Of Mathematics, Vol. 1, London, Penguin Books, 1953

Bertram, James, (Ed.) Letters of Thomas Arnold The Younger, 1850-1900, Dunedin, Auckland University Press, Oxford university Press, 1980

Best, Elsdon, The Astronomical Knowledge of The Maori, Genuine And Empirical, Wellington, The Government Printer, 1955

Best, Elsdon, The Maori Canoe And Polynesian Voyagers, New York, A.M.S. Press, 1977 Best, Elsdon, Maori Religion And Mythology, Part 1, Wellington, The Government Printer, 1982

Birch, Charles, 'Religion And Nature', see Kevin J. Sharpe & John M. Ker (Eds.), Religion And Nature: With Charles Birch And others

Blaiklock, E.M., Layman's Answer; An Examination of The New Theology, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1968

Blanton, James, (Ed.) John Bunyan, The Pilgrim's Progress, oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1928

Bloore, Chris, & Donovan, Peter, Science And Theology In Action, Palmerston North, Dunmore Press, 1987

Bowler, Peter, 'The Changing Meaning of "Evolution"', Journal Of The History of Ideas, No. 36, 1975

Bowler, Peter, The Non-Darwinian Revolution: Reinterpreting A Historical Myth, Baltimore, London, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988

Bowley, John, Charles Darwin, A New Biography, London, Pimlico, 1991

Brassington, A.C., and Maling, P.B., (Eds.) A First Year In Canterbury settlement By Samuel Butler, Auckland, Hamilton, Blackwood & Janet Paul, 1964

Brassington, A.C., Samuel Butler In Canterbury; The Predestined Choice, Christchurch, The Pegasus Press, 1972

Breward, Ian, Godless schools; A study In Protestant Reactions To The Education Act Of 1877, Christchurch, Presbyterian Bookroom, 1967

Brody, Baruch A., & Lustig, B. Andrew, & Englehardt, H. Tristram, & McCullough, Laurence B., Bioethics Yearbook, Volume 1, Theological Developments In Bioethics 1988-1990, Dordrecht, Boston, London, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1991

Brush, Stephen G., The History of Modern science, A Guide To The second scientific Revolution 1800-1950, Ames, Iowa State University Press, 1988

Buck, Peter, The coming of The Maori, Wellington, Maori Purposes Fund Board, reprinted, 1982

Burdon, R.M., New Zealand Notables, Series Three, Auckland, The Caxton Press, 1950

Burdon, R.M., Scholar-Errant, Christchurch, Pegasus Press, 1956 278

Butcher, Barry w., 'Gorilla warfare In Melbourne: Halford, Huxley And "Man's Place In Nature"', see R.W. Home, (Ed.) Australian Science In The Making

Butlin, Robin, 'George Adam smith And The Historical Geography Of The Holy Land: contents, contexts and connection', Journal Of Historical Geography, Vol. 14, No. 4, 1988

Butterfield, Herbert, Christianity And History, London, Fontana Books, Collins, 1957

Butterfield, Herbert, The Origins Of Modern Science 1300-1800, London, G. Bell And Sons, 1951 cairns, David, 'Natural Theology' in A.A. Cohen & M. Halverson (Eds.) A Handbook of Christian Theology

Callaghan, F.R., Science In New Zealand, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1957 cannon, Susan Faye, Science In Culture, The Early Victorian Period, New York, Dawson & Science History Publications, 1978

Capra, Fritjof, The Tao of Physics, London, Fontana Books, Collins, 1976

Chadwick, Owen, The Victorian church, London, vols. l & 2, A. & c. Black, 1966

Chadwick Owen, Religion And Science In Victorian England: Legend And Reality, Auckland, Auckland Colloquium - Australian & New Zealand Theological Review, 1966

Chadwick, Owen, The secularization of The European Mind, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1975 chambers, W.A., Samuel Ironside In New Zealand, 1835-1858, Auckland, Ray Richards in association with the Wesley Historical society of New Zealand, 1982

Cheyne, A.C., The Transforming Of The Kirk, Victorian Scotland's Religious Revolution, Edinburgh, The saint Andrew Press, 1983

Chisholm, John, Rev. James Chisholm, For Forty Years A Minister Of The Gospel In The Presbyterian church In otago, Dunedin, J. Wilkie & co., 1917

Cock, Reginald, Genesis Versus Evolution, London, Eliot stock, 1926 cockshut, A.O.J., (Ed.) Religious controversies of The Nineteenth century, Selected Documents, London, Methuen & co., 1966

Cohen Arthur A., & Halverson, Marvin, (Eds.) A Handbook Of Christian Theology, Definition Essays on Concepts And Movements Of Thought In Contemporary Protestantism, Nashville, Abingdon, 1958

Cohen, I. Bernard, The Birth of A NEw Physics, revised and updated, New York, w.w. Norton, 1985

Cole-Turner Ronald, 'Genetic Engineering: or Role In creation', see J.M. Magnum, The New Faith Science Debate collie, J., (Ed.), Rutherford Waddell M.A., D.D., Minister of st. Andrew's Church, Dunedin, 1879-1919: Memoir and Addresses, Dunedin, wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1932 collier, Frank w., Wesley Among The Scientists, New York, Abingdon 279

Press, 1928 colloquium, The Australian and New Zealand Theological Review

Conant, James B., On understanding Science, New York, Mentor Books & Yale University Press, seventh impression, 1958

Cooley, H.R., & Gans, D., & Kline, M., & Wahlert, H., Introduction To Mathematics: A survey Emphasizing Mathematical Ideas And The Relations To other Fields of Knowledge, London, George G. Harrap, undated (1937?)

Corsi, Pietro, Science And Religion, Baden Powell And The Evidences Of The Existence And Attributes of The Deity, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1988 cosslett, Tess, (Ed.) science And Religion In The Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1984

Coulson, C.A., Science & Christian Belief, London & Glasgow, Fontana Books, Collins, 1962

Cragg, Gerald, The church & the Age of Reason 1648-1789, revised edition, Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1970

Crombie, A.C., Augustine To Galileo 2; Science In The Later Middle Ages And Early Modern Times 13th-17th century, revised edition, England, Penguin Books, Peregrine Books, 1969

Crosland, Maurice P., (Ed.) The Emergence of Science In Western Europe, London, Macmillan and co., 1975

Crowe, Frederick E., (Ed.) A Third collection; Papers by J.F. Lonergan S.J., New York, Paulist Press/Mahwah, London, Geoffrey Chapman, 1985

Cruden, Alexander, cruden's complete Concordance To The old And New Testaments, London, Lutterworth Press, 1951

Currie, Robert, Methodism Divided, A studv In The Sociology of Ecumenicalism, London, Faber & Faber, 1968

Darlington, C.D., 'History and Biology', see Martin Ballard, (Ed.) New Movements In The study And Teaching Of History

Davidson, Allen K., 'A Protesting Presbyterian: The Reverend P.B. Frazer and New Zealand Presbyterianism, 1892 .•• 1940', Journal Of Religious History, Vol. 14, no. 2, 1986

Davidson, Allan K., & Lineham, Peter J., (Eds.) Transplanted Christianity; Documents Illustrating Aspects of New Zealand Church History, second edition, Palmerston North, Dunmore Press, 1989

Davidson, Allan K., Christianity In New Aotearoa: A History Of Church And Society In New Zealand, Wellington, The New Zealand Education For Ministry Board, 1991

Davis, Philip J., & Hirsch Reuben, The Mathematical Experience, Boston, Birkheauser & co., 1981

Davis, Philip J., & Hirsch Reuben, Descartes' Dream: The world According to Mathematics, San Diego, Boston, New York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986

Dawkins, Richard, The Selfish Gene, oxford, Oxford University Press, 1976

Dawkins, Richard, The Blind watchmaker: Why The Evidence of Evolution Reveals A universe Without Design, New York, W.W. Norton, 1986 280

Dillenberger, John, Protestant Thought And Natural Science, A Historical Interpretation, London, Collins, 1961

Dobree Bonamy, (Ed.) Alexander Pope, collected Poems, London, Dent; New York, Dutton, 1975

Drawbridge C.L., (Ed.) The Religion Of scientists, London, Ernest Benn, 1932

Durant, John (Ed.) Darwinism And Divinity Essays on Evolution and Religious Belief, oxford & New York, Basil Blackwell, 1985

Eaves, Lindon, 'Spirit, Method, And Content In Science And Religion: The Theological Perspective of A Geneticist,' Zygon, Journal of Religion And science, Vol. 24, No. 2, June 1989

Eccles, John, & Robinson, D.N., The Wonder of Being Human: our Brain And our Mind, London, Boston, Shambala, 1985

Edwards, David L., Leaders of The church of England 1828-1944, London, oxford university Press, 1971

Elder, J .R., The History of The Presbyterian church Of New Zealand 1840-1940, Christchurch, Presbyterian Bookroom, 1940

Eldred-Grigg, s., A Southern Gentry, New Zealanders Who Inherited The Earth, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1980

Elliot, Michael, Secularization of Religion In New Zealand, wellington, Department of university Extension, Victoria university, undated, (1976?)

Elton, G.R., Reformation Europe 1517-1559, London, Glasgow, Collins, 1966,

Emerton, N., 'The Argument From Design in Early Modern Theology', science And Christian Belief, Vol. 1, No. 2, 1989

Evans, J.E., 'Christian social Services, The state And Human Freedom', paper, Knox College, 1990

Evans, John H., churchman Militant, George Augustus Selwyn Bishop of New Zealand And Lichfield, London, George Allen & unwin Ltd., wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1964

Evans, J. H., southern See, The Anglican Diocese Of Dunedin, New Zealand, Dunedin, Published For The Standing Committee of The Diocese of Dunedin By John Mcindoe Ltd., 1968

Eve, A.s., Rutherford, Being The Life And Letters of The Rt. Hon. Lord Rutherford, O.M., Cambridge, At The University Press, 1939

Eves, Howard, Great Moments In Mathematics {After 1650), America, The Mathematical Association of America, 1981

Faith And Science In An unjust World, Vols. 1 & 2, Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1980

Faith, science And The Future, Preparatory Readings For The 1979 conference of The World Council Of Churches, Geneva, World Council of churches, 1978

Fiddes, Victor H., Science And The Gospel, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987

Fleming, C.A., science, Settlers, And Scholars The Centennial History of The Royal society of New Zealand, Wellington, The Royal Society of 281

New Zealand, 1987 Flew, Anthony, An Introduction To Western Philosophy: Ideas And Argument From Plato To Satre, London, Thames and Hudson, 1976

Flew, Anthony, Darwinian Evolution, London, Paladin, 1984

Forker, Wilbert, (Ed.) The Templeton Foundation Prize For Progress In Religion, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1988

Foucault, Michel, The order Of Things, An Archaeology Of The Human Sciences, London, Tavistock Publications, 1970

Furbank, P.N., Samuel Butler (1835-1902), Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1948

Gadd, Bernard, William Morley 1842-1926, A statesman of God Among Australasian Methodists: His Work In New Zealand, New Zealand, The Wesley Historical Society, 1964 Galbreath, Ross, Walter Buller, The Reluctant Conservationist, Wellington, GP Books, 1989

Garrett, Helen, Te Manihera, The Life And Times of The Pioneer Missionary Robert Maunsell, Auckland, Reed Books, 1991 Gauvreau, Michael, 'Baconianism, Darwinism, Fundamentalism: A Transatlantic crisis of Faith,' Review article, The Journal of Religious History, Vol. 13, No. 4, Sydney University Press, 1985

Geering, Lloyd, God In The New world, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1968

Geering, Lloyd, Resurrection, A symbol Of Hope, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1971

Geering, Lloyd, secularization of Religion In New Zealand, Wellington, Department of university Extension, Victoria university, undated, (1976?) Geering Lloyd, Science, Religion And Technology, Wellington, st. Andrew's Trust for the study of Religion and society, 1985 Gifford, A.C., 'The Encounter Theory', Southern stars, The Journal Of The New Zealand Astronomical Society, Vol. 9, No. 1, Whole No. 67

Gilbert, Felix, & Graubard Stephen R., (Eds.) Historical studies Today, New York, w.w. Norton & Company, 1972

Gilkey, Langdon, creationism on Trial: Evolution And God At Little Rock, San Francisco, Harper & Row, 1985

Gillespie, Neal c. , Charles Darwin And The Problem of creation, Chicago, London, The university of Chicago Press, 1979

Gillespie, Oliver A., South Canterbury, A Record Of Settlement, Timaru, The south Canterbury centennial History committee, 1958

Gjertsen, Derek, classics of science; A study of Twelve Enduring scientific Works, New York, Lilian Barber Press, 1984

Glenn, R., Botanical Explorers of New Zealand, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1950

Gonzalez, Justo L., A History of Christian Thought, Vols. 1, 2, 3, Nashville, Abingdon Press, 1975 Goodman, Nelson, Fact, Fiction And Forecast, Indianapolis, New York,

,., 282

The Bobs-Merill company, 1965

Gould, Stephen Jay, The Flamingo's Smile, Reflections In Natural History, New York, London, W.W. Norton & Co., 1985

Gould, Stephen Jay, Hen's Teeth And Horse's Toes, Further Reflections In Natural History, New York, London, W.W. Norton & Co., 1983

Guy, Jeffy, The Heretic: A study In The Life Of John William Colenso 1814-1883, Johannesburg, Raven Press, 1983

Habgood, John stapylton, 'The Uneasy Truce Between Science And Theology', in A. R. Vidler (Ed.) soundings, Essays concerning Christian understanding

Hahn, Roger, 'Laplace and the Mechanical universe', see David c. Lindberg & Ronald L. Numbers, (Eds.) God And Nature; Historical Essays on The Encounter Between Science And Religion

Hall, David, The Golden Echo, Some Aspects of New Zealand Social History, Auckland & London, Collins, 1971

Harner, D.A., New Zealand Social History, Wellington, Papers from the Turnbull Conference on New Zealand Social History, 1978

Harnes, E.W., 100 Years In Pitt Street, Centenary History Of The Pitt street Methodist Church, Auckland, Auckland, Pitt Street Methodist Trustees, undated, (1965?)

Harnes, E.W., out of The common way; The European church In The colonial Era 1840-1913, Auckland, Wesley Historical Society of New Zealand, Institute Press, 1972

Harnes, E.W., Corning of Age; New Zealand Methodism 1913-1972, Auckland, Wesley Historical Society of New Zealand, Institute Press, 1974

Harnes, E. w., From Grafton To Three Kings To Paerata, New Zealand, Wesley Historical Society, 1982

Happold, F.C., Religious Faith and Twentieth Century Man, Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1966

Hardy, Godfrey Harold, A Mathematician's Apology, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1967

Hardy, Alister, The Biology of God; A scientist's study of Man The Religious Animal, London, Jonathon Cape, 1975

Harman, P .M., (Ed.) Wranglers And Physicists; studies On carnbridqe Mathematical Physics In The Nineteenth Century, Manchester U.K. and Dover New Hampton, U.S.A., Manchester University Press, 1985

Hart, D.G., 'Poems, Propositions and Dogma: Religious Language and the Demise of Theology in America', Church History, Vol. 57, No. 3, 1988

Hendry, G.s., Theology of Nature, Philadelphia, The Westminster Press, 1980

Hendry, George s., 'Faith and the Cosmos', The Princeton seminary Bulletin, Vol. x, No. 2, July 1989

Hight, James & straubel, C.R., (Eds.) A History of Canterbury, volume 1: To 1854, Christchurch, Canterbury Centennial Association, Whitcornbe And Tornbes Limited, 1957

Hirnrnelfarb, Gertrude, Darwin And The Darwinian Revolution, New York, w.w. Norton & Company, 1968 283

History of science In New Zealand, Wellington, Alexander Turnbull Library, 1983

Hoare, Michael E., 'The scientific Community in Australasia, 1870- 1900', see w. Slinn (Ed.) Australasian Victorian studies, Wellington Conference Papers 1977

Hofstadter, Douglas R., Godel, Escher, Bach: An Eternal Golden Braid, Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1980

Hofstadter, Douglas R., Metamagical Themas: Questing For The Essence of Mind And Pattern, Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1985

Home, R.W., (Ed.) Australian Science In The Making, Cambridge, New York, New Rochelle, Melbourne, Sydney, Cambridge University Press, 1988

Hooykaas, R., Religion And The Rise Of Modern Science, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1972

Houghton, John, Does God Play Dice? A Look At The story Of The universe, Grand Rapids, Cantilever Books, 1989

Howard, Daniel F., (Ed.) The correspondence of Samuel Butler With His sister May, Berkeley and Los Angeles, university of California Press, 1962 Howe, K.R., singer In A Songless Land, A Life of Edward Tregear 1846- 1931, Auckland, Auckland university Press, 1991

Hovenkamp, science And Religion In America 1800-1860, United States of America, university of Pennslyvania Press, 1978

Hughes, Miranda J., 'Philosophical travellers to the ends of the earth: Baudin, Peron and the Tasmanians' , see R. W. Home (Ed. ) Australian Science In The Making

Hunter, Geoffrey, Metalogic; An Introduction To The Metatheorv Of standard First Order Logic, London & Basingstoke, MacMillan, 1971

Inge, William Ralph, God And The Astronomers, London, New York, Toronto, Longmans, Green & co., 1934

Irvine, William, Apes, Angels & Victorians, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1955

Jack, Sybil, 'Cultural Transmission: science And society To 1850', see R.W. Home (Ed.) Australian Science In The Making

Jackson, H.R., churches & People In Australia And New Zealand 1860- 1930, wellington, Allen & unwin/Port Nicholson Press, 1987

Jaki, Stanley L., The Road Of Science And The Ways To God, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1978

Jaki, Stanley L., The Origin Of Science And The Science Of Its Origin, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1978

Jaki, Stanley L., Planets And Planetarians; A History of The Theories of The origin of Planetary systems, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1978

Jaki, Stanley L. , cosmos And creator, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1980

Jaki, Stanley L., Angels, Apes & Men, Illinois, Sherwood Sugden & co, 1983 284

Jeans, James, The Mysterious universe, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1930

Jeans, James, The stars In Their Courses, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1954 Jenkinson, S.H., New Zealanders And science, Wellington, Department of Internal Affairs, 1940

Joad, c.E.M., Philosophy For our Times, London, Edinburgh & New York, Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1940

Joad, c .E .M., Samuel Butler C1835-1902 l, London, Leonard Parsons; Boston, small, Maynard and co., 1924

Joad, c .E .M., The Recovery Of Belief, A Restatement Of Christian Philosophy, London, Faber and Faber Ltd., 1951

Jones, Henry Festing (Ed.) The Notebooks Of Samuel Butler, With A New Introduction By P.N. Furbank, London, The Hogarth Press, 1985

Jones, Joseph, The Cradle Of Erewhon, Samuel Butler In New Zealand, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 1960

Kaiser, Christopher, Creation And The History Of Science, London, Marshall Pickering, Grand Rapids, William B. Eerdmans Publishing co., 1991 Kedie, John w., Rev. James MacGregor {1830-1894), A Bibliography With A Brief Biographical Sketch, unpublished material, 1972, Presbyterian collection, Knox Theological Hall Library

Kennedy, studdert G.A., Lies!, London,Hodder & Stoughton, 1937

Kent, John, From Darwin to Blatchford; The Role of Darwinism in Christian Apologetic, 1875-1910, London, Dr. Williams's Trust, 1966

Keynes, Geoffrey, and Hill, Brian, (Eds.) The Letters Between Samuel Butler and Miss E.M.A. Savage, 1871-1881, London, Jonathon Cape, 1934

Kline, Mathematics: A cultural Approach, Reading, Massachusetts, Addison-Wesley, undated.

Kneale, William, & Kneale, Martha, The Development Of Logic, revised edition, oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1966

Knowles, Brett, 'For The sake of The Name: A History of The 'New Life churches' From 1942 To 1965', B.Th. honours dissertation, otago university, 1988

Knox Ray, (Ed.) New Zealand's Heritage, Wellington, Paul Hamlyn Ltd, 1971 Koestler, Arthur, The Sleepwalkers; A History of Man's changing Vision of The universe, revised edition, Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1~73

Kragh, Helge, An Introduction To The Historiography of science, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1989

Kuhn, Thomas s., 'The Relations Between History And History of science', see Gilbert, Felix & Graubard Stephen R., (Eds.) Historical studies Today

Kuhn, Thomas , s . , The Structure Of Scientific Revolutions, second edition enlarged, Chicago, London, The university Of Chicago Press, 1971 285

Lange De, Petronella Jacoba, Samuel Butler: critic And Philosopher, zutphen, W.J. Thieme & cie, 1925

Leith, John H. Introduction To The Reformed Tradition, A Way Of Being The Christian conununity, Edinburgh, The saint Andrew Press, 1978

Lindberg, D. c. , & Numbers, R. L. , 'Beyond War and Peace' , Church History, Vol. 55, No.3, 1986

Lindberg, David c., & Numbers, Ronald L., God And Nature; Historical Essays on The Encounter Between Christianity And Religion, Berkeley, university of California Press, 1986

Lineham, Peter J., 'Freethinkers In Nineteenth Century New Zealand', New Zealand Journal Of History, Vol. 19, No. 1, 1985

Lineham, Peter J., 'Christian Reaction To Freethought And Rationalism In New Zealand,' The Journal of Religious History, Vol. 15, No. 2. Sydney university Press, December 1988

Livingstone, David N. , Darwin's Forgotten Defenders, The Encounter Between Evangelical Theology And Evolutionary Thought, Grand Rapids, William B. Eerdmans Publishing co., and Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987

MacLeod, Roy, The Conunonwealth Of Science, ANZAAS And The Scientific Enterprise In Australasia 1888-1988, Melbourne, oxford, Auckland, New York, oxford University Press, 1988

MacQuarrie, John, Twentieth Century Religious Thought; The Frontiers Of Philosophy And Theology 1900-1960, London, SCM Press, 1963

Magnum, John M., The New Faith-science Debate, Probing Cosmology, Technology, And Theology, Minneapolis, Fortress Press; Geneva, wee Publications, 1989

Maling, Peter Bromley, Samuel Butler At Mesopotamia; Together With Butler's 'Forest creek' Manuscript, And, His Letters To Tripp And Ackland, Wellington, E.R. Owen, Government Printer In Conjunction With The National Historic Places Trust, 1960

Manson, James A., (Ed.) The Poetical Works of Tennyson, London and Melbourne, ward, Lock & co., undated

Manuel, F.E., The Religion Of Isaac Newton, The Fremantle Lectures 1973, oxford, At The Clarendon Press, 1974

Marsden, George M., Fundamentalism And American culture, The Shaping Of Twentieth century Evangelicalism: 1870-1925 New York/oxford, oxford university Press, 1980

Marshall, A.J., Darwin And Huxley In Australia, Sydney, Hodder & Stoughton, 1970

Mascall, E.L., The openness of Being, Natural Theology Today, London, Darton, Longman & Todd, 1971

Matheson, Peter, '"A Time Of Sifting": Evangelicals And Liberals At The Genesis of New Zealand Theology', Presbyterian Historical society of New Zealand, 1900 Occasional Publication, 1991

Mauskopf, Seymour, (Ed. ) The Reception of unconventional Science, symposium 25, Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press for the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1979

Mazengarb, Oswald Chettle, 'Report Of The Special conunittee on Moral Delinquency In Children And Adolescents', Appendix to the Journals of 286 the House of Representatives H47, Wellington, The Government Printer, 1954

McClellan, J.E. III, Science Reorganized, Scientific Societies In The Eighteenth Century, New York, Columbia university Press, 1985

McEldowney, Dennis, (Ed.) Presbyterians In Aotearoa 1840-1990, Wellington, Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, 1990

McIntire, C.T., (Ed.) God, History, And Historians, New York, oxford university Press, 1977

McKay, D.M., (Ed.) Christianity In A Mechanistic universe, And other Essays, London, Inter-varsity Fellowship, 1965

McLintock, A.H., The History Of otago, The origins And Growth of A Wakefield class settlement , Dunedin, otago Centennial Historical Publications, 1949

McLintock, A.H., (Ed.) An Encyclopaedia Of New Zealand, Wellington, R.E. Owen, The Government Printer, 1966

McMinn, W. G. , Allan Cunningham, Botanist And Explorer, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 1970

Mechie, Stewart, 'Education For The Ministry In Scotland since The Reformation,' Records Of The Scottish Church History Society, Vol. XIV, Part II, Vol. XIV, part III; Vol. XV, part I

Mellor, D.H., Real Time, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1981

Michell, B.J., 'The Development Of Practical Training For The Ministry In New Zealand,' M.Th. thesis, Otago, Otago University, 1976

Midgley, Mary, 'The Religion of Evolution, ' see John Durant (Ed. ) Darwinism And Divinity, Essays on Evolution And Religious Belief

Mikaere, Buddy, Te Maiharoa And The Promised Land, Auckland, Heinemann, 1988

Miller, Arthur I., Imagery In Scientific Thought; creating 20th century Physics, Boston, Basel, Stuttgart, Birkhauser, 1984

Miller, John, Early Victorian New Zealand, A study Of Racial Tension And societal Attitudes 1839-1852, London, oxford university Press, 1958

Milne, D.S., Facing Facts And Finding Faith, New Zealand, Presbyterian Bookroorn, 1968

Monod, Jacques, Chance And Necessity, An Essay on the National Philosophy of Modern Biology, (trans. Austryn wainhouse), Great Britain, Fontana Books, 1974

Montagu, Ashleigh, (Ed.) science And creationism, oxford, oxford university Press, 1975

Moore, James R. , The Post-Darwinian controversies, A study of The Protestant struggle To Corne To Terms With Darwinism In Great Britain And America 1870-1900, Cambridge, London, New York, Melbourne, Cambridge university Press, 1979

Morrell, Jack, & Thackeray, Arnold, Gentlemen Of Science; Early Years Of The British Association For The Advancement Of science, oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1981

Morrell, W.P., The University of otago; A Centennial History, Dunedin, University of otago Press, 1969 287

Morrell, w.P., The Anglican Church In New Zealand: A History, Dunedin, Anglican church of The Province of New Zealand, 1973

Morton Harry, & Johnston, Carol Morton, The Farthest Corner, New Zealand, A Twice Discovered Land, Auckland, Century Hutchinson, 1988

Morton, John, 'Transcendence', New Zealand Theological Review, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1966 Morton, John, Man, science And God, London & Auckland, Collins, 1972

Morton, John, Redeeming Creation, A Christian World Evolving, Auckland, Zealandia, 1984

Morton, John, Christ, creation And The Environment, Auckland, Anglican Communications, 1989

Muggeridge, Malcolm, The Earnest Atheist: A study of Samuel Butler, London, Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1936

Muggeridge, Malcolm, Tread Softly For You Tread On My Jokes, London, Collins, 1966

Mulgan, Alan, Great Days In New Zealand Writing, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1962 Nairn, Bede, & serle, Geoffrey, (Eds.) Australian Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 8, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 1981

Natusch, Sheila, & swainson, Geoffrey, William swainson of Fern Grove, F.R.S., F.L.S. &c., The Anatomy Of A Nineteenth Century Naturalist, third revised edition, Wellington, published by the authors, 1987

Nebelsick, Harold P., Theology And science In Mutual Modification, Belfast, Dublin, Ottawa, Christian Journals Limited, 1981

Nebelsick, H.P., circles Of God, Theology And science From The Greeks To Copernicus, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1985

Needham, Joseph, (Ed.) 'Mechanistic Biology And The Religious Consciousness', science Religion and Reality, London, The Sheldon Press, 1925

Needham, Joseph, The Skeptical Biologist, London, chatto & Windus, 1929

Needham, Joseph, (Ed.) Science, Religion And Reality, New York and Toronto, The Macmillan co., 1925

Nichol, Frank, 'Theology In New Zealand', Landfall, Vol. 20, No. 1, 1966

North, J.D., Isaac Newton, oxford, Clarendon Biographies, oxford university Press, 1967 Numbers, Ronald L., Creation Bv Natural Law; Laplace's Nebular Hypothesis In American Thought, Seattle, university of Washington Press, 1977 O'Hanlon, Redmond, Joseph Conrad And Charles Darwin, The Influence of scientific Thought on Conrad's Fiction, Edinburgh, The Salamander Press, 1984 Olds, N.W., one Hundred Years Of Methodist witness To The Gospel Of Jesus Christ In Timaru, Timaru, The Timaru Methodist Centenary Committee, Wesley Church, Bank street, 1965

Oliver, W.H., The Story Of New Zealand, London, Faber & Faber, 1960 288 oliver, W.H., (Ed.) Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, 1769-1869, vol. one, Wellington, Allen & unwin & The Department of Internal Affairs, oliver, w.R.B., (Ed.) T.F. cheeseman's Manual of The New Zealand Flora, second edition, revised and enlarged, Wellington, The Government Printer, w.A.G. skinner, 1925 olssen, Eric, A History of otago, Dunedin, John Mcindoes, 1984

Overman, Richard H., Evolution And The Christian Doctrine Of Creation, A Whiteheadian Interpretation, Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1967

Pais, Abraham, subtle Is The Lord; The science And The Life of Albert Einstein, oxford and New York, oxford University Press, 1982

Parker, Wesley, Rev. C.H. Laws, B.A., D.D., Memoir And Adresses, Wellington, A.H. & A.R. Reed, 1954

Parkinson, G.H.R., (Ed.) Spinoza: Ethics, London, J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1989

Parsonson, Gordon, 'The Darwinian Debate in Otago', The History Of science In New Zealand, Wellington, Alexander Turnbull Library, 1983

Patterson, B.R., 'A search For A survey system In The Wellington Provincial District 1840-1876', The History Of Science In New Zealand, Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, 1983

Paul, Iain, Science, Theology And Einstein, New York, oxford University Press, 1982

Pauly, Phillip J., 'Samuel Butler And His Darwinian critics', Journal of Victorian studies, Vol. 25. No. 2, 1982

Peacocke, A.R., Creation And The World Of Science, The Bampton Lecture 1978, oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1979

Peacocke, A.R., 'The Challenge of science To Theology And The church', see J.M. Magnum (Ed.) The New Faith Science Debate

Peacocke, A.R., The sciences And Theology In The Twentieth century, stocksfield, Henley & London, Oriel, 1981

Peters, Karl Edward, 'The concept of God And The Method of science: An Exploration Of The Possibility Of Scientific Theology', Ph.D. thesis, Columbia university, 1971

Petrie, sir Charles, The Victorians, London, Eyre & spottiswoode, 1960

Pittinger, Norman w., 'Augustinianism' in A.A. Cohen & M. Halverson (Eds.) A Handbook of Christian Theology

Phillips, R. P. , Modern Thomist Philosophy, An Explanation For students, Vol. 1, London, Burns, Oates & Washbourne Ltd., 1934

Phillipps, Donald J., Mornington Methodism, Dunedin, Robertson McBeath Ltd, 1976

Polkinghorne, John, One World; The Interaction Of Science And Theology, London, SPCK, 1987

Polkinghorne, John, Science And creation, The Search for Understanding, London, SPCK, 1989

Polkinghorne, Science And Providence, God's Interaction With The World, London, SPCK, 1989 289

Pollard, William G., Transcendence And Providence, Reflections Of A Physicist And Priest, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987

Popper, Karl, Conjectures And Refutations, The Growth of Scientific Knowledge, third edition, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969

Popper, Karl L., The Logic Of Scientific Discovery, sixth revised edition, London, Hutchins, 1972

Puddefoot, J., Logic And Affirmation, Perspectives In Mathematics And Theology, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987

Purcell, Edward A., The crisis of Democratic Theory: scientific Naturalism And The Problem of Value, Kentucky, The university Press of Kentucky, 1973

Ramm, Bernard, The Christian View of science And scripture, Great Britain, Paternoster Press, 1965

Raven, Charles E., Natural Religion And Christian Theology, Vols. 1 & 2, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1953

Reed, A.H., (Ed.) Early Maoriland Adventures Of J.W. Stack, Edited, with A Memoir, Dunedin, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1935

Reed, A.H., (Ed.) More Maoriland Adventures Of J.W. Stack, Dunedin, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1936

Reed, A.H., The story Of Early Dunedin, Wellington, A.H. and A.W. Reed, 1956

Reed, A.H., Annals of Early Dunedin, chronicles of the 1860's, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1973

Reed, A.W., Auckland, The city Of The Seas, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1955

Reichenbach, Hans, (translated by Maria Reichenbach & John Freund) The Philosophy Of Space And Time, New York, Dover Publications, Inc., 1958

Resnick, Robert, & Halliday, David, Physics, New York, John Wiley & sons, 1966

Resnick, Robert, Basic Concepts In Relativity And Early Quantum Theory, New York, London, Sydney, Toronto, John Wiley & Sons, 1972

Richardson, Alan, The Bible In The Age Of Science, London, SCM Press Ltd, 1961

Richardson, Henry (Ed.), Patricia Burns, A History of The New Zealand Company, Auckland, Heinemann Reid, 1989

Ridley, Mark, The Problems of Evolution, oxford & New York, oxford university Press, 1985

Ridley, Mark, (Ed.) The Essential Darwin, London, Sydney, unwin Hyman, 1987

Riesen, Richard Allen, Criticism And Faith In Late Victorian Scotland; A.B. Davidson, William Robertson smith, And George Adam smith, New York, London, University Press Of America, 1985

Ronan, Colin A., The Cambridge Illustrated Historv of The world's science, Cambridge, New York & Middlesex, Cambridge university Press & Newnes Books, 1983 Rowse, A.L., The Controversial Colensos, Redruth Cornwall, Dyllansow, 290

Truran, 1989

Rudnick, Milton L., Fundamentalism And The Missouri synod: A Historical study of Their Interaction And Mutual Influence, st. Louis, Concordia Press, 1966

Rudwick, Martin, 'Senses Of The Natural And senses Of God: Another Look At The Historical Relation Of Science And Religion', in A.R. Peacocke, The sciences And Theology In The Twentieth century

Ruse, Michael, The Darwinian Revolution, Science Red In Tooth and Claw Chicago & London, university of Chicago Press, 1979

Russell, Bertrand, History Of Western Philosophy; And Its connection With Political And social circumstances From The Earliest Times To The Present Day, second edition, London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1974

Russell, Colin, cross-currents, Interactions Between science And Faith,Leicester, Inter-varsity Press, 1985

Russell, John, 'Agenda For The Twenty-First Century', see J.M. Magnum, (Ed.) The New Faith Science Debate

Salmon, Wesley c., The Foundations Of Scientific Inference, United states of America, university of Pittsburgh Press, 1971

Schilling, Harold K., The New Consciousness In Science and Religion, London, SCM Press, 1973

Schofield, Robert E., The Lunar Society of Birmingham, A Social History of Provincial Science And Industry In Eighteenth Century England, oxford, Clarendon Press, 1963

Scholefield, G.H., (Ed.) Dictionary Of National Biography, Wellington, Department of Internal Affairs, 1940

Sharpe, Kevin J., 'A Mathematical Metaphysic: A Language For Qualities & Quantities, The Humanities & The sciences', Speculations In science And Technology, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1982

Sharpe, Kevin J., (Ed.) Religion And New Zealand's Future, Palmerston North, The Dunmore Press, 1982

Sharpe, Kevin J., 'Stanley L. Jaki's critique Of Physics', Religious studies, Vol. 18, No. 1, 1982

Sharpe, Kevin J., & Ker, John M., (Eds.) Religion And Nature: With Charles Birch And others, Auckland, The university of Auckland chaplaincy Publishing Trust, 1984

sheldrake, Rupert, The Rebirth of Nature, The Greening of science And God, London, Sydney, Auckland, Johannesburg, Century, 1990

Sheldrake, Rupert, The Presence Of The Past, Great Britain, Fontana, Collins, 1988

shine, Roger L., (Ed.) Faith And science In An unjust world, Report of The World council of churches Conference On Faith, science And The Future, volume 1: Plenary Presentations, Geneva, World council Of churches, 1980

silver, Arnold, (Ed.) The Family Letters of Samuel Butler 1841-1886, London, Jonathon cape, 1962

Simpson, J.Y., Landmarks In The Struggle Between Science And Religion, London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1925 291 slinn, Warwick, (Ed.) Australasian Victorian studies Association, Wellington Conference Papers 1977, Wellington, Victoria University, 1977

Snow, C.P., The Two cultures And A Second Look: An Expanded Version Of The Two cultures And The scientific Revolution, Cambridge, Cambridge university Press, 1974

Stauffer, Donald A., (Ed.) Selected Poetry And Prose Of Coleridge, united states of America, Random House, 1951 stenhouse, John, 'The Wretched Gorilla Damnification Of Humanity', New Zealand Journal of History, Vol. 18, No. 2, 1984 stenhouse, John, 'The Battle Between science And Religion over Evolution In Nineteenth Century New Zealand', Ph.D. thesis, Palmerston North, Massey university, 1984 stenhouse, John, 'Science Versus Religion In Nineteenth Century New Zealand: Robert stout And Social Darwinism', Pacifica, No. 2, 1989

Stillman, Clara G., Samuel Butler; A Mid-Victorian, London, Martin Secker, 1932

stone, R.C.J., Makers Of Fortune, A colonial Business Community And Its Fall, Dunedin, Auckland University Press, oxford university Press, 1973

swainson, Geoffrey M., (Ed.) William swainson, F.R.S., F.L.S.; Naturalist & Artist; Diaries 1808-1818, Sicily, Malta, Greece, Italy & Brazil, Palmerston North, published by Geoffrey swainson, 1989

Taylor, A.E., Does God Exist?, London & Glasgow, Collins Fontana Books, 1966

Taylor, A.E., The Faith of A Moralist, The Gifford Lectures 1926-28, Series 1 & 2, London, MacMillan & co., 1930 Tee, Garry J., 'Charles Babbage And His New Zealand Connection', see w. slinn, (Ed.) The History of science In New Zealand, Wellington, Alexander Turnbull Library, 1983

Theological Review, Knox Theological Hall, Dunedin

Thigpen, Thomas Paul, 'On The origin Of Theses: An Exploration Of Horace Bushnell's Rejection of Darwinism', church History, Vol. 57, No. 4, 1988

Thomson, Alexander, Tradition And Authority In science And Theology, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1987

Thompson, G.E., History Of The otago university 1869-1910, Dunedin, J. Wilkie & Co., undated

Titanji, Vincent P.K., 'Scientific Research Is My Christian Vocation', see J.M. Magnum, The New Faith science Debate

Topham, J.R., 'Teleology and the Concept of Natural Law: an Historical Perspective,' Science And Christian Belief Vol. 1, No. 2, 1989

Torrance, T.F. Reality And scientific Theology, Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1985

Toulmin, Stephen, The Return to cosmology; Post-modern science And The Theology Of Nature, Berkeley, university of California Press, 1982

Turner, F.M., Between science And Religion: The Reaction To Scientific Naturalism In Late Victorian England, New Haven, Yale University Press, 292

1974 Vidler, A.R. (Ed.),Soundings, Essays Concerning Christian Understanding, Cambridge, At The University Press, 1964 von Haast, H.F., The Life And Times Of Sir Julius Von Haast, Explorer, Geologist, Museum Builder, Wellington, published by the author, 1948 von Weizsacker, Carl Freidrich, (trans. Francis J. Zucker) The Unity Of Nature, Farrar, New York, Strauss, Giroux, 1980 von Weizsacker, C.F., (trans. Marjorie Green) The World View of Physics, Routledge and London, Kegan Paul, 1952 vorzimmer, Peter J., Charles Darwin: The Years of controversy The origin Of Species And Its critics 1859-1882, Philadelphia, Temple university Press, 1970 watt, Hugh, New college Edinburgh; A Centenary History, Edinburgh, oliver and Boyd, 1946

Webster Alan c. & Perry Paul E., The Religious Factor In New Zealand Society, Palmerston North, Alpha Publications, 1989

Whitehead, Alfred N., Science And The Modern World, New York, The MacMillan Company, reprinted Glasgow, Fontana Books, 1975 wilder, Raymond L., Introduction To The Foundations of Mathematics, New York, John Wiley & sons; London, Chapman & Hall, 1958 1 Wiley, H.E.R.L., & Maunsell, H., Robert Maunsell LL.D., A New Zealand Pioneer, His Life And Times, Dunedin, Wellington, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1938 Williams, W.J., Centenary Sketches of New Zealand Methodism, Christchurch, Lyttleton Tomes Co., undated, (1923?)

williment, T.M.I., John Hobbs 1800-1883, Wesleyan Missionary To The Ngapuhi Tribe Of Northern New Zealand, Wellington, V.R. Ward, Government Printer, 1985 wood, Lynley, The History of st. Andrew's, The Pioneer Presbyterian church Of New Zealand, Auckland, Wright, & Jacques, 1947