The Telengits of Southern Siberia

This new and engaging study explores the religion and world outlook of the Telengits of Altai. It provides an account of the Altai, its peoples, clans and political structures, focusing primarily on the interactions between different modes of religiosity exhibited among the Telengits, in a situation when formal state structures begin to influence religious choices of the citizens. As the demand for national recognition grows among such people, and with it the development of new, post-Soviet state structures built around the nation, religion too begins to become formalized, and loses its all-pervasive character. With the Telengits, this takes the form of a debate as to whether the state religion of their polity is to be Buddhism or, contrary to the character of practices of local shamans, a formal, structured, fixed shamanism. This is a comprehensive anthropological account of the contemporary religious life of the Telengits; holding important implications for wider debates in sociology, anthropology and politics.

Agnieszka E. Halemba has conducted anthropological research in southern Siberia since 1993. She received her first degree from the University of Warsaw, Poland. In 2002 she received her PhD in social anthropology at the University of Cambridge, UK. She is currently a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Germany, and a Visiting Lecturer at the Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Warsaw, Poland. Routledge Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series

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7 The Telengits of Southern Siberia Landscape, religion and knowledge in motion Agnieszka E. Halemba The Telengits of Southern Siberia Landscape, religion and knowledge in motion

Agnieszka E. Halemba First published 2006 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Ave, New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group © 2006 Agnieszka E. Halemba This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2006. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Halemba, Agnieszka, 1970– The Telengits of Southern Siberia : landscape, religion, and knowledge in motion / Agnieszka Halemba. p. cm. – (Routledge contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe series; 7) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Telengit (Turkic people) – Religion. 2. Altai Mountains Region – Religion. I. Title. II. Series. BL2370.T35H35 2006 299Ј.433–dc22 2005023108

ISBN10: 0–415–36000–5 (Print Edition) ISBN13: 978–0–415–36000–5 Contents

List of plates ix Acknowledgements xi A note on languages xiii

Introduction 1 Structure of the book 3 The situation in the Altai since 1999 5

PART I Landscape and movement 9

1 The Altai, the Altaians and the Telengits 11 The Altai 11 The Republic of Altai – political structure 14 The Altaians 16 The Telengits 20 Clan composition of the Southern Altaians 22 What is the Altaian religion? 27

2 Sacred land and the significance of places 39 Ere Chui 42 Villages 50

3 Moving through a powerful landscape 62 Altaidy˘ eezi and Altai Kudai 63 Sacred mountains 67 Taming the land 70 Travelling with town-dwellers 71 vi Contents Travelling in Ere Chui 78 The land and the personhood 85

4 Rites of springs 88 A trip to Buguzun arzhan suu 90 The senses and the experience of place 103 Ritual, difference and consensus 105

PART II Ritual and knowledge 109

5 Chaga bairam 111 Chaga bairam among the Telengits and in Inner Asia 111 Chaga bairam in Kökörü village 115 Communal celebrations of Chaga bairam in Kökörü 120 The variety of practices: Chaga bairam elsewhere in Ere Chui 124 Complexities of the communal 127 Chaga bairam in the Republic of Altai 131 Unification 133

6 Ontology of the spirits 135 Cosmology 136 The occult 138 Modes of existence of the spirits 140 Knowing the spirits 141 Varieties of understanding 147 Seeing more 149 Searching for the spirits 150

7 Lamas and shamans 151 ‘People who know’ in Ere Chui 154 Lamas 160 The institutionalization of religion 163

8 Ritual and revival 166 Altai tagylga in an Inner Asian context 168 Remembering the rituals 171 Reviving Altai tagylga in Ere Chui 178 The case of Saratan – continuance of ritual practice 180 Contents vii Ritual practice and religious authority 182 Political significance of the communal ceremonies 184

Conclusions 187

Glossary 196 Notes 199 References 208 Index 217

Plates

2.1 Üle next to Kurai village, a popular stopping on the international road Chuiskii Trakt 45 2.2 Telengit family in front of kiiis aiyl – a felt tent 49 2.3 Kurai village 53 3.1 Tepse˘ bash – a sacred yiyk mountain next to Beltyr village 69 3.2 Turguzu – a vessel for spirits, a marker of spirit presence in the house 84 4.1 Sa˘ ceremony at Buguzun sacred-healing spring (arzhan suu)96 5.1 Family Chaga bairam in Kökörü 119 7.1 Daughter of Bidnova örökön showing tü˘ür of her mother 158

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to the many Telengit and Altaian families who hosted me during my fieldwork. It is impossible to mention them all, so here I will limit myself to those few who have given me unwavering support over the course of many years. My warmest gratitude goes to Dinara Paraeva-Achubaeva, her family and friends for unconditional help, encouragement and trust. Special thanks to Nina D. Shonkhorova and her family. Her house in Kosh-Agach was for me a little haven of peace and quiet. Nina N. Yakoyakova and her family offered me genuine friendship and acceptance as well as help with the Altaian language. Heartfelt thanks go to Vera K. Alchinova and her family for their constant support, assistance in fieldwork and above all for choosing me to be kindik ene of Vera’s daughter Agnesha Alchinova. I have fond memories of my many friends in the various villages of the Altai. Special thanks are due to the people of Kökörü, Beltyr and Kurai, as well as other villages in the district of Kosh-Agach: Ortolyk, Telengit Sortogoi, Chagan Uzun, Mukhor Tarhata. I also greatly appreciate help offered by the people of Saratan, Balyk tuyul’, Pasparta and Ust Ulagan (district of Ulagan); Kyrlyk, Mundur Sokkon and Ust kan (district of Ust Kan); and Ongudai (district of Ongudai). I sincerely thank the administration of the district of Kosh-Agach and of all the villages of the district, especially the staffs of the Houses of Culture and libraries. I would like to acknowledge the help of the Gorno-Altaisk State University, especially Rector Yuri V. Tabakaev, who facilitated my year-long visit to the Altai. During my research in Gorno-Altaisk, the capital of the Republic of Altai, I benefited from fruitful discussions with many people, including Svetlana Tyukhteneva, Vasilii Oinoshev, Nadezhda Surkasheva, Mergen Kleshev, Brontoi Bedyurov, Nikolai Sodonokov, Altaichy Sanashkin, Nikolai Shodoev, Aleksandr Bardin, Anton Yudanov, Vladimir Kydyev, jaisa˘dar of Altaian clans, members of Tös törgö, journalists of the Altaian newspaper Altaidy˘ Cholmony, chief editor of P. S . newspaper Nikolai Vitovtsev, and many, many others. I would like to express my utmost gratitude to my PhD supervisor, Professor Caroline Humphrey. She agreed to supervise my research when I first went to Cambridge as a British Council Research Fellow in 1997. Thanks to her encouragement I started my PhD research under her supervision, and over the years to come she offered guidance, patience and support. My deepest thanks and xii Acknowledgements appreciation go to Dr Piers Vitebsky for including me in the research activities of the Anthropology, Russian and Northern Studies Group at the Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge. I benefited immensely from his advice, support and unfailing optimism. I benefited greatly from discussions with many colleagues, and I can only mention a few of them here: David G. Anderson, Tanya Argounova, Ludek Broz, Brian Donahoe, Rebecca Empson, Katharina Gernet, Joachim Otto Habeck, Martin Holbraad, Hurelbataar, Carlos Mondragon, Morten Pedersen, Andrzej Perzanowski, Fernanda Pirie, Johan Rasanayagam, Istvan Santha, Vera Skvirskaja, David Sneath, Katherine Swancutt, Virginie Vate, Sari Wastell, Rane Willerslev, Emma Wilson. Among the many people whose support and advice I want to acknowledge, I would like to single out Œukasz Smyrski (Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Warsaw). His encouragement, advice and unconditional support have been a driving force for many years of my work in Altai and the neighbouring republics. I am also grateful to him for permission to use his photographs in my book. The writing of this book was made possible by a Richard Carley Hunt Fellowship, granted by the Wenner-Gren Foundation. The 12 months of fieldwork in Altai in 1998–9, during which I gathered the core material for this book, was supported by UNESCO Hirayama/Silk Road Programme and research grant (1 H02E 029 14) of the State Committee for Scientific Research, Poland. At various stages the research that has led to this book was also supported by H.M. Chadwick Fund, Leverhulme Trust, Soros Foundation and the Royal Anthropological Institute. In the final stages of writing I benefited from the academic atmosphere of the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle, where I am presently based as a postdoctoral researcher. Finally, I would like to thank my parents for their unconditional support and ask them to forgive me for pursuing work and studies that have kept me living so far away from them for all these years. A note on languages

All Telengit, Altaian and Russian words are italicized. Most of the words used in this book are Telengit, and they also correspond to the Altaian vocabulary. Wherever Russian words are used, this is marked clearly in the text. The transliteration system from Cyrilic alphabet is included below. According to this transliteration system the name ‘Telengit’ should be transcribed ‘Tele˘it’. Still, I decided to adopt a version which is already well established in the literature in English and Russian. I use the plural form ‘Telengits’instead of the plural used in the Telengit language ‘Tele˘itter’, to make reading easier for an English-speaking audience.

Cyrilic (Russian) Latin Cyrilic (Telengit) Latin aaaa б b б b B v B v г g г g д d д d e ee e ё e —— ж zh ж zh з z з z и i и i й i й i к k к k л l л l M m M m H n H n o o o o п p п p p r p r c sc s T t T t y u y u ф f —— x kh x kh ц ts ——

(continued) xiv A note on languages Continued

Cyrilic (Russian) Latin Cyrilic (Telengit) Latin

ч ch ч ch ш sh ш sh щ shch щ shch ъ ‘’ ъ ‘’ ы y ы y ь ‘ ь ‘ э e э e ю yu ю yu я ya я ya öö ÿü j j (as in English “juice”) b ˘ (as “ng” in English “long”) Introduction

Ailu-kündü Altaiym, My Altai of the Moon and Sun Altyn syndu Altaiym, My Altai of the golden ridge Eelü ene Altaiym, My eelü mother Altai Erjinelü bai Altaiym, My rich treasured Altai Erkemendü kin Altaiym, My beloved native Altai Agash-tashtu Altaiym My Altai with trees and stones Kulja ta˘malu Altaiym With ornamented seal my Altai (Alkysh – hymn of praise, blessing: Muytueva and Chochkina 1996: 27)

This book is devoted to an exploration of contemporary religious life among the Telengits – the people living on the Russian side of the Mongolian–Russian– Chinese border within the Altai Mountains. I have chosen to start with the alkysh – a blessing, a hymn of praise – to the Altai, because the Altai as both land and spiritual entity is of the utmost importance for the people among whom I worked. Among the Telengits, words like these are used on numerous occasions: as part of the blessing in a wedding ceremony; during rituals of land worship; at ceremonies to mark the beginning of a new year; as opening words at locally organized conferences and meetings devoted to discussions on the future of the Altai and its inhabitants. The main theme of this book is the contemporary religious life of the Telengits, placed within the broader context of the social and political changes taking place in the Republic of Altai in the 1990s. It is based on research I have carried out among the Telengits since 1993, though most of the material presented in this book was collected during the 12 months I spent in the Altai from August 1998 to September 1999.1 Throughout this book I use real names of people and real place-names, apart from a few occasions when the issues discussed concerned deeply emotional and private matters. At the beginning of the 1990s many anthropologists began conducting research in the former Soviet Union, a region which for political reasons had not been easily accessible to foreign researchers before that date.2 Many of them were fasci- nated by the so-called national-cultural revival (natsionalno-kul’turnoe vozrohdenie),3 which lends itself quite willingly to interpretations within the ‘creation of 2 Introduction tradition’ approach (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983). It seemed that almost everywhere, from the Ukraine to Kamchatka, new history books were introduced, new monuments to national heroes erected, new national symbols designed and new national festivals introduced. The covering phrase for these all processes, which was used locally by the intellectual elites, was precisely ‘a national-cultural revival’. At the beginning of my research in the Republic of Altai I was fascinated by the activities of the mostly city-based, educated Altaians, who were incredibly productive and resourceful in generating ideas concerning the future of the Altaian nation and propagating them by means of local media networks, organizing conferences or attending meetings with people even in regions far away from the Republic’s capital, Gorno-Altaisk. Hence, my first work on the Altai and subsequent publications (Halemba 1995, 1996, 2000a,b) concerned these activities and were theoretically inspired by works on national identity and nationalism by Gellner (1983), Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983) and Anderson (1983). Although the Altaian intellectuals cannot be treated as a homogenous group and individuals often adhere to very different visions for the Altaian future, they are nevertheless united by their goals. These are people, mostly trained within the Soviet higher education system, who want to have a say in the shaping of a cultural and national future of their nation. In the Altaian case, they often see themselves as the intellectual elite of the Altaian nation (collective articles in the local press are sometimes even signed using a common ‘altaiskaia inteligentsia’ authorship), although they may not agree on whether this nation actually exists or will exist in the future. It is certainly true to say that there is an identifiable group of prominent intellectuals who are well known in the Republic and who actively participate in public life. The present book, however, is not an analysis of the notion of ‘national intellectuals’, nor is it about a detailed description of their activities. Rather, cer- tain ideas that underscore seemingly diverse or even apparently contradictory objectives of the Altaian intellectuals, serve as a background for an analysis of the contemporary religious life of the Telengits, one of the Altaian groups that has been caught up in, but is also actively engaged in shaping, the contemporary processes of ‘national-cultural revival’. One of the main areas of activity of national Altaian leaders since the 1990s has been a search for communal celebrations that might serve as national unification ceremonies (cf. Connerton 1989). I was struck by the fact that while some of the suggested ceremonies have been willingly accepted and have quickly evolved into popular mass gatherings, others have been much more difficult to introduce, while still others have been impossible to implement at all, despite numerous attempts. It seemed plausible that in order to understand the complexities of contemporary processes, one should carry out research at the intersections of these processes and of the basic practices and notions of the everyday life of the people. As religion was one of the most hotly discussed subjects, both in the capital and among the Telengits, I decided to ground my research in that sphere, and this book is an outcome of that endeavour. Introduction 3 Structure of the book This book is arranged in two parts, each divided into four chapters. The first part of the book is concerned with identifying and analysing the most salient dimensions of Telengit life, namely landscape and movement. Chapter 1 provides basic information about the Altai, the Republic of Altai and its inhabitants. It shows that the Altai is a name of the chain of mountains, but it is also a notion, which plays an important part in the imagination of people in Russia and in the mythology of Turkic-speaking peoples throughout the world. In this context, the Altai is attributed an air of mystery, and considered either as a far-away, mystical place of origin or a beautiful land possessing powerful energy. The relations between the Telengits and the larger national group of the Altaians are explored, including the ways in which the political situation in the region during the twentieth century facilitated the construction of these notions. The contemporary processes of ‘national-cultural revival’ are then introduced, and attempts to create national unity among the Altaians are highlighted in the discussion of ethnic and clan structures and the contemporary religious situation in the region. Chapter 2 identifies the land as the primary component underscoring everyday practices (including religious ones) in Telengit life. It shows that connection with the land is the most important aspect of Telengit and Altaian identity. People and land are so tightly bound together that at times they cannot be conceived as separate, qualitatively different ontological entities. This chapter also refers to anthropological discussions on different ways of experiencing landscape (Bender 1995; Hirsch 1996; Humphrey 1995; Feld and Basso 1996; Ingold 2000; Pedersen 2003) and distinguishes between the district of Kosh-Agach as an administrative unit and Ere Chui as a notional area. Chapter 3 focuses on movement as the second underscoring component of Telengit life. Movement is important both in its literal meaning (mobility under- lies Telengit life as in many other regions of Inner Asia) and in its metaphorical extension. Mobility is crucial in everyday practices and the perception of land changes as people travel through the Altai. The places are not necessarily attributed with fixed meanings, but instead, the perception of place changes with a person’s movement. The basic religious notions used among the Telengits are introduced as well as different types of sacred, meaningful and powerful places. The way in which the places are present within the domain of national ideology is juxtaposed with the Telengit practices of moving through the landscape. Chapter 4 provides a detailed analysis of interactions between people and one particular type of sacred place – a healing spring (arzhan suu). The focus is on the sensual experiences of people visiting the spring, who contend that the power in places can be felt, even if it is not represented in the form of spirits. This chapter also introduces the first analysis of ritual practice. People argue over the details of a given ritual and arrive at the agreement necessary for the ritual’s performance, after which this agreement is lost again. In this context the ritual does not exist as a set of rules that may be explicated in the absence of ritual practice. 4 Introduction The second part of the book, building on the notions introduced and analysed in the first part, explores Telengit ritual practice and spiritual knowledge. Mobility, which underlies their practice and ideas about land, can also be seen in their attitude to religious knowledge. In turn, such an understanding often comes into conflict with a notion of religion as understood in the context of contemporary national ideology. Chapter 5 brings together three lines of argument: nation-building, ritual, and the significance of place. It does this through analysis of a ceremony to celebrate the beginning of the new year according to the lunar calendar (Chaga bairam). This ritual survived during the Soviet time especially strongly in one particular village in the Kosh-Agach region. The chapter explains why the survival of this ritual in this particular place is important and what role this rite plays in contem- porary processes of nation-building. It also introduces in more detail a theme of the contemporary Buddhist influences in the Republic and their affinity with the goals of national ideology. Chapter 6 offers a detailed exploration of basic concepts within local animistic religious traditions. Drawing on the theory of the agency of objects developed by Alfred Gell (1999), it proposes the understanding of spirits as indices of the occult. It also explores the context in which the need for more fixed images of spirits becomes important and identifies three such areas: clan structure, influence of national ideology, and encounters with institutionalized religious traditions. Chapter 7 shows why in the local animistic religious traditions the process of understanding is more highly valued than the content of the knowledge gained. It can be said that knowledge of local religious practitioners is always in motion. The practice of kamdar (shamans) and other biler ulus (‘knowledgeable people’) is based on the interaction with ever-changing worlds of spirits. The verdicts and judgements of these spiritual specialists can never be certain and arguments concerning the power of particular knowledgeable people should be viewed as an integral part of religious life. Such an understanding of religious knowledge is compared with the kind of knowledge and authority held by religious specialists working within institutionalized religious traditions, such as Buddhism (Ortner 1978; Mumford 1989; Samuel 1990, 1993; Mills 2003). The categories of ‘lamas’ and ‘shamans’ are viewed as ideal types, understood as spiritual specialists who respectively see knowledge as ‘a corpus of things to be known’ and as ‘a process of understanding’. The argument also explores the reasons for the growing support for Buddhism on the part of local national ideologists. Chapter 8 brings together all the above arguments concerning landscape, knowledge, movement, nation-building and different kinds of spiritual authority. It refers to a broad spectrum of Inner Asian studies concerning communal rituals of land worship. Through an exploration of the contemporary attempts at reviving one communal ceremony (Altai tagyry) it address issues of knowledge and its applicability in various ritual and political contexts. It also explores the ways in which rituals are legitimated and clarifies how the specific conceptualizations of spiritual knowledge underscore the contemporary dialogue between Telengit Introduction 5 religious practice and national ideology. While the Telengit shamans and biler ulus see spiritual understanding as a fluid and unfixed process of negotiation, national ideologists are concerned with the content of knowledge and the authority of religious specialists.

The situation in the Altai since 1999 As noted earlier, this book is based mainly on material collected in the Republic of Altai through the 1990s. Although the processes of ‘national-cultural revival’, which helped provide me with insights into the religious life of the Telengits, still influence life in the Republic, they are no longer discussed as hotly as in the 1990s. This is largely because the people of the Republic have witnessed important recent changes that have understandably occupied their attention. In the summer of 2003 I was returning to Gorno-Altaisk, the capital of the Republic of Altai, from Kosh-Agach. I asked my friend who was driving to stop next to a big arzhan suu (a sacred healing spring) close to the international road (Chuiski Trakt), some 30 kilometres from the capital. I remembered from my previous visits that it had been the first place in the Republic where one could buy souvenirs, photo albums and CDs and tapes of Altaian music, and I was eager to see what was new. I got out of the car and started walking towards the first wooden counter offering souvenirs, when my friend asked: ‘Are you going to walk all the way down?’ It was only then, when I looked away from the glittering goodies on the first stall, that I saw a long line of stalls, disappearing beyond a curve in the road. On my previous visits there had been just three or four modest counters. The vendors, almost exclusively Russian, were offering all sorts of books, postcards, guides, wooden sculptures of so-called Altaian spirits, musical instruments, horse whips, figurines of animals, stones carved with mysterious signs and so on. I spotted a young Russian man with a falcon on his arm and another one, a little older, dressed in an Altaian chegedek, which is a kind of long waistcoat usually worn by married Altaian women, and curious-looking headwear. Both were offering to be photographed for a fee – respectively with the falcon and in what was advertised as ‘traditional Altaian costume’. The place was crowded with tourists. It was the first time I myself have experienced what my friends were writing in their letters sent to me in Europe – namely, that the Altai has become a mass-tourist destination in the past couple of years. Tourists have been visiting the Altai since Soviet times, but their numbers only reached significant proportions in the late 1990s, a time when international tourists also began to arrive. The growing presence of visitors, the investments made by tourist businesses, as well as the initiatives of NGOs and international organizations concerned with environmental protection all evoke a range of responses and emotions among the local inhabitants. On one hand, tourism is seen as a potential source of income, encouraging some local entrepreneurs to secure a niche for themselves in an industry hitherto occupied mainly by business people from the big Siberian cities of Novosibirsk, Tomsk, Barnaul, or even from 6 Introduction Moscow. On the other hand, local communities try to find a way of communicating to tourists and investors about the relationships that exist between the Altai and people living there. Examples of early stages of this process of communication are given in Chapter 3. Yet, in order to be ‘taken seriously’ as partners during negotiations with various stakeholders (which today also include environmental NGOs and international organizations such as WWF, UNESCO or UNDP), the local people have to present their position on issues such as the significance of sacred sites. I hope that by the end of this book it will be clear to the reader that this is not an easy task. The situation in southern Siberia reminds me of the processes studied by the Comaroffs in Africa (1992), which led them to develop a concept of the ‘colonization of consciousness’. They argue that faced with the need to discuss their religious beliefs with missionaries, the Tswana had to present these beliefs as a clearly structured whole and learn to argue their point of view in a way understandable to the missionaries. The Comaroffs write:

For the Tswana, the encounter with a people preoccupied with techniques of self-representation and rationalisation brought forth a sense of opposition between sekgoa (European ways) and setswana (Tswana ways). The latter was perceived, for the first time, as a coherent body of knowledge and practice in relation to the former, which they have learned to see as the sys- tem of belief.

Similar processes can be seen in the Altai today. Material presented in this book concerns Altaian encounters with national ideology, but other processes taking place in the Altai also involve conversation and negotiation. On top of these profound changes, came another one – an event that has since overshadowed the lives of people in the Altai. On 27 September 2003 the Altai was shaken by an earthquake, the first in a long line of quakes, which continue to the present day. The most affected region is the one where I have worked – the district of Kosh-Agach. In Chapter 2 I describe the village of Beltyr as it existed in the 1990s. This village, as I remember it, does not exist any more. There are still people living in the wooden houses that survived the earthquakes, but many Beltyr inhabitants moved away to other villages, or even further away to other districts in the Republic. Most are still waiting for the houses in the village of New Beltyr, planned by the authorities and sponsors on the barren steppe close to the district centre, to be completed. It may be that some people, especially those working in the local cooperative farm (a successor of a Soviet kolkhoz) will stay in the valley among the mountains, where the old Beltyr was situated, but the lives of all the local people have been profoundly changed as a result of the recent earthquakes. Although I worked in other villages in Kosh-Agach and beyond – and I think with fondness of my many acquaintances and friends living there – I am sure that they will judge me kindly when, in this difficult situation, I dedicate my book to the people of Beltyr. There are also other, more subtle but equally significant changes in the Kosh-Agach district, mostly related to activities and aspirations of a younger Introduction 7 generation. For example in the Kökörü village some people joined a Christian movement of ‘New Life’, claiming either that religion of their parents cannot provide them with moral guidance necessary in contemporary life, or that Christianity gives them salvation from a burden of dangerous shamanic heritage. Some of the people, whom I knew as teenagers in Kyzyl Tash have grown up to be among the most active defenders of Telengit rights to land. Although these changes are interesting and I will follow them in my future work, this book concerns the basic paradigms of the Telengit religious life, which so far are still present. Though, I must admit that during my last trip to Altai before this book went to print, I was often thinking about the work done by Piers Vitebsky in India. In his monograph Dialogues with the Dead (1993) he meticulously described relation between the dead and the living among the Sora. When he returned there 20 years later, no-one was talking to the dead anymore, as all the young people became Baptists. I do not think that any form of Christianity will take such a strong hold in the Kosh-Agach district of Altai in the near future. Still, religious changes are going on and I obviously cannot know if ‘knowing in motion’ will still be a paradigm of religious knowledge in 20 years.

References

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