Urban Agriculture: Seed for Transition?

Research on the Relocalization of Food Production: the Development of Urban Agriculture in Amman A

Kim Otten

MASTER THESIS POLITICAL SCIENCE, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Supervisor: dr. Robin Pistorius

Second Reader: dr. Lee Seymour

1 UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM

30th of January 2015

30th of Januari 2015

Table of Contents

Acknowledgments ...... 6

Abstract ...... 7

List of Abbreviation and Acronyms ...... 8

List of Tables and Figures ...... 9

1. Introduction ...... 11

1.1 Introduction & Relevance of the Research ...... 11

1.2 Outline of the Research ...... 15

1.3 Definitions of the Relevant Concepts ...... 16

1.3.1 Sustainable Transition ...... 16

1.3.2 Urban Agriculture ...... 16

1.3.3 Food Security ...... 18

1.3.4 Food Systems ...... 19

1.3.5 Urban Governance ...... 19

1.3.6 Sustainable Development ...... 19

2 Theoretical Framework: Transition Theory and the Multi-level Perspective 21

2.1 Overview of Transition Theory ...... 21

2.2 Multi-Level Perspective: Niches, Regimes and Landscapes ...... 22

2.2.1 An Overview of The Multi-Level Perspective ...... 23

2.2.2 Transitions through the Lens of the Multi-Level Perspective ...... 24

2.2.3 The Multi-Level Perspective and Urban Agriculture ...... 26

2.3 Governance in Transition Theory ...... 28

2.4 Critiques to Transition Theory & the Multi-level Perspective ...... 28

2.5 Conclusion ...... 29

3 Research Design ...... 32

3.1 Operationalization of the Research Question & Sub Questions ...... 32

3.2 The Benefits and Limitations of Case Study Research ...... 34

3.3 Semi-Structured Interviews ...... 34

4 Development of Urban Agriculture: Relocalization of Food Systems ...... 37

4.1 Landscape Pressures ...... 37

4.1.1 Urbanizing Poverty in the World ...... 37

4.1.2 Exogenous Shock on Landscape Level: The Food Crisis ...... 39

4.1.3 The Window of Opportunity: Critique on the Global Food System ...... 40

4.2 Using the Window of Opportunity ...... 42

4.2.1 The Emergence of the Urban Agriculture Niche ...... 42

4.2.2 Development towards Transition: Three Case Studies ...... 43

4.3 Changes of Regime: National Adoption of Urban Agriculture ...... 45

4.4 Changes in Landscapes: International Development of Urban Agriculture ...... 46

4.5 Conclusion: Development of Local Food Systems ...... 47

5 Case study: Relocalization of Food Production in Amman ...... 50

5.1 International Developments: External Shocks to Jordan’s Food System ...... 50

5.2 Landscape Pressures Create Window of Opportunity ...... 53

5.3 Defining Stakeholders in the Regime & Urban Agriculture Niche in Amman ...... 54

5.1.1 Commercial and Subsistence Farmers ...... 55

5.1.2 Local, Provincial and National Governments ...... 55

5.1.3 NGO’s & Community-Based Organizations ...... 55

5.4 The Emergence of Urban Agriculture in Amman: Institutionalization within the Regime .... 56

5.5 Reasons for Actors within the Regime to Support Urban Agriculture ...... 60

5.6 Perspectives of Niche Actors ...... 63

5.7 Urban Governance towards Transition: the Role of the Multi-Stakeholder Platform ...... 66

5.8 Conclusion: Development towards Transition in Amman ...... 67

6 Results & Conclusions ...... 71

6.1 The Development of Urban Agriculture ...... 71

6.2 Alternative Pathway Towards Transition ...... 73

6.3 Urban Agriculture: Seed for Transition? ...... 74

7 Recommendations for Further Research ...... 79

7.1 Reflection on the Findings of the Research ...... 79

7.2 Recommendations for Further Research ...... 80

8 References ...... 82

Appendixes ...... 93

1. Table of Interviewees ...... 93

2. List of Interview Questions ...... 94

2.1 Questions for Commercial and Subsistence Farmers ...... 94

2.2 Questions for NGO’s & Community Based Organizations ...... 95

2.3 Questions for Local, Provincial and National Governments ...... 98

Acknowledgments

I have always thought that the process of writing my master thesis would be the most difficult thing I would need to do during my studies. There have been some important obstacles that I needed to overcome. I would not have been able to succeed without the support of some people, who I would like to thank specifically.

I would like to thank my supervisor Robin Pistorius, for all his time and dedication. With his calmness and positive energy he gave me confidence and made me truly believe that a master thesis is not that scary as I thought it was. I would like to thank Lee Seymour for his time to read my thesis as a second-reader.

Special thanks goes to everybody who made my fieldwork in Jordan possible. First of all, I want to thank René van Veenhuizen for all the email conversations, the phone calls to discuss the topic of urban agriculture, the time to assist me with formulating research and interview questions and for bringing me into contact with key people in the field. I would like to thank Hesham Omari, who was so kind to introduce me to all stakeholders in Amman, for driving me around and taking care of me during my stay in Amman. I also like to thank Salwa Tawk, for her time to discuss and reflect on my findings of the case study and helping me with setting up contacts in Amman.

I would like to thank my friends Gerard Roemers and Just Dengerink to read my thesis and give me useful feedback. Although they were both extremely busy, they took the time to read this long piece of paper, something which I really appreciate.

Special thanks goes to my father, who helped me moving during the stressful month of December. I want to thank him for all his love and dedication and for all the weekends he constructed my new house to make the moving-process easy for me. I also would like to thank him for the inspiring talks to discuss to topic of my thesis and for reading my thesis.

Last but not least I want to thank my boyfriend Chandar van der Zande, for all the motivating talks when I did not know how to proceed, for his love and for his time to read my thesis in the last week of the process. I want to thank both my father and Chandar for their surprise to move part of my house during my week of fieldwork, so that when I came back from Jordan I could celebrate Christmas in my new house. This warm new house at Surinameplein gave me a great basis to start the busy writing process in January.

Abstract

The world is facing rapid processes of urbanization, increasing poverty in urban areas and accompanying food insecurity. The main literature shows that urban agriculture has developed in developing countries as a strategy for people to increase their food security. This thesis analyses the development of urban agriculture through the lens of transition theory and the multilevel perspective. In order to understand the mechanisms that are leading towards sustainable transition, a case study of the development of urban agriculture in Amman is made.

The recent civil wars in Syria and Iraq have had a big impact on Jordan’s food supply since Jordan depends heavily on food import. Amman has faced a rapid process of urbanization during the last decades, and prognoses show that its citizens will triple in the coming decade. This exemplifies the urgency of the question how the city deals with its food supply. Amman has been cited in the literature as one of the success stories when it comes to the institutionalization of urban agriculture. Nevertheless food security has not been the driving narrative of this development. The findings of this research show that the dominant narrative in Amman on urban agriculture has most similarities with the narrative that is found in industrialized nations; i.e. health, reconnection with nature and the enjoyment of the activity of farming. The main conclusion of this thesis argues that in contrast to the multi-level perspective on transitions, which holds the idea that sustainable transitions are driven by bottom-up initiatives, in the case of Amman the process developed through a top-down institutionalization of urban agriculture. However, no broad societal transition has happened, yet.

List of Abbreviation and Acronyms

AUB American University of Beirut

CFP Cities Feeding People

CGIAR Consultative Group on International Agriculture Research

CRFS City Region Food Systems

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization

FStT From Seed to Table

GAM Greater Amman Municipality

IDRC International Development Research Centre

MENA Middle East and North Africa

MGD’s Millennium Development Goals

MLP Multi-Level Perspective

MPAP Multi-stakeholder Policy and Action Planning

MSF Multi-level Stakeholder platform

NGO’s Non-Governmental Organizations

RUAF Resource Centres on Urban Agriculture & Food Security

SGUA Support Group on Urban Agriculture

UA Urban Agriculture

UN United Nations

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

UPA Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture

WB World Bank

WFS World Food Summit

List of Tables and Figures

Figure 1. The Different Phases of a Transition 21

Figure 2. The Multi Level Perspective on Transitions 24

Figure 3. Urban and Rural Population of the World 37

Figure 4. Amount of People Living in Urban Areas in Different Continents 37

Figure 5. Expected Growth of the City Amman 50

Figure 6. Increase of Food Prices in Jordan 51

Figure 7. Illustration of the Relation between Stakeholders in Amman

Involved in UA, perspective of Transition Theory 56

Table 1. Forms of Urban Agriculture 16

Table 2. Amount of Interviewees per Sub-Category 55

Table 3. List of Interviewees 91

Kim Otten

1. Introduction

1.1 Introduction & Relevance of the Research The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations has declared 2014 as the ‘International Year of Family Farming’ (FAO, 2014a). This shows the international attention on the importance of smallholder farming in order to feed the world population. Although the importance of rural agriculture should not be underestimated, the 21st century will be the age of the city. Between 1999 and 2011, the world population grew from six billion to seven billion people, and it is expected that in 2025 the world population will reach eight billion people (UN, 2013). Most of the expected growth for the next decades is in developing countries. And more importantly, studies from the United Nations indicate that most of the expected growth will be in urban areas in these countries (UN, 2014: 2).1

At the same time we are dealing with more and more poverty in urban areas, which in turn has a huge impact on the issue of food security, specifically in the cities of the world (Tacoli, 2012: 4). Food insecurity is a striking issue in the world and with population mainly rising within cities this is a main focal area. Scholars are speaking of an ‘urbanization of poverty’ (Ravallion, 2001: 2). One of the main problems urban dwellers are facing is the lack of ‘food security’:

“… urban poverty tends to be fuelled by people migrating towards the cities in an attempt to escape the deprivations associated with rural livelihoods. Partly due to the rural decline, the world is urbanizing at a fast pace and it will not be long before a greater part of the developing country populations is living in large cities. Therefore, urban food security and its related problems should also be placed high on the agenda in the years to come.” (Jacques Diouf, Director-General of the United Nations FAO cited in FAO, 2008: 15).

In order to measure food insecurity in urban areas, accessibility of food is defined as the key factor (Crush, Hovorka & Tevera, 2011: 286). A rising demand and decreasing availability of food drives up prices, which results in less accessibility of food (Tacoli, Bukhari & Fisher, 2008: 3). Urban poor are the first to notice, because they spend the majority of their income on food (FAO, 2011b: 14). This

1 In 2050, it is expected that around 2.5 billion people will be added to the world’s urban population. 90% of this increase will be in Africa and Asia (UN, 2014: 2).

2 Jordan imports around 85% of its food supply (FAO, 2014d: 9). 11 3 La Via Campesina is an international peasant’s movement that promotes sustainable small-scale agriculture research will focus on how access to food can be increased in order to ensure food security in urban areas. It sheds light on the development of urban agriculture. Smit and Nasr (1992) argue that urban agriculture can account for a transition of cities from only consuming food, towards being “resource- conserving, health-improving, sustainable generators of these products” (Smit & Nasr, 1992: 141).

Urban agriculture is one of the ‘hot topics’ in sustainable development literature at the moment. Studies have shown that urban agriculture can lead to more food security within city areas (see FAO, 2011a; van Veenhuizen, 2006: Mougeot, 2005; Bryld, 2003, Smit, Nasr & Ratta, 2001). Urban agriculture provides families with the possibility to grow and manage their own food production and consumption, and it can provide a source of income (FAO, 2008: 16). Urban agriculture shortens the food supply chain and increases consistent access to fresh and nutritional food (Crush, Hovorka & Tevera, 2011: 286).

The development of urban agriculture is growing all over the world (Masi et al., 2014). Because this thesis studies urban agriculture as a way to increase food security, it will focus on the development of urban agriculture in developing countries. The scale of urban agriculture in developing countries is far bigger then people expect it to be. In cities in countries in Sub-Saharan Africa around 10% of the urban population is active in some form of urban agriculture, which is estimated to be around eleven million people, in North-Africa and the Middle East (MENA) around six million people are engaged in small scale local food production and in South-Asia about eleven million urban dwellers are engaged in urban agriculture (FAO, 2007: 7-8). The creative ways of using spaces for production is also striking: “For instance, medicinal herbs on rooftops in Santiago, silkworms on balconies in old Delhi, pigeons in downtown Cairo, rabbits in Mexico’s City’s illegal settlements, and orchids in houses throughout Bangkok” (Smit & Nasr, 1992: 150). This illustrates the widespread development of urban agriculture.

One of the aims of this research is to understand why urban agriculture developed and how it could provide the ‘seed for transition’ towards a relocalization of food systems in urban areas as way to increase food security. There seems to be two main narratives on the growth of urban agriculture: one which explains the rise of urban agriculture in industrialized countries and another narrative which seems to explain the development of urban agriculture in developing countries. It has been argued that urban agriculture in industrialized countries grew to reconnect citizens to nature and produce healthier local and organic food (Bellows, Brown & Smit, 2011: 3-4). In developing countries, scholars argue that it developed out of ‘necessity and urgent need’ (Ellis & Sumberg, 1998; Maxwell, 1999; Mougeot, 2005). This research will deconstruct the main reasons for people to practice or

support urban agriculture and analyse which narratives are dominant in their motivation. This will contribute to understanding why and how urban agriculture developed.

In order to understand the mechanisms that could lead to the development of local food systems, this research will use transition theory. Within transition theory, the multi-level perspective (MLP) will be used in order to understand the complex interaction between different levels and actors who are influencing transitions in food production systems. The governance perspective of transition theory provides insight in how transitions are no longer only steered by traditional governments. It highlights the influence of civil society organizations and social actors on local policymaking and societal change. As such, the influence of changes in governance structure and the position of social actors will be explored in this study. In order to get insight into the mechanisms of the MLP of transition theory this research will conduct a case study of Amman, the capital of Jordan. The choice of the city of Amman as a case study will be justified in the following section.

The Middle East as a region is one of the largest importers of food. Most of the countries in the Middle East are very dry, which makes agriculture complicated (Tawk, 2013). Countries in the Middle East are highly dependent on the international food market. Rises in international food prices can have devastating effects on the accessibility and availability of food in this region (UN, 2011: 62). This is why issues of food security are particularly urgent in countries in the Middle East.

Jordan is especially an interesting case because the city of Amman experienced an unbelievable growth in the last decades (Potter et al., 2009: 81). Prognoses show that the amount of inhabitants of the city of Amman will triple in the next ten years: in the year 2025, the city population will have grown from the current two million to around six million citizens, which is about the amount of people living in the entire country at this moment (Haija & Potter, 2013: 4). On top of these challenges, Jordan’s international trade is affected by the recent conflicts in the Middle East. The decline in food imports has lead to a similar decline in the accessibility and availability of food (FAO, 2014d: 13). Prices of fruits and vegetables in the market increased significantly in Jordan (Jordan Department of Statistics, 2012). The rapid urbanization in combination with the low level of self- sufficiency in food supply2 and rising food prices in Jordan makes the question how the city of Amman deals with its food supply more striking.

This leads to the hypothesis that spill over effects of civil wars in neighbouring countries in the Middle East have a major impact on Jordan’s food system, and can increase the need for local food

2 Jordan imports around 85% of its food supply (FAO, 2014d: 9).

production. As such, urban agriculture could have a lot of potential. This research will analyse the pathway of transition towards a sustainable relocalization of the food system in Amman. Transition theory holds the idea that crisis situations can reveal structural problems within certain systems. As a reaction to these developments, local actors can develop new technologies that are able to change certain food systems (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 1). The literature shows that in many countries, urban agriculture started as a grassroots movement initiated by local actors out of basic necessity, which eventually led to changes in local food systems (see Bryld, 2003; Maxwell, 1999; Smit et all. 2001). Case studies from Zimbabwe, Uganda and Ghana will be analysed to understand how the development of urban agriculture in Sub-Saharan Africa can be understood in the light of transition theory.

Because of rising food prices in Jordan one of the hypothesis of this research is that urban agriculture in Amman also started as a grassroots movement developed by people in order to increase their access to food. If this is the case or if urban agriculture developed as a reaction to other developments and out of different reasons will be explored in this thesis. Studies point out that Amman has been a leading city in institutionalizing urban agriculture, and can be seen as a successful case (World Future Council, 2013: 8). How this institutionalization of urban agriculture happened and to what extent it is possible to speak of transition towards a relocalization of the food system will be the main object of study of this thesis. This had led to the following research question:

To what extent can we speak of a relocalization of food production and a transition towards a prominent role of urban agriculture within the food system of Amman, and how can we explain this development?

In order to answer the main research question, the following sub-questions have been developed:

1) How can we understand sustainable transitions in food systems?

2) How can the development of urban agriculture as way to increase food security in urban areas be understood?

3) How can we understand the development of urban agriculture within the food system of Amman?

4) To what extent can we speak of a relocalization of food production within the food system of Amman?

1.2 Outline of the Research This subparagraph will explain the structure of the thesis. First, the theoretical framework that guides the empirical research in this thesis will be developed in Chapter 2. It consists of a discussion of transition theory about environmental innovations and societal transitions, as developed by political scientists Frank Geels and John Grin (Geels, 2011; Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010). The Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) within transition theory will be discussed as a useful tool in the analysis of the transition towards a local resilient food system in Amman. This chapter will answer the first sub- question of this research: How can we understand sustainable transitions in food systems?

Chapter 3 deals with the research design. It will operationalize the sub-questions, discuss the qualitative character of the research, and describe the methodological tools being used.

Chapter 4 will analyse the rise of urban agriculture in developing countries and the international narrative on urban agriculture from the perspective of transition theory. This chapter will contribute to finding an answer to the main research question providing insight in sub-question 2: How can the development of urban agriculture as way to increase food security in urban areas be understood?

Chapter 5 consists of an analysis of the empirical data derived from field research in Amman. First, it starts with an introduction of the challenges the city is facing in its food system. Secondly, it will identify the present narrative on urban agriculture through an analysis of the motivations of people to practice and support urban agriculture. It will explore the process of development of urban agriculture in Amman. This chapter provides and answers to sub-question 3: How can we understand the development of urban agriculture within the food system of Amman?

Chapter 6 analyses and summarizes the main results and conclusions from this research. This concluding chapter provides an answer to sub-question 4 and the main question of this research: To what extent can we speak of a relocalization of food production and a transition towards a prominent role of urban agriculture within the food system of Amman, and how can we explain this development?

In Chapter 7 the findings of the research will be discussed and two recommendations for further research will be made.

The next paragraph will start with an overview of definitions of the main concepts used in this research.

1.3 Definitions of the Relevant Concepts It is important to be clear about the definitions of certain concepts that are used in this research. The main concepts that need to be clarified are: sustainable transition; urban agriculture; food security; food systems; urban governance and sustainable development. The definitions used are the most basic and commonly used definitions. These definitions are the best fit for the purpose of the research.

1.3.1 Sustainable Transition Sustainable transitions can be understood as radical transformations in society, from one system to another. Grin, Rotmans and Schot (2010) argue that the term radical does not refer to the speed of the process, but to the fact that it entails changes in different aspects of society (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 11). According to Geels (2010), transitions can be seen as: “major changes in energy, transport, and agri-food systems” (2010: 495). Transitions entail changes in new technologies, policy, user practices and cultural meanings (Geels, 2010: 495). Chapter 2 will further describe the interactions between different mechanisms that are leading to transition. It will also provide the tools how to measure if a transition in a society occurred.

1.3.2 Urban Agriculture What is mostly contested in debates about definitions on urban agriculture is the subject of boundaries of area land which can be called ‘urban’ and which cannot. The concept ‘peri-urban agriculture’ (UPA) has been introduced by the FAO, which also entails plots of land surrounding the city borders (de Zeeuw, Veenhuizen & Dubbeling, 2011: 1). This research will focus mainly on ‘urban agriculture’ (UA). The most basic and simple definition of urban agriculture will be used. In this definition urban agriculture can be understood as: “the growing of plants and the raising of animals for food and other uses within and around cities and towns” (de Bon; Parrot & Moustier, 2010: 21).

Is it important to emphasize that there exist different forms of urban agriculture. The different typologies of urban agriculture can be distinguished according to four different socio-economic profiles, as described by de Bon, Moustier & Laurent (2010). First, there are micro-scale urban farmers for who urban agriculture is used for basic food supply at household level. They mostly have a small backyard, a balcony or a rooftop for farming. Second are the small-scale farmers who also farm as subsistence strategy, but because of their access to a larger plot of land next to their house they are in the possibility to grow multiple food crops. Third are the commercial farmers who are involved in urban farming in order to earn some income for their families. Last are the actors that are engaged in urban agriculture by earning money and who are able to invest in large-scale farming and

modes of production belong: the ‘entrepreneurs’ (de Bon, Parrot & Moustier, 2010: 23). The different forms of urban agriculture are summarized in Table 1.

Table 1. Different forms of Urban Agriculture

Category Micro-scale Small-scale Commercial Large-scale Urban Farming Urban Farming Urban Farming Urban Farming

Reasons for UA Household Household Household Household consumption consumption consumption & consumption, for the local local market, market international markets

Area for UA Small backyards, Gardens, Piece of land Larger piece of rooftops, backyards, space land, balconies around the house greenhouses

Crops Herbs, some Herbs, fresh Mainly fresh Large-scale fruits in pots vegetables, vegetables, fruits, production of berries/fruits, grains, animals vegetables and medicinal herbs fruits, raising livestock.

(Source: based on de Bon, Moustier & Laurent, 2010: 23 & Dubbeling, de Zeeuw & van Veenhuizen, 2010: 47)

Because this research focuses on urban agriculture as a strategy to provide access to food in order to increase food security for people it will mainly look at the first two categories of urban farming: micro and macro urban farming.

The choice to focus on the first two categories has some implications for this research. Micro- and small-scale urban farming will not be able to radically replace the current food system, since its contribution to food production is relatively small. However, this research does not want to stress that urban agriculture can supply the basic food consumption of citizens for 100%. It aims to discuss the possible transition towards a reconnection of agriculture within the city. Micro- and small-scale urban agriculture does show a trend of changes in policy, technology, user practices and cultural meanings, which are the main measures for sustainable transition. 17

1.3.3 Food Security In 1996, the World Food Summit (WFS) defined food security as: “Food security exists when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, sage and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life” (FAO, 1996).

During the WFS four main dimension of food security were developed: availability, access, stability and utilization (FAO, 2014c: 13).

- Food availability: that there is sufficient quantity and good quality of food available.

- Food access: that people have sufficient resources and physical access to obtain food.

- Food stability: that food access and availability is stable: no large impact of sudden shocks such as food price volatility or political instability.

- Food utilization: that people have the ability to use food in a healthy way: access to water and sanitation to prevent nutrition failures that cause health problems (FAO, 2014c: 13).

This research focuses on the second pillar of food security: the necessity to increase food access. It has been argued by Crush, Hovorka and Tevera (2011) that lack of food access is the main issue in urban areas (Crush, Hovorka & Tevera, 2011: 286).

The concept of food security has been criticized by social movements like La Via Campesina3, which argues that food sovereignty is needed, not only food security. Food sovereignty has been defined as: “the right of people to define their own food and agriculture” (Winfuhr and Jonsén, cited in Holt Giménez & Shattuck, 2011: 128). Food sovereignty entails the idea that enabling access to food for people is not enough, people should have the right of to own control of food production and resources (Holt Giménez & Shattuck, 2011: 128).

Because of the scope of this research the issue of food sovereignty will not be further discussed. The dominant narrative on urban agriculture entails the concept of food security (see Smit et all. 2001; Mougeot, 2005; Bryld, 2003; Drechsel, 2001; van Veenhuizen, 2006). This is why food security turns out to be the most relevant concept in this research. If urban agriculture can lead to food sovereignty instead of food security this would be an interesting topic for further research in the future.

3 La Via Campesina is an international peasant’s movement that promotes sustainable small-scale agriculture and strives for social justice and dignity (La Via Campesina, 2011).

1.3.4 Food Systems Food systems can be defined as: “the organization of multiple processes and transformations of food into several primary sectors that cohere around the practices of producing, processing, distributing, marketing, consuming, and disposing of food” (Potteiger, 2013: 264). The interaction between these different parts of a food system is part of research on food systems. Food systems are also part of infrastructures and other systems in society, such as transportation, water and energy (Potteiger, 2013: 264). Most relevant to this research is the producing part of food systems, as urban agriculture is a form of food production.

1.3.5 Urban Governance Urban governance is a concept developed because studies have indicated that cities are gaining influence on the international stage. It has been argued that the power of the traditional nation state is decreasing (Sellers, 2003: 19). Within cities, a network of different actors constitutes urban governance structures. The United Nations used the following definition: “urban governance can be defined as the sum of the many ways individuals and institutions, public and private, plan and manage the common affairs of the city” (UN Habitat, 2003). Urban governance will further be discussed in Paragraph 2.3.

1.3.6 Sustainable Development The definition of sustainable development has been discussed frequently (see Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010; Redclift, 2005; Mebratu, 1998). However, the most commonly and frequently cited definition is from the Brundtland Report: Our Common Future.4 The report defined sustainable development as: “development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (UN, 2010: 6). Because this is the most commonly used definition, this research will use its study of transitions towards sustainable development.

4 The Brundtland Report was developed by the World Commission on Environment and Development and was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1987 (UN, 2010: 6).

2 Theoretical Framework: Transition Theory and the Multi- level Perspective

This chapter will explain the basics of transition theory, and apply it to our understanding of the development of urban agriculture. In this way, this chapter will provide an answer to the first sub- question: how can we understand sustainable transitions in food systems?

First, paragraph 2.1 will shortly discuss the importance of transition theory in understanding sustainable transitions in societies. Secondly, in order to understand the complex interaction between different levels that are contributing to transitions, this research will make use of the multi- level perspective (MLP). Paragraph 2.2 will start with an extensive elaboration on the MLP. Third, attention will be given in paragraph 2.3 to the governance perspective of transitions. Fourth, paragraph 2.4 will highlight the main critiques on transition theory. This part is of specific interest to this research paper, because one of the main arguments of this thesis will contribute to this critique.

2.1 Overview of Transition Theory Transition theory can be used in order to study radical transformations of cities or societies towards a more sustainable future. When a city faces problems in climate, energy, food, water or health issues, this can lead to a crisis situation. A crisis situation can cause societal tensions, political unrest and riots that could trigger transition (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 1). Transitions are fundamental transformations in society where new ideas, discourses, products, technologies and infrastructures are developed (Spaargaren, Oosterveer & Loeber, 2012: 6). These radical and structural transitions in complex systems in societies are the subject of study of transition theory. This research studies transition towards local food systems. It looks at how new ideas; discourses5 and technologies of food production are part of a relocalization of food systems. This is why transition theory is used as a methodological and theoretical framework for the empirical analysis.

Transition theory takes the development of socio-technological innovations as starting point for transitions. It holds the idea that social actors will start to develop new technological innovations when cracks are appearing in existing technological systems. Transition theory studies how “materials, social and cultural changes interact in transitions towards sustainable development”

5 The concepts ‘discourse’ and ‘narrative’ are used interchangeably in these thesis to describe: “an ensemble of ideas, concepts and categories through which meaning is given to social and physical phenomena, and which is produced and reproduced through an identifiable set of practices” (Hajer & Versteeg, 2005: 175).

(Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 13). This research will not discuss the details of technological innovations in urban agricultural materials, but focuses on the social and cultural changes in society.

Grin, Rotmans and Schot (2010) describe the different phases through which transitions develop: (i) the ‘pre-development phase’, in which first signs of systems change are happening but are not yet visible; (ii) the ‘take-off phase’, when momentum is there for structural change; (iii) the ‘acceleration phase’, where the structural changes are appearing; and (iv) the ‘stabilization phase’, where a dynamic and stable equilibrium is established (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 126). These different phases are illustrated in Figure 1: the S-curve of the four phases of a transition. In which ´phase´ the development of a local food system of Amman is will be examined in this research.

Figure 1: The Different Phases of a Transition

Source: Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 130

This research studies the transition of food systems. It will be discussed whether there is a transition towards a relocalization of food production within the food system of Amman. The Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) is a useful analytical tool to study the transformation of food systems in Amman. It will be used to give an answer to sub-question 1: how can we understand sustainable transitions in food systems?

2.2 Multi-Level Perspective: Niches, Regimes and Landscapes This paragraph will start with an overview of the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP), after that the interaction between the different levels that lead to transitions will be described and lastly the MLP will be connected to urban agriculture. 22

2.2.1 An Overview of The Multi-Level Perspective The MLP looks to processes of transition at three different levels: “innovate practices (niches), structure (the regime), and long-term, exogenous trends (the landscape)” (Grin, 2011:2). The dialectic relationship between macro-level structures and agents on micro-level are studied by the MLP (Seyfang & Haxeltine, 2010: 384). Interaction between these three different levels is necessary for the emergence of transitions in society (Grin, 2011: 2). This research focuses on the interplay between practices at micro level: people who are practicing urban agriculture; the meso level structures of the food system in Amman and the influence of international development at landscape level.

Practices at niche level are innovations at micro-level, initiated by individuals, and exemplify the impact of agency on transitions. Niches are consisting of networks, people and organizations. The relations and structures are not as fixed as on regime level (Grin, 2011:27). Niches are often emerging as innovative solutions due to local problems in existing technological systems (Geels & Deuten, 2006: 266). Niches are novel practices at local level that are not yet institutionalized. An enabling environment is necessary for niche innovations to grow. Local governments can create this enabling environment by protecting niche innovations in their ´experimental phase´ against market competition, through policy measures like subsidies (Amstel, van der Pijl & Spaargaren, 2012: 182).

A regime can be understood as a macro-level structure, which is less easy to change because of its slower dynamics and less flexibility then niches. A regime emerges when values and norms are being institutionalized and people internalize them and act upon them. “A regime thus reflects the institutionalization of a particular mode of socio-material ordering, of a shared set of enabling and constraining ‘rules in use’ governing and guiding various practices from which they initially emerged” (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012b: 207). Regimes are institutionalized and contain established rules, regulations and practices. Regimes can exist of organizations, networks, policy makers and interest groups. The relations between these different actors are an important part of the regimes (Amstel, van der Pijl & Spaargaren, 2012: 182).

Trends on macro-level in the landscape can be described as the international context, or the dynamic environment that constitutes regime and niche levels (Davids & de Olde, 2014: 2). Landscapes consist of discourses in which social actors are functioning and acting. Landscapes are surrounding human agents and social actors are unable to influence landscapes directly. Landscapes influence existing regimes and niche practices (Amstel, van der Pijl & Spaargaren, 2012: 182).

2.2.2 Transitions through the Lens of the Multi-Level Perspective After providing an overview of the different levels within the multi-level perspective, this sub- paragraph turns to an explanation of the interaction between these different levels that could lead to a transition. First of all, the processes that challenge regimes and can lead to transition will be explained. Secondly, different views on what can be perceived as a successful transition will be discussed. Thirdly, the tools to measure if a transition has occurred will be described.

First, processes of transition challenge existing regimes. Regimes are dominant during a certain period of time. When a regime is well established it dominates practices of people and institutions. During the dominance of a particular regime, a locked-in effect can be provoked: institutions can become incapable to act outside the set of rules and regulations that are part of the prevailing regime (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012: 208). As such, the manifestation of regimes is visible in the way societies are ordered, how institutions are functioning and people are acting. Dominant regimes have the potential to influence broader social and material orders of landscapes (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012b: 208).

Existing regimes can be challenged by innovative niche practices. This can occur in a field outside the dominant set of rules and practices that are part of the prevailing regime. The niche innovations are drawn in Figure 2 as small arrows on the bottom of the illustration. These acts, which are aimed at reforming the dominant regime, are happening in niche areas. These innovative niche practices have the potential to cause radical regime change (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012b: 207). “In this case novelty production provokes a regime shift, clearing the path for fundamental changes in the agri-food system. Novelties are then the seeds of transition, that are, however, in need of a fertile institutional embedding or regime shift in order for them to settle and flourish” (Roep & Wiskerke, 2010: 208). As such, novel practices can be the ‘seeds of transition’ on regime level, which could eventually lead to transitions in landscapes.

Niche innovations are not able to trigger regime change by themselves. They need the right circumstances in order to flourish. Therefore, international developments on landscape level are essential in order to provoke transitions. Periods of crisis and exogenous shocks at landscape level can reveal deeper and structural problems of certain systems (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 1). These periods of crises and changes in landscapes can trigger transitions because they pressure the dominant regime in such a way that they open up: they create ´windows of opportunity´. This is illustrated in Figure 2 with the arrow that is pointing down from the socio-technical landscape, which puts pressure on the regime. This creates the opportunity for certain niche innovations to grow and

influence the prevailing regime (Spaargaren, Oosterveer & Loeber, 2012: 7). In Figure 2 this process is illustrated with the large arrow pointing up: a niche innovation is coming from the ‘experimental phase’ and influences the regime in such a way that it transforms into a new regime. The interaction between actors in niches, regimes and landscapes is essential in understanding transitions.

Figure 2: the Multi-Level Perspective on Transitions

(Source: Geels, 2002 in Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 25)

Secondly, there are different visions on when a transition reached its end phase. The first model holds the idea that niche innovations that lead to the breakdown of an old regime have caused transition (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012: 208). The second model holds that niche innovations do not always lead to the breakdown of old regimes. They can also contribute to the rise of a new regime that exists next to another regime (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012: 208). Roep and Wiskerke argue that there is also a third model: specific niche innovations get adopted within a dominant regime. This model holds the idea that within regimes practices and techniques can become more sustainable, which can also be seen as a transition (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012: 208). In the case study of Amman it will be explored if the development of urban agriculture led to a breakdown of the old regime, if a

new regime has emerged that exist next to the old regime or if transitions within the dominant food regime occurred.

Thirdly, it is important to describe which aspects in social and technological systems need to be changed in order to speak of a transition. Scholars hold different views on when a transition has occurred, and when it is possible to speak of a sustainable transition (see Geels, 2010; Spaargaren, Oosterveer & Loeber, 2012; Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010). Therefore, the answer to the main research question: to what extent it is possible to speak of a relocalization of food production, depends on the definition of ´transition´. This research mainly used transition theory as developed by Geels, which is why his definition will be used. According to Geels (2010), transitions can be seen as: “major changes in energy, transport, and agri-food systems”. Transitions entail changes in (i) new technologies; (ii) policy; (iii) user practices; (iv) cultural meanings and (v) markets (Geels, 2010: 495). The first change in technological innovations can be in the field of science, industry, knowledge and agriculture. The second change of policy can be measured according to the development, institutionalization and execution of policy. The third change in user practices entails a broad process of societal embedding of these new technologies (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 11). The fourth change is in cultural meaning, which can be identified through the deconstruction of dominant narratives that actors hold about the given system. The fifth is changes in markets; it can be analysed if the new technology turned into a market niche (Schot & Geels, 2008: 540). In the case study of Amman, it will be examined if changes in these different aspects occurred and as such, an answer can be given to the main research question: if and to what extent it is possible to speak of a sustainable transition towards a relocalization of the food system in Amman.

2.2.3 The Multi-Level Perspective and Urban Agriculture In this research, urban agriculture will be considered a niche innovation. Gill Seyfang and Adrian Smith argue that transitions are often driven by community-led grassroots innovations6 (Seyfang & Haxeltine, 2012: 383). The main literature conceives urban agriculture as a grassroots movement of

6 The model of Seyfang and Smith defines grassroots innovations as: “…innovative networks of activists and organizations that lead bottom-up solutions for sustainable development; solutions that respond to the local situation and the interests and values of the communities involved. In contrast to the greening of mainstream business, grassroots initiatives tend to operate in civil society arenas and involve committed activists who experiment with social innovations as using greener technologies and techniques” (Seyfang and Smith, 2007: 585).

people motivated to enable their right to food7 (see Ellis & Sumberg, 1998; Maxwell, 1999; Smit, Nasr, Ratta, 2001; Mougeot, 2005). It is often understood as a bottom-up transition process.

The role of local actors and bottom-up initiatives in steering transitions will be explored in the case of Amman. First, the landscape pressures that influenced the development of urban agriculture in Amman will be examined. Second, the main motivations and visions of different actors in the prevailing regime and in niche innovations will be analysed. Jan Rotmans and René Kemp emphasize that the spread of a dominant vision behind niche innovations is important in processes towards transitions (Rotmans & Kemp, 2003: 18). “A vision of the future is crucial in realizing a transition: an important task for government is to assist in formulating that vision, and to inspire and mobilize other actors” (Rotmans, Kemp & van Asselt, 2001: 25). Therefore this research will explore to what extent visions about relocalization of the food system are present in the case of Amman.

A distinction between narratives about the development of urban agriculture in industrialized and in developing countries can be made. In industrialized countries, people who are living in the cities have become distanced from food production and agriculture. People often don’t know where the food they are eating is coming from. However, organic, healthy and local produced food is becoming popular and trendy (Battersby, 2013: 4). More people living in cities want to know where their food is coming from, and prefer local produced food without pesticides. The growth of urban agriculture in industrialized countries has therefore to do with a narrative on healthier, local and organically produced food (Bellows, Brown & Smit, 2011: 3-4).

Other then the prevailing narrative on urban agriculture in industrialized countries, the dominant narrative on the emergence of urban agriculture in developing countries holds the idea that urban agriculture emerged out of ‘necessity and urgent need’ (Ellis & Sumberg, 1998; Maxwell, 1999; Mougeot, 2005). Maxwell (1999) argues that in developing countries, one of the main reasons for people to practice urban agriculture is to gain control over their own food supply and raise their access food (Maxwell, 1999: 1948). Urban agriculture is also practiced because it can create jobs and people can generate income (McClintok, 2009: 192; de Bon, Moustier & Laurent, 2010: 25). It can be concluded that the dominant narrative on why urban agriculture is practices in developing countries is that it increase food security (see Smit, Nasr & Ratta 2001; Mougeot, 2005; Bryld, 2003; Drechsel & Kunze, 2001).

7 The right to food is the right of every individual, alone or in community with others, to have physical and economic access at all times to sufficient, adequate and culturally acceptable food that is produced and consumed sustainably, preserving access to food for future generations” (de Schutter, 2014: 3).

Which of these narratives is prevailing in Amman will be one of the objects of study for this research. It will provide insight in the reasons why urban agriculture emerged in Amman. The presence of a shared narrative will increase the potential of transition. The spread of a shared vision can be through networks or integrative forms of urban governance, on which the next paragraph will elaborate.

2.3 Governance in Transition Theory In order to analyse which actors are able to steer transitions, the governance perspective looks at interactions between the state, the market and civil society organizations. Renting and Wiskerke (2010) argue that steering transitions in societies cannot be exclusively done by political administrative governmental institutions. Governance is no longer defined by a central state or local government, but entails a more complex interaction between a ‘governance triangle’ where the state, the market and civil society are the key mechanisms that structure ‘urban governance’ (Renting & Wiskerke, 2010: 1904). The governance perspective in transition theory focuses on a more interactive and participatory decision making process in policy making (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 148). The governance perspective emphasizes the influence of agency on sustainable transitions. Non- governmental organizations, institutions, researchers and private sector actors are becoming active participants in urban governance instead of being passive objects (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 148). Changing relations within urban governance structures are essential in order to understand processes of transition in local food systems. It provides insight in how societal changes are being steered: through complex interactions between different actors within cities (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 7).

2.4 Critiques to Transition Theory & the Multi-level Perspective There have been several important critiques on transition theory and the multi-level perspective. This paragraph will shortly discuss the main critiques that are most relevant to this research, because one of the main arguments of this thesis will add to these critiques.

One important critique states that transition theory and the MLP has a biased perspective on bottom-up models of change. Most transition theorists are arguing that transitions are mainly triggered by bottom up innovations (Grin, Rotmans & Schot: 2010). Amstel, van der Pijl and Spaargaren (2012) argue that transitions can also be driven by actors who are operating in the existing regime, and are therefore advocating a top-down approach. According to them, the role of the government or other institutions on regime level is often discarded in transition theory (Amstel, van der Pijl & Spaargaren, 2012: 178).

As a reaction to this critique, Geels (2011) developed four different transition pathways: (i) regimes are either gradually changing niche innovations due to landscape developments which are putting pressure on the regime (transformation); or (ii) niche innovations are being embedded within the regime (reconfiguration); or (iii) tensions within a regime provide the possibility for niche innovations to break through (technological substitution); or (iv) regimes are being disintegrated due to major landscape pressures after which multiple niche-innovations occur (de-alignment and re-alignment) (Geels, 2011: 34). All of these alternative transition pathways assume an important role of pressures from landscapes. However, these four alternative pathways are still focussing mainly on bottom-up initiatives as drivers of transitions. They are giving more attention to the exact interplay between the different levels, but Audley Genus and Anne-Marie Coles (2008) argue that all of these pathways still hold the idea that change is driven at the micro-level of niche practices, which growths through pressures from landscape level and eventually can lead to regime change (Genus & Coles, 2008: 1438). Geels and Schot acknowledge that transition theory is lacking influences from other societal actors. They argue that more explicit attention needs to be given to processes at regime and landscape level, which can also potentially trigger transitions (Geels & Schot, 2007: 402). This is why when this thesis speaks of the ‘main transition pathway’ it refers to the view of transition theory on bottom-up initiatives as driving forces behind societal change.

A second important criticism on transition theory points out the lack of agency within transition theory: landscapes and regimes are providing structures and determine the actions of social actors (Geels & Schot, 2007: 400). Scholars have argued that transition theory has a functionalistic approach, with a linear view on processes of transition. It treats these processes as being dominated by rational actors, without taking specific context-depending circumstances into account. It also assumes that transition processes will follow the same pathway, although many different roads to transition can occur (Geels & Schot, 2007: 400).

The critiques highlighted in this section illustrated some problems of transition theory. This research will explore the applicability of transition theory in understanding the development towards transition in the food system of Amman.

2.5 Conclusion This chapter has provided insight in the first sub-question of this research: how can we understand sustainable transitions in food systems? Transition theory and the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) have been used in order to understand sustainable transitions. The main literature on MLP describes the following pathway for transition: innovative niche experiments emerge at a certain moment. This

is mostly due to an external shock or a radical change at landscape level which reveals structural problems of a certain regime (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 1). These external landscape developments are pressuring the existing regime, which creates ‘windows of opportunity’ for niche innovations to develop (Spaargaren, Oosterveer & Loeber, 2012: 7). Niche innovation can challenge the prevailing regime, which can lead to a transition in regime. One of the main criticisms of transition theory is that it looks mainly at bottom-up pathways of change. In order to explore the practical applicability of transition theory and the MLP, the development of urban agriculture and the possible transition towards new food systems will be analysed. The next chapter will provide an operationalization of the sub-questions of this research and show how the MLP will be used to answer the main research question.

3 Research Design

This chapter starts with operationalization of the main research question and the following sub- questions in Paragraph 3.1. Paragraph 3.2 will elaborate on the research method used in this research and it will discuss the contributions and limitations of case study research. The main data is conducted through semi-structured interviews, which will be shortly discussed in Paragraph 3.3.

3.1 Operationalization of the Research Question & Sub Questions The main research question this thesis aims to answer is:

This paragraph will describe how these sub-questions of this research will be answered through the use of the theoretical framework as described in Chapter 2.

1) How can we understand sustainable transitions in food systems?

Chapter 2 already elaborated on transition theory and specifically on the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP). The MLP provides a useful tool and framework to analyse the different mechanisms that are influencing the development towards transition of local food systems (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 18). The MLP focuses on social actors as main drivers of transition and emphasizes a bottom-up development of societal change. This thesis will investigate the applicability of transition theory on changes in food systems, and explore if the development of urban agriculture can be understood as a bottom-up or top-down process in the case of Amman.

2) How can the development of urban agriculture as way to increase food security in urban areas be understood?

Chapter 4 will deal with this sub-question. The MLP will be used in order to understand the mechanisms that led to development of urban agriculture as a way to increase food security. The landscape developments and crisis situations that revealed structural problems of the current global food system will first be identified. The influence of these landscape development on the rise of urban agriculture as a niche innovation will be explored. After that the influence of these niche innovations on existing regimes and the institutionalization on landscape level will be examined. The

main narrative behind urban agriculture as strategy for sustainable development will be analysed. Therefore, desk and literature research on urban agriculture will be conducted.

3) How can we understand the development of urban agriculture within the food system of Amman?

In order to answer this question the main landscape developments that triggered people to start practicing urban agriculture in Amman will be explored. Therefore, interviews with the main niche actors in Amman will be conducted in order to understand their motivations. In order to get insight in the mechanisms that led to the institutionalization of the urban agriculture niche within the prevailing regime, the landscape pressures that have put pressure on the regime will be identified. Therefore, interviews with actors within the prevailing in regime are conducted in order to understand the motivation of regime actors to institutionalize urban agriculture. Which prevailing narrative on urban agriculture in Amman is present will be examined. As such, the landscape developments that created ‘window of opportunity’ for urban agriculture to grow in Amman will be explored. If the development of urban agriculture can be understood through bottom-up driven initiatives or as a top-down created phenomenon will be the focus of Chapter 5.

4) To what extent can we speak of a relocalization of food production within the food system of Amman?

In order to answer this sub-question and the main research question of this thesis, the main aspects described by Geels (2010) that need to be changed in order to speak of a transition in the food system will be examined in the case of Amman. Changes in policy, the development of new technologies, user practices, market changes and cultural meanings will be analysed (Geels, 2010: 495). A conclusion will be made to what extent it is possible to speak of a transition of the food system in Amman. Another aspect that will be investigated is to which of the three models of ‘regime-change’ and transition the case of Amman belongs. It will be analysed if a new food regime emerged which led to the breakdown of an old regime, if a new regime emerged which co-exists next to the old regime or if practices within the prevailing regime changed (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012: 208).

In the next paragraph, the methodology of this research will be described. Firstly, the choice for a case study will be explained. Secondly, the interview techniques will be discussed.

3.2 The Benefits and Limitations of Case Study Research The research method used in this thesis is a case study analysis. A qualitative research method will be used: data is used of online documents, secondary literature and interviews (Gerring, 2007: 71). The limitations of the external validity of this research should be emphasized (Bryman, 2004: 29). The research will refrain from making generalizations about the development of urban agriculture in other countries. Every country has its own specific circumstances: a different political environment; different culture; different people and organizations and different social networks. It can be expected that the pathway of a sustainable transition towards a prominent role of urban agriculture within city region food systems will develop differently in every country.

However, the case study is not conducted in order to make generalizations. A high internal validity is one of the strengths of qualitative case study research, which is what this thesis aims to develop (Bryman, 2004: 273). As such, the use of a case study contributes to the main aims of this research in a couple of ways. Firstly, the case study of the development of urban agriculture in Amman provides insight into the mechanisms that could lead to development of urban agriculture as a form of relocalization of the food system. Secondly, it contributes to a broad understanding of how transitions in food systems can occur in the light of the multi-level perspective. Thirdly, the case of Amman will be used to analyze how transitions towards a local food system are developed. This thesis aims to understand the mechanisms within the MLP model that are leading towards transition. The applicability of transition theory on explaining practical examples of changes in food systems will be explored. This research aims to contribute to increase the applicability of transition theory. Through studying a case study this research aims to contribute to theory building and understanding of possible pathways of transitions in societies.

3.3 Semi-Structured Interviews The conducted interviews have a semi-structured character (Bryman, 2004: 321). A list of questions has been used as a base for the interviews. These questions were only used as guidelines, not as strict structures for the interviews. In this way, it was possible to remain flexible during the interviews. This was important because the research was not conducted in order to test certain hypotheses. It aimed to understand the reasons for the development of urban agriculture. As such, it did not want to exclude certain answers from interviewees, which could have happened if a stricter questionnaire would have been used. A list of the interview guide is attached in Appendix 2. Almost all interviews were conducted during a week of fieldwork in Amman in December 2014, the other were conducting through Skype calls. A total of twenty interviews have been conducted. The interviewees are actors from civil society organizations, non-governmental organizations, the local 34

and national government and also urban farmers. A list of all the interviewees, their functions and the date of the interviews can be found in Appendix 1.

The technique used for conducting the interviews has been to make use of a ‘gatekeeper’. This choice has mainly been pragmatic: due to the limited time and the scope of this research it would have been difficult to get into contact with all relevant stakeholders involved in urban agriculture in Amman. One of the key-figures at the bureau for urban agriculture in Amman has introduced all the important stakeholders involved in urban agriculture in Amman City and organized the meetings. Because this key-figure and agriculture engineer is the main actor in the field of urban agriculture he knows most of the important farmers and actors at government and municipality level. Therefore there are indications to assume that the interviewees spoken to for this research can be seem as representative for the urban farmers and actors involved in urban agriculture in government institutions in Amman.

4 Development of Urban Agriculture: Relocalization of Food Systems

This chapter will focus on a desk research about the development of urban agriculture as a form of relocalization of food systems. Paragraph 4.1 will start with an analysis of the main landscape developments that are putting pressure on local food regimes and trigger niche innovations. Paragraph 4.2 will describe the growth of urban agriculture as a niche innovation in different cities in sub-Sahara Africa. The main reasons for the development of urban agriculture in these case studies will be examined. Paragraph 4.3 will focus on the reaction of regimes and analyse if it there is a form of transition in food systems. Paragraph 4.4 will summarize the process of development of urban agriculture through the lens of the multi-level perspective by describing the interaction between landscapes, niches innovations and regimes.

4.1 Landscape Pressures This chapter will describe the pressure of major landscape developments on food regimes. External pressures can reveal structural problems of system and triggered people to start developing innovative practices (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 1). The first development paragraph 4.1.1 will shed light on are rapid process of urbanization and increasing poverty in urban areas. Paragraph 4.1.2 will focus on the effects of the international food price crisis. To what extent these landscape developments caused shifts in international discourses on the global food system will be examined in sub-paragraph 4.1.3. As such, the main landscape developments that put pressure on local food regimes and contributed to the emergence of the urban agriculture niche will be described.

4.1.1 Urbanizing Poverty in the World The first landscape development that puts pressure on the existing global food regime is the process of rapid urbanization and increasing poverty in urban areas (Tacoli, Bukhari & Fisher, 2008: 18).

In 2008 a historical moment was reported by the United Nations (see Figure 2): for the first time in history more people in the world were living in urban then in rural areas (Jouve, 2009: 347). In 2014 already 54% of the world population was living in urban areas (UN, 2014: 11). In lower and middle- low income countries, most of the population are living in urban areas. The increase of urbanization processes is even more striking in these countries (See Figure 3).

Figure 2: Urban and Rural Population of the World

(Source: UN, 2014: 7)

Figure 3: Amount of people living in urban areas in different continents

(Source: UN, 2014: 11)

Food insecurity issues remain a big challenge in cities in countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Studies indicated that the amount of chronically undernourished people in Latin America and Eat-Asia is declining, but in South-Asia and sub-Saharan Africa it actually increased (Tacoli, Bukhari & Fisher, 2008: 3). In the MENA region, statistics from the FAO point out that food insecurity is decreasing. However, the stability and food access in urban areas remains an important challenge: this region is particularly vulnerable for price shocks because of its heavy dependence on the international food market (FAO, 2014c: 16).

Most of the international attention on food insecurity is and has been mainly focused on rural areas, whereas food insecurity in urban areas is also increasingly becoming a striking issue. Cohen and Garrett (2009) argue that the attention on food insecurity in rural areas is misplaced: people living in rural areas are often producers of food, which is why the question of enough access to food is less urgent in these areas (Cohen & Garrett, 2009: ii). Problems of malnutrition and poverty are clustering in urban areas more and more (Jouve, 2009: 349). This is why important challenges in combating food insecurity are situated in urban areas (Tacoli, Bukhari & Fisher, 2008: 18). These landscape developments are putting pressure on prevailing food systems. The main dimensions of food security have been defined as the availability, the access, the stability and the utilization of food (FAO, 2014c: 13). The main problem of urban households is not that there is not enough food available, but people are faced with a lack of access to food (Tacoli, Bukhari & Fisher, 2013: 3). The key dimension of the problem of food insecurity in cities is lack of food production and food access. This is why urban agriculture could be developed as an answer to these problems (Morgan & Sonnino, 2010: 13).

These landscape developments are putting pressure on existing local food regimes in urban areas. The next landscape development that will be described is the international food price crisis.

4.1.2 Exogenous Shock on Landscape Level: The Food Crisis The international food price crisis in 2007-2008 can be seen as an exogenous shock at landscape level, which revealed the structural problems of the current food system. (FAO, 2014c: 13). The international food price crisis resulted in a major increase of food prices. This caused domestic food crises, employment problems and political and social unrest in many countries. Several studies even argue that it contributed to uprisings and protests in many countries in the Middle East, which eventually led to the outbreak of the Arab Spring (UN, 2011: 62). The global food crisis in 2007-2008 hit developing countries and especially poor people very harsh. According to studies from the World Bank, the rising food prices in 2008 drove 130 to 155 million people into poverty (UN, 2011: 63). The rise of food prices has a devastating impact on the purchasing power of people with a lower income.

Cohen and Garrett (2009) argue that the impact of rising food prices is highest in poor households, since they are spending the largest percentage of their income on food (2009: 14). Studies indicated that in several countries, the impact of rising food prices have been extremely severe for poor citizens and people living in urban slums (Cohen & Garrett, 2009: 16).

Tjeerd Deelstra and Herbert Girardet (2000) argue that the need for relocalization of the food system is particular important for cities. Cities are mostly consuming, and not so often producing food. Cities depend heavily on international trade or on connections with rural hinterlands. Cities are therefore characterized by their low resilience and high level of dependency on resources. This dependency makes cities even more vulnerable to external shocks and crises in the global food system (Deelstra & Girardet, 2000: 43-45). Baker (2008) argues that this is one of the reasons that urban citizens were hit hardest by the food prices crises: they are mostly consumers of food and don’t have any agricultural production as a backup (2008: 1).

The effects of the international food price crisis paved the way for a discussion on a new food system to grow, one that is focussed on increasing national food self-sufficiency of countries. The United Nations stated that developing countries should focus on the production of their own food, and be aware of becoming too dependent on international markets (UN, 2011: 73). De Schutter (2014) argues that it is important that people gain control over their food supply, and have access to basic food security. “A new paradigm focused on well-being, resilience and sustainability must be designed to replace the productivist paradigm and thus better support the full realization of the right to adequate food” (de Schutter, 2014: 13). According to de Schutter, rebuilding local food systems and decentralizing food systems could lead to transition of the current food system. This will increase resilience of developing countries.

This shows how an external shock revealed structural problems of the current food system. The food price crisis resulted in major rise of food prices, which drove many citizens into poverty. As a result, international interest on rebuilding local food systems rose and the discourses on food systems at landscape level changed. The next paragraph will further elaborate on these changes in discourse at landscape level.

4.1.3 The Window of Opportunity: Critique on the Global Food System This paragraph will look at the major landscape development that puts pressure on the current food regime and created a window of opportunity. It will describe the shift at the international landscape and the emergence of a new discourse on food production.

The rise of food prices and urbanizing poverty contributed to international debates and critiques on the current global food system. Many scholars have argued that the current agro-food order is unsustainable: it leads to environmental pollution, food insecurity, malnutrition concerns, and degradation of biodiversity (Roep and Wiskerke, 2012: 207). In the twentieth century, the dominant food system gave rise to the ‘Green Revolution’. Investing in agricultural food production was seen as the solution to world food problems and hunger. During the Green Revolution agricultural production increased significantly. This had positive, but also an important negative impact on social and environmental issues on which this research will focus. State subsidies boosted agriculture production through the use of mechanical modes of production, subsidized fertilisers and pesticides and irrigation systems. This led to an increase in monocultures, which had an impact on the loss of biodiversity and soil erosion (de Schutter, 2014: 5). The most devastating negative impact of mechanical modes of agricultural production is its contribution to the increase in greenhouse gas emissions (de Schutter, 2014: 5).

The UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food Olivier de Schutter criticizes the effects of the current global food system. He argues that the current food system focuses mainly on increasing the amount of crops and commodities and maximizing efficiency, but forgets to take distributional issues into account (de Schutter, 2014: 5). Enough food is being produced to feed the world, but not everybody has the same access to food (World Food Program, 2014). Philip McMichael argues that large companies and producers dominate the global food market, which makes competition with small farmers unequal (McMichael & Schneider, 2011: 132). An important consequence of this food system is the increased regional specialization, which resulted in a high vulnerability of countries for shifts in food prices on the international market (McMichael & Schneider, 2011: 132). The new paradigm that de Schutter describes (2014) based on the idea of relocation of food production is spreading everywhere in the world. The current global food system is characterized by food that is invisible: its social, economic, geographical and technological background is invisible. Huge Campbell (2009) has characterized it as “Food from Nowhere” (Campbell, 2009: 311). As a reaction to this system, food that used to come ‘from nowhere’ is being relocated: home grown organic vegetables from community gardens are increasingly being developed in cities (EPRS, 2014).

This criticism on the global food system shows that the international discourse at landscape level is changing: attention for relocalization of food systems and food production is growing. The growth of this international discourse can be seen as a major landscape development that puts pressure on local food regimes. The next paragraph will describe the emergence of urban agriculture as a niche innovation. 41

4.2 Using the Window of Opportunity As a result to external landscape developments of rising food prices and declining access to food, citizens started to develop innovative practices to increase their food security. This can have contributed to the growth of urban agriculture as a niche innovation. Because of the change in discourse at landscape level: the increasing critiques on the global food system rose and attention for relocalization of food systems grew, regimes were pushed to open up. As such, windows of opportunity were created for the urban agriculture niche to grow. The main reasons for actors to develop urban agriculture as an innovative niche practice will be discussed in this paragraph. The first sub-paragraph will examine the influence of landscape pressures on the development of urban agriculture. The second sub-paragraph will describe the development of urban agriculture in three case studies in the light of transition theory.

4.2.1 The Emergence of the Urban Agriculture Niche Different studies indicate that one of the main reasons for people to start practice urban agriculture in developing countries has to do with basic subsistence problems and food insecurity (see Baker & Pedersen, 1992; Drakakis-Smith, Bowyer-Bower & Tevera, 1995; Ellis & Sumberg, 1998; Maxwell, 1999; Smit, Nasr & Ratta, 2001; Mougeot, 2005; Addo, 2010). Many urban dwellers are struggling with their socio-economic position and the lack of employment possibilities. Rising food prices leaves urban citizens with limited options for food provision. “In general, it [urban agriculture] is assumed to decrease in importance as urbanization intensifies, but many observers have shown that in face of escalating national poverty, it is increasing as both a national and a household strategy, in response to escalating food prices or shortages” (Baker & Pedersen, 1992: 259). This quote shows that urban agriculture is often a reaction to rising food prices and increasing poverty in urban areas. As such, urban agriculture can serve as a way for people to increase their food access. Other reasons for people to practice urban agriculture are empowerment of women, providing income for the family and a substitute for products from the markets or because the food being produced are assumed to be healthy (Ellis & Sumberg, 1998: 217).

Besides that recent food price crisis in 2008, there have been other exogenous shocks that triggered people before to start developing urban agriculture as a niche innovation. Different scholars argue that worsening situation of poorer people in developing countries is due to the Structural Adjustment Programs of the Bretton Woods Systems (see Bryld, 2003; Drakakis-Smith, Bowyer- Bower & Tevera, 1995; Maxwell, 1999; Ellis & Sumberg, 1998). These programs requested countries to remove subsidies for food production, which resulted in a high increase of food prices. On top of these rising food prices, wages were decreasing, which left people with limited options for food 42

provision. These developments ‘pushed urban citizens to become engaged in urban agriculture in order to feed the household’ (Bryld, 2003: 80). It is not the purpose of this research to discuss neither the Bretton Woods System nor its supposed effects. It only uses Bryld´s analysis as an example of how an increase of food prices could push people into new food systems to produce their own food. It exemplifies that one of the main reasons for people in developing countries to start doing urban agriculture was out of necessity. As such, “Urban agriculture has become a survival strategy for urban households” (Bryld, 2003: 80). People were forced to grow their own food, which was a way to increase their food security.

It can be concluded that the urban agriculture niche grew as a strategy for people to increase their food security. Shocks at landscape level such as rising food prices and lack of food access triggered people to start developing innovate practices to ensure their own food access. Because of changes at landscape level: critiques on the global food system and increased attention for relocalization of food system, regimes were pressured and windows of opportunity were created. How the growth of urban agriculture led to transition in regimes will be illustrated with three different case studies.

4.2.2 Development towards Transition: Three Case Studies In order to understand the mechanisms and the transition towards a local food system with urban agriculture as a prominent component, this research will examine the rise of urban agriculture in Zimbabwe, Ghana and Uganda. Urban agriculture constitutes an important part of the city food supply in these countries (Maxwell, 1999: 1947; Drakakis- Smith, Bowyer-Bower & Tevera, 1995: 189). Consequently, a lot of research on the development of urban agriculture has been conducted in these countries, which is why these case studies are chosen.

Since the independence of Zimbabwe in 1980 rural poverty increased, which encouraged migration towards cities (Drakakis-Smith, Bowyer-Bower & Tevera, 1995: 185). In the 1980s, cities were doubled in size in comparison with the 1950s, and the population was growing rapidly. Drakakis- Smith, Bowyer-Bower and Tevere argue that due to the structural adjustment programs of the World Bank8 food prices started to rise (1995: 184). One of the responses of the urban citizens has been to start their own production through urban agriculture. As a result, agriculture production rose significantly in urban areas in Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe. However, the government seemed to

8 The Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) were economic policies introduced by the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) since the 1980s. In order to gain a loan of the WB or IMF, developing countries needed to adopt these policies. The required economic adjustments have a neo-liberal background, such as the promotion of free market competition, reduced state-involvement, and privatization and deregulation (Noorbakhsh & Paloni, 1999: 549).

neglect the potential role of urban agriculture for consumption to meet the needs of the urban population (Baker & Pederson, 1992: 277). It can be argued that the development of urban agriculture in Harare can be described as a grassroots movement of people, who started to farm as a way to fulfil their subsistence needs (Drakakis- Smith, Bowyer-Bower & Tevera, 1995: 189). In response to structural problems in the food system and pressures from the landscape, people developed their own strategies to ensure their access to food. As such, the urban agriculture niche was born. This development is an example of how sustainable transitions develop from the multi- level perspective of transition theory. It is a bottom up process: urban agriculture developed as a niche innovation by local actors that challenged the regime, and through the window of opportunity it has been able to trigger transition (see Roep & Wiskerke, 2012b: 207).

In Ghana, the economic crisis during the late 1970s and beginning of 1980s resulted in food shortages and rising food prices, which caused major urban food riots. Due to the structural problems of food insecurity in the capital of Ghana, Accra, people started to get engaged in informal economic sectors to increase their access to food (Maxwell, 1999: 1947). Recent statistics have shown that in Accra, around 60% of the population is involved in some form of urban agriculture (Egyir & Beinpuo, 2009: 16). At first, the government in Ghana was very reluctant to legalize forms of urban agriculture within the city. After the engagement of international NGOs the regime changed its policy on urban agriculture. When RUAF started working in Ghana in 2000, a multi-stakeholder platform was established and several working groups were created and supported by the Ministry of Food and Agriculture. Urban and peri-urban agriculture has been integrated in the Food and Agriculture Sub-sector Development Policy (Dubbeling, de Zeeuw & van Veenhuizen, 2010: 84). This shows how urban agriculture in Accra started as a niche innovation developed by the people themselves as basic livelihood strategy. Although the government was first opposing, urban agriculture became institutionalized and part of the regime. As such, there is a change in the local food system in Accra.

Uganda ‘s economy depends mainly on agriculture production, which is why there have not been significant problems with its food supply (Maxwell, 1999: 1945). However, the economic crisis in Uganda reduced the income of people, which had a devastating effect on the purchasing power of the urban poor in the city of Kampala, which in turn reduced their food accessibility. Studies show that as a response to the economic crisis, people started agricultural production at household level within cities (Egziabher et al., 1994; Lee-Smith et al., 1987; Freeman, 1991 cited in Maxwell, 1999: 1948). The local government and national government for a long time opposed the development of

urban agriculture for a long time, and did not recognize the benefits urban agriculture can have (Maxwell, 1999: 1948).

These case studies show how the transition towards a relocalization of the food system developed. Landscape developments triggered urban dwellers to develop innovative niche practices to increase their access to food. This development corresponds with the focus of transition theory on bottom-up change. Changes at landscape level and structural problems in the food systems of these countries put pressure on the existing regimes. This created the ‘window of opportunity’ of niche innovation of urban agriculture to grow and trigger transitions in the local food regimes.

4.3 Changes of Regime: National Adoption of Urban Agriculture This paragraph will provide insight into the regime shift towards a more positive stance on urban agriculture. When urban agriculture started to grow in countries in Africa, South America and Asia, the initial responses of the local and national governments was to prohibit it. Because of the lack of recognition and the illegality of urban agriculture, people faced trouble with finding basic necessary resources like water and land. This made it difficult for urban farmers to develop sustainable farms within the city (Smit, Nasr & Ratta, 2001: 8). There are several reasons for local governments in developing countries to prohibit urban agriculture. First of all, it can cause a danger to the health of people when compost piles are poorly managed: this increases the spread of diseases in cities. Secondly, urban agriculture takes up spaces in the city that could be used for building houses, something that local governments often prefer when cities are growing rapidly (Bryld, 2003: 82). Thirdly, urban planners do not think that agriculture practices are appropriate in cities, which is why they do not incorporate it into city planning (Bryld, 2003: 82).

However, this initial negative stance against urban agriculture has largely disappeared in many developing countries. Regimes are now recognizing urban agriculture, and some local or even national governments are actively supporting urban agriculture (de Zeeuw, van Veenhuizen & Dubbeling, 2011: 6). The case studies described in the last paragraph show that the local governments in Accra, Harare and Kampala now to a certain extent accept urban agriculture. Studies conducted by Dubbeling, de Zeeuw and van Veenhuizen (2010) show that an increasing number of city governments developed policies and programs on urban agriculture. A couple of examples are the institutionalization of urban agriculture in the cities of Gampaha, Sri Lanka; Lima, Peru; Beijing, China and Sana’a, Yemen (Dubbeling, de Zeeuw & van Veenhuizen, 2010: vi). In many of these countries people needed to work hard in order to let the government recognize their right to food and their practice of urban agriculture. This change in policy on urban agriculture exemplifies that

innovative niche practices of people have had a positive influence on the dominant regime and were able to provoke transition. The development of urban agriculture did not only influence local regimes, it also had an impact on changes at landscape level. The next paragraph will further elaborate on that.

4.4 Changes in Landscapes: International Development of Urban Agriculture The previous paragraph showed that the niche innovation of urban agriculture as developed by people at local level has become institutionalized in regimes. The development of urban agriculture also has had its repercussions on landscape developments. This is why this paragraph will shed light on the international attention for urban agriculture as a way of relocalization of food systems.

During the last decades, international attention for urban agriculture has increased significantly. There are many programs and organizations developed, which shows the support of urban agriculture by the international community. In 1983, the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) started promoting urban agriculture. One of their first initiatives is ‘Cities Feeding People’ (CFP), which supported different projects in countries all over the world (Mougeot, 2006: 11). In 1987, the Brundtland report was the first UN report that acknowledged the potential of urban agriculture in sustainable urban development (Mougeot, 2006: 11). The UN ‘Food-Energy Nexus Programme’ revealed the widespread practice of urban agriculture in developing countries. In 1991, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) created the Urban Agriculture Advisory Committee (UAAC), after which a Support Group on Urban Agriculture (SGUA) was established (FAO, 2007: 2). This SGUA consists of many members from international and national organizations9. The FAO has been actively working on urban agriculture since the Committee of Agriculture established an inter-departmental section on urban agriculture at the FAO. It became one of the priority issues, and resulted in policy briefs on UPA and the initiative ‘Food for the Cities’. The UNDP and UN- HABITAT have been lobbying for the integration of UA in urban planning and policy at local governments (FAO, 2007: 3).

9 The International Development Research Centre (IDRC), UNDP, FAO, the directorate General for International Cooperation Netherlands (DGIS), the French Agricultural Research Centre for International Development (CIRAD), ETC Foundation, Urban Harvest (Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIR), International Water Management Institute (IWMI), German Agency for Technical Cooperation (GTZ), and The Urban Agriculture Network (TUAN) (FAO, 2007: 2).

Since 2008 the interest of the international community in urban agriculture grew enormously (FAO, 2008; FAO, 2011a). This shows the increased international attention and support for the development of urban agriculture. Not only did international organizations provide training and workshops, they also distributed funds and subsidies for countries working on urban agriculture. The main reasons for the FAO and other international organizations to support urban agriculture is its contribution to increased access to food, the improvement of urban livelihoods and local economic development (FAO, 2007: xi).

It is important to stress that further research would be needed in order to investigate the exact influence of local practices of urban agriculture on the international landscape. It might be that the landscape changes as a reaction to other factors. However, this question if out of the scope of this research. Although this research cannot make clear statements about the reasons of international recognition of urban agriculture, it is still interesting to see that international organizations institutionalized urban agriculture niche. The international community adopted urban agriculture as an instrument to increase food security of people in urban areas. It became one of the dominant narratives in discussions about sustainable development (FAO, 2008). This shows how the discourses at landscapes level have changed towards more focus on local food production systems.

4.5 Conclusion: Development of Local Food Systems This chapter has described the development of urban agriculture through the lens of transition theory by using the framework of the MLP. It provides an answer to the second sub-question of this research: what are the systemic problems in the global food supply systems and what role could local food production and in particular urban agriculture, have in increasing food security?

The first part of the analysis of this chapter focussed on the external landscape developments that are putting pressure on regimes. External crisis situations are revealing structural problems of food systems (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 1). The international food price crisis in 2008 can be seen as such a period of crisis, which showed that the current global food system is not able to ensure food security for everybody in the world. It contributed to a sharp rise in food prices, which increased poverty especially in urban areas in developing countries. This exogenous shock at landscape level contributed to the niche innovation of urban agriculture. It can be concluded that local actors developed urban agriculture as a niche practice. As a reaction to two international developments at landscape level: rising international critiques on the global food system and rising poverty in urban areas, attention for relocalization of food systems grew. This shift in discourse on landscape level put pressure on regimes, and created a window of opportunity for the urban agriculture niche to grow.

Regimes were first reluctant to recognize urban agriculture but different studies have shown that several countries have developed policy to support it.

This paragraph explained how the niche innovation of urban agriculture caused a transition in food regimes. The development of urban agriculture even led to changes at landscape level: the international community started advocating the need for local, resilient food systems, where urban agriculture was seen as one solution to food insecurity in cities. This corresponds to the main pathway of transition as described by transition theory. It exemplifies that the development of transitions can follow a bottom up path: social actors at local level are triggered to develop niche innovations because of structural system problems in food regimes. Bottom up initiatives challenge the existing regime after which new policy is adopted, new ideas and cultural meaning of food production emerged, user practices changed and new technology was developed. As such, it can be concluded that it is possible to speak of a transition towards relocalization of food systems.

After providing insight in the international development of urban agriculture from a transition perspective, the next chapter will focus on the development of urban agriculture in Amman. The hypothesis of this research is that the development of urban agriculture in Amman followed the same transition pathway. It is expected that the same reasons and pressures from landscape development have trigger the emergence of urban agriculture.

5 Case study: Relocalization of Food Production in Amman

After providing insight in how transition theory can be used in order to explain the development of urban agriculture in several case studies, this chapter turns to the case study of this research. It will explore if the pathway of transition as described in the literature, which holds the idea that bottom- up development of niche innovations trigger transitions in regimes, is also applicable in the case of Amman. It will analyse what the main reasons are for the development of urban agriculture in Amman, and discuss if the dominant narrative is the narrative that is prevalent in industrialized countries or the narrative on urban agriculture in developing countries.

First, this chapter starts with an analysis of the main landscape developments that affected the agriculture sector and puts pressure on the food system of Amman. Secondly, the main actors at regime and niche level will we identified. Thirdly, the reasons for governmental support and the institutionalization of urban agriculture will be explored. Fourthly, this chapter analyses the motivations of the actors in the urban agriculture niche. Fifthly, the influence of new governance structures in Amman on the development of urban agriculture will be discussed. The last section will set out the key conclusions of this chapter.

5.1 International Developments: External Shocks to Jordan’s Food System This paragraph describes the influence of international developments and external shocks on the existing regime in Amman.

The city of Amman has grown incredibly in the last decades. In 1924, the city only consisted of around 2000-3000 citizens (Potter et al., 2009: 81). Nowadays, the numbers are exceeding 2 million inhabitants. Amman is expected to triple in the next fifteen years: in 2025 the population will consist of around 6 million people (see Figure 5). This incredible growth will put extreme pressure on different aspects of life in the city. To develop a sustainable food system is one of the important challenges for the future of Amman.

Figure 5: Expected Growth of the City Amman

(Source: The Amman Plan: Metropolitan Growth, 2008: 18).

One of the main developments that led to the rapid population rise in Amman is the influx of refugees. Many refugees from Iraq, Syria and Palestine have fled to Jordan. Palestinian refugees have constituted an important part of the population since decades, but the increased influx of refugees from Iraq and Syria can be allocated to the conflicts in these countries since 2011.

“Jordan is in the eye of the storm, you have Iraq which is unstable, you have Syria which is unstable and you have Palestine which is unstable, half Lebanon which is unstable. So what happens is that everybody who wants to find a safe heaven is coming to Jordan” (pers. comm. interviewee 20, FstT: 2014).

The total amount of registered refugees in Jordan at the moment is 641.915 people (UNHCR, 2015). The amount of refugees is expected to rise over one million at the end of 2015. In 2014, the amount of Syrian refugees constitutes 25% of the population in Amman (FAO, 2014d: iii). This increasing influx of refugees makes the question of how to increase the availability and accessibility of food more urgent. This amount of refugees is putting strains on the limited resources and the food supply of Jordan (FAO, 2014d: 1). The FAO estimated that the strategic food supply reserves of Jordan would be depleted within a couple of months if the amount of refugees keeps on growing as is does (Oxford

Business Group, 2013). This external shock at landscape level revealed structural problems of the food system in Jordan and puts pressure on the food regime of Amman.

Jordan’s food supply system also got affected by the crisis in the Middle East. Jordan is a country that depends heavy on its food import, because of limited available fertile land in this arid country. Jordan imports around 85 percent of its food supply (FAO, 2014d: 9).10 Due to the conflict in Syria, Jordan’s food import from this country decline rapidly. This resulted in a rise of the food import bill of Jordan by 50% and an increase in prices. Average food prices were around 25% higher in 2010 as in 2009 according to figures from the FAO (Mc Devitt, 2011) (see Figure 6). Between 2011 and 2012, prices of fresh vegetables at local markets rose by 32.1 % and the prices of dairy and eggs rose around 16,2% (Jordan Department of Statistics, 2012). Although the situation in Jordan remained relatively stable in comparison with other countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), there have been some protests due to the rising food prices and increase of unemployment in Jordan (Mc Devitt, 2011).

Figure 6: Increase of Food Prices in Jordan

(Source: FAO, 2014d: 13)

10 The main products Jordan produces are fresh vegetables such as tomatoes, cucumbers, eggplants, cauliflowers and onions, and fruits like olives (and olive oil), pineapple and lemons (Jordan Department of Statistics, 2012). The country depends among others on its import of grains, sugar, coffee and spices. The main livestock Jordan raises are chicken and goats. The country is highly depending and mutton import (Jordan Department of Statistics, 2012).

The crisis in the Middle East and the effect it had on rising food prices can be seen as landscape pressures that can trigger people to start developing niche practices in order to increase their access to food. These landscape developments revealed some of the structural problems of Jordan’s food system: it is highly depending on food imports from the international market (FAO, 2014d: 9). This makes the resilience of the country to external crisis situations extremely low. This is why the regime could open up for a transition towards a relocalization of the food system in Amman.

5.2 Landscape Pressures Create Window of Opportunity The rapid urbanization of Amman, the high influx of refugees and the conflicts in Syria and Iraq are putting pressure on the existing food system in Amman. These external events can be seen as ‘exogenous shocks’, and periods of crisis. Periods of crisis are chances for change in light of transition theory (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 1). Periods of crisis are manifestations of deeper and structural systemic problems (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 1). They reveal the structural problems of Jordan’s dependency of food import. These crisis situations can create windows of opportunity for niche innovations to grow (Spaargaren, Oosterveer & Loeber, 2012: 7). Urban agriculture was already present in Amman before civil wars in the Middle East broke out in 2011. However, it could give an important boost to the growth of a niche innovation. Grin, Rotmans and Schot (2010) argue that landscape changes are only creating pressure if regime actors are acknowledging them and acting upon them (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 57). They argue that outsiders have an important role in this process because they are able to recognize negative externalities, which are often overlooked by regime actors. As such, international organizations and NGOs can translate landscape pressures for regime actors in such a way that the urgency of change becomes visible (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 57-58).

Besides the crisis in the Middle East and the rising food prices there is another landscape development that might have put pressure on the regime in Amman. Paragraph 4.4. described an important shift in international narrative on food systems. The current global food system has been criticized by different scholars (see de Schutter, 2014). International attention for relocalization of food production has grown, and urban agriculture has been integrated in international organizations as a way to achieve sustainable development and increase food security (FAO, 2012a). This international attention for a relocalization of food systems and urban agriculture as a way to increase food security are indicating a change in landscape. These changes in discourse on landscape level have put pressure in the regime in Amman. They are contributing to an enabling environment and create a window of opportunity for the development of urban agriculture in Amman (Spaargaren, Oosterveer & Loeber, 2012: 7). The presence of the international RUAF foundation can be seen as a 53

translator of the landscape pressures for the regime. This organization had an important role in the introduction of urban agriculture in Amman.

The next section of this chapter will analyse the empirical data of the case study. It will examine the main reason for the government to institutionalize urban agriculture, and analyse the prevailing narrative on urban agriculture among actors that are part of the prevailing regime and the urban agriculture niche. An analysis of the role of different actors at landscape, regime and niche level in the development of urban agriculture in Amman will follow in the next paragraph. First of all, the main stakeholders in involved in the urban agriculture niche in Amman will be identified.

5.3 Defining Stakeholders in the Regime & Urban Agriculture Niche in Amman In order to identify the relevant stakeholders in the urban agriculture niche in Amman, a categorization made by the RUAF Foundation will be used. The RUAF Foundation has developed a Multi-Stakeholder Policy and Action Planning (MPAP)11 tool, which entails a participatory approach on development of policy concerning urban agriculture (Dubbeling, de Zeeuw & van Veenhuizen, 2010: 42). The three main categories of stakeholders as defined by the RUAF that are relevant to the case study of Amman are: the local, provincial & national governments, the NGOs and community based organizations and the commercial & subsistence farmers. Table 2 in paragraph 5.3.1 shows the categories to which the interviewees of the case study belong. In Appendix 1 of this research a list of all the interviewees and their function in urban agriculture in Amman is attached.

Within these different categories, actors can be either take part in the existing regime, or be part of the urban agriculture niche. Which actors are part of the regime and which of the urban agriculture niche is illustrated in Figure 7 and explained below. It provides insight in how the different actors involved in urban agriculture in Amman relate to each other according to transition theory. The Multi-Stakeholder Platform in Amman (MSF) is a special case. It is partly established by an international NGO and supported by the local government. As such, it exemplifies the influence of new urban governance structures on the development of urban agriculture as a step towards the transition to a local food system. Paragraph 5.7 will elaborate on the role of the MSF in the light of governance perspective of the transition theory.

11 The Multi-Stakeholder Policy and Action Planning (MPAP) approach has been created by the RUAF. It entails that idea to involve multiple stakeholders from an early stage in policy design, decision-making processes and implementation of projects. RUAF argues that the MPAP is particularly important for sustainable urban agriculture development, because there are many different actors involved in urban agriculture (Dubbeling, de Zeeuw & van Veenhuizen, 2010: 27-29).

5.3.1 Commercial and Subsistence Farmers It is important to look at urban farmers and analyze their role in projects and influence on policy development (Dubbeling, de Zeeuw & van Veenhuizen, 2010: 44). Most of the farmers who were interviewed belong to the first three categories of urban farming: micro-scale, small-scale and commercial urban farmers. The urban farmers are part of the urban agriculture niche. Niches can exist of networks, people and organizations that are not yet institutionalized (Amstel, van der Pijl & Spaargaren, 2012: 182).

5.3.2 Local, Provincial and National Governments The local governments are regulating the development of agriculture and they are able to set up new rules and frameworks that could either support or constrain urban agriculture (Dubbeling, de Zeeuw & van Veenhuizen, 2010: 43). The main institutions in Amman that are part of this category are: the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Education, the National Research Centre on Agriculture, the Greater Amman Municipality, the Department of Landscape and Gardening, the Bureau for Urban Agriculture, the Municipality Nurseries and the Queen Rania Garden project. Stakeholders who work in these institutions are part of the current regime in Amman. The bureau for urban agriculture at the municipality, the municipality nurseries and the Queen Rania Garden project are examples of the institutionalization of the urban agriculture niche. Employees in these institutions are part of the existing regime because they hold a position in an institutionalized form of urban agriculture. These are examples of how the urban agriculture niche became adopted within the prevailing regime. Transition theory argues that new regimes do not always need to lead to a breakdown of an old regime: different regimes can co-exist simultaneously (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012b: 209). This thesis argues that niche developments are not only able to transform into regimes that co-exist with other regimes, they can also be adopted within existing regimes. This is why the employees of the urban agriculture bureau are defined as part of the urban agriculture niche, which became part of the existing regime. This division of stakeholders is illustrated in Figure 7.

5.3.3 NGO’s & Community-Based Organizations NGOs and community-based organizations play a crucial role in linking urban producers with policy makers and government representatives (Dubbeling, de Zeeuw & van Veenhuizen, 2010: 43). Stakeholders who are part of this category are employees at the RUAF Foundation, the Iraq el Amir Society and the From Seeds to Table Project (FStT) in Amman. These actors are part of the urban agriculture niche. The projects set up by these different organizations and communities are unique and innovative, and this exemplifies the impact of an individual’s agency on possible change within food systems. These are, according to transition theory, characteristics of niches (see Grin, 2011: 27). 55

Table 2: Amount of Interviewees per sub-Category

Category Number of Interviews

Commercial and Subsistence 6 Farmers

Local, Provincial and National 9 Governments

NGO’s & Community based 5 Organizations

Total Number of Interviews 20

5.4 The Emergence of Urban Agriculture in Amman: Institutionalization within the Regime This sub-paragraph will give an overview of the emergence of urban agriculture and describe the main project in Amman. It will describe the process of development of urban agriculture in Amman along four steps. First of all it will start with an overview of urban agriculture and the integration within city policy. As such, the development of policy on urban agriculture will be illustrated. Secondly, the influence of international NGOs and the nation state will be described. Thirdly, the municipality projects and the Queen Rania Garden project will illustrate that the city did not only develop policy on urban agriculture, but also executed policy. Lastly, it will be shown how the municipality created the right circumstances for the urban agriculture niche to grow by supporting commercial urban agriculture and providing an experimental space outside regular market competition.

Amman has been cited in the literature as one of the success stories when it comes to the institutionalization of urban agriculture (World Future Council, 2013: 8). Amman has been one of the first cities in the MENA region to embrace the idea of urban agriculture. The International Development Research Centre (IDRC) has praised Amman for the municipal support for the development of urban agriculture (Whitman, 2013). The total planted area in greater Amman is around 32.000 ha, which represents 18.4% of the total national crop production, and 19% of the national animal (meat) production (Omari, n.d.). This area includes agriculture in urban and the peri- urban areas.

Figure 7: Illustration of the relation between stakeholders in Amman involved in UA, perspective of transition theory

(vi) Rapid Urbanization

(vi) Conflict Middle East (vii) International Discourses on UA

(i)National, Provincial & (v)Bureau of Urban Local Governments Agriculture, Municipality Nurseries & Garden Projects (iv) Multi-stakeholder Platform

(iii)NGOs and Community (ii) Commercial & organizations Subsistence Farmers

Source: based on the Multi-Level Perspective on Transitions (Geels, 2002: 1263 in Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 25)

This figure illustrates how the different stake holders involved in urban agriculture are relating to each other, when analysing it from the perspective of transition theory. The balloons represent the following actors, institutions & organizations in Amman:

(i) National, Provincial & Local Governments: the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Education, the National Research Centre on Agriculture, the Greater Amman Municipality & the Department of Landscape and Gardening

(ii) Commercial & Subsistence Farmers: micro-scale, small scale & commercial urban farmers. (iii) NGOs & Community Based Organizations: RUAF Foundation, the Iraq el Amir Society & the Seeds to Table Project in Amman

(iv) The Multi-stakeholder platform has been established by international NGOs and is supported by the government. It creates space for the development of urban agriculture within the city of Amman.

(v) Municipality Nurseries & Garden Projects: these are part of the urban agriculture niche and are institutionalized within the regime.

(vi) Different pressures from landscape level are creating ‘windows of opportunity’. Rural migration to the city and high influx of refugees are causing rapid urbanization and growth of Amman. The conflicts in Syria and Iraq are leading to less trade with Jordan, which results in a rise of food prices. These processes contribute to increasing poverty & rising food insecurity in Amman.

(vii) The rise of urban agriculture in industrialized countries goes together with a certain narrative: the need for more local, healthy food 57 and shortening of food chains. The international attention for urban agriculture increases, which has its repercussions on the interest of Amman in urban agriculture.

First of all, there are several indications that urban agriculture is very important for the Greater Amman Municipality (GAM). A key-figure at the Landscape and Gardening Department of the GAM says: “We are going to develop it, and work on it on a wider scale. With societies, with NGOs, and any partner that we find suitable for urban agriculture” (pers. comm. interviewee 9: 2014). The year 2006 was the official start for the urban agriculture program in Amman.12 The bureau for urban agriculture has been established by the GAM. After the establishment of this bureau, many programs and projects on urban agriculture have been developed (World Future Council, 2013: 8). The GAM integrated urban agriculture within the City Strategic Agenda (CSA), and adopted urban agriculture within the Amman Metropolitan Growth Plan where it was one of the four main pillars (de Zeeuw, van Veenhuizen & Dubbeling, 2010: 8). The document shows that one of the priorities of the city is to “support and facilitate urban agriculture, increased water harvesting, and conservation” (The Amman Plan Metropolitan Growth, 2008: 42). Another important aspect of the institutionalization of urban agriculture is the regulation on land use. The land use guidelines and regulations formulated by the GAM require that every new building needs to have at least 15% of the plot of land allocated for agriculture or gardening in order to get a building license (World Future Council, 2013: 8). This shows how urban agriculture became integrated within the city agenda, and how it became one of the priorities of the GAM in their plans towards ‘greening Amman’.

The fact that the GAM integrated urban agriculture (UA) within the city planning programs and established a bureau for urban agriculture was mainly due to the efforts of the international RUAF Foundation and the American University of Beirut.

“They [GAM] did not have urban agriculture included until they met the whole RUAF-MENA team. Before they were only looking at some nice rooftops that were not productive, nice sidewalks, nice public gardens, some planting, but no agriculture as such at all. This is why it was mainly due to the efforts of the RUAF-MENA team that urban agriculture was put back on the table and looked at as part of the local economy and greenery” (pers. comm. interviewee 19, FstT: 2014).

This illustrates the second step in the development of urban agriculture: support of local NGOs that started projects on urban agriculture. One of the main projects on urban agriculture was the “From

12 Plants that are growing on rooftops and in backyards in Amman are mostly herbs like sage, thyme, mint and rosemary, vegetables such as tomatoes, peppers, eggplants and beans, and fruits such as strawberries, lemons, figs and olives (pers. comm. interviewee 8, bureau of UA: 2014).

Seed to Table project” (FStT), which was initiated by the RUAF Foundation (Dubbeling, Hoekstra & van Veenhuizen, 2010). The FStT project introduced agriculture to women who are part of the Iraq al Amir association: they taught them new technologies in urban agriculture, learned how to organize themselves and how to develop and market their products (pers.comm. interviewee 8, bureau of UA: 2014). This increased job opportunities of women, empowered them and gave them more financial resources. This association is now seen as one of the most successful NGOs, and is an example for the neighbourhood. ”Through the ‘FStT project the Iraq el Amir society become one of the key players in the NGO sector in Jordan. When you are looking for a successful NGO in Amman everybody will take you to Iraq el Amir” (pers.comm. interviewee 20, FStT: 2014). However, one of the main problems is that funding is lacking at the moment (pers. comm. interviewee 16, Iraq el Amir: 2014). This shows that even in one of the most successful NGOs in Amman, urban agriculture is not a feasible economic activity yet.

An important contribution to the emergence of urban agriculture within the GAM has been the personal interest of the royal house of Amman. This established an enabling environment for the start of urban agriculture: “Once, the King and Queen of Jordan visited the Amman Castle, and they saw the planted rooftops, which immediately struck the eye of the King. He called the mayor and said: we want more of these” (pers.comm. interviewee 20, FStT: 2014). This is how an agricultural engineer was mandated the task of planting 50.000 rooftops. Of course, 50.000 rooftops are very difficult to realize, but it does show the influence of national state policy on the development of urban agriculture in Amman.

The third step was that inspired by the FStT project, the GAM started executing policy on urban agriculture. Several projects on rooftop gardening and other forms of urban agriculture in Amman were part of this new policy. The municipality owns several nurseries in the city. These nurseries provide free plants, soil, fertilizer and pots for households. One of the main nurseries distributed around 500 households of plants for roof gardens and around 4000 home gardens (Cauchois, 2014). The GAM assisted people to start their own urban agriculture project: they provided trainings and visited rooftop gardens every two or three weeks in order to see if people were maintaining them well. The Queen Rania Gardening project is an example of one of the many community projects the GAM started. It is a place where courses and practical trainings on urban agriculture are given to women and schools in the neighbourhood. Since 2008, the Ministry of Education developed national schools programs on urban agriculture and integrated it into the curriculum. Much training on urban agriculture was given on schools, and around 300 schools have mushrooms growing in their cellars (pers. comm. interviewee 11, Ministry of Agriculture: 2014). 59

The fourth point is how the GAM provided space to urban farmers fur further development of their practices on a commercial level. On bigger plots of land between buildings in Amman, small-scale commercial urban agriculture projects are taking place. The municipality is supporting the farmers who want to start commercial farming in these areas: they are allowed to sell their product right from their land, and don’t need to pay for a place at the local market (pers. comm. interviewee 8, bureau of UA: 2014). This shows that there is a protected experimental area for the urban agriculture niche to develop, outside direct competition with the main market. This is an essential condition for niches to be able to flourish (Amstel; van der Pijl & Spaargaren, 2012: 182).

These different steps show that the GAM did not only develop policy for urban agriculture, they also executed policy: several projects have been created, trainings and materials were provided and communities set up. Urban agriculture has been institutionalized in the government, which is why it can be seen as part of the existing regime in Amman.

5.5 Reasons for Actors within the Regime to Support Urban Agriculture Through deconstructing the dominant discourse on urban agriculture two main narratives that explain why urban agriculture grew in different parts of the world have been identified. One which explains the rise of urban agriculture in industrialized countries: mainly in order to reconnect citizens to nature, and another narrative which explains the development of urban agriculture in developing countries: out of necessity to increase food security. This paragraph will analyse which of these narratives is dominant behind the reasons for actors in the prevailing regime to support urban agriculture. This will shed light on the influence of international discourses on landscape level on the emergence of urban agriculture in Amman. Paragraph 5.6 will focus on the main reasons of niche actors to start practicing urban agriculture. The main motivations of the different stakeholders involved in urban agriculture in Amman are summarized in Table 3.

The first and foremost important reason for the municipality to support urban agriculture is to make the city greener, healthier and more beautiful. Greening Amman it to attract tourists, and to create a more beautiful city for citizens to live in. The city has started urban agriculture projects as a strategic instrument to achieve their own goals. They want to reach out to places that they cannot reach with the GAM because they don’t have any authority to enter these areas, such as private spaces, rooftops and gardens (pers. comm. interviewee 8, bureau of UA: 2014).

“The municipality wants to have more green areas in Amman. We have our people working in our gardens, but we like more people to help us to create more green area in the city. Families in Jordan are putting their rubbish, a broken chair, a heater, on the roof. To prevent them from doing this we give them this idea. Instead of putting rubbish on their roof, they put green plants, herbs and flowers” (pers.comm. interviewee 15, municipality nursery: 2014).

A second reason for the development of urban agriculture is education: the city tries to reconnect the citizens to nature. “We learn it to be in the culture of people, to take care of plants. We want to reconnect people to the land. Most people in the city, they don’t know about agriculture, so we can teach them this.” (pers.comm. interviewee 12, Ministry of Education: 2014). Many people who travelled from villages to the city used to be farmers. In the city, they do not have enough space or the possibilities to farm. This is why it is necessary to help people to be able to farm within the city, so that they don’t forget about agriculture and nature when they are living in the city (pers.comm. interviewee 10, bureau of UA: 2014).

There are projects developed by the GAM that are mainly aimed for people with a lower income in Amman, but those are not always succeeding. Starting urban agriculture requires some investments, which is why urban agriculture is often more expensive than buying fruits and vegetables from the market. “Bananas or fruits from the market are cheaper, but people just like to have their own gardens” (pers.comm. interviewee 8, bureau of UA: 2014). Citizens with a higher income have more possibilities, time and money to start an urban agricultural project. In the past, in downtown Amman everybody had his or her own garden. But nowadays, with so many markets around them, people prefer to go to the markets (pers.comm. interviewee 10, bureau of UA: 2014). If the government would have solely been motivated by increasing food security, the impact of increasing food access for people with lower-incomes could have possibly been larger.

Out of the interviews conducted for this research it can be concluded that the main reason for the municipality to support urban agriculture is not to increase food security for citizens (pers. comm. interviewee 9, gardening & landscape department: 2014). Employees from the municipality nurseries think that the main reason for people to participate in the municipality projects is because people like to farm or have their own garden.

“The idea is not that people need to buy less from the market, but to have the joy inside, the happiness inside that he produced this, by himself, that is what makes people happy. Some people are making pictures from their first tomato, very happy, and putting it on Facebook: this is my tomato” (pers.comm. interviewee 15, municipality nursery: 2014).

Citizens are confirming this idea: they think that the government is mainly occupied with achieving their own goals. The GAM is not motivated to develop new strategies for the city food supply by increasing local food production through urban agriculture. An urban farmer argues:

“The government does not have an idea how to change the food system. They are pushing for more consumers for imported food. They are only out for profit, and how much money they can put in their pockets. They don’t need people to be self-sufficient.” (pers.comm. interviewee 2, urban farmer: 2014).

Out of the analysis of the main reasons for the actors that are part of the regime to support and introduce urban agriculture it can be concluded that its main motivation is to green and beautify the city of Amman. Despite of the external shocks at landscape level and international developments - influx of refugees, rapid urbanization and rising food prices-, no integrated policy on the city food supply has been developed by the local government. There is no policy developed to increase the self-sufficiency of citizens or increase the resilience of the city (pers. comm. interviewee 11, Ministry of Agriculture: 2014; interviewee 13, National Research Centre for Agriculture: 2014). One of the key- figures of the FStT project says: “Amman as a self-sufficient city? I don’t know, I never heard about the aim of being self-sufficient or increasing food security, it was more about jobs, greening and beautification then food issues” (pers.comm. interviewee 19, FStT: 2014). Most of the stakeholders in the regime, the Ministry of Agriculture, the National Research Centre for Agriculture and the Greater Amman Municipality conceive Amman as a consuming, not a producing city.

The development of urban agriculture can be mainly attributed to the personal motivation and passion of people acting within the existing regime. One of the key-figures at the bureau of urban agriculture was able to find subsidies for training programs and materials. Now that this person retired, the urban agriculture bureau also disappeared (pers. comm. interviewee 8, bureau of UA: 2014). This indicates that the institutionalization is not directly linked to pressure from landscapes. The personal motivation of people acting within the existing regime was important in the process of institutionalization of urban agriculture in Amman.

It can be concluded that the regime did not embrace urban agriculture out of necessity or urgent need. The regime was not pressured by the landscape development of conflicts in neighbouring countries. The dominant narrative on why developing countries would embrace urban agriculture, as a way to meet basic subsistence needs, is not present in Amman’s regime. Instead, the narrative most prevalent in the industrialized countries on urban agriculture is visible in Amman: the aim of greening cities and bringing nature back to the citizens are the main reasons for the regime to adopt urban agriculture. This prevalence of this narrative can be seen as the most important pressure from the landscape at the local regime. The rising trend in industrialized cities of restoring the relation of citizens with nature can have had influence on the regime of Amman, and pushed it to ‘open up’. In order to make proper conclusions about the dominant narrative on urban agriculture in Amman, the perspectives of the niche actors first need to be analysed, on which the next paragraph will elaborate.

5.6 Perspectives of Niche Actors This paragraph analyses the aims of the niche actors who are practicing urban agriculture in order to understand the development towards transition of the food system in Amman. It will identify the main landscape developments that have triggered niche actors to start practicing urban agriculture. It will provide insight in the main interactions between regime, niche and landscape levels and how this influenced the development of urban agriculture.

The first reason for people to farm in the city of Amman is because it produces healthier food. Citizens are aware of the amount of pesticides and chemicals that are being used by big agricultural farms that produce food for the local market. “The women, they like to use products from our garden in our kitchen, because it’s healthy. They don’t like to buy at the market, because they are afraid of chemicals.” (pers.comm. interviewee 6, urban farmer: 2014). Urban farmers emphasize the importance of the healthiness of food. In a neighbourhood of one of the interviewees, everybody has a garden with productive plants, not to sell, but to produce healthy food (pers.comm. interviewee 10, bureau of UA & urban farmer: 2014). One of the urban farmers is sceptical about food from the market: “You have free chemicals, free hormones, free everything: you don’t know what they feed you” (pers.comm. interviewee 2, urban farmer: 2014). This motivation is also clear in community kitchen projects for of women societies. The food that is being produced there is bought from local farmers, and they are working together with schools. The community kitchen is giving workshops at schools to teach children how to plant their garden, and how to prepare healthy food. “Especially in Amman it is important to return to the roots, because it is very healthy”. (pers.comm. interviewee 10, bureau of UA & urban farmer: 2014). School programs are being developed because children in the 63

city don’t know anything about farming. “Most children in the city, they don’t know about agriculture, so we teach them this. We try to improve their vision, and bring back their connection to the land” (pers.comm. interviewee 11, Ministry of Agriculture: 2014). People prefer a different food system with more locally produced, fresh and healthy food. This shows that citizens of Amman are becoming aware of the food they are eating.

The second and third reasons for people to practice urban agriculture is because they like to garden, and because it creates a beautiful space at the house. “I have a lemon tree, a fig tree and flowers, olive and grape trees. We use this for the family, because I like to garden. Also, it is healthier, more fresh and they look beautiful in the house” (pers. comm. interviewee 17, Queen Rania Gardening Project: 2014). The other farmers that were interviewed for this research agreed with this vision. Many farmers say that they like the activity of gardening in and around their houses. The urban farmers emphasize that it does not have anything to do with higher prices at the market (pers. comm. interviewee 6, urban farmer: 2014). Most of the farmers disagreed with the view that urban agriculture is necessary because of rising food prices of lack of food access in the city (pers.comm. interviewee 5: 2014; pers. comm. interviewee 6: 2014; pers. comm. interviewee 10: 2014).

Out of the interviews it became clear that the main motivation for citizens to practice urban agriculture in Amman did not correspond to the expectations of this research. The external pressures on the food system in Amman- the influx of refugees, conflicts in the Middle East and rising food prices- did not trigger people to start farming in their backyards. The idea that urban agriculture could provide access to food for people with a lower income and thus have a positive impact on food security is not present in the motivations of the urban farmers that were interviewed for this research. Most of the citizens with a lower income do not see the benefit of growing their own food. People find it easier to buy things at the local market: they can find everything nearby. When people move to the city, their whole life changes. When they were living in rural areas, they did not have access to a wide variety of products so they needed to produce it themselves. Now the need to produce your own food does not seem to be that present anymore (pers. comm. interviewee 19, FStT: 2014). If the need would have been higher and the rise of food prices more extreme, more grassroots movements aimed at increase food security might have been present in Amman. Right now, one of the main prerequisites for urban agriculture to grow in Amman is a discourse shift on how citizens look at urban agriculture. “We need to concentrate on changing the culture of people. Most people in the cities don’t care about agriculture” (pers.comm. interviewee 10, bureau of UA:

2014). As such, urban agriculture was not born ‘out of necessity’. It has a lot more to do with changing life styles of people living in urban areas.

In order to thoroughly understand the process of development of urban agriculture in Amman as a form of relocalization of the food system, it is important to focus on the urban governance structures. The next paragraph will analyse the function of the Multi-Stakeholder Platform (MSF) in the development of urban agriculture in Amman.

Table 3: Summary of the Main Reasons for Stakeholders to Practice or Support Urban Agriculture

Category Stakeholders Part of Main Reasons to Practice or Regime/Niche Support Urban Agriculture Commercial and Micro-scale and Small- Niche 3 main reasons: Subsistence Farmers scale urban farmers - Producing healthy food - Beautification of the house - Hobby of gardening & cultivating food Commercial farmers Niche - Commercial: earning money to making a living. - Creating job opportunities Local, Provincial and The Greater Amman Regime 3 main reasons: National Governments Municipality - Greening of the city - Beautification of the city - Creating a Healthy City Bureau of Urban Regime & Niche - Increasing production of local Agriculture healthy food - Educating people about agriculture Ministry of Education Regime Increasing knowledge on agriculture for children living in cities: reconnecting to food production and nature. Ministry of Agriculture Regime No specific vision on relocalization of the food system: Amman is a consuming not producing city. Municipality Nurseries Regime & Niche - Beautification of the city & Queen Rania Project - Creating empowerment - Learning people in the city about agriculture NGOs & Community RUAF Foundation Niche - Increase access to nutritious food based Organizations - Creating a resilient food system - Generate income and employment - Positive impact on environment Iraq el Amir Society Niche - Generating income and job opportunities - Empowerment of women

5.7 Urban Governance towards Transition: the Role of the Multi- Stakeholder Platform Urban governance is important for understanding which actors influence transition processes in societies. Urban governance is no longer defined by a single government: civil society organizations and local actors can now influence the development of policy (Renting & Wiskerke, 2010: 1904). The role of new forms of governance on the development towards transition in Amman will be described in this sub-paragraph.

A Multi-Stakeholder Platform (MSF) on urban agriculture was established in Amman.13 The MSF is a network of people who are all engaged in urban agriculture in Amman. The MSF holds an essential position in the development of policy and projects on urban agriculture in Amman (pers. comm. interviewee 8, bureau of UA: 2014). This interactive network exemplifies of how local actors are gaining influence in urban governance, and how participatory integrative forms of policy making are developed. The MSF had an impact on the development of new policy and institutionalization of urban agriculture (pers. comm. interviewee 8, bureau of UA: 2014). As such, from the governance perspective of transition theory these new power relations and forms of urban governance are essential in understanding the development of urban agriculture in Amman.

Rotmans, Kemp and van Asselt (2001) argue that social actors are essential agents in the development of niches, since they are able to stimulate or block certain transitions. The government will be unlikely to succeed in steering transitions when they are enforcing change. Instead, they should inspire citizens and integrate them into processes of decision-making (Rotmans, Kemp & van Asselt: 2001: 25). Social change cannot be pushed for in a top-down way: it is a result of processes that entails multiple actors (Rotmans, Kemp & van Asselt, 2001: 26). Top-down policy is only one part of the process; social actors are the other important component of the process of bringing social change (Loorbach, 2009: 166).

The MSF is an important part of the process of transition in Amman. These changes in governance structures will increase the possibility that urban agriculture will lead to a broader societal transition: all actors from the MSF are able to change their organizations and as such, have the potential to bring broader societal change. Participatory decision-making also helps in order to increase support

13 The MSF consists of 28 permanent members, of whom different employees from the Greater Amman Municipality, the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Environment and the Ministry of Education, the University of Jordan, several civil society organizations and urban farmers (Omari, n.d.).

for certain new technologies (Rotmans, Kemp & van Asselt, 2001: 24). Besides that, it helps to distribute certain narratives and ideas in society.

One of the necessary requirements for urban transition is creating a shared vision between different actors and networks in society (Hodson & Marvin, 2010: 481). When a common narrative would be created in the meetings of this MSF, transition within the dominant regime is more likely to happen. “A vision of the future is crucial in realizing a transition: an important task for government is to assist in formulating that vision, and to inspire and mobilize other actors” (Rotmans, Kemp & van Asselt, 2001: 25). However, the empirical data of this cast study has shown that the dominant vision in the regime does not have much to do with relocalization of food production. Not all actors within the MSF are motivated to increase food security in Amman through developing urban agriculture. All actors in the MSF have different personal motivation to support urban agriculture. It cannot be said that the government has been able to inspire citizens and transfer specific ideas on local food production in the city. This might be one of the main constrains to a broad societal change towards relocalization of food production in Amman.

5.8 Conclusion: Development towards Transition in Amman The first conclusion of this research is that the development of urban agriculture in Amman has not followed the main bottom-up pathway that the MLP described (as illustrated in Figure 2). Urban agriculture did not develop due to people’s grassroots movements and innovative niche practices, which is what the MLP model describes as starting point of transitions (Roep & Wiskerke, 2010: 208). Instead, the importance of institutions and actors within the government to steer transitions has been shown. The institutionalization of urban agriculture in the prevailing regime in Amman has been mainly due to personal motivations of actors within the regime. The social actors at the bureau of urban agriculture at the municipality are part of the existing regime in Amman. Because they hold a position in the government, urban agriculture immediately got institutionalized. This illustrates the agency of people and the possibility to act differently within a certain regime. The development of urban agriculture did not lead to a new regime, nor did it created a regime that co-exists next to the prevailing regime: it got adopted and integrated within the current regime.

Urban agriculture in Amman is not in its infancy and ‘experimental’ phase anymore. Instead, the introduction of urban agriculture in Amman started with institutionalization: the urban agriculture bureau was established in the GAM. It can be argued that the pre-development phase and the take- off phase in the development towards transition already happened in other countries (see Grin, 67

Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 126). This can be the case because urban agriculture was introduced from a ‘top-down’ perspective, and therefore the pre-development and take-off phases are shortened. Reflecting on transition theory it can be argued that transitions can follow an alternative pathway. Instead of the linear development of niche innovations, where radical niche innovations and local practices are seen as the starting point of transitions that could lead to regime change (see Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010), the case study of Amman shows how transitions can also be steered from actors within the current regime. These findings fit in the line of thinking of Roep and Wiskerke, who argue that within a certain regime food practice can become more sustainable (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012b: 208).

However, the top-down development of urban agriculture will not be able to bring broad societal change if social actors are not being motivated or inspired to start practicing urban agriculture. This is why the MSF holds an important role in new participatory urban governance structures. It increases the influence of social actors on policy development, and increases the possibility of the government to spread its ideas among social actors.

One of the hypotheses of this research was that international landscape developments have pressured the regime and triggered people to start developing innovative niche practices to ensure their food security. The data shows that the rapid urbanization of Amman, the high influx of refugees and rising food prices did not explain why urban agriculture emerged in Amman. Both niche and regime actors are not supporting urban agriculture for reasons that have to do with food security. However, the international attention for urban agriculture and relocalization of food production can be seen as one of the most important landscape developments that put pressure on the regime. NGOs hold an important role in the transition process in Amman: they translated the pressure that was not directly experienced by the regime and contributed to the institutionalization of urban agriculture.

This leads to the second important conclusion of this research: the reasons for niche actors to practice urban agriculture in Amman do not correspond with the dominant view in developing countries: that it was born out of necessity. Instead, the main narrative in Amman corresponds to the dominant narrative about urban agriculture in industrialized countries: it has to do with being aware of the food you are consuming and eating healthier and locally produced food. As such, different narratives at landscape level had influence on the growth of urban agriculture than expected. Because of the international recognition and promotion of urban agriculture by the international community the regime of Amman has had a positive stance towards urban agriculture. This shows

that the dominant narrative in industrialized countries has put pressure on the regime to ‘open up’ and created a window of opportunity for the development of urban agriculture. This created fertile institutional bedding in Amman for the development of urban agriculture. The current regime adopted urban agriculture as a practice and created the possibilities of this niche practice to grow.

The next chapter will further discuss the implications of the findings of this research for transition theory and the multi-level perspective, and summarize the most important conclusions of the case study of Amman.

6 Results & Conclusions

The main research question this thesis aimed to answer is:

In order to be able to answer the main research question, the chapter will start in Paragraph 6.1 with providing answers to the different sub-questions of this research. The sub-questions defined in this research are:

1) How can we understand sustainable transitions in food systems?

2) How can the development of urban agriculture as way to increase food security in urban areas be understood?

3) How can we understand the development of urban agriculture within the food system of Amman?

4) To what extent can we speak of a relocalization of food production within the food system of Amman?

In order to present the conclusions drawn from this research in a structured and logical way, the sequence of answering the sub-questions will be changed. Paragraph 6.1 will start with providing an answer to sub-question 2 and 3 because the findings of the case study influence the answer to sub- question 1: how can we understand sustainable transitions in food systems? Paragraph 6.2 will discuss the answer to this sub-question. Sub-question 4 is almost equivalent to the main research question: it will be dealt with in Paragraph 6.3. This paragraph will provide an answer to the main research question of this thesis.

6.1 The Development of Urban Agriculture This paragraph will summarize the main findings of this research: it describes the development of urban agriculture through the lens of transition theory. The first part will provide an answer to sub- question 2: How can the development of urban agriculture as way to increase food security in urban areas be understood?

The desk research that this thesis has conducted showed the practical applicability of transition theory on the development of urban agriculture as a transition towards relocalization of food systems. Exogenous shocks like the international food price crisis revealed structural problems of the

current global food system. Rising food prices and decreasing access to food are a reason for local actors to develop niche innovations like urban agriculture in order to increase their food security. Case studies from Zimbabwe, Ghana and Uganda have confirmed the idea that urban agriculture can increase food security: in these countries it constitutes a large part of the city food supply and increases food access for urban dwellers (Maxwell, 1999).

This development corresponds with the described pathways of change in the main literature on transition theory. Due to external shocks or crisis situations at landscape level, windows of opportunity were created for new technologies on local food systems to develop. Niche innovations are treated as ‘seeds of transition’ by the transition theory (Roep & Wiskerke, 2010: 208). When they are conceiving the right circumstances they are able to flourish and can challenge and replace existing regimes. As a reaction to the food price crisis, scholars started criticizing the current global food system and the dependency of countries on the international market for their food supply. International organizations agreed with this observation, and started advocating a relocalization of food systems (UN, 2011; FAO, 2007). It is within this narrative that urban agriculture emerged on the agenda for sustainable development (Bellows, Brown & Smit, 2011: 3-4). These changes at landscape level have put pressure on local regimes. This created a window of opportunity for the urban agriculture niche to grow and challenge existing food regimes. Although regimes were initially reluctant to accept urban agriculture, the niche innovation grew and caused transition in prevailing regimes due to these external pressures. The rise of urban agriculture can thus be understood as a reaction to critiques on the global food system: this created the landscape pressure that triggered transition.

In contrast to the expectations of this research, the development of urban agriculture in Amman emerged as a reaction to different landscape pressures. The next section will provide an answer to sub-question 3: how can we understand the development of urban agriculture within the food system of Amman?

Out of the findings of the case study it can be concluded that the main landscape pressure that influenced the emergence of the urban agriculture niche does not have to do with rising food prices or conflicts in neighbouring countries of Amman. The reasons for citizens to farm do not correspond to the narrative on urban agriculture in developing countries. Urban farmers in Amman practice urban agriculture because it produces healthier food, it beautifies their house and they like the activity. The fact that citizens in Jordan are becoming aware of their consumption patterns exemplifies the overspill of this narrative on urban agriculture from industrialized countries. The

main reasons for the popularity of urban agriculture in industrialized countries are consciousness about the origins of food, and more demand for healthy food. This narrative from industrialized countries on urban agriculture is also prevailing in Amman.

The main pressure from landscape level that put pressure on the food system of Amman was the international attention for urban agriculture and the growth of narratives on urban agriculture in industrialized countries and international policy developed by the FAO and UN-HABITAT (FAO, 2011a; FAO, 2014b). The RUAF Foundation can be seen as a translator of the landscape pressure to the regime: it played an important part in the establishment of urban agriculture. Due to international policy on urban agriculture and the spread in different countries over the world, the regime opened up and a window of opportunity was created for the urban agriculture niche to take roots in the prevailing regime in Amman.

6.2 Alternative Pathway Towards Transition The theoretical chapter of this research explained how transitions in food production systems could be understood through the lens of the transition theory and the multi-level perspective. This thesis aims to contribute to a broader understanding of pathways of transitions. This is why the case study of Amman is used in order to answer the first sub-question: how can we understand sustainable transitions in food production system? The main results of the case study are used to create an alternative perspective on the development towards transitions.

The MLP holds the idea that people as a reaction to structural problems create niche innovations. It holds a bottom-up view on transitions. The findings of the case study of Amman contradict this idea: the development of urban agriculture in Amman can be mainly understood as a top-down development instead of bottom-up. Roep and Wiskerke already argued that not only bottom up initiatives but also institutions can be important drivers for transition (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012b: 209). The findings of the case study of this thesis contribute to their critiques on transition theory.

In the case of Amman, the emergence of urban agriculture within the city can mainly be attributed to the commitment of employees from the local government. This thesis has shown that transitions can be steered by actors within a government where a certain regime is dominant. One of the key-figures who steered the development of urban agriculture in Amman was an employee at the municipality: this institute can be seen as part of the dominant regime. This exemplifies the agency of actors within a certain regime to act differently, which underlines the second criticism of transition theory: that it discards the agency of people within prevailing regimes to alter them (Geels & Schot, 2007: 400). 73

The findings of the case study show that the international narrative on urban agriculture in industrialized countries has influenced the regime in Amman and pushed it to open up. This exemplifies how international landscape developments have effects on local regimes, which are able to trigger transitions that could lead to broader societal change. As such, the traditional development towards transition through four phases developed differently in Amman. The typical development of transitions starts with the pre-development phase, then take-off phase, next is the acceleration phase, and finally a stabilization phase (see Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 126). Due to external pressures and international landscape development that recognized urban agriculture, it can be argued that the pre-development phase and take-off phase were skipped in Amman (Grin, Rotmans & Schot, 2010: 126). The niche innovation of urban agriculture was already ‘pre-developed’ in other countries, which can also be a reason why it did not need to go through this phase in Amman. Local networks of active people did not have to lobby for the institutionalization of urban agriculture. The introduction of urban agriculture in Amman started with institutionalization in the regime, instead of from social practices.

Concluding it can be said that urban agriculture in Amman has not developed as a bottom-up initiative, but as a top-down integrated phenomenon. Urban agriculture is not mainly a grassroots movement anymore, in Amman it developed through the spread of international discourses and organizations. These discourses on landscape level pressured the regime in Amman to open up, which was the reason for institutionalization of urban agriculture. This exemplifies the complexity of processes of sustainable transition, and refines the initial assumptions in this research: the idea that the transition towards a relocalization of the food system in Amman can be described by the multi- level perspective.

6.3 Urban Agriculture: Seed for Transition? After answering the different sub-questions, the main research question will now be answered:

To what extent can we speak of a relocalization of food production and a sustainable transition towards a prominent role of urban agriculture within the food system of Amman, and how can we explain this development?

In order to analyse to what extent there has been a transition in Amman, the extent of changes in policy, new technologies, user practices and cultural meanings will be discussed (Geels, 2010: 495). If changes in all of these areas have occurred it is possible to speak of a sustainable transition and broad societal change, according to Frank Geels (2010: 495). First, an analysis of these changes will

be given, after that it will be argued that a more nuanced view on successful transitions will be needed to understand the case of Amman.

First of all, new technologies are being developed concerning urban agriculture as a way of relocalization of the food system in Amman. Trainings are made available to people to teach them about new agriculture technologies to start vertical farming, rooftop farming and farming on balconies. It can be concluded that new technologies on local food production have been developed.

Secondly, local policy on urban agriculture did change. The city government regulated land use of new buildings: 15% of the plots that is built on needs to be allocated for agricultural use. The city also created several institutions: a bureau for urban agriculture was established, several nurseries were created and municipality garden projects started. Trainings on urban agriculture were given to many citizens, and the necessary facilities such as soil, fertilizer, pots and plants were provided. Urban agriculture was also integrated into the school curriculum. Lastly, a multi-stakeholder platform about urban agriculture was created. These developments show that local policy did change in Amman: urban agriculture became institutionalized.

Thirdly, the user practices of urban agriculture and local food production in the city did not change so much. The findings of this research point out that the people who are practicing urban agriculture are mostly individuals who like to grow their own food. There are some individuals who are doing urban agriculture, but no broad societal change has happened.

Fourthly, the market partly changed in Amman. Governments created spaces for urban farmers to sell their products, where they do not have to pay rent. This are the perfect circumstances for a niche to grow: inside a protected experimental space where it is not subject to market competition (Amstel, van der Pijl & Spaargaren, 2012: 181). However, farmers are often not able to compete with the regular market (yet).

Fifthly, the cultural meaning concerning food production within the city changed partly. The urban farmers are mainly motivated to cultivate healthy, locally produced food. They prefer sustainable food, and not food from the markets that are full of pesticides and chemicals. As such, the urban farmers adopted a vision on new localized food system. This view corresponds to the narrative that is prevailing in industrialized countries urban agriculture. However, the major part of society does not practice urban agriculture: they do not see the benefits from it, and they do not see the possibilities to farm in the city. Urban agriculture is seen as an instrument to increase food access for people living in urban areas with a lower income, but those people are not practicing urban agriculture in

Amman. Within the government, no integrative policy on food systems to address issues of food insecurity in the country was created. The city government supports urban agriculture to green and beautify Amman. The idea of relocalization of the food system through the implementation of urban agriculture as a way to increase food security is not present, because the policy is created for different reasons. As such, it can be concluded that a cultural change did not happen, and no coherent vision on relocalization of food production is visible.

It can be concluded that there are several signs of change towards a relocalization of food production with a prominent role of urban agriculture within the prevailing regime of Amman. This can be described as a form of transition. New technologies were adopted, policy was created and market partly changed, but user practices and cultural meaning did not change significantly. According to Wiskerke, niche innovations do not necessarily need to lead to a radical regime change. Transitions within regimes can also lead to sustainable development (Roep & Wiskerke, 2010: 208). This is what happened in Amman: urban agriculture got adopted and integrated within the prevailing regime. It can be argued that it has led to a ‘partial transition’ of the food system, some of the aspects of the regime changed, others did not.

Concluding it can be stated that a more nuanced view on when a transition is successful would be appropriate. One of the main conclusions of this research is that there is not a transition occurring in Amman’s food system in the conventional way. No radical new or alternative food system has emerged that is more sustainable then the past food regime. Different actors in the current regime are stating that Amman is a consuming, not a producing city. What has happened with the urban agriculture niche is that it got integrated into the existing regime. In Amman, there was a fertile institutional embedding and positive stance of the government for urban agriculture, which did not make a regime shift necessary. There did not emerge a new food regime that led to the breakdown of an old regime nor does a new regime coexist simultaneously next to the old one. The current regime adopted urban agriculture as a practice, and created the possibilities for this niche practice to grow. As such, urban agriculture slightly altered the prevailing food regime. This is in line with the model of regime transition as described by Roep & Wiskerke: practices within the prevailing regime have become more sustainable (Roep & Wiskerke, 2012b: 208).

However, findings of this research do no show a broad societal change in Amman. Urban agriculture is not flourishing at the moment. One conclusion of this research is that in order for urban agriculture to flourish in the city of Amman, citizens need to acknowledge the benefits of it. It is argued that a niche innovation will not cause broad societal change as long as people do not embrace the idea.

Social actors are essential agents in the development of niches and in creating broad societal change (Rotmans, Kemp & van Asselt, 2001: 26). This thesis has shown that integration of urban agriculture within the prevailing regime of Amman developed along a different pathway then the bottom-up perspective: it was more top-down created. However, it turned out that top-down policy alone couldn’t trigger radical regime change in the case of Amman. For a real shift in the food system in Amman, it is essential that citizens acknowledge its importance. The success of a niche innovation does not depend on its institutionalization as such. The complex interplay between external forces from landscape level and individual practices is needed in order for the niche development of urban agriculture to cause a radical transition in the food regime. The MSF is an important step towards integrating people into processes of decision-making in urban governance, and increasing the influence of citizens in this forum and process might contribute to broader societal change.

In order for urban agriculture in Amman to flourish and get adopted by all citizens, one of the things that is needed is a discourse shift: cultural ideas rooted in societies need to change. There is a lot of potential for urban agriculture, since Amman is not very urbanized yet (pers. comm. interviewee 20, FStT: 2014). In order for urban agriculture to bring broad societal change, people will need to start seeing the possibilities of agriculture in the city. Another reason can be that the current landscape developments did not trigger people yet to start urban agriculture because rising food prices in Amman might not have been that extreme. When landscape developments would put more pressure on social actors in Amman, the good institutionalized embedding can proof to be a blessing and urban agriculture could flourish. The seeds have the potential to grow, and could lead to a more radical transition. Citizens are necessary agents in this process of transition. Without the support and believe in urban agriculture from people in Amman, a large-scale transition towards a more local and self-sufficient food system that ensures food security is impossible. The government planted the seeds for this transition: they just need some more water, time and patience to grow.

7 Recommendations for Further Research

This chapter starts with a short reflection on the research and its methods. After this, recommendations for further research will be discussed.

7.1 Reflection on the Findings of the Research It is important to reflect on the way the results of the case study are obtained. Due to time constrains, the main ‘gatekeeper’ arranged almost all the interviews with urban farmers and key- figures at the municipality and the ministry. It can be that the urban farmers are not representative for all urban farmers in Amman. Every urban farmer can have different motivations, which is why if more people would have been interviewed, a more profound analysis of the dominant narrative on urban agriculture in Amman could have been made. Another point to reflect on is that the gatekeeper was a civil servant at the municipality and has therefore a subjective view on urban agriculture in Amman. Consequently, people who are farming ‘off the radius’ and are forming informal networks that are not visible for the local government have also been invisible to this research. More time would be needed to identify all the informal networks and urban farmers in Amman. However, this is out of the scope of this research.

What should be stressed is that the external validity of the conclusions drawn from this case study is limited. The conclusions made in this research only reflect the transition process in one specific city: Amman. However, the aim of this study was not to find general patterns or to be able to make generalizations. This research aimed to understand specific mechanisms that are leading to sustainable development. This research did not aim to falsify transition theory or the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP). It only showed that transition theory and the MLP proofed to be limited theories for explaining the development of urban agriculture in Amman. The pathway of transition in Amman developed different than expected: not driven by bottom-up initiates but through top-down institutionalization. As such, the results of the case study contribute to one of the main critiques on transition theory: that it has a biased view on bottom-up processes of change. However, the MLP provided a useful tool and a good framework to understand the complex interaction of different mechanisms on niche, regime and landscape level that have led to change in Amman. This is why it should be emphasized that the findings of this research still recognize the value of transition theory. It just aimed to contribute to a broader understanding of the development towards sustainable transition.

Although the external validity of the findings of the case study of Amman is limited, other studies have found conclusions that support the findings in the study of Amman. This study of Amman has 79

shown that the transition towards a relocalization of the food system can develop through a top- down pathway, instead of one that is solely a bottom-up process. The successful transitions towards a local food system with a prominent role for urban agriculture in order to increase food security in Havana and in Belo-Horizonte are the most famous examples of top-down processes of change. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union Cuba experienced severe problems of food supply. As a reaction the state developed programs to start urban agriculture on large scale in Havana. The result: an almost one thousand percent increase of agricultural production in cities between 1994 and 2005, which is an annual growth of 78% (Koont, 2008:1). In Belo Horizonte, Brazil, the government created a unique alternative food system where urban agriculture was part off. This had an important impact on reduction of hunger in the city and increased food access of people (FAO, 2015). These two examples are situating the findings of the case study of Amman in a broader perspective. It shows that the specific development of urban agriculture in Amman is not a unique case: steering transitions from regime level are also occurring elsewhere in the world.

7.2 Recommendations for Further Research The examples of Havana and Belo Horizonte underline that it would be useful to have a more nuanced view on the extended possibilities of developments of transitions. It would be interesting to conduct further research on how these top-down transitions were able to bring broad societal change, specifically: how were social actors engaged in the process, and how did the government succeed in steering transition? An understanding of the exact interaction between the different stakeholders on regime, niche and landscape level will help to explain the successful transitions in these countries. As such a comparative analysis between Cuba, Belo Horizonte and Amman would be very interesting for further research.

Another idea fur research is the spill over effect of transitions from one country to another country. It can be that because urban agriculture was introduced from ‘top-down’ in Amman, the pre- development and take-off phases were shortened: urban agriculture was immediately institutionalized. Further research would be interesting to see if Amman could skip these phases because urban agriculture already developed along the traditional S-curve in other countries. The question would be if niche development in other countries and the repercussion this had on changes in landscapes, have shortened the transition phase in Amman? In many countries in sub-Sahara Africa, grassroots movements of people triggered transitions in food regimes in countries in sub- Sahara Africa: first governments were reluctant to accept urban agriculture but later these governments supported it. This also had influence on the international landscape: discourses on relocalization of food systems emerged. It can be that due to the international recognition of urban 80

agriculture, local and national governments have a more positive stance towards urban agriculture and are more willing to integrate it into their policies. Amman is an example of this case. This would be an interesting question for further research: can transitions that are following the transition pathway as described in the main literature and are causing regime shifts and changes at landscape level, steer transitions in other countries which will thereafter develop in a top-down manner?

Taken into account that the world is urbanizing rapidly and poverty in urban areas will only increase, it would also be interesting to further investigate how different cities are dealing with their food supply systems and how people are creating niche innovations to increase their food access. Urban agriculture has only been one example of a more local food system towards more self-sufficiency. Comparative analysis of the potential of niche innovations in different cities to trigger transition would not only be interesting, but given the international developments it would be indispensible.

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Appendixes 1. Table of Interviewees All the interviews have been conducted in December 2014 in Amman or through Skype calls.

Name of Category Work description in Urban Niche or Regime Interviewee Agriculture Actor? Interviewee 1 Commercial Farmer Commercial farming Niche Interviewee 2 Urban Farmer Rooftop gardening Niche (hobby) Interviewee 3 Urban Farmer Peri-urban Farmer (family Niche consumption) Interviewee 4 Urban Farmer Peri-urban Farmer Niche (family consumption) Interviewee 5 Urban Farmer Urban Farmer Niche (hobby) Interviewee 6 Urban Farmer Urban Farmer Niche (hobby) Interviewee 7 Local, Provincial and Employee Department of Niche & Regime National Government Landscape and Gardening Interviewee 8 Local, Provincial and Key-figure Bureau of Urban Niche & Regime National Government Agriculture Amman Municipality Interviewee 9 Local, Provincial and Key-figure Department of Regime National Government Gardening and Landscape Planning Interviewee 10 Local, Provincial and Former employee at the Bureau of Regime National Government Urban Agriculture Interviewee 11 Local, Provincial and Employee at the Ministry of Regime National Government Agriculture Interviewee 12 Local, Provincial and Employee at the Ministry of Regime National Government Education Interviewee 13 Local, Provincial and Key-figure at the National Research Regime National Government Centre for Agriculture Research & Extension Interviewee 14 Local, Provincial and Employee Municipality Nursery 1 Regime National Government Interviewee 15 Local, Provincial and Employee Municipality Nursery 2 Regime National Government Interviewee 16 NGO’s & Community Iraq Al Amir Women Society. Niche based Organizations Interviewee 17 Local, Provincial and Employee at the Queen Rania Niche National Government Gardening Project Interviewee 18 NGO’s & Community Employee at the RUAF Foundation Niche based Organization Interviewee 19 NGO’s & Community Key-figure From Seeds to Table Niche based Organizations Project Interviewee 20 NGO’s & Community Key-figure From Seeds to Table Niche based Organizations Project

2. List of Interview Questions

2.1 Questions for Commercial and Subsistence Farmers

1. Background Information - What kind of form of urban agriculture do you do? - When did you start? - How many people are involved in the project? - Where do you come from? From the city or rural areas? Background information.

2. Ideals and ideas - What is the goal of your garden/project? What are you aiming for? - What are your reasons for doing urban agriculture? - What do you want to achieve with urban agriculture? - Can you supply for your basic needs with your own garden? - What do you think would happen if everybody would have its own farm in Amman? - How do you like the results? What does this garden give you?

3. Regulations & Support - What are the necessary conditions in order to let your garden grow? - Do you receive financial support from somebody? - Are there networks that are supporting you? With whom are you working together? - Did the government change its view on urban agriculture? Did the rules change in the last 10 years?

4. Governance & Organization - Are you a member of an urban farming organization? - Are you part of a transnational network of urban farmers? - What is your relation to other urban farmers? Are you working together? - Do you have the feeling of being represented in the local government? - Do you have the feeling you are able to influence policy? In what way? - Did this change during the last ten years? Increased influence with the Multilevel Stakeholder Platform - Are there government regulations that are constraining your work in urban agriculture? 94

o In what way are you dependent on state support of urban agriculture? o Do they give you enough space/land/water? - Do you face any problems with urban gardening? Government legislations? Constrains?

5. Growth of UA& Changes - How do you think that UA could lead to a broader change in society? What are the necessary conditions for your neighbors to start urban agriculture? - Where did you used to get your food? And how can your farming activities provide you with food now? - What changed for you since you started with your own farm in the city? - What would be your dream for the future of urban agriculture?

2.2 Questions for NGO’s & Community Based Organizations

1. Background - What forms of urban agriculture existed in the cities before projects from the RUAF Foundation were implemented? - Is there any information on how many people were involved in urban agriculture before 2005? - Who are the main actors who contributed to the development of urban agriculture? - What are/were your responsibilities/tasks in the organization?

2. Development of UA - What do you think were the reasons/motivations for people to start urban agriculture? - What is the main reason for your organization to support urban agriculture? - What are the forms of urban agriculture that are being practiced? - Is there any information if urban agriculture contributed to improved food security in Amman? - Who is financing projects of UA? - Is the private sector involved in UA? - Who is funding the projects? - Are farmers protected to develop their products?

3. Impact and ideas for the future - What have been the main achievements of this project? - Do you know how many people are engaged in urban agriculture now? - Are there any statistics on what part of urban food supply is produced by urban agriculture? Did this change in comparison with 2005? - What do you think changed in the city concerning food supply? Do you see a shift in how people think about food, more ideas about local food production? - What is your view of the future of urban agriculture? With the expected growth of Amman city and the pressure of refugees, can urban agriculture bring a solution to problems of food insecurity? What is your view on the relocalization of food production?

4. Governance, regulation & organization - What do you know of the current attitude/view of the city government on urban agriculture? How did this change in comparison with 2005? - Is the city working towards a new city region food system? - Is the city concerned with becoming more resilient/ localizing its food system? - What are the main policy developments on urban agriculture? Have there been changes in norms, legal frameworks, new policies developed? - Has UA had an impact on urban planning? Do you experience any changes? - What happened to the bureau from Urban Agriculture? - Are there subsidies for UA? How is it being supported? o Why is it supported? (Out of ecological, social or economic interests?) o What are the goals of the development of UA?

5. Networks and organization - Is your organization part of any transnational city networks? - Are you in contact with other NGOs in other countries or in other cities working on the same issue? - About the Multilevel Stakeholder Platform: o What is the role of the forum right now in the municipality? o What are the priorities to accomplish in the strategic lines defined previously? o What are the solutions to seek funds to implement the projects?

o What is the role of the municipality in sustaining the forum; is the municipality acknowledging the forum and it role or is it a residue of what RUAF implemented and the influence of the ex-founder who left the municipality Engineer Hesham? - Networks and relations of urban farmers o Are farmers part of national or transnational urban farming organizations? o Are urban farmers represented in local governance structures? o Are urban farmers depending on financial support? o Are they depending on state support? o Are they depending on international organizations/NGOs?

6. Governance - Who is part of urban governance structures on food issues? Who are the key stakeholders? - What is the role of local actors in urban governance and how did this change since 2005? - Do you have the feeling your organization is able to influence policy on urban agriculture? Did this change in the last 10 years? - Are there any learning/training programs developed since 2005? - Are there new organizations/donors that are active in the city?

7. Lessons & Future Perspectives - Are there things that you learned from, things that can be improved? - What did you learn from the projects? - Were there things that went wrong? - What are your perspectives for the future of this project? - How do you think the city will change it food system, what will be the role of urban agriculture, do you expect a growth in local food production?

2.3 Questions for Local, Provincial and National Governments

1. Regulation on Urban Agriculture - How did the city government react to the phenomenon of urban agriculture? - What is the current attitude/view of the city government on urban agriculture? How did this change in comparison with 2005? - What are the main policy developments on urban agriculture? Have there been changes in norms, legal frameworks, new policies developed? - Has the City Agenda been updated? Is UA incorporated into the City Agenda? - Has UA had an impact on urban planning? o Are there empty plots allocated for urban agriculture? o Are action plans from the MSF implemented? o Are there subsidies for UA from the local government? o Is there an organized form for market development of UA?

2. Urban Governance Structures - What are/were your responsibilities/tasks within city governance? - Who is part of urban governance structures on food issues? - What is the role of local actors in urban governance and how did this change since 2005? - How is the Multi-Level Stakeholder Platform incorporated in city governance? - Are there any learning/training programs developed since 2005 by the government?

3. Views and Beliefs - What are the main reasons of the local government to support urban agriculture? - What were the reasons to start the bureau for urban agriculture? - Why did the bureau of urban agriculture disappear? - Who started with the bureau for urban agriculture/ support for urban agriculture? - Did international policy/ UN INHABITAT or FAO policies have any influence on the development of UA? Did the government receive any subsidies? - What are the reasons to integrate UA in the Amman Green Growth program? - To what extent did policy in the AGG program got executed? - What are the benefits of urban farming in your opinion?

4. Ideas about the Future - Does the city have any plans concerning food security, when looking at the expected growth of Amman in the coming years? How do you think the food system needs to change? - In what way does Amman aims to become more resilient? How does a new food system contribute to that? What policy is developed to achieve more resilience and self-sufficiency on food issues - Is there a clear view behind the development of UA for the future?