and Middle Egypt in the : An Archaeological View

Yoshiyuki SUTO*

Focusing on the results of the archaeological investigations at Akoris and the nearby quarry at Zawiet Sultan, the author explores the political position of Middle Egypt between Thebes and Alexandria under the Ptolemaic rule. The discovery of the huge amount of Mediterranean amphorae of the second century BC suggests that the export of local limestone to Alexandria and the import of Greek commodities to Akoris played an important role to foster the close economic relationship between this rural community in Middle Egypt and the Ptolemaic capital. Moreover, the Greek and demotic graffiti recently found at Zawiet Sultan also demonstrate that such relationship had already been established well in the mid-third century BC. These circumstances, on the other hand, must have caused the deterioration of the relationship between Middle Egypt and the traditional religious centre of Thebes, which is reflected in the decision of a local elite to maintain a firm alliance with the Ptolemaic court during the great uprising in the South. Keywords: Akoris, Zawiet Sultan, Alexandria, amphora, quarry

Introduction The coming of Alexander the Great and the subsequent foundation of the cosmopolitan city of Alexandria on the coast of the Mediterranean completely changed the political geography of Egypt and particularly the conditions surrounding the old religious capital of Thebes. This is not to say that the newly created bipolar spatial structure was essentially new to Egypt. On the contrary, the kingship of Egypt was always conceived on the unification of the two contrasting geographical units, the lower Delta and the narrow river valley of the Nile to the south (Rowlandson 2003, 249-251 ). The political center was traditionally located either in the Lower Egypt (Memphis, Pi-Ramesse) or in Upper Egypt (Thebes) except for the brief period of Akhenaten when the palace­ complex was built in Tell el-Amarna in the area now called Middle Egypt.

* Professor, Nagoya University

Vol. XLIII 2008 93 But Ptolemaic Alexandria was entirely different from the previous capitals in the Delta, since it was not only the administrative center of whole Egypt but also the commercial as well as cultural of the wider Mediterranean world. The emergence of Alexandria and the introduction of the Ptolemaic rule must have profoundly affected the position of Thebes. The Macedonian conquest of 332 seems to have been admitted also by the Theban priesthoods as the relief on the shrine of Alexander in the Luxor Temple shows (Abd El-Raziq 1984). It is not certain whether he was officially crowned by the Egyptians or not, though his royal titulary did include an explicit mention to the god Amen (Burstein 1991, 142). But the subsequent Ptolemies seem to have attached more importance to the veneration of Ptah at nearby Memphis than that of Amen at Thebes (Holbl 2001, 77 -78). Although the frrst Ptolemies also contributed to the adornment of The ban temple precincts from time to time, the building program of the most grandiose temple of traditional type was inaugurated not in Thebe but at Edfu, an important strategic point of trade with the Red Sea. It is thus no wonder that the establishment of the new regime under the first Ptolemies made the time-honored religious status of Thebes rather precarious one. Furthermore, this might have been one of the reasons why the discontented native Egyptians revolted and established an independent state in Thebes at the end of the third century (HuB 2001: 506-513). Admittedly the Theban temples may not have been the prime instigator of the revolt, though we should not look over the spatial aspect of the uprising. In the light of these circumstances, the response of the local communities in Middle Egypt to the new political geography deserves special attention, exactly because they were situated midway between Alexandria and Thebes. The aim of this paper is to examine the various evidences of such response through the results of our archaeological investigations at Akoris and its vicinity in order to elucidate, though indirectly, the nature of relationship between Thebes and Middle Egypt. Unfortunately we have not yet found any direct evidence for such relationship at this site, but the archaeological data regarding the relationship between Alexandria and Middle Egypt, which have been accumulated since 1997, may surely tell something of the other of the same coin.

I. Archaeological Investigations at Akoris The archaeological site of Akoris (Fig.1) is situated about 230km south of Cairo, on the eastern side of the Nile (Kawanishi 1995). The major archaeological sites in the Greco-roman period around this site include el­ Ashmunein, ancient Hermopolis, about 45 km to the south and el-Bahnasa,

94 ORIENT Thebes and Middle Egypt in the Hellenistic Period: An Archaeological View ancient Oxyrhynchos, 40 km to the north. But perhaps the most famous site in the vicinity of Akoris is Beni Hassan with its beautiful wall paintings of the Middle Kingdom date. A conspicuous rock to the south of the modem village of Tehneh el-Gabel serves as a good landmark of this site, and the vast ruins of the ancient city, which measures about 600m north-south and 300m east-west, spread on a flat plateau below it (Fig.2). Although the earliest levels have not yet been fully confmned, it seems fairly certain that this settlement area had been inhabited from the Old kingdom to the Coptic Period. Recent excavations at the southern slope of this rock show that this particular area was densely used for habitation from the Third Intermediate Period to the Late Period. Numerous rock-cut tombs of various periods open their mouths on the lower slope of the rock and surrounding cliff, testifying the long occupation of this strategic point in ancient times. Recently a series of large quarries have been discovered to the north and south of the site area on the craggy range of the Eastern Desert. The identification of this site with ancient Akoris, which appears also in Geography of Ptolemy, depends on the assumption that the modem name of the nearby village, Tehneh, descends from the toponym Tenis in the Mochites toparchy of the Hermopolite nome. Through the papyrological documents concerning the activity of certain Dionysios, son of Kephalas, we know that this village was also called Akoris in Greek (but always in genitive form Akoreos or Akorios) in the late second century B.C. The site was found in the early 19th century and was investigated by French scholars in the beginning of the 20th century (Bernand 1988, vii-xx). After a long interval, a Japanese mission sent by the Paleological Association of Japan in Kyoto conducted the first series of systematic excavations from 1981 to 1992 in order to elucidate the history of this settlement. The excavations were centered mainly on the area in front of the large Middle Kingdom rock-cut tombs reused as Roman temples at the southwestern edge of the settlement area, and the so­ called Sarapeion located at the center of the site. But the material evidences recovered from these excavations were limited mostly to that of Roman and Coptic times. Actually Hellenistic artifacts, including a typical stamped handle of a Rhodian amphora, had been found from the bottom of the deep trench to the east of the Sarapeion dug in 1982, but the historical significance of them did not attract attention at that time. It was thus our great excitement to find a substantial Hellenistic deposit during the excavation of large unfinished limestone blocks at the north edge of the city area of Akoris in 1997, when the Akoris Archaeological Project resumed

Vol. XLIII 2008 95 the investigation of the site. Many Hellenistic pottery sherds, both domestic and imported, were recovered in the burned soil layer, which filled the area adjacent to the lower part of the stone blocks. There were also lamps and terracotta figurines in Greek style, which suggest that daily life of the inhabitants of Ptolemaic Akoris shared the contemporary cultural milieu of the Eastern Mediterranean. For the first time we succeeded in detecting the significant traces of the activities in Hellenistic times in Akoris. Soon it became obvious that these limestone blocks had nothing to do with bridge or gate, as we had supposed at the outset of excavation, but were unfmished stones being worked on this spot for the shipment. The Ptolemaic date of these stones seemed unambiguous. First, they were directly filled with the burnt soil containing purely Hellenistic materials. Secondly, a Late Period circuit wall was discovered under the stones. But it was not until the completion of the analysis of the stamps on the handles of imported Rhodian amphorae that we could date this Hellenistic deposit more precisely.

II. Amphora Stamps and the Economic Ties between Akoris and Alexandria The most unexpected finds from this Hellenistic fill were vast number of stamped amphora handles of Mediterranean origins. As I have reported elsewhere (Kawanishi and Suto 2005), the total of 351 stamped amphora handles, including the two large fragments with both handles, were found at the northernmost area of the ancient settlement of Akoris during the five successive field seasons from 1997 to 2001. The sheer number of handles is worth special attention. Although the number of the excavated stamped amphora handles from the construction fill for the Middle Stoa in Athens or the famous Complex far exceeds that of Akoris (1498 and 882, respectively), many other ~ites in the East Mediterranean do not yield so many handles derived from a single context (Ariel 1990; Borker and Burow 1998; Calvet 1972; Calvet 1982; Empereur 1977; SztetyUo 2000). The stamped handles of Rhodian amphorae, which constitute almost eighty percent of the total, are most valuable to gain the overview of the chronological position of the whole material. As is well known, the chronology of Rhodian amphorae has been established by V. Grace and revised by G. Finkielsztejn through the examinations of the following four aspects of the jars and their stamps; ( 1) eponym-fabricant name connections, (2) archaeological context of closed deposits, (3) secondary stamps, (4) shape and dimension of whole jars (Grace and Savvatianou-Petropoulakou 1970; Finkielsztejn 2001). The chronological

96 ORIENT Thebes and Middle Egypt in the Hellenistic Period: An Archaeological View distribution of Rhodian eponym stamps from Akoris clearly indicates that the increase and decrease of the eponym stamps follows the typical pattern of normal distribution. They reveal a steep increase in the number of such handles for the period after c. 175 (Period Illd, which is dated 188-183 in traditional chronology), with a maximum in the 150s (Period IVb). This is followed by an equally steep decline from c. 146 through the 120s. The earliest Rhodian eponym attested in the Akoris deposit is Mytion of Period IIC. This eponym endorses an unpublished whole amphora of fabricant Hellanikos in the Akko museum (Ariel and Finkielsztejn 1994, 204). The presence of a handle of fabricant Hellanikos also in Akoris confirms that the import of Rhodian amphora began in the years between 210-205. But the stamps of the following periods are still extremely sporadic and not a single eponym of Period Ilia and Illc is attested in Akoris. This pattern suggests that the import of Mediterranean amphorae was not a common practice at Akoris until sometime in the late I 70s. The presence of four stamps of eponym Archilaidas, whose term is dated c.l65/164, announces a sudden change of situation. Except for a single eponym (Sosikles) all the eponyms of Period IV are represented in Akoris corpus. The thirteen occurrences of the stamp of eponym Pausanias explicitly mark the peak of import of Rhodian Amphorae to Akoris, though after the terms ofTeisagoras and Aristogeitos in the late 140s the number of the stamps steadily decreases. Two stamps of eponym Damokrates (II) with cursive lunate sigma may indicate the latest date of the transportation. During the whole century, in which Rhodian and other Mediterranean amphorae were transported to Akoris, the Ptolemaic regime was gradually destabilized through recurrent civil wars and external threats. The first serious event was the great uprising of Upper Egypt mentioned above. The sequence of Rhodian amphorae at Akoris, which tentatively starts in Period lie, shows two distinct interruptions, Periods lila and Illc. According to the Finkielsztejn's revised chronology, these two interruptions correspond to the 190s and the earlier I 70s, while the traditional chronology puts them in the 200s and the later 190s, respectively. The chronological scheme of Finkielsztejn may seem to fit the sequence of Akoris better, though it is difficult to explain the absence of imported amphorae for almost ten years after the crush of the revolt. The second major trouble was the intrusion and subsequent occupation of Lower Egypt by Antiochos IV (Sixth Syrian War). The maritime trade between Alexandria and Rhodes was temporarily stagnated because of the siege of Alexandria by the Syrian king in 169. But it would be difficult to detect the direct influence of such relatively short-term event in the archaeological evidence. It should also be

Vol. XLIII 2008 97 noted that only half of the eponyms of these periods are represented in the Akoris sequence. The evidence of Rhodian amphorae thus eloquently suggests that the close economic as well as cultural relationship between Akoris and Alexandria had been strengthened in the beginning of the second century. The presence of extremely large unfinished limestone blocks at the site suggests that the export of such stones from Akoris was decisive in generating such close contact of the local inhabitants with the Greek cultural milieu. The size of these blocks, one of which measures more than fourteen meters, indicates that they were intended not to be used locally but to be shipped out to the most prosperous city of the contemporary world, Alexandria. The Mediterranean amphorae must have been carried into the site by the ships returning from Alexandria, which were primarily used for the sipping of the stones produced at Akoris. The result of our investigations thus demonstrated that the main industry of Hellenistic Akoris was the mining of the nearby limestone quarries and the dressing of the large blocks from them for shipping in the vicinity of the port of the village. In the bipolar structure of the political geography of the second-century Egypt, this close tie with Ptolemaic capital must have served to dissociate the local society further from the revel forces in the south based at Thebes.

III. New Evidence from the Quarries near Akoris Traces of ancient quarrying activities are ubiquitous in Egypt, where large stone buildings were continuously built from the Old Kingdom (Aston, Harrell, and Shaw 2000). The most cerebrated quarries of Greco-roman times are that of Mons Claudianus and Mons Porphyrites in the desert between the Nile Valley and the Red Sea. The former was famous for its grey granite, while the latter was the source of the purple stone, which was highly prized by the Romans as imperial porphyry. But the most numerous and extensively exploited quarries are that of ordinary limestone, which are concentrated in the relatively small area of the Nile Valley between modem Minya and Sohag in Middle Egypt. It is usually not easy to detect the major industry of local communities when there are no written documents referring to it. But the discovery of the work area for the processing of large limestone blocks threw new light on the hitherto neglected significance of the quarry fields around the site as the possible source for the economic prosperity of Hellenistic Akoris. The documents from the Arsinoite nome regarding the mission of Kleon the architect in the middle of the third century are most illuminative in this respect. Clearly one of his duties was the administration of quarries and the transportation of quarried stones (P.

98 ORIENT Thebes and Middle Egypt in the Hellenistic Period: An Archaeological View Petr. 2.4 ). It is, therefore, tempting to suggest that the consumers of precious wine imported from abroad were primarily the resident Greeks of eminence who had particular duties at Akoris. The recent investigations at the ancient quarry at Zawiet Sultan, which is located about 12 km south of Akoris, testifies that the quarrying activities in Middle Egypt under the Ptolemaic rule did not start in the beginning of the second century but had already started in the latter half of the third century. The conspicuous terrain of Zawiet Sultan with a deep narrow valley of more than 1 km (Fig.3) is an end product of successive quarrying activities from antiquity to the present day. In spite of the effect of heavy weathering almost entire quarry faces still retain astonishingly clear marks of the chisels used by ancient quarrymen. More or less continuous vertical steep quarry faces dominate the southwestern side of the valley, while the formation of the faces of northeastern side is more complicated especially in the middle part of the valley. On both sides the ancient miners seem to have carefully avoided extracting rocks containing natural fissures. As a result such prominent rocks are left t at several points and now interrupt the course of the successive quarried faces. The Greek and demotic graffiti found in the valley are not evenly distributed but are concentrated in several sections. This situation of preservation may have largely been caused by post-depositional process, since even on the southwestern side, where very few legible graffiti are left on the vertical walls, abundant graffiti are still preserved in excellent condition on the ceilings of the horizontal galleries deeply hewn into the vertical walls (Fig.4). This may be the reason why so many graffiti are observable only in the lowest sections of the quarry. They are always painted in characteristic red color with a small brush for the Greek ones and a comparatively wide brush for the demotic ones. The sequence of the years denoted on the graffiti suggests that there are two clues to fix these dates on the scale of absolute chronology. First, the graffiti on the vertical faces in the upper northeastern area indicate that they were quarried from south to north in the years between the 34th and 39th regnal years of a certain king, whose reign must have abruptly ended most probably in or just after the 39th year because the graffiti inside a trench belong to the third year of the apparently new sequence. There are only two kings in the history of the long Ptolemaic reign, whose regnal years reached to, or went beyond, the 39th year, i.e. Ptolemy II Philadelphos and Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II. Secondly, the years on the graffiti on the wall of the bottom of the valley

Vol. XLIII 2008 99 clearly show that another regnal sequence must have ended in the 25th year. The strong candidate is obviously Ptolemy III Euergetes I, who died in the beginning of his 26th regnal year (autumn of222). Since the upper part of the valley seems to have been worked earlier than that of the bottom, the first series of regnal years should belong to the Ptolemy II Philadelphos. The epigraphic investigations at Sawiet Sultan thus suggest that this enormous limestone outcrop was actively exploited in the latter half of the third century under the successive reigns of Ptolemy II and III.

IV. Local Elite in the Period of the Great Revolt These archaeological discoveries provide a decisive clue to decode the covert message in the most important philological evidence of Hellenistic Akoris: the dedicatory inscription of Hakoris ( OGIS 94 ). This inscription, one of the earliest examples of the Greek inscription of monumental scale, is located at the southwestern foot of the conspicuous rock and cut on a vertical smoothed face of the cliff toward the Nile (Fig.5). It announces that Hakoris, son of Ergeus, dedicated (a sacred precinct) to the local savior goddess Isis Machias in honor of Ptolemy V. Two sitting deities in Egyptian style, possibly Osiris and Isis, are represented facing each other beneath the three-line text, though the central scene has been collapsed. The multiple epithets of Ptolemy V in the first two lines indicate that it belongs to the period between 197 and 194/3. As for the dedicant of this inscription, Hakoris, W. Clarysse collected the mainly papyrological documents referring to this rare name in· Egypt and made an interesting prosopographical remark (Clarysse 1991 ). According to Clarysse the name Hakoris is attested only in Middle Egypt concentrating Hermopolis and Oxyrhynchos in the late Ptolemaic to Roman period. Without doubt Hakoris of our inscription was a prominent local elite of Middle Egypt. Furthermore, Clarysse pays special attention to the fact that one Euphron enjoyed exceptional treatment from the court during the Sixth Syrian War due to the services his father Hakoris had previously given to the Ptolemies (P. Koln IV 186). Chronologically the date of the exceptional services of Hakoris toward the Ptolemies falls the period of the great uprising in the South. In relation to this evidence an epistolary papyrus, though fragmentary in preservation, provides another important insight into the role of Hakoris in the final phase of the civil war. The papyrus SB V 8257 mentions a certain Komanos "of the first friends" and a boat sent by him with some commodities (chremata). The last phrase of this document is difficult to interpret, though it has usually been translated as «until its reception by those who are stationed at Akoris». It is

100 ORIENT Thebes and Middle Egypt in the Hellenistic Period: An Archaeological View now widely agreed that this Komanos is one and the same person with Komanos who successfully commanded the Ptolemaic force at the great campaign against the rebels. He is also supposed to have had the honour to become the frrst epistrategos of the chora due to his distinguished contribution to the Ptolemaic dynasty in the civil war. It has even been suggested on the basis of this papyrus that Komanos had his headquarters in the town of Akoris (Hauben 1988). If, however, we accept the recent argument by Clarysse, who interprets Akoris in this document not as a toponym but as a personal name, the above conjecture about the headquarters of Komanos loses its basis. The alternative idea of Clarysse is that Akoris was apparently an ally of Komanos and that his contributions to the Ptolemies were referred to in another document, which we have seen above. It is almost certain that the political position of Hakoris during the great uprising was consistently in favor of the Ptolemies in spite of his ethnicity. The archaeological evidence from Akoris and nearby quarries strongly suggests that he based his economic prosperity and political power mainly on the exploitation of limestone quarries and shipment of stones to Alexandria (Suto 2003). There is no way to guess his personal sentiment to the rebels, but it was absolutely necessary for him to maintain a firm alliance with the Alexandrian court in order to secure his position in Middle Egypt.

Conclusion In spite of its intermediary location between Upper and Lower Egypt, Middle Egypt seems to have been very quick to adopt Greek cultural elements via Alexandria in the early Hellenistic times. The decoration of the tomb of Petosiris at Tuna el-Gebel includes pictorial depiction of Greek items such as imported Mediterranean amphora, indicating that it was the intention of this Egyptian local elite to display the exotic Greek cultural milieu in which he wished to represent himself (Lefebvre 1923-24; Suto 2005). As Baines notes, the tomb of Petosiris is generally seen as unique, but there is no good reason to think that this was the case (Baines 2002: 47). When I discussed the implication of the appearance of Mediterranean amphora in the decoration of the tomb of Petosiris, I could not submit compelling evidence for my theory. But our investigations at Zawiet Sultan shows that the limestone quarries of Middle Egypt were intensively exploited already in the reign of Ptolemy II in order to meet the huge demand of the developing metropolis (Suto 2006). These circumstances must have contributed to detach Middle Egypt from the influence of Upper Egypt. The apparently premature decision of Hakoris to

Vol. XLIII 2008 101 advertise his political position by inscribing his loyalty to the Ptolemy V high up on the rock in the mid-190s, still in the midst of the great revolt, was based on the firm socioeconomic relationship between Alexandria and Middle Egypt from the early Hellenistic times. The nature of the great revolt under the native pharaohs Hyrgonaphor (Haronnophris) and Chaonnophris has ·long been disputed (Pestman 1995). It is especially difficult to conjecture the actual role of the Theban temples in the development of the revolt. They may have adopted a pragmatic attitude and supported whoever was in power at the moment (Bagnall and Rathbone 2004, 185). But an Egyptian graffito in Greek alphabet at Abydos, where the rebel forces and the Ptolemaic army fought in 199, makes it clear that the titulature of Hyrgonaphor was "beloved by Isis and Osiris, beloved by Amen-Re-Sonther, the great gods" (Pestman 1977: no.11). It was all too obvious for the contemporaries that this titulary signified the intimate relationship between the native pharaoh and the centre of the revelation of Amen, the great temple at Karnak.

Bibliography Abd El-Raziq, M. 1984: Die Darstellungen und Texte des Sanktuars Alexanders des Groften im Tempel von Luxor, Mainz. Ariel, D.T. 1990: "Imported Stamped Amphora Handles, Coins, Worked Bone and Ivory, and Glass," in Excavations at the City of David 1978-1985 Directed by Yigal Shiloh, vol. 2, QED EM 30, Jerusalem. Aston, B.G., J.A. Harrell, and I. Shaw 2000: "Stone" in P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw (eds.) Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, Cambridge, 5-77. Bagnall, R.S. and D. W. Rathbone 2004: Egypt from Alexander to the Copts: An Archaeological and Historical Guide, London. Baines, J. 2002: "Egyptian Elite Self-Presentation in the Context of Ptolemaic Rule," in W.V. Harris and G. Ruffini (eds.) Ancient Alexandria between Egypt and Greece, Leiden, 33-61. Bemand, A. 1988: Les inscriptions grecques et Ia tines d 'Akoris, Caire. Barker, C. & J. Burow 1998: Die hellenistischen Amphorenstempel aus Pergamon, Berlin. Burstein, S.M. 1991: "Pharaoh Alexander: A Scholarly Myth," Ancient Society 22, 139-145. Calvet, Y. 1972: Sa/amine de Chypre III, Les timbres amphoriques (1965-1970), Paris. Calvet, Y. 1982: Les timbres amphoriques, Kition-Bamboula I, Paris. Clarysse, W. 1991: "Hakoris, An Egyptian Nobleman and His Family," Ancient Society 22, 235- 243. Empereur, J. -Y. 1977: "Timbres amphoriques de Crocodilopolis-,'' BIFAO 77, 197-233. Finkielsztejn, G. 2001: Chronologie detaillee et revisee des eponymes amphoriques rhodiens, de 270 a 108 av. J.-C. environ, BAR International Series 990. Grace, V. & M. Savvatianou-Petropoulakou 1970: 'Les timbres amphorique grecs', in P.Bruneau (ed.) L 'ilot de Ia Maison des Comediens, Exploration archeologique de Delos, XXVII, 277- 382. Hauben H. 1988: "The Barges ofthe Komanos Family,'' Ancient Society 19,207-211.

102 ORIENT Thebes and Middle Egypt in the Hellenistic Period: An Archaeological View Holbl, G. 2001: A History ofthe Ptolemaic Empire, London. HuB, W. 2001: A.gypten in hellenistischer Zeit 332-30 v.Chr., Munchen. Kawanishi, H. (ed.) 1995: Akoris: Report ofthe Excavations at Akoris in Middle Egypt 1981-1992, published by the Egyptian Committee of the Paleological Association of Japan, INC., Kyoto. Kawanishi, H. andY. Suto 2005: Akoris 1: Amphora Stamps 1997-2001, Kyoto. Kessler, D. 1981: Historische Topographie der Region zwischen Mallawi und Samalut, Wiesbaden. Lefebvre, G. 1923-24: Le tombeau de Petosiris, 3vols., Cairo. Nicholson, P.T. and I. Show (eds.) 2000: Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, Cambridge. Pestman, P. W. 1977: Recueil de textes demotiques et bilingues I- III. Lei den. Pestman, P. W. 1995: "Haronnophris and Chaonnophris: Two Indigenous Pharaohs in Ptolemaic Egypt (205- 186)," in S.P. Vleeming (ed.) Hundred-Gated Thebes, Leiden, 101-137. Rowlandson, J. 2003: "Town and Country in Ptolemaic Egypt," in A.Erskine (ed.), A Companion to the Hellenistic World, Oxford, 249-263. Suto, Y. 2003: "Texts and Local Politics in the chora of Ptolemaic Egypt," SITES: Journal of Studies for the Integrated Text Science 1-1, 1-12. Suto, Y. 2005: "Archaeology and Cultural Change in Hellenistic Middle Egypt: Reconsidering the Wine-Making Scene in the Tomb of Petosiris," JSL Nagoya 1, 43-51. Suto, Y. 2006: "Text and Context of the Greek Graffiti at the Ptolemaic Quarry of Zawiet Sultan in Middle Egypt, .. SITES: Journal ofStudies for the Integrated Text Science 4-1, 1-18. SztetyUo, Z. 2000: "Pottery Stamps," in Tell Atrib 1985-1995 I, Valsovie, 53-164.

Vol. XLTII 2008 103 al·Jabal (AKORIS)

0~~--~2~-3~----~Skm

Fig. 1 Map indicating the location of Akoris and Zawiet Sultan (Preliminary Report Akoris 2006, Fig. 13)

104 ORIENT Thebes and Middle Egypt in the Hellenistic Period: An Archaeological View

Fig. 2 General view of the settlement area of Akoris

Fig. 3 Ptolemaic quarry at Zawiet Sultan

Vol. XLlli 2008 105 Fig. 4 Investigation of Greek and demotic graffiti at Zawiet Sultan

Fig. 5 Rock-cut inscription ofHakoris at Akoris

106 ORIENT