The Premiers of Queensland
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Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies Are Often Classified According to the Form of Government That They Have
Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies are often classified according to the form of government that they have: • Parliamentary • Presidential • Semi-Presidential Legislative responsibility refers to a situation in which a legislative majority has the constitutional power to remove a government from office without cause. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. The defining feature of presidential democracies is that they do not have legislative responsibility. • US Government Shutdown, click here In contrast, parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies both have legislative responsibility. • PM Question Time (UK), click here In addition to legislative responsibility, semi-presidential democracies also have a head of state who is popularly elected for a fixed term. A head of state is popularly elected if she is elected through a process where voters either (i) cast a ballot directly for a candidate or (ii) they cast ballots to elect an electoral college, whose sole purpose is to elect the head of state. -
Margaret Klaassen Thesis (PDF 1MB)
AN EXAMINATION OF HOW THE MILITARY, THE CONSERVATIVE PRESS AND MINISTERIALIST POLITICIANS GENERATED SUPPORT WITHIN QUEENSLAND FOR THE WAR IN SOUTH AFRICA IN 1899 AND 1900 Margaret Jean Klaassen ASDA, ATCL, LTCL, FTCL, BA 1988 Triple Majors: Education, English & History, University of Auckland. The University Prize in Education of Adults awarded by the Council of the University of Auckland, 1985. Submitted in full requirement for the degree of Master of Arts (Research) Division of Research & Commercialisation Queensland University of Technology 2014 Keywords Anglo-Boer War, Boer, Brisbane Courier, Dawson, Dickson, Kitchener, Kruger, Orange Free State, Philp, Queensland, Queenslander, Transvaal, War. ii Abstract This thesis examines the myth that Queensland was the first colonial government to offer troops to support England in the fight against the Boers in the Transvaal and Orange Free State in 1899. The offer was unconstitutional because on 10 July 1899, the Premier made it in response to a request from the Commandant and senior officers of the Queensland Defence Force that ‘in the event of war breaking out in South Africa the Colony of Queensland could send a contingent of troops and a machine gun’. War was not declared until 10 October 1899. Under Westminster government conventions, the Commandant’s request for military intervention in an overseas war should have been discussed by the elected legislators in the House. However, Parliament had gone into recess on 24 June following the Federation debate. During the critical 10-week period, the politicians were in their electorates preparing for the Federation Referendum on 2 September 1899, after which Parliament would resume. -
August 10, 2016 the Honorable Li Keqiang Premier Beijing People's
August 10, 2016 The Honorable Li Keqiang Premier Beijing People’s Republic of China Respected Premier Li: Our organizations, representing a broad array of industries and companies of all sizes, are writing to express our hope that China fully embraces the goals of the upcoming G20 Leaders Meeting to promote an “innovative, invigorated, interconnected, and inclusive world economy,” by taking steps to address concerns regarding the direction of China’s information communications technology (ICT) policies. These include the draft Cybersecurity Law (“The Law”) and pending China Insurance Regulatory Commission (CIRC) Provisions on Insurance System Informatization (“The Provisions”). We appreciate that China has published drafts of The Law and The Provisions for public comment. This level of transparency is very important in drafting technical regulations of this significance. However, the current drafts, if implemented, would weaken security and separate China from the global digital economy. Specific concerns with The Law and The Provisions include: Broad data residency requirements, which have no additional security benefits, but would impede economic growth, and create barriers to entry for both foreign and Chinese companies; Trade-inhibiting security reviews and requirements for ICT products and services, which may weaken security and constitute technical barriers to trade as defined by the World Trade Organization; and Data retention and sharing, and law enforcement assistance requirements, which would weaken technical security measures -
ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY of QUEENSLAND JOURNAL Arthur
41 ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF QUEENSLAND JOURNAL Volume XIV, No.l May 1990 Arthur Hodgson The Centaur Who Left His Sheep by J.CH. Gill (All Rights Reserved) Read at a meeting of the Society on 27 Julyl989 Arthur Hodgson was the first born of the Rev. Edward Hodgson's third marriage. Edward Hodgson's first wife had died after childbirth in 1809 and though the child survived it lived for eight months only. His second wife died in similar circumstances in 1813, but this time the child, Edward Franks, survived. His third wife, whom he married in 1815, was Charlotte Pemberton of Trumpington, Cambridge and in addition to Arthur she produced five other sons and three daughters. Arthur was born at Rickmansworth vicarage on 29 June 1818 and was to enjoy a long and rewarding life although marred by tragedy in his final years.' Sent to Eton as an oppidan in 1828 he passed into college in 1830. At the age of 15 he entered the Royal Navy as a Volunteer first class and reported for duty on 21 March 1834. His first posting was to HMS Canopus which proceeded to the Mediterranean station for a three year tour of duty. On 1 February 1836 he was promoted to midshipman. Canopus returned to England in February 1837, was decommissioned and her crew paid off. Hodgson then left the Royal Navy to go up to Cambridge University.^ He was admitted as a pensioner at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge on 11 May 1837. After matriculating at Michaelmas 1837 Hodgson remained at Cambridge for four terms and then went down without graduating in 1838.^ Mr. -
INAUGURAL SPEECH Mr SKELTON (Nicklin—ALP) (11.18 Am): I Would Like to Begin by Acknowledging the First Nation People on Whose Land We Meet: the Turrbal People
Speech By Robert Skelton MEMBER FOR NICKLIN Record of Proceedings, 1 December 2020 INAUGURAL SPEECH Mr SKELTON (Nicklin—ALP) (11.18 am): I would like to begin by acknowledging the First Nation people on whose land we meet: the Turrbal people. I also acknowledge the Kabi Kabi people, whose land I am honoured to speak of in this place, and I pay my respects to their leaders past, present and emerging. I was born an Army brat and spent my early life travelling around the country with my family and sister Cassandra as my father, Robert, served. My mother, Yvonne, also imbued in me a sense of duty and honour, so in 1995 after finishing school in Townsville I joined the Navy so that I, too, could serve my country. My naval career saw me serve as a boatswain’s mate on HMAS Swan, HMAS Canberra and HMAS Ipswich. I later had an educational posting at the gunnery range at HMAS Cerberus. In 2002 I transferred to RAAF Base Amberley to train as an aviation firefighter. I then served at RAAF Base Tindal. My time in the services taught me the importance of comradeship, teamwork, improvisation and a love of, and duty to, country. During this time my wife, Rachel, and I had a young family. I have three beautiful children: Brandt, Delaney and Jamison. All three were born thousands of kilometres apart in Cairns, Frankston and Katherine respectively. I also had the good fortune of adopting Ray and Sandra Hubbard and John and Julie Aldous as parents somewhere along the way. -
Gubernatorial Foreign Policy
JULIAN G. KU Gubernatorial Foreign Policy A B S T R A C T. In a variety of circumstances, state governors exercise independent decision- making power over matters affecting the foreign policy of the United States. This Essay describes and defends this emerging system of gubernatorial foreign policy on both legal and functional grounds. Recent Supreme Court decisions retreating from federal exclusivity in foreign affairs and prohibiting the commandeering of state executive officials leave a small doctrinal space for governors to act independently on matters affecting foreign policy. This small space has been further expanded by the federal government's practice of imposing limitations on the preemptive effect of treaties and international agreements. A system of gubernatorial foreign policy also represents the most practical and feasible way to accommodate the internationalizing pressure of globalization with a continuing federal system of "dual sovereignties." Under this system, the states will continue to improve their capacity to deal with matters affecting foreign affairs, and the federal government will retain the right to preempt, but not to commandeer, state governors in the service of federal foreign policy goals. A U T H O R. Associate Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law, Visiting Associate Professor of Law, William & Mary School of Law. I would like to thank John Parry, Michael Ramsey, James Tierney, and Timothy Zick for helpful comments, Jacob Djaboury for research assistance, and Patricia Kasting for library assistance. An earlier version of this Essay was presented at a faculty workshop at Lewis & Clark Law School. Hofstra University School of Law provided support for this Essay. -
Proposal of Study
THE TRIAL WITHIN: NEGOTIATING JUSTICE AT THE INTERNATIONAL MILITARY TRIBUNAL FOR THE FAR EAST, 1946-1948 by JAMES BURNHAM SEDGWICK B.A. (Honours), Acadia University, 2002 M.A., The University of Canterbury, 2004 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (History) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) July 2012 © James Burnham Sedgwick, 2012 Abstract This dissertation explores the inner-workings of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE). Commonly known as the Tokyo trial, Tokyo tribunal, or Tokyo IMT, the IMTFE brought Japan’s wartime leadership to justice for aggression, crimes against humanity, and war crimes committed during World War II. Using rare sources in three languages from public and private collections in eight countries, this dissertation presents a multi-perspective experiential history of the IMTFE in operation. By placing the court in a distinct international moment that produced the United Nations, the Nuremberg trial, the Genocide Convention, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, among other outgrowths of global community, this work explores the IMTFE as both a groundbreaking judicial undertaking and a pioneering multilateral institution. Other scholars use overly reductive and judgmental constructs based on outside-looking-in perspectives to assess the court’s legal or moral legitimacy without appreciating or detailing its nuance and complexity. This dissertation prefers an inside-out view to explain the trial, not judge it. It describes the IMTFE as a collective endeavour and experience behind the scenes. Chapters review the personal, emotional, administrative, logistical, legal, political, and global dimensions of internationalism in action. -
Ujjal Dosanjh: B.C.'S Indian-Born Premier
Contents Ujjal Dosanjh: B.C.'s Indian-Born Premier In an attempt to hang onto power and to stage a comeback in the court of public opinion after the resignation of Glen Clark, the beleaguered NDP government of British Columbia picks Ujjal Dosanjh as party leader and premier. The former attorney general of the province was selected following a process that itself was not without controversy. As a Canadian pioneer, Dosanjh becomes the first Indian-born head of government in Canada. A role model as well, the new premier has traveled far to a nation that early in the 1900s restricted Indian immigration by an order-in-council. Ironically, Dosanjh, no stranger to controversy and personal struggle, is the grandson of a revolutionary who was jailed by the British during India s fight for independence. Introduction The Ethnic Question A Troublesome Inheritance An Experiential Education The Visible Majority Multiculturalism in Canada Racial History in Canada Discussion, Research, and Essay Questions Comprehensive News in Review Study Modules Using both the print and non-print material from various issues of News in Review, teachers and students can create comprehensive, thematic modules that are excellent for research purposes, independent assignments, and small group study. We recommend the stories indicated below for the universal issues they represent and for the archival and historic material they contain. Vander Zalm: A Question of Accountability, May 1991 Glen Clark: Mandate Squandered? October 1999 Other Related Videos Available from CBC Learning Does Your Resource Collection Include These CBC Videos? Skin Deep: The Science of Race Who Is A Real Canadian? Introduction Ujjal Dosanjh: B.C.'s Indian-Born Premier On February 19, 2000, political history was made in British Columbia when the New Democratic Party chose Ujjal Dosanjh to be its new leader, and as a result, for the first time in Canada, an Indo-Canadian became head of government in a provincial legislature. -
The Ayes Have It: the History of the Queensland Parliament, 1957–1989
7. The Pizzey–Chalk interlude, 1968 With the retirement of Frank Nicklin as Premier in January 1968, the Queensland Parliament entered a period of turbulence and uncertainty. Nicklin had been the leader of the Country Party continuously since June 1941, accumulating a total of 26.5 years at the helm. He had been Premier for 10.5 years and had governed the state competently and conscientiously. He had stamped his own personal integrity and probity on the character of the government and had quietly maintained a guiding hand over the cabinet and party room. In the Parliament, he was uniformly held in high regard not only by his own Country Party colleagues but by his Coalition partners and members of the opposition. He had maintained a sense of decency in the Assembly that was recognised by friend and foe alike. At the time of his retirement, Nicklin had attained many parliamentary achievements, not the least of which was the general acceptance of the Coalition parties as the natural parties of government. He had also, perhaps more conscientiously, sustained the Country Party as the dominant party in the Coalition despite consistently polling fewer votes than the largely urban-based Liberal Party. Nicklin’s retirement at seventy-two years of age was not exactly a surprise; it had been expected for some time. His health and energy were waning and he had spent some weeks in hospital during the final months of his record- breaking premiership. It was widely believed that Nicklin had hung on to the job for so long simply to beat the previous record of Labor’s Forgan Smith as the longest-serving premier (Forgan Smith had served 10 years and three months). -
The Making of White Australia
The making of White Australia: Ruling class agendas, 1876-1888 Philip Gavin Griffiths A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University December 2006 I declare that the material contained in this thesis is entirely my own work, except where due and accurate acknowledgement of another source has been made. Philip Gavin Griffiths Page v Contents Acknowledgements ix Abbreviations xiii Abstract xv Chapter 1 Introduction 1 A review of the literature 4 A ruling class policy? 27 Methodology 35 Summary of thesis argument 41 Organisation of the thesis 47 A note on words and comparisons 50 Chapter 2 Class analysis and colonial Australia 53 Marxism and class analysis 54 An Australian ruling class? 61 Challenges to Marxism 76 A Marxist theory of racism 87 Chapter 3 Chinese people as a strategic threat 97 Gold as a lever for colonisation 105 The Queensland anti-Chinese laws of 1876-77 110 The ‘dangers’ of a relatively unsettled colonial settler state 126 The Queensland ruling class galvanised behind restrictive legislation 131 Conclusion 135 Page vi Chapter 4 The spectre of slavery, or, who will do ‘our’ work in the tropics? 137 The political economy of anti-slavery 142 Indentured labour: The new slavery? 149 The controversy over Pacific Islander ‘slavery’ 152 A racially-divided working class: The real spectre of slavery 166 Chinese people as carriers of slavery 171 The ruling class dilemma: Who will do ‘our’ work in the tropics? 176 A divided continent? Parkes proposes to unite the south 183 Conclusion -
The Politics of Expediency Queensland
THE POLITICS OF EXPEDIENCY QUEENSLAND GOVERNMENT IN THE EIGHTEEN-NINETIES by Jacqueline Mc0ormack University of Queensland, 197^1. Presented In fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts to the Department of History, University of Queensland. TABLE OP, CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION SECTION ONE; THE SUBSTANCE OP POLITICS CHAPTER 1. The Men of Politics 1 CHAPTER 2. Politics in the Eighties 21 CHAPTER 3. The Depression 62 CHAPTER 4. Railways 86 CHAPTER 5. Land, Labour & Immigration 102 CHAPTER 6 Separation and Federation 132 CHAPTER 7 The Queensland.National Bank 163 SECTION TWO: THE POLITICS OP REALIGNMENT CHAPTER 8. The General Election of 1888 182 CHAPTER 9. The Coalition of 1890 204 CHAPTER 10. Party Organization 224 CHAPTER 11. The Retreat of Liberalism 239 CHAPTER 12. The 1893 Election 263 SECTION THREE: THE POLITICS.OF EXPEDIENCY CHAPTER 13. The First Nelson Government 283 CHAPTER Ik. The General Election of I896 310 CHAPTER 15. For Want of an Opposition 350 CHAPTER 16. The 1899 Election 350 CHAPTER 17. The Morgan-Browne Coalition 362 CONCLUSION 389 APPENDICES 394 BIBLIOGRAPHY 422 PREFACE The "Nifi^ties" Ms always" exercised a fascination for Australian historians. The decade saw a flowering of Australian literature. It saw tremendous social and economic changes. Partly as a result of these changes, these years saw the rise of a new force in Australian politics - the labour movement. In some colonies, this development was overshadowed by the consolidation of a colonial liberal tradition reaching its culmination in the Deakinite liberalism of the early years of the tlommdhwealth. Developments in Queensland differed from those in the southern colonies. -
Legislative Assembly Hansard 1876
Queensland Parliamentary Debates [Hansard] Legislative Assembly TUESDAY, 11 JULY 1876 Electronic reproduction of original hardcopy Vacancies, Etc. [11 JULY.] Adjournment. 145 That, upon being satisfied of the occurrence of each of the said vacancies, he had issued his writ for the election of a member to fill the same; and that, of such writs, the follow ing had been duly returned to him, with certificates respectively endorsed thereon, of the election of the following gentlemen, namely:- 1. The Honorable George Thorn, Esquire, for the Electoral District of Ipswich. 2. James Johnston, Esquire, for the Electoral District of Bulimba. The SPEA.KER also reported that he had received the writ issued for the election of a member to serve in that House for the new electoral district of Cook, with a certificate endorsed thereon, of the election of William Edward Murphy, Esquire. NEW MEMBERS. The following members having taken the oath and subscribed the roll, took their seats respectively for the electorates set against their names, viz. :-The Honorable George Thorn, Esquire, as member fo1· the electoral district of Ipswich; the Honorable Robert Muter Stewart, Esquire, as member for the electoral district of :Brisbane ; the Honorable J ames Robert Dick son, Esquire, as member for the electoral district of Enoggera ; the Honorable Samuel Walker Griffith, Esquire, LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. as member for the electoral district of Oxley; Tuesday, 11 July, 1876. the Honorable John Douglas, Esquire, as member for the electoral district of Mary Vacancies during the .A.djournn1ent.-~ew }fembers. Adjournment.-Ministeral Explanation. borough ; J ames J ohnston, Esquire, as mem ber for the electoral district of :Bulimba; VACANCIES DURING THE ADJOURN William Edward Murphy, Esquire, as mem MENT.