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ltems-in-Political-Security Council Affairs (PSCA) Analysis - Latin America (see list of items, appendix No. 19)
Dafe Created 07/10/1966
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Container s-0881-0003: 20/08/1 962Pcace-Keeping Operations Files of the Secretary-General: U Thant PSCA Analysis (Political-Security Council Affairs)
Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TOs The Secretary-General AS FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION X POUR INFORMATION
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Date: vl: 10 Oct. 1966 E: A .E Jjf Nesterenko, iCA CR. 13 (11-64) CONFIDENTIAL 7 October 1966 JMQrms
NOTE ON LATIN AMERICAN AFFAIRS SEPTEMBER 1966 NOTE ON LATHS AMERICAN AFFAIHS SEPTEMBER 1966
I. General Comments 1. The most salient event concerning Latin America during September was the informal consultation of Foreign Ministers of the OAS Members held in Nev York, 21-2J September, on a proposed Conference of Presidents of the American States. The outcome of the informal consultation, together with an OAS Council resolution previously adopted, had the effect of setting an outline of an agenda for theproposed Summit Conference, and also agreeing on the procedure for its preparation. 2. As far as the substance was concerned, the Foreign Ministers agreed that the proposed conference "should be considered as a maximum effort ... for the purpose of bringing about fundamental changes in inter-American economic, social and cultural co-operation by giving a new impulse to the Alliance for Progress and by effective measures to accelerate Latin American economic integration", in accordance with the general wishes of their governments and of their peoples. 3. Concerning procedure, agreement was achieved after protracted discussions as to the preparation of the conference. The OAS Council by its resolution of 19 September formally convoked the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers, to convene within 90 days of that date, in order to take decisions regarding the Summit Conference. Meanwhile, a "Committee on Preparations" for the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation was also established. 4. The Summit Conference, it was further agreed by the Foreign Ministers, should be held "as soon as possible" at a "generally acceptable" date and place to be determined by the OAS Meeting of Consultation. However, it is not fore- seen that the date would be earlier than February or March 1967. 5. With ample time for preparations, and an agreed basic agenda, negotiations are then to proceed in order to ascertain that the Presidential gathering would be fruitful. In this connexion, on 1 September, in his address before Congress, President Gustavo Diaz Ordaz, of Mexico, stated that since the peoples of the Contiment would place their hopes in the Summit Conference, "it would be very - 2 - tragic" and a source of ""bitter frustration" should there be no "important results, clear conclusions, and practical and concrete measures designed to raise the standard of living of the peoples". He added that "it is now necessary to translate good intentions into action". 6. The same emphasis on economic development has "been noticed in the statements of representatives of the Latin American countries which up to now have participated in the general debate of the twenty-first session of the U.N. General Assembly. The prevailing trend of these views has teen a general appeal towards closer co-operation in economic matters between the developed and the developing countries, and expressions of support of such international economic organs as the Conference on Trade and Development, whose recommendations, it has been emphasized, should be urgently implemented, and the Organization for Industrial Development, whose establishment at the current Assembly session has been given wide approval. 7. In the Dominican Republic, the withdrawal of the Inter-American Peace Force - IAPF - was completed on 21 September in accordance with an OAS Council decision of 2h June last. . Both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies of Santo Domingo adopted resolutions to make the date of the final withdrawal of "foreign troops" a national holiday to be celebrated in future years. 8. As had been foreseen, Venezuela Joined the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) thus raising the number of members to ten Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela. It is expected that Venezuela will shortly fulfil the requisites of the Montevideo treaty, and will negotiate its list of products to be traded within LAFTA, in time for the next Conference of LAFTA Foreign Ministers which opens in Montevideo on 2k October, II, Inter-American Relations A. The Informal Meeting of Foreign Ministers - 9. The informal meeting of Foreign Ministers - present in New York on the occasion of their attendance at the twenty-first session of the U.N. General Assembly - accomplished its main purpose when "complete agreement" was reached on an outline of an agenda without, however, setting a date for the proposed Conference Chiefs of State. Also the question of the site of the conference was left to be agreed upon later.
I/ For details, see Special Note of 26 September 1966. The official English text of the press communique which was issued appears as Annex I to the present Wote. - 3 -
10. The agreements of the Foreign Ministers reflected the majority view of the Latin American Governments, led by Mexico, which were in favour of (l) avoiding a hasty convocation and an accelerated time-table for the Summit Conference, (2) assuring that the conference would deal mainly with economic questions, and (3) avoiding the inclusion of controversial political issues in the basic agenda. 11. With the agreements now reached, the OAS Members seem to have overcome the divergence of views that had developed among them concerning the Summit Conference. The United States, in agreement with Brazil, had previously urged that the Summit Conference should be convoked for 5 December 1966. It also appears that the United States, together with Argentina and Brazil would have favoured discussion of such controversial issues as the Inter-American Permanent Force and the problem of Cuba. Begarding the site, Ecuador had objected to Lima, Peru, and Vina del Mar, Chile, on the grounds that the conference should not be held in any country with pending boundary disputes. These objections as well as previous objections raised in respect of convening the Third Special Inter-American Conference in Buenos Aires - which has been postponed - have strengthened a Mexican proposal now being studied by the OAS Council that the site of inter-American meetings should be "internationalized". Thus, with rights of "extra-territoriality" generally recognized to these designated meeting places, such type of political objections could be avoided. 12. In regard to the objectives of the proposed Summit Conference, it should be noted that the only basic points on which there was general acceptance were those concerning economic, social and cultural questions. However, on 15 September, in a formal address to the OAS Council, Foreign Minister Juracy Magalhaes of Brazil, invoked the concept of collective security to assert that the question of the creation of an Inter-American Permanent Force "cannot be indefinitely- postponed", and that the OAS could only be politically efficient as long as it had its own means of action to implement its decisions. The Foreign Minister added that this should be achieved on the basis of the consensus of the OAS Members. 13. Another subject of political controversy, Argentine misgivings on the post- ponement of the Third Special Inter-American Conference where the OAS Charter modifications are to be discussed, has been avoided since it was agreed that the date and place of the Summit Conference would be determined by the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation, "which will take into account the date determined or to be determined for the Third Special Inter-American Conference". B. The proposed Summit Conference 14. The Eleventh Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers has been convoked "by a resolution -2/ adopted by the OAS Council on 19 September, in accordance with Article 39 of the OAS Charter. The Tenth Meeting of Consultation, which dealt with the situation in the Dominican Republic, had been convoked by the Council on 30 April 1965, and is still in existence. The Eleventh Meeting has been convoked "in order to take decisions regarding a meeting of Chiefs of State for the purpose of strengthening the Alliance for Progress and of agreeing upon new measures for hemisphere co-operation to facilitate Latin American economic integration". A "Committee on Preparations" for the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation was established under the provisions of the same CAS Council resolution. 15. It was also provided that "the highest officials of inter-governmental organizations and agencies whose activities are related to the subjects to be discussed" would be invited to give their valuable technical advice, individually or collectively, to the Committee on Preparations, which may likewise invite "other distinguished individuals of the hemisphere to express their views on specific problems related to the studies and preliminary proposals" to be prepared by the Committee. 16. The comprehensive character of these provisions had been carefully chosen to put an end to a discussion which had been taking place in inter-American circles with regard to the role to be assumed in the preparations for the Summit Conference by representatives of certain international economic organizations, According to press commentaries, - the United States appeared to be reluctant to give representatives of United Rations bodies a role in preparing the agenda. This seemed to refer specifically to representatives of UNCTAD and ECLA. IT. The general assumption behind the preparatory work for the Summit Conference seems to be that before the Presidents' gathering, which is bound to be a formal meeting, agreement must have been reached to the last detail on proposals clearly formulated and thoroughly discussed. The Heads of State would then meet solemnly
2/ For text of OAS Council resolution see Annex U. 3/ See "the Washington Post" article by Dan Keizman, 2h September 1966. - 5 - to give their final approval to those agreements. Whether or not this can be accomplished, remains uncertain. In any case, it has been observed, such elaborate planning would necessarily take at least five or six months. For this reason, the Summit Conference might not take place before February or March 196?. III. Situation in the Dominican Republic 18. The evacuation of the Inter-American Peace Force - IAPF - which began on 28 June 1966 was completed by 21 September, on which date General Robert A. Linvill, Commander of United States forces, IAPF, and the last contingents of the United States military personnel, departed by air from San Isidro Air Base. On 20 September, the Commander of the IflPF, General Alvaro Alves da Silva Braga, accompanied by officers and soldiers of the Brazilian contingents had also departed. This information was officially reported —k'/ to the Secretary-General by his Representative in the Dominican Republic. 19. In a report ^ of the OAS Ad Hoc Committee transmitted to the United Nations on 20 September, it was stated that "an atmosphere of peace and conciliation has been established in the Dominican Republic", and that "without the indispensable role which the IAPF has played, it would not have been possible for the provisional government to have accomplished the great task of national reconciliation, nor would it have been possible to hold the national elections which took place on 1 June 1966 in an atmosphere of complete calm and order". 20. President Joaquin Balaguer stated on 22 September that he was confident that "absolute tranquility" in the capital and in the countryside would continue. He noted that the IAPF had "acted correctly" in the Dominican Republic, and that each group making up the peace force acted in a true spirit of inter-American co-operation. He added that the efforts of the IAPF had played an important role in returning peace to the country. 21. On 18 September, prior to his departure for Washington where he has been appointed Dominican Ambassador, former Provisional President Garcia-Godoy declared that as a Dominican he would never justify the presence of the IAPF in his country. "Its withdrawal" he added, "is due, in large part, to the steps taken by the provisional government for the complete recovery of our sovereignty". y S/7338/Add.l5, 21 September 1966. 5/ S/7502, 21 September 1966. - 6 -
22, A situation of insecurity continues to prevail in the Dominican Republic. On 2k September, the newspapers carried statements of President Balaguer about the existence of a terrorist plot of which the police were aware. On 25 September, national police chief Tejeda Alvarez said that this terrorist plot called for attacks against high-ranking officers of the armed forces and the national police. He added that "extremist" groups connected with the Havana Tricontinental Conference had received orders to be ready to carry out the plan of disturbances in Dominican territory. On the other hand, accusations of stepped up "political persecution" were made on 27 September against Dominican military and police authorities, together with complaints about jeeps with heavily armed guards patrolling the streets of Santo Domingo. IV. Denuclearization of latin America 2J. "By letter - dated 8 September, the permanent representative of Mexico transmitted to the United Nations a resolution of the Preparatory Commission on Denuclearization of Latin America, adopted on 30 August, to postpone the convening of its fourth session until 31 January 1967. On 29 August, it was disclosed by the Preparatory Committee in Mexico that the People's Republic of China had refused to pledge itself to respect an eventual treaty for the denuclearization of Latin America. A negotiating committee that had been appointed by the Commission had undertaken the consultation with the PRC Government through the Mexican Ambassador in Cairo, and in its negative reply, the Peking Government alleged that the eventual denuclearization of Latin America was strongly linked to a resolution of the General Assembly of the United Nations, and that the United Nations, "having trampled under its foot all the legal rights of the PRC", the latter had nothing to do with its activities. The Chinese reply added that "it would serve no useful purpose to denuclearize zones neighbouring the United States if the United States continues to maintain nuclear arms in its own territory and in its Latin American bases". The PRC Government declared, however, that it sympathetically viewed the efforts of the Latin American countries to denuclearize their region. 2k. The decision of the PRC, which will make the conclusion of the treaty on denuclearization even more difficult, brought once more to the fore the discussions on the question as to whether or not specific guarantees of all nuclear Powers
6/ A/6411, 12 September 1966. - T - were toy-be considered absolutely necessary. This question was touched upon, either in a direct or indirect manner, "by some representatives of Latin American countries participating in the general debate of the United Nations General Assembly. Thus, after referring to the "encouraging picture" and to the "uninterrupted and dynamic process" which, despite certain difficulties, would lead to a denuclearization treaty, the Foreign Minister of Mexico, Antonio Carillo Flores, on 27 September reiterated the position of his Government that the treaty "will become fully and completely effective from the very moment when States who wish to be parties to it ratify it". He added that Mexico had never used the word "guarantee" when referring to the co-operation expected from the nuclear Powers, and which consisted only in the fact that these Powers would comply with a general obligation derived from the United Nations Charter: to respect a treaty agreed to by a group of States in the legitimate exercise of their sovereignty. 25. The question of "guarantees" was also referred to by the Foreign Minister of Brazil, Juracy Magalhaes, on 22 September. Dealing with the akin issue of non-proliferation, he stated, that "non-proliferation cannot be assured by a veto of the nuclear Powers" Non-proliferation he said, was really dependent upon a "voluntary surrender" by non-nuclear Powers of their possibilities of eventually joining the "Atomic Club" through their own efforts. In the absence of a really reliable system of collective security, he added, such a surrender would obviously involve a singularly grave and fateful decision. This would be too much to ask unless a "completely trustworthy framework of legal and material guarantees" was achieved. V. Relations with Argentina 26. On 7 September, the Government of Costa Rica, which had withheld recognition of the military government of Argentina since its inception, issued a Foreign Ministry statement recognizing the government of Argentina which had complied with "the prerequisites necessary for its recognition". 27. On 22 September, sources close to the Argentine Government reported, according to an Agence France Presse dispatch, that Venezuela and Argentina were seeking a solution that would eventually result in the re-establishment of relations between both nations. Negotiations currently underway have included meetings held in New York between the Foreign Ministers of Venezuela, Ignacio Iribarren Borges, and of Argentina, Nicanor Costa Mendez. - 8 -
VI. Other Matters 28. Prior to the opening of the twenty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly, the group of permanent representatives of the Latin American countries conveyed to the Secretary-General, U Thant, their unanimous desire that he should reconsider his decision not to accept re-election to a new term of office. In the course of the General Assembly general debate, all the Latin American representatives who had participated expressed similar views in their statements. 29 The candidacy of the Foreign Minister of Guatemala, Doctor Emilio Arenales Catalan, has been put forth for election as President of the twenty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. JO. Pursuant to an invitation extended by the headquarters of the Brazilian forces with UNEF, in the Gaza Strip, General Ibrahim M, Cherkaui of the General Staff of the United Arab Republic visited Brazil and declared in Rio on 5 September, that President Nasser will visit Brazil at the invitation of its Chief Executive. It seems that President Nasser will also visit other South American countries. ANNEX I
INFORMAL MEETING OF FOREIGN MINISTERS OF THE STATES MEMBERS OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES
PRESS COMMUNIQUE
"On the occasion of their presence in New York for the opening of the XXI session of the UNGA, the Ministers of Foreign Relations of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, United States, Uruguay, and Venezuela have met informally, with the attendance of the Vice President of Bolivia. In the conversations, which were held in a spirit of great cordiality the Ministers and the Vice President of Bolivia exchanged views on the proposed meeting of Chiefs of State of their countries. After a full and frank exchange of opinions, those present were in complete agreement on the following points: a) the proposed meeting of Chiefs of State should be considered as a maximum effort in order to adopt decisions at the highest level for the purpose of bringing about fundamental changes in inter-American economic, social and cultural cooperation by giving a new impulse to the Alliance for Progress and by effective measures to accelerate Latin American economic integration. Thus it will reflect the general wishes of their governments and of their peoples; b) the preparatory Commission for the XI Meeting of Consultation, established by the Council of the CAS pursuant to its resolution of September 19 should begin its work as soon as possible and dedicate all efforts toward the most rapid completion of the task of preparing studies and preliminary drafts necessary to ensure the success of the meeting of the Chiefs of State; c) the Governments of the Member States will transmit to the Preparatory Commission immediately any studies and draft proposals they may have relating to the subject matter of the proposed meeting so that the work of the Commission may accurately reflect the general expectations with regard to the meeting; and d) the proposed meeting of the Chiefs of State should be held as soon as possible at a generally acceptable date and place to be determined by the XI Meeting of Consultation, which will take into account the date determined, or to be determined for the Third Special Inter-American Conference.
New York, September 25, 1966" COPY
OEA/Ser,G/V C-d-ll&5 (English) Rev. 19 September 1966 Original: Spanish
ANNEX II
CONVOCATION OF THE ELEVENTH MEETING OF CONSULTATION OF MIUISTERS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Resolution adopted by the Council of the Organization of American States at the special meeting held on September 19, 1966)
WHEREAS: The Inter-American Economic and Social Council at its Fourth Annual Meeting at the Ministerial Level, held in Buenos Aires from March 25 to April 1, 1966, adopted a special declaration in which it was agreed: "To entrust the Secretary General of the OAS with the task of consulting the governments of the member states on the advisability of holding a meeting of the Chiefs of State of the countries of the Inter-American system, in order to give a more effective political impetus to the objectives of the Alliance for Progress and to agree upon the most suitable means for speeding up their attainment"; On June 27, 1966, the Secretary General of the Organization presented a report to the Council regarding the mandate that was entrusted to him by the said declaration, and the Council decided that the Secretary General should communicate with the governments, through the Representatives on the Council), of the Organization, in order to ascertain their points of view regarding this proposal; The replies of the governments of the member states to the inquiry made by the Council show the interest of the people of the hemisphere in a meeting at the highest level, to take decisions designed to facilitate economic and social development; The economic and social problems of the hemisphere are of an urgent nature, because of the need to give greater effect to the aims of the Alliance for Progress as well as because of the pressing need to further Latin American economic integration; A meeting of Chiefs of State requires adequate preparation and the study of the various solutions that would make it possible to attain the purposes indicated; Article 39 of the Charter of the Organization makes provisions for holding a Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs "in order to consider problems of an urgent nature and of common interest to the American States," in accordance with Articles 40 to k2 of the Charter; and - 2 -
Resolution XLVI of the Tenth Inter-American Conference, held at Caracas, empowered the Council of the Organization to "carry out studies and prepare drafts, •whenever it deems this advisable, regarding topics on the agenda of the Inter-American Conference or the Meeting of Consul- tation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs,"
THE COUNCIL OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES
RESOLVES: 1. To convoke the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the member states of the Organization, in accordance vith Article 39 of the Charter, in order to take decisions regarding a meeting of Chiefs of State for the purpose of strengthening the Alliance for Progress and of agreeing upon new measures for hemispheric coopera- tion to facilitate Latin American economic integration. 2. To hold the Meeting of Consultation convoked by virute of the preceding paragraph at the Pan American Union, within a period not ex- ceeding 90 days from the date of this resolution. .5. To establish a Committee on Preparations for the Eleventh Meet- ing of Consultation, which shall be composed of the delegations of the member states accredited to the Council. This committee, taking into account the purposes of the Meeting of Chiefs of State, the proposals that the governments may present in this connection, and the technical opinions referred to in paragraph 4, shall prepare studies and pertinent preliminary proposals. 4, To invite the highest officials of intergovernmental organiza- tions and agencies whose activities are related to the subjects to be discussed to give their valuable technical advice, individually or collectively, to the Committee on Preparations for the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs. The Council shall extend the corresponding invitations as soon as the Committee on Preparations has begun its work. The Committee on Preparations, on behalf of the Council, may invite other distinguished individuals of the hemisphere to express their views on specific problems related to the studies and preliminary proposals the Committee is to prepare. DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS Political Affairs Division
21ST SESSION OF THE GEHEML ASSEMBLY General Debate
Meeting, 13 October 1966
HAITI DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND Meeting Ho. SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS 13 October 1966 Political Affairs Division JMQ:fr
21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate
HAITI The Foreign Minister of Haiti, Mr. Rend Chalmers, addressed the General Assembly on 1J October 1966 (A/FV.lMtQ).
Secretary-General The speaker paid a tribute to U Thant who in his view, continued to personify the confidence of the peoples of the world. Viet-Ham Unfortunately, efforts at mediation in Viet-Nam have proved vain to the present. The Government of Haiti hoped that peace should replace human destruction, and that relations between nations should be based on the principles of equal rights and of self-determination. Apartheid, South West Africa and Southern Rhodesia Other sources of concern in the world today were the problem of apartheid and the closely related issues of South West Africa and Southern Rhodesia. The Government of Haiti condemned the practices of apartheid as they had done in repeated statements before UN bodies and felt that "the time is running short". Despite 73 resolutions adopted since the inception of the United Nations, the Government of South Africa refused, to accept any kind of United Nations control over the Territory of South ¥est Africa on the pretext that its obligations as the Mandatory Power ceased with the demise of the League of Nations. The International Court of Justice, by rejecting the case brought by Ethiopia and Liberia, had given a kind of a blessing and encouragement to the Pretoria administration. The ruling of the Court was a distortion - 2 - of law, a denial of justice, and. an insult to the international conscience of mankind. The Government and people of Haiti categorically support any appropriate measures taken by the United Nations to eliminate apartheid. Economic Development The serious crisis caused by the division of the world into rich and poor countries was as disturbing as the division between the "free-world" and the "Communist world." The gap between these two worlds had finally brought about an intermediate world, the "third world", whose collective conscience called for the support of all States against a common adversary, under-development and the search for solutions to their common social, economic and political problems. These problems were in part due to the residue of colonialism. Promises for the Development Decade have not been fulfilled. Halfway through that period, there are disturbing signs which make the picture a grim one. The population explosion of the developing countries has increased faster than their national income. The retrogressive policies of financial aid from industrialized countries, as well as the changed, terms of credit of international institutions, contribute to the present alarming conditions in the "third world". The industrialized States with free economy systems cannot be proud of having increased their assistance to the "third world". On the contrary, there seemed to be a slow-d.own and nothing indicates a f orthc oming improvement. Like other developing nations, Haiti has deplored the lack of co-operation from the industrialized, nations who have refused to adopt an international viewpoint and to usher- in an era of universal relations from which not only the "third, world" but all nations stand to benefit economically, politically and. militarily. Latin American regional and national efforts Latin America had promoted a Central American Common Market, the creation of a Latin American free trade zone and an agreement on the denuclearization of the region. Haiti, located in the Caribbean area, also wished to co-operate in a programme of regional integration, and with its friends from Asia, Africa _ •z _
and Latin America. The Government of Haiti faced economic problems in great part due to lack of assistance from the wealthy countries, to lowering prices in foreign markets and also because of the fury of three hurricanes in the course of less than ten years. The Haitian Government and people were very grateful to the United States Government for its aid following the last hurricane, and to Secretary-General U Thant for his offer of assistance by the United Nations. Haiti would continue to encourage national efforts, and would endeavour to cooperate in the Alliance for Progress. ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION The Secretary-General
FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION POUR INFORMATION
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Date: 15.10.66 CR. 13 (11-64) DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AHD SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS Political Affairs Division
21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLE General Debate
Meeting, 1? October 1966
PARAGUAY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD Meeting Wo. SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS ^ Octoter Political Affairs Division DdeB:mm
21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate
FAMGUAY The Representative of Paraguay, Dr. Miguel Solano Lopez, addressed the General Assembly on 13 October 1966 (A/PV.l^l). The Secretary-General The Representative of Paraguay referred to the appeal by Latin American representatives for a reconsideration of the Secretary-General*s decision not to offer his services for a second term, and reiterated, in the name of his country, that appeal. Disarmament Hon-proliferation The problems involved in the proliferation of nuclear armaments must be assigned an "unquestionable" priority. There was concentrated, in a few States possessing nuclear weapons, a "terrifying potential destructive power", and various other States had potentially the means for creating these weapons. The Representative of Paraguay said that he was impressed by the considerations set forth in the Assembly by the Foreign Minister of Ireland to the effect that it would be better if the "potential nuclear States" made up their minds to seek their security and prestige in improving the lives of their own peoples and those of their poorer neighbours and in helping to build up DM "conciliation" and "peace-keeping" procedures. De-nuclearization of Latin America The Representative of Paraguay referred to efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear arms in Latin America and said that once the treaty which was being formulated for this purpose had become a fact, as he hoped, Latin America would have set an encouraging example of collective co-operation in the service of a cause that transcended the merely regional level. Non-intervention The violation of the principles and norms contained in the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of their Independence and Sovereignty, (Resolution 213l(xx)), should be the object of "constant examination" by the Assembly. -2- He referred to events which had occurred in January 1966, concerning which there had "been a collective submission by the Latin American States to the Security Council, and said that this would "be mentioned in the debate in the First Committee. Vietnam Pew things would be so welcome as an end to the Vietnam conflict. The search for formulae that would bring about a restoration of peace in that area must continue without discouragement. The Representative of the United States had submitted some proposals to move the issue from the battlefield to the conference table, ani. the only positive way for establishing their real nature was to submit them to the test. So long as those who could and should weigh them did not do so, allegations of their deceptive character were lacking in foundation. Economic Matters The Representative of Paraguay referred to the struggles of the developing countries in their call for "true justice" in the distribution of wealth, and to the negative consequences of the dis-equilibrium of an "unfair system" of trade exchange which "should no longer be allowed to exist". He said that the results of efforts by UNCTAD, and under the UN Decade of Development had been modest, but a new opportunity would occur, at the Second Conference on Trade and Development, for the industrialized countries to hearken to "legitimate claims1'. The Representative also referred to "loyal" support of Paraguay to "integration on a regional plane" in a zone of free commerce. Other matters Problems arising from the situation of Paraguay as a "land-locked country" were mentioned by the Representative of Paraguay, and special emphasis was placed on "obstacles" impeding free navigation of international rivers, which constitute ParaguayTs only access to the sea. The speaker referred to "bilateral and multilateral efforts" which had been made to make possible the commercjal exploitation of international rivers. Bilateral negotiations with Argentine, he said, had been making progress and in the case of Brazil, both Paraguay and that country had agreed on a matter stemming from a "boundary problem" allowing the exploration of the possibility of joint hydro-electric projects. DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AM) SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS Political Affairs Division
21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate
Meeting, Ik October 1966
EL SALVADOR DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND Meeting No SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS ^ October Political Affairs Division DdeB-mm
21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate
EL SALVADOR
The Representative of El Salvador, Dr. Hector Escobar Serrano, substituting for the Foreign Minister, addressed the General Assembly on 3A- October 1966 (A/PV.llUt-2). The Secretary-General The Government of El Salvador shared the deep concern of all the countries of the United Nations at the prospect that the Secretary-General would carry through with his intention not to accept re-election. After the many appeals addressed to the Secretary-General, which constituted the expression of the "general will", all that could be hoped for was that he would reconsider his decision. Peace-keeping It was hoped that an agreement would be reached which would enable this problem to be solved, since its continuance profoundly affected the authority of the United Nations and the future financing of peace-keeping operations. The hope was also expressed that a formula would be devised reconciling the different views of the Great Powers and the "possibilities of the different countries", so as to restore the Organization's economic solvency. Disarmament The Government of El Salvador insisted on the necessity of concluding, as soon as possible, a world disarmament agreement "under effective international control" as a basic starting point towards guaranteeing peace. It reiterated satisfaction at the celebration of the Moscow Treaty, and it expressed the hope that in the near future the "scope and effectiveness" that the Treaty required would be met by agreement on the "prohibition of underground tests". — Non-proliferation In the face of the great danger that friction between powerful States presented, which might easily deteriorate into a "terrifying world war", there was an'obligation" and an "urgent need" to make all States, in particular the -2- nuclear Powers, adopt measures to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. El Salvador supported the view of the Secretary-General that the most urgent questions at the present time was the need to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons* — Denucleari zat ion The Government of El Salvador had given, from the beginning, its support to the initiative of the Government cf Mexico to the effect that the Latin American States should reach agreement on a treaty for the denuclearization of Latin America. El Salvador was prepared to lend its "continued" and "enthusiastic" co-operation to help attain the desired aims. Outer Space The Government of El Salvador viewed with special interest the develop- ment of the work in the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. It felt encouraged to see that the Great Powers should now "be interested in the conclusion, on a short term basis, of an agreement which would cover all the aspects of the problem. Peaceful Settlements El Salvador was profoundly interested in the item connected with the peaceful solution of international disputes which was again to be discussed at the present session. The Representative of El Salvador "expressed satisfaction" at developments in the United Nations concerning "direct talks" and "negotiation" and said that his Government hoped that the case of Belize (British Honduras) would be solved very rapidly in an "equitable manner", and that it would view" with satisfaction the recognition of the "legitimate aspirations" of Argentina and Spain regarding respectively the Malvinas (Falkland Islands) and Gibraltar. He also expressed the hope that the world Organization would be able to establish a "similar system" to the Pacific Settlement System of the American States (pact of Bogota) which would serve as a juridical framework for the settlement of international disputes. Hon-intervention The Government of El Salvador had "resolutely" supported resolution 21Jl(XX) which proclaimed the inadmissibility of any act of intervention in the domestic affairs of States. This very year, intervention had to be "concretely denounced before the Security Council" by eighteen Latin American countries while the Council of the OAS had adopted a resolution against acts of "open violation" of the principle of non-intervention. It was necessary to demand that other -3- States refrained from organizing, supporting, promoting, financing, instigating or tolerating armed subversive or terrorist activities which were designed to change, "by violent means, the "democratic" regimes of the American States. South-West Africa and Southern Rhodesia The Government of El Salvador considered that the United Nations could not accept South Africa's position regarding the mandate in South-West Africa. The recent judgment of the International Court had not invalidated earlier judgments on the status of the territory. With regard to Southern Rhodesia, El Salvador was opposed to the existence of a "minority regime" which did not take into account the will of the majority, it expressed the hope for the establishment of a regime in Southern Rhodesia based on the self-determination of its people. Vietnam The growing conflict in Vietnam was causing enormous human suffering, and was a problem of the "greatest concern" to mankind. The fervent hope was expressed for the "rapid and just solution" of this grave conflict, bearing in mind the legitimate interests of all those countries which, directly or indirectly, were involved. The "approach" of the United States Representative in the Assembly had opened the door for the "Governments concerned" to negotiate constructively on the need to achieve peace and to restore tranquility in the Far East. Economic Matters The Representative of El Salvador stressed the need for a solution of the problem of terms of trade, so that the developing countries might obtain from their exports of primary commodities "the economic benefits they need" to fulfill their "legitimate aspirations" of progress and prosperity. The practical and effective means of achieving these objectives was to be found in common markets and the economic integration of groups of developing countries, as a sine quo non for these countries to strengthen and better utilize their resources. In this connexion, the Central American Common Market was mentioned as an example of the progress that could be made. El Salvador's Representative expressed the gratitude of his country to the United nations agencies which had assisted and co-operated in the development of the above mentioned Common Jfe.rket. Divided Countries The Government of El Salvador reaffirmed its hope that through peaceful means the unity of Germany would be restored in the light of the "freely expressed aspirations of its inhabitants", on the basis of the principle of self-determination of peoples. It also expressed "identical hopes" in respect of the "reunification"of Korea. CR.13 (4-59) ROUTING SLIP ,
Comments for the record should not be written on this slip. REFERRAL SHEET PT.108 should be used instead. TO: The Secretary-General
APPROVAL X YOUR INFORMATION MAY WE CONFER? AS REQUESTED YOUR SIGNATURE FOR ACTION NOTE AND FILE REPLY FOR MY SIGNATURE NOTE AND RETURN PREPARE DRAFT YOUR COMMENTS ATTACH RELATED PAPERS
DATE: FROM 18 Oct. 1966 AV.E. erenko, 'SC DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND IT October 1966 AND SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS JMQ:pram Political Affairs Division
TWENTY-FIRST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
General Debate
Meeting, 1^ October 1966
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD Meeting No. Ikk2 SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS Ik October 1966 Political Affairs Division JMQrpmm
21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
General Debate
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
The Foreign Minister of the Dominican Republic, Gilberto Herrera Baez, addressed the General Assembly on Ik October 1966 (A/PV.lMj-2). Secretary-General U Thant deserved recognition for his noble and indefatigable efforts in the pursuit of peace. His continuation as Secretary-General was viewed with special interest and satisfaction by the Dominican Republic. Secretary-General's Representative in the Dominican Republic The holding of free elections had fulfilled the fundamental purposes of the Tenth Meeting of Consultation of the Foreign Ministers of American Republics, and the great political crisis which had beset the country had been overcome. The rule of law had been established in the country, and the Government was engaged, with equal determination, in the creation of the economic and social welfare State. Inasmuch as the Inter-American Peace Force had been withdrawn from Dominican territory, the Dominican Government had addressed itself to the United Nations Secretary-General with a view to the revocation of the mandate of Ik May 1965 for the despatch of a representative to the Dominican Republic. Human Rights and Elimination of Racial Intolerance The conclusion of the Draft Covenants of Human Rights represented one of the most outstanding efforts of the United Nations aimed at the international protection of human rights. The Dominican Government considers that the protection of human rights - either jurisdictional or quasi-jurisdictional -; must be entrusted to special organs set up under the Covenants in question. The Dominican Republic will also support vigorously any sanctions against governments that do not honour the principles of human rights and the self-determination of peoples. Likewise it will support votes of censure adopted by the General Assembly against manifestations of racial or religious intolerance. It also urged the completion of the Draft Convention on the elimination of all forms of racial intolerance. -2-
Inter-American Subregional Economic Integration The Dominican Government was grateful for the economic assistance being received, specially from the United States which had granted an increase in its sugar quotas from the Dominican Republic. However, this should only be a first step. A new era in inter-American relations was being ushered with plans for hemispheric cooperation and economic integration. In this connexion, ete American Continent to conflicts similar to the one in Viet-Nam. Something had to te done against the systematic campaign of subversion of democratic American institutions, stimulated and supported "by a country which, having deserted the international community that nurtured the ideals and forces determining its existence, was devoting itself to the task of sowing the seeds of madness throughout the American Continent. ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION T°! The Secretary-General A: FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION XX POUR INFORMATION Date: FROM: DE CR. 13 (LU64) DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS Political Affairs Division 21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate Meeting. 18 October 1966 HONDURAS DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD Meeting No. SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS l8 October Political Affairs Division D. de B/dpa 21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate HONDURAS The representative of Honduras, Dr. Humberto Lopez Villamil, addressed the General Assembly on 18 October 1966 (A/PV. The Secretary-General The Government of Honduras had fully supported all the efforts of the Secretary-General for the cause of international peace and it hoped that the Assembly would persuade him to remain in office, -while helping him to maintain the prestige of the Organization and its "constructive dynamism". Kon- Intervention The American continent was the object of a series of attacks designed to destroy "representative democracy" and its institutions, and Latin America was now suffering its consequences. Efforts in this regard by infiltration, terrorism, assassination and other means, which were no more no less than a "permanent state of genocide" , constituted acts contrary to the principles of the Charter and contravened the provisions of resolution 21J1(XX) . Colonialism Honduras had supported and continued to support the position of Guatemala in its "historic claims" over Belize (British Honduras). It had also given its support to "claims" of Spain, over Gibraltar, and had likewise supported Argentina in its "rights" over the Malvinas (Falkland) Islands. — 2 — Apartheid Honduras at no time could favour discrimination, which it considered "intolerable", whatever its motives. For this reason it could at no time accept the policy of apartheid maintained by South Africa, both on its own territory and in South West Africa. Such a policy was contrary to the principles of the United Nations. South West Africa The "juridical condition" of the South African Mandate over South West Africa had been the object of substantial changes in Chapter XII of the United Nations Charter. In not fulfilling its obligations under the U.N. Trusteeship System, South Africa had exposed itself to the revocation of the Mandate. Viet-Ham The present war in Viet-Nam moved the conscience of all mankind. The road to peace would not be found if the "contending parties" were labelled in advance as "angels" and "devils". Only "constructive negotiations", in which the two sides were prepared to agree to a cease-fire and to guarantee the "independence" of South Viet-Nam and its right to self-determination, ' could lead to the kind of solution the whole civilized world awaited. Regional Arrangements Though the small countries had found, in their international relations, a greater sense of responsibility in their common ties within a world organization such as the United Nations, their immediate interests achieved more coherent objectives through regional agreements as the system of the Organization of American States, the functioning of which was compatible with the United Nations Charter. Honduras, in the fulfillment of its duty in defence of the American system, had participated in the "Inter-American Peace Force" which had been an act of "collective solidarity". Regarding charges that had condemned the Force as "interventionist aggression" the Dominican people, of its own volition, had given an answer to the charges, demonstrating once again that free elections were the most genuine expression of a nation's will. - 3 - Economic integration Honduras had made the "supreme effort" to contribute to the integration of the Central American Common Market,which, by reason of its acceleration, had not uniformly favoured Honduras, though a more just treatment was now in sight. It remained devoted to the task of achieving complete economic integration among the countries of the isthmus. It also supported the initiative of a meeting of Heads of State of the Americas in order to make more effective the purposes of the continental programme designed to accelerate development within Latin America and to lead to its economic integration. •The Cisne (Swan) Islands The Cisne Islands belonged to Honduras because of "geographic proximity", because of discovery and "through legitimate succession" of Spain, and the "express declaration" of United States officials that they had never exercised acts of sovereignty over the islands. The authorities and citizens of the United States, lacking any "legitimate right" and with no more title than "mere occupation" were usurping "Honduran territory". The Government of Honduras hoped that the Special Committee entrusted with the task of examining the situation with respect to the application of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples would study the case of Honduras with respect to the Islands. DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD 20 October 1966 SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS JMQrpmn Political Affairs Division TWENTY-FIRST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate 1446th Meeting, 19 October 1966 CUBA DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD Meeting No. 3M6 SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIBS JMQ:pmm Political Affairs Division l8 Octoter 1966 21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate CUBA The Foreign Minister of Cuba, Dr. Raul Boa, addressed the General Assembly on 18 October 1966 (A/PV.1U6). Universality - China, GDB The Cuban delegation will, as before, insist upon the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, and the expulsion of the followers of Chiang Kai-shek from all positions it has usurped. The principle of universality must be fully implemented in the United Nations, and therefore the delegation of Cuba requests the admission to the Organization of the German Democratic Republic. Disarmament On the basis of principle, the Cuban delegation has been supporting general and complete disarmament under international control, the cessation of thermo-nuclear tests of all forms, and the absolute prohibition of the manu- facture and stockpiling of nuclear and thermc-nuclear weapons and their total destruction. Little or nothing has been done, however, towards achieving these goals, except for some steps that are more apparent than real. Obviously, in the present circumstances, discussions on disarmament become somewhat Utopian since the predominant note in the international situation today is the increasingly stubborn struggle between imperialism and people. In the present state of affaris, what should logically be the subject of debate is the armed aggression of imperialism against people, the dismantling of aggressive bases and the abrogation of military pacts such as the so-called "inter-American Wato", and to oppose the creation of the "Inter-American Permanent Force". There is a general anxiety regarding conventional weapons but the Cuban delegation believes that a clear difference existed between those who manufacture weapons to defend themselves and those who produce them for purposes of attack. The -2- Cuban revolutionary people supported unreservedly the peoples who, in many parts of the world, were carrying on the struggle to defend their independence. Denuclearization of Latin America Cuba has already declared that it would only consider this proposal if it included the denuclearization of the only nuclear Power in the Western Hemisphere, and thus the abolition of its military bases in Panama and Puerto Rico and its naval base at Guantanamo, The Cuban delegation must reaffirm the fact that "The people and the revolutionary government of Cuba reserve the right to use what weapons we require to preserve our defence, regardless of the nature of those weapons. Ve have never committed ourselves, nor will we do so, to anything that will limit our defensive capacity, even if only potential..." Colonialism and Apartheid Despite the resolutions adopted by the United Nations there are still nations subject to colonialism. The Cuban delegation reiterates its total support for the peoples of the so-called Portuguese Guinea, Angola, Mozambique, Aden, Cman and all those who are struggling to emancipate themselves from the foreign yoke. Cuba also wishes to state its solidarity with the peoples of South Africa, Rhodesia and South West Africa subjugated by fascist white settler minorities. Likewise, it condemns the repugnant policy of apartheid and supports the Arab States in their search for a just solution to the problem of Palestine. The General Assembly resolutions on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples must be implemented immediately. Economic Questions Experience has shown that the positions which in 1964 blocked the adoption of certain concrete measures to assist the under-developed countries still persist, and not the slightest intention is manifested to implement the principles and recommendations contained in the Final Act of the UWCTAD. In the specific case of sugar - a product of vital importance to the Cuban economy - the developed countries had refused to allow greater participation to the under-developed exporting countries in the increase in consumption. This had been one of the main reasons that led to the failure of the Sugar Conference. The under-developed countries cannot be forced to carry the weight of the crisis that is caused by the developed countries' policies of domestic subsidies and discrimination. The under-developed countries must stand firmly behind the principles and recommendations agreed upon in 1964, and not yield to / .*• -3- the pressures that are being exercised upon them to accept a handful of crumbs instead of strengthening their dependent and backward economies. Other Questions Viet-Nam The international situation has become worse since the last session of the General Assembly. In South East Asia the world is at present witnessing intervention and aggression by "United States imperialism". The Cuban delegation categorically opposes any type of interference by the United Nations in the question of Viet-Nam. An effective contribution by the Organization to the re-establishment of peace and security in South East Asia would be to support the legitimate claims of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam, which are supported by the Revolutionary Government of Cuba, which had repeatedly expressed its readiness to send volunteers when these are requested. Those claims are the immediate suspension of the bombing raids on the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, the withdrawal of United States forces from Viet-Nam, and the strict compliance with the Geneva Accords. Laos and Cambodia Cuba supports the struggles of the peoples of Laos and Cambodia for the right to forge their own future without hindrance and without submission. South Korea "Yankee imperialism" maintains the military occupation of South Korea, which it has turned into virtually a colony and a base for aggression against the Asian peoples. The peaceful reunification of the arbitrarily divided Korean nation is a matter for the Korean people and not a question for the United Nations to solve. The only question which should be raised in the Organization is the immediate withdrawal of the forces which, hiding behind the United Nations banner, illegally occupy the Southern part of Korea. Consequently, Cuba will co-sponsor a draft resolution to that effect, and also designed to terminate the so-called UNCURK, and to cease interference of the United Nations in the domestic affairs of Korea. Independence of Puerto Rico 4 ! In connexion with its struggle, against colonialism, Cuba wishes to raise the question of the independence of the sister island of Puerto Rico. The United States Government continues to try to keep this question out of the agenda -u- of the UN General Assembly. However, if one was consistently anti-colonialist one had to call for the abolition of the colonial domination of the United States over Puerto Rico. The Cuban delegation feels that, consistent with the principles of the Charter and the anti-colonialist resolutions which it had adopted, the General Assembly must define its position on this question. The Cuban Government since last year had been working for the inclusion of the case of Puerto Rico in the agenda of the Special Committee on Decolonization. This request had been also made by the forty-seven States that met in the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Nations. Consideration of this question had been so far postponed but the Cuban delegation wishes this question to be raised without further delay. The Trieontinental Conference The First Conference of Solidarity of the Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America,held in Havana in January of this year, sealed the solidarity of the movements of national liberation in the three Continents, defining a common line in the struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. The revolutionary Government of Cuba wishes to declare its full support for the agreements reached at the Trieontinental Conference. An outcome of the Conference was the creation of the "Latin American Organization of Solidarity", a regional organization to strengthen the ties and consolidate the mutual support of the various- organizations and popular movements in Latin America. Reactionary leaders in the region have objected to the Conference and alleged violation of the principle of non-intervention. Such leaders had no moral authority, however, since they were themselves accomplices of "American imperialism" in its flagrant violations of the principle of non-interference. That is why the draft resolution such leaders were preparing against the Trieontinental Conference and against Cuba would boomerang against its authors. ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TO* The Secretary-General A; FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION X POUR INFORMATION Date: 2 EfOV. 1966 CR. 13 (11-64) DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS Political Affairs Division VIEWS IN THE GENERAL DEBATE GENERAL ASSEMBLY - 21ST SESSION LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES VIEWS IN THE GENERAL DEBATE GENERAL ASSEMBLY - 21ST SESSION LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES General 1. Latin American countries' attitudes manifested in the General Assembly during the General Debate confirmed, on the whole, basic positions which have been maintained with regard to political and security issues covered by the Assembly's agenda. This year, however, there was a more general approach to specific questions or issues which seems to suggest a greater degree of flexibility and a sense of realism vis-a-vis the possibilities of United Nations action. There was also perhaps a clearer realization of the role that Latin America can play with regard to UK major engagements in the political field. TMs was illustrated by the inter- vention of the Latin American group in the subsequent handling of the South West Africa issue, though participation in the General Debate had not given a definite intimation of forthcoming moves, as it was said, for finding generally acceptable formulae. In the case of Cuba, there was a strong-reiteration of past policy and previous attitudes regarding its "anti-imperialist position" on the basis of what was characterized as an "independent", "clear" and "straight-forward" approach. 2. Little mention was made in the general statements of the Chinese question, either in its traditional context of a problem of "representation" or in any other context. As a result, there were only some references of support for universality of membership as a general aim, and a brief reference by Chile linking the principle of universality to the problem of Vietnam. Only Uruguay and Cuba made clear-cut references to the question, with Cuba supporting the representation of the People*s Republic of China in the United Nations, and Uruguay ruling out continental China's "admission" so long as it showed no desire to fulfill loyally and in good faith the international duties required by the Charter. 3. With reference to Vietnam, participation by the Latin American countries would seem to have confirmed that this question, though not on the Assembly*s agenda, haunts the session as one of the centre pieces of debate. It was dealt with, in one way or another, by almost all Latin American States. Most of the statements were expressions of hope that the problem would be settled on the basis of the principle of "self-determination of peoples", the use of "appropriate means", and recognition of "legitimate interests" of countries directly or indirectly involved. -2- 4. As in the past, individual Latin American countries paid special attention to specific issues of particular concern to each one of them. In this connexion, relevant statements were made by Guatemala regarding Belize (British Honduras); "by Argentina regarding the Malvinas (Falkland Islands); "by Venezuela regarding Guyana; and by Bolivia and Paraguay regarding their condition as land- locked countries. In the case of Honduras, its Representative raised the question of the Cisne (Swan) Islands which were claimed as "Honduran territory", with an expression of hope that the Special Committee of 2k would consider this matter. 5. A main characteristic of the Latin American participation in the General Debate was the added emphasis on economic questions, which was couched in more deliberate expressions of criticism of the international economic and financial system, and of concern at the limited support which under-developed countries have been receiving towards the solution of their economic problems. 6. There were many reiterations of support for the UH Charter and its purposes and principles, and for the Organization, but there were also indications of renewed interest, by such key countries as Argentina and Brazil, in the potentialities and the possible role of regional organization within both a political and economic context, without affecting, however, rights and obligations under the UN Charter. Resume 7. A relevant resume of major points in the General Debate relating to the Secretary-General, to political and security issues and to economic matters follows. The Secretary-General 8. With regard to the Secretary-General, the Latin American group gave its unanimous support for his continuation of service, reiterating with emphasis the appeal that had been made in this regard previous to the opening of the General Assembly session. Disarmament 9« The question of disarmament was dealt with specifically in the statements of Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Venezuela. 10. Most of the statements reiterated support for "general and complete" disarma- ment under international control, though several members expressed dismay at the limited progress in disarmament negotiations, while others contrasted the vast amounts devoted to armaments and the immense requirements in the struggle against disease, illiteracy and hunger. -3- 11. A nuclear non-proliferation treaty received substantial support, but there were nuances in the evaluation of conditions that would make such a treaty fully effective. The position of Brazil was that non-proliferation could not "be assured "by a veto of the nuclear Powers as it was really dependent upon voluntary surrender by non-nuclear Powers of their possibilities of eventually joining the "Atomic Club" through their own efforts. - Brazil, therefore, emphasized the need of a completely trustworthy framework of legal and material guarantees that would justify such a surrender. Mexico gave a prominent role to the need of establishing an acceptable balance of responsibilities and mutual obligations for nuclear States and non-nuclear States. It therefore favoured inclusion in a treaty on non- proliferation of a commitment by the nuclear Powers not to use nuclear weapons and not to threaten to use them against States on whose soil these instruments of destruction did not exist. Chile considered non-proliferation as the most important measure within the framework of general disarmament, but it also expressed the view that it would not be possible to put a brake on the nuclear race unless nuclear armaments were destroyed. In the view of El Salvador, there was an obligation and an urgent need to make all States, in particular the nuclear powers, adopt measures to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, while Peru emphasized certain political factors determining the lack of a decision on world disarmament. 12. ¥ith regard to the denuclearization of Latin America, there was also general support from Latin American countries but it should be noted that the debate confirmed some disagreement on ways and means of accomplishing denuclearization. Mexico reiterated its position that the co-operation expected from the nuclear Powers consisted only in the fact that these Powers would comply with a general obligation derived from the UK Charter, while Venezuela insisted on more definite commitments regarding guarantees for the denuclearization of the area. In this connexion, Venezuela pointed out that a treaty on denuclearization would not be operative unless on the one hand it had the participation of all the countries of the region and, on the other, respect for the terms of the treaty would be guaranteed by the nuclear Powers. 13« Cuba gave support, in principle, to general and complete disarmament under international control, cessation of thermo-nuclear tests and destruction of nuclear weapons, but it also emphasized its view that the predominant note in the international situation was the struggle between "imperialism and people". It attacked "armed aggression" of "imperialism", it favoured the dismantling of bases and the abrogation of military pacts. With regard to denuclearization of Latin -it- America, it reiterated its position that it would consider the proposal if it should include "the only nuclear Power" in the Western Hemisphere and thus the abolition of its military bases in Panama andPuerto Rico and its naval base at Guantanamo« Peace-keeping 14. The subject of peace-keeping was mentioned by Brazil, Chile, Colombia, El Salvador and Mexico. In this connexion,'support was given to peace-keeping through the United Nations, but the deadlock regarding payment of costs was noted and the reiteration was made of the need for a settlement of the problem, particularly in its financial aspects. Brazil expressed the view that the time had come to acknowledge frankly that there was little or no hope of arriving at a satisfactory conclusion and that the only realistic approach was to carry out a reform of the Charter framing explicit rules on peace-keeping operations. In addition, Brazil made an explicit reference to a recent regional peace-keeping operation, praising the "timely and efficient intervention of the regional organiz- ation" . Argentina expressed the view that the world Organization had to recognize the existence of intermediate groups of States, though, it said, regional action should be carried out within the framework of the Charter. On the other hand, in the view of Chile, establishment and strengthening of UN peace-keeping machinery was the best guarantee against the "abusive" use of power, and inasmuch as peace was the responsibility of "all peoples", Chile accepted the concept of establishing a peace force "under the control of the United Nations". Hon-Intervent ion 15. The issue of non-intervention was singled out by Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras, Paraguay and Peru, in general terms or within the context of the Havana Tri-Continental Conference and subsequent developments allegedly linked with it. For its part, Cuba declared its full support for the agreements reached at the Tri-Continental Conference and questioned the validity of alleged violation of the principle of non-intervention. Decolonization 16. Argentina expressed support for the process of decolonization, and for the legitimate rights of Spain over Gibraltar. A similar position was maintained by Ecuador. However, Argentina expressed the hope that careful attention would be given to conditions for the effective existence of new nations, implying thereby a cautious warning against the development of "mini-states". Colombia reiterated -5- support for General Assembly and Security Council recommendations regarding Southern Rhodesia, while Uruguay supported the application of certain mandatory sanctions of an economic nature against the regime of Salisbury. Cuba confirmed its "anti-colonialist" posture and reiterated its total support for the people of so-called Portuguese Guinea, Angola, Mozambique, Aden, Oman and "all those who struggle to emancipate themselves". It also raised again the question of the independence of Puerto Rico and requested consideration of this question by United nations organs. Apartheid and South West Africa iy. The issues of apartheid and South West Africa were mentioned during the Debate by several members of the Latin American group, emphasizing either the human rights or the political and legal aspects of the issues. Colombia expressed willingness to second or even initiate decisive effective measures against practices of apartheid, and expressed the view that South West Africa should be subject to UN administration. Costa Rica, Ecuador, Haiti, Honduras and Venezuela also rejected the policy of apartheid, while both Uruguay and El Salvador maintained that the recent judgment of the International Court on South West Africa had not invalidated earlier judgments on the status of the territory. Cuba also condemned the policy of apartheid, and it expressed its solidarity with the peoples of South Africa and South West Africa. Vietnam 18. Concern for the conflict in Vietnam was unanimously expressed by the Latin American countries during the General Debate. Some Members welcomed the recent encyclical of Pope Paul VI regarding maintenance of peace and security of the human family, as well as the three-point proposal advanced by the Secretary-General. US proposals on Vietnam, submitted during the debate, were attributed "particular importance" by Argentina, and were considered by Uruguay "a significant contribution", while Chile expressed the view that reply to such proposals should not be "evasive". Specific support for the US proposals was given by Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic, while El Salvador and Uruguay maintained that they had opened the door for negotiations. Mexico said it did not seem that the United Nations was at present in a position to intervene effectively, and favoured exhorting those who bore the major responsibility to keep open "all channels of communication", while Guatemala and Uruguay expressed the view that the United Nations should not remain indifferent. In fact, Guatemala, after questioning the validity of reasons invoked to justify the non-involvement of the United Nations, and though in favour of avoiding a debate on the substance of the matter, suggested a decision by the -6- Assembly, without debate, which might support a mandate given to the Secretary- General. Cuba attacked the "intervention" and "aggression" by "US imperialism", and supported the position of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam. It reiterated readiness to send volunteers whenever requested, and supported immediate suspension of bombing, withdrawal of US forces and strict compliance with the Geneva Agreements. Economic matters 19« The General Debate showed a unity of views on the part of the Latin American countries with regard to economic matters. It was without exception one of the main points mentioned in the debate, with particular emphasis on questions of trade and financing of development. The statements made also showed substantial support for economic integration, either on a regional or sub-regional basis. Specific positions included support for a Latin American common market, and for current efforts carried out by the Latin American Free Trade Association and the Central American Common Market. Close and intelligent co-operation was called for by Brazil between the fully developed and less developed States, rather than a "class struggle" between nations, while Mexico urged compliance with the recommendations of the Geneva Conference on Trade and Development. Mexico also favoured the granting of priority or preferences to the poorer countries, while Argentina supported a reform of the international monetary system and demanded special attention for problems of financial assistance. For Chile the problem of development should have first priority in the process of bringing about peace, and it therefore favoured a decision of a political nature by industrialized nations• Colombia emphasized the dangerous degree of stagnation, particularly with regard to the relations between the industrialized countries and those who live precariously from their basic commodities, while Ecuador spoke of "industrial aggression" by the developed countries in limiting prices and in trying to decrease purchases abroad by producing themselves the products of the developing countries. Uruguay supported economic collaboration, justice in price levels for raw materials, and an international trade system based on equity and not on exploitation, while Panama favoured a new system of economic integration and the rights of nations to their own natural resources. Cuba attacked the "policy of the more developed countries", and urged the under-developed countries to stand firmly behind the principles and recommendations of the Geneva Conference on Trade and Development which, it was said, scarcely met "the minimum demands". -7- Other questions 20. References to divided countries and to their reunification were made "by Argentina, Chile and El Salvador. Argentina supported the right of the Federal Republic of Germany to represent the entire German people, while Chile and El Salvador supported reunification as a result of self-determination. El Salvador also expressed "identical hopes" in respect of the reunification of Korea. Cuba supported the admission to the United nations of the German Democratic Republic, as well as withdrawal of forces from "South Korea" and the termination of UHCURK. DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AHD SECUBCTY COUNCIL AFFAIRS 26 Septeniber 1966 Political Affairs Division D de B/mm 21ST SESSION OF THE GEHEML ASSMBLY General Debate COLOMBIA DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD Meeting No. SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS 26 Septerriber Political Affairs Division D dg B:mm 21ST SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY General Debate COLOMBIA The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia, Dr« German Zea, addressed the General Assembly on 26 September 1966 (A/PV.l4l6). Secretary-Getteral The Foreign Minister expressed the hope that the Secretary-General would reconsider his position regarding a second term and would think over the scope which the new service being asked from him might have in the cause of peace * Disarmament The Foreign Minister said that the obstinacy of the great Powers in not yielding on matters that could be overcome if analyzed with a genuine and deep desire to find intelligent solutions, had led to a situation where both general and complete disarmament and the possibility of using the gigantic sums being consumed in the armaments race in thebattle to liberate vast areas of the world from under-development, were now considered as "unattainable ideals". Peace-keeping operations The Minister recalled the resolution "Uniting for Peace", and said that political interests had kept it from becoming fully operative. The Organization, he added, was yet very far from being capable - without having to depend upon the caprice of the great Powers and political circumstances - of exercising with regularity and decisive force its indispensable function of doing away with the danger of war, of punishing aggressors, and eliminating threats to peace* Southern Africa The Minister for Foreign Affairs said that the systematic violation of human rights in Southern Africa was an "affront" to mankind. Practices of apartheid, he said, should be eliminated once and for all. Colombia was prepared to second, even initiate, decisive and effective measures against such systems of government. The Colombian Government, he added, had adopted -2- provisions in Implementation of General Assembly and Security Council recommendations regarding Southern Rhodesia. With reference to the question of South-West Africa, the Minister for Foreign Affairs reiterated the view expressed at the last session, namely that that Territory should be subject to United Hations administration. Non-intervention The Foreign Minister, after recalling resolution 213l(XX) on the inadmissibility of intervention in the domestic affairs of States and the protection of their independence and sovereignty, said that despite the resolution there had been open attempts to intervene in the internal affairs of other States. In this connexion he mentioned the convening of "inter-continental Conferences" whose "openly expressed" objective, he pointed out, was to give "moral and material support" to seditious movements. Economic matters The Foreign Minister said that the true strategy of peace was to be found in a harmonious and integral solution of the grave economic problems in the various areas of the world. One of the greatest international problems today, he went on, was the growing gap between the rich and poor nations. There was, he added, a dangerous degree of stagnation, particularly with regard to the relations betwween the industrialized countries and those which lived precariously from their basic commodities. He referred to the Bogota Declaration signed on 16 August by the Presidents of Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, and said that the Declaration contained a clear and constructive statement of purpose: to bring about the integration of the Latin American nations in a great economic community. ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TO: The Secretary-General FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION X POUR INFORMATION Date: 9 November 1966 CR. 13 (11-64) CONFIDENTIAL 7 November 1966 JMQ:ms NOTE ON LATIN AMERICAN AFFAIBS OCTOBER 1966 7 November 1966 JMQ:ms NOTE OH LATIN AMERICAN AFFAIRS OCTOBER 1966 I. General Comments 1. In spite of recent agreements to accelerate the process of regional economic Integration, as manifested in the Bogota Declaration of IT August, and the informal consultation of Foreign Ministers held in New York, 21-25 September, the prevailing situation in Latin America during the month of October appeared to be still lacking in stability, unity and co-ordination. In the course of negotiations to arrive at the proposed Conference of Heads of State, deep divergence of opinions were in evidence, and the preparations have not advanced satisfactorily. Uncertainty seems also to exist as to whether the Summit Conference or the Third Special Inter-American Conference will be held first. The question of the Inter-American Permanent Force continues to raise divergent viewpoints both as to whether it should be established and, if so, whether it should function as a police force or as a result of the co-ordination of action by the Hemisphere armed forces. Political trends towards the right continued in the latin American region with the partiamentary election of President Marshal Costa e Silva in Brazil on 5 October, and the success of the Rightist Front in the elections for the Constituent Assembly of Ecuador on 16 October. On the other hand, revolutionary guerrilla warfare continued in Colombia, Guatemala and Venezuela, and a wave of strikes by workers and university students caused unrest in Argentina, Colombia, Chile, Nicaragua, Peru and Uruguay. 2. The action of President Castello Branco on 20 October in recessing the Brazilian Congress, to end defiance by some of its members of his powers to remove members of Congress, was a political setback in the process towards constitutional democracy in Brazil, while in Venezuela an abortive attempt at a military coup, on 30 October, was added to the unrest produced by the guerrillas. A tense situation has also developed between Bolivia and Chile, which do not maintain diplomatic relations since Bolivia severed them in 1962 over the Lauca River frontier dispute. 3» In the Dominican Republic, upon request of the Government, the United Nations mission was being withdrawn. The situation in the country is not completely calm, and the OAS Ad Hoc Committee, after consultations with the Government, decided to remain in existence. - 2 - II. Latin American attitudes in. the United Nations - k. In the course of the current XXI session of the General Assembly, the Latin American countries, in a significant move relating to the role they can play with regard to major United Nations engagements in the political field, joined the countries of Africa and Asia in voting in favour of a draft resolution concerning the future of South West Africa, which was adopted on 27 October, after it had been revised through amendments proposed by 19 Latin-American States, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. 5. With reference to Viet-Nam, statements made in the General Debate by most of the Latin American countries reflected both concern for the conflict and its possible consequences, and hope that a peaceful solution may be achieved on the basis of the principle of "self-determination of peoples" and the recognition of "legitimate interests" of countries directly or indirectly involved. 6. There was also general support for plans for the denuclearization of Latin America but the Assembly debate confirmed the existence of some disagreement as to the possibility of an early accomplishment of that goal. Aside from the divergence of views concerning the question of "guarantees" from the nuclear Powers, Cuba reiterated on 18 October that the proposal for denuclearization could only be considered if it included the denuclearization of the only nuclear Power in the Western Hemisphere, which involved the elimination of U.S. bases in the Caribbean area.. 7. Concern over the Havana Tri-Continental Conference and subsequent developments allegedly linked with it showed a clear cleavage among the Latin American countries. Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras, Paraguay and Peru referred to the matter in the context of the principle of non-intervention which, they charged, was being violated by the resolutions of the Havana Conference and their aftermath. For its part, Cuba declared its full support for the agreements reached at the Tri-Continental Conference and questioned the violation of the principle of non-intervention claimed by leaders of countries who were considered to be accomplices of "American imperialism" in its flagrant violations of the principle of non-interference. 8. Special attention was paid by the Latin American countries to specific issues of their own immediate concern. In this connexion, statements were made concerning I/ A detailed analysis of the attitudes of the Latin American countries appears in the Special Note submitted on 1 November 1966. - 3 - the claims of Argentina regarding the.Malvinas (Falkland) Islands; of Bolivia and Paraguay regarding their conditions as land-locked countries; of Guatemala with regard to Belize (British Honduras); of Honduras with regard to the Cisne (Swan) Islands; and of Venezuela regarding its dispute with Guyana. Cuba raised the question of the independence of Puerto Rico and requested consideration of the matter "by the Special Committee of Twenty-four. 9. A substantial unity of.views with regard to economic questions was shown in the General Debate. The main points mentioned in this respect concerned trade and financing of development. The statements made also showed support for plans of economic integration either on a regional or sub-regional basis, with special reference to the Latin-American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) and the Central American common market. Demands were made for the implementation of the recommen- dations of the Geneva Conference on Trade and Development of I96b, and expressions of hope were stated with regard to the U.K. Industrial Development Organization, which will be soon established. III. Inter-American Relations A, The proposed Summit Conference 10. Negotiations concerning the preparation of the Conference of Heads of State of the Western Hemisphere seem to have reached a stalemate after the installation, on 11 October, of the Preparatory Committee of the OAS Council. Diplomatic observers in Washington held that a considerable uncertainty existed with regard to whether the XI Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers, which is to be held for the purpose of approving an agenda, could take place before 19 December, since prior to that meeting there are a great number of substantive and procedural problems that have to be solved, 11. The proposed Summit Conference apparently is not likely to be held before the end of March or the beginning of April 1967 since presidential elections are due to take place in El Salvador and Nicaragua in the month of February, and" Brazil and Uruguay will inaugurate their new Presidents in March. 12. A serious political problem arose when, on 8 October, President Rene Barrientos of Bolivia declared at a press conference in La Paz that Bolivia would not participate in the proposed Summit Conference unless the agenda of the conference were to include the question of Bolivia's access to the sea, and unless the matter would be duly considered in accordance with the unanimous wishes of the Bolivian people. This attitude, as well as other problems such as the Ecuadorean claims concerning her border with Peru - if it were1 also to be raised - could, in the view of diplomatic observers, ruin the possibility of the actual holding of a conference of Presidents at any future time. 13. Oil the other hand, consultations started in Washington, on 4 October, with several prominent Latin American economists regarding certain items which should be included in the agenda of the Presidents' Conference. Among this group of con- sultants are Felipe Herrera, Chairman of the Inter-American Development Bank; Carlos Saenz de Santamaria, Chairman of the Inter-American Committee for the Alliance for Progress; Raul Prebisch, Secretary-General of UHCTAD; and Jose Antonio Mayobre, Executive Secretary of the U.W. Economic Commission for Latin America. 1^. The Preparatory Committee of the OAS Council, under the presidency of its Chairman Ilmar Penna Marinho of Brazil, has established two sub-committees: one to deal with the strengthening of the Alliance for Progress, and the other to consider approaches to economic integration. 15. In connexion with the procedure announced for the Summit Conference, a suggestion has been made in an influential Mexican Foreign Trade publication -2.1 to the effect that "since the fundamental problems of Latin American integration are incontrovertibly the concern of Latin America, and Latin America is one clearly circumscribed area and the United States another, it would seem obvious that there should be an indispensable prior meeting of Latin American Presidents who would establish a common position as a basis for negotiation with the United States". As an alternative, the publication further suggested that the Latin American Foreign Ministers attending the U.N, General Assembly in ITew York could "concert among them a meeting where the same imperative common denominator would be arrived at as a prerequisite for the Presidents' meeting". B. The date for the. Third Special Inter-American Conference 16. On 7 October, the Council of the Organization of American States unanimously adopted a resolution under which the date of the Third Special Inter-American Conference, due to meet in Buenos Aires to consider amendments to the OAS; Charter, will be determined ten days after the formal decision of the XI Meeting of Consultation to convoke the Summit Conference or, at the latest, before 10 January 1967. Such .determination will be made by the OAS Council in consultation with the Government of Argentina. £/ "Comercio Exterior de Mexico", publication of the Banco Wacional de Comercio Exterior, S.A., Vol. XII, No.9, September 1966, p.7. - 5 - 17. The Third Special Inter-American Conference had been originally scheduled to meet in Buenos Aires on 29 August last but was indefinitely postponed by the OAS Council shortly after the establishment of the new Argentine regime. 18. It is generally assumed that the date and the site of the Summit Conference might be decided upon next December, and although no decision has been taken as to which of the two conferences should be held first, it seems to be understood that the Conference of Heads of State would take place first, in which case probably the Buenos Aires Conference would not meet before July 1967. The possibility cannot be excluded, however, that due to the difficulties encountered in the preparatory work for the Summit Conference, it may be eventually decided to hold the Inter-American Conference before the Summit Conference. Among the suggested amendments to the OAS Charter there are, nevertheless, such controversial issues as those of "compulsory economic co-operation" and of "military co-operation" through an Inter-American Peace Force, which still cause the greatest divergence of opinion on the Continent. C. The proposed Inter-American Permanent Force 19. The visits of Brazilian Foreign Minister, Juracy Magalhaes, to the capitals of Chile, Bolivia, Argentina and Uruguay (10-22 October 1966) gave rise to speculations that in his consultations with the Foreign Ministers and other officials of the Governments of these countries he would try to persuade them to accept the proposal for the establishment of an Inter-American Permanent Force. In the course of his trip, Mr. Magalhaes reiterated the Brazilian view that the IAPF could only be established on the basis of a favourable agreement among the governments of the Latin American nations. He further stated that Brazil considers the convenience of clarifying the extension arid consequences of the concept of collective security so that necessary measures be adopted through the free and unanimous agreement of the nations of the Western Hemisphere. 20. According to the Argentine pro-Government, right-wing, weekly, Azul y Blanco. a theoretical dissension exists between the Argentine and the United States approaches to the idea of establishing the IAPF. The Argentine plan, vigorously supported by President Ongania, would be based on a co-ordination of the national armed forces of the countries in the Hemisphere, which should jointly work out a military doctrine and designate their respective contingents and equipment so that in a given contingency, and after a decision of the respective governments, they could under- take a joint action. On the other hand, the United States' plan, recently reiterated - 6 - by U.S, Defence Secretary Robert McNamara, would copy the NATO scheme which, within the Western Hemisphere, would really mean the setting up of an international armed force under United States control. Thus, the main distinction between both conceptions would seem to lie in the functions attributed to joint operative forces. While the United States would envisage a permanent police force, the Argentine conception would be based on the co-ordination of the Hemisphere armed forces, 21. On 15 October, a high-ranking State Department official declared -3/ that the United States would not raise the question of the Force at the Summit Conference, although its Government considered the IAPF to be a good idea which had by no means been discarded. He remarked, however, that the main subjects of the Summit meeting would be Inter-American economic co-operation and integration, and the implementation of the programmes of the Alliance for Progress. 22. On 2k October, the Chilean Foreign Minister, Gabriel Valdez, reiterated his Government's opposition to the creation of an Inter-American Permanent Force on the basis of respect for the principle of non-intervention which, he stated, vas "fundamental in international life, and particularly so in inter~American relations". 25. On 25 October, the Argentine Foreign Minister, Hicanor Costa Mendez, in answering a question put to him at the Association of Foreign Correspondents, in Buenos Aires, stated that Argentina considered that participation in the proposed Force should result, in each and every instance, from a national decision. Such participation cannot be agreed upon in advance. Each country, on each occasion, should freely decide whether or not to participate in a joint action. Therefore, he concluded, Argentina does not envisage as yet the advisability of the establish- ment of an Inter-American Permanent Force. D. Seventh Annual Conference of Commanders of the Armies of the American States 2k. In connexion with plans for co-ordination of the national armed forces in the Western Hemisphere, the Seventh Annual Conference of Commanders of the Armies of the American States opened in Buenos Aires on 29 October. It is due to conclude on 7 November. The heads of the armies of sixteen of the American Republics are attending the Buenos Aires Conference. Costa Rica, Haiti and Venezuela are not represented. The first five annual Hemisphere military conferences were held in the United States, the Sixth took place last year in Lima, and after the current Diario Las Americas. Miami, Fla., Ik October 1966. — T — Buenos Aires Conference, it has been agreed that the 1967 Conference will be held in Bolivia, and the 1968 Conference in Brazil. 25. The agenda of the Buenos Aires military conference includes problem of continental defence and security, Communist infiltration, and the armies' con- tribution to national development and welfare. The conference has been officially described as being of a "technical" nature, not political. IV. Intra-Reglonal Relations A. Meeting _of Heads of State of Bolivia and Peru 2.6. In what was considered to be a significant step towards inter-American sub-regional integration, Presidents Rene Barrientos of Bolivia and Fernando Belaunde Terry of Peru held a three-day meeting (15-17 October 1966), travelling together through various parts of the jungle region of Peru, a sector of the Continent still largely unexploited. In a joint communique Issued on 17 October at the end of the meeting, reference was made to co-operation in common objectives of economic development, including (l) the conclusion of the 1,550-mile "Bolivarian Marginal Highway", on the foothills of the Andes Mountains, and bordering the Amazon jungle basin, (2) the building of a highway linking La Paz, the Bolivian capital in the Andes with a Peruvian port in the Pacific Ocean, thus giving a sea access to land-locked Bolivia, (j) the joint use of the Titicaca Lake waters, and of the rivers running across the common borderline, (U) the building of an oilduct through Peruvian territory to a port in the Pacific, thus complementing the oil- duct existing between Bolivia and Chile, and (5) other projects concerning rail and road communications between Bolivia and Peru. For some of these projects both governments agreed to initiate concurrent requests for financial aid from inter- national credit Institutions. Both Heads of State remarked in their declarations that the union between both countries was not an "aggressive union" against any other country, but should rather inspire hope for the whole American Continent. B. Meeting__pf Heads_of State of Bolivia and Brazil 27. At the end of an official visit to Brazil (2U-28 October), President Barrientos of Bolivia joined President Castello Branco of Brazil in a statement issued In Rio de Janeiro in which mention was made of the concordance of views of both governments on several international problems, including the peaceful use of atomic energy in Latin America. They also proclaimed the need of intensifying the development of the Amazon region, and of promoting Latin American economic integration. Recognizing - 8 - that some of Bolivia's problems result from its lack of access to the sea, it was declared that a solution to that problem should "be sought in accordance with inter- American co-operation and solidarity. 28. In his speech welcoming President Barrientos to Brasilia, on 2^ October, President Castello Branco stated that both countries had to follow the road of intensive co-operation in bilateral and multilateral agreements, especially concerning economy and trade. For Brazil, as well as for Bolivia, development was the master key to the solution of all their problems, he added. C, Meeting of Heads of State of Honduras and Mexico 29. The Presidents of Honduras, General Oswaldo Lopez A., and of Mexico, Gustavo Diaz Ordaz, issued a joint communique on 28 October, at the end of the former's visit to Mexico. They stated that the proposed Summit Conference should produce "concrete results" to effectively strengthen inter-American economic, social and cultural co-operation, in accordance with the OAS Charter and the principles of the Bogota Declaration, which guarantee the self-determination of peoples and the complete development of their individual capabilities. The communique also ratified their support for the immediate creation of a Permanent Committee, with representatives from Mexico and the six member nations of the Central American Common Market, to promote trade and economic co-operation among them, A recommendation was also made regarding "the urgent need for having the industrialized countries purchase merchandise from the less developed countries at fair prices", and it was urged that the loans to promote productivity should be granted under more favourable conditions. V. Situation in the Dominican Republic T7 30. In a letter - dated 13 October addressed to the Secretary-General by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic, Mr. Gilberto Herrera Baez, a formal request was made for the withdrawal of the United Nations mission from the Dominican Republic. Recalling that this mission, headed by the Secretary-General's Representative, Mr, Jose Antonio Mayobre, had been sent to the country as an urgent measure under the Security Council resolution of 1^ May 1965, the Dominican Govern- ment considered advisable the withdrawal of the mission since, with the installation of the new Government of President Balaguer, on 1 July 1966, the situation in the V S/7551. _ Q _ Dominican Republic had returned to normal, and the objectives of the Security Council have been attained. The Dominican Government further expressed to the United Nations gratitude for its efforts to bring about peace and concord in the Dominican Republic. 31. In a "Report by the Secretary-General on the Question of the Dominican Republic" - dated 1^ October 1966, after recalling that, since its inception, the Office of the Representative of the Secretary-General in the Dominican Republic had kept the Security Council informed of developments relating to peace in that country, the Secretary-General referred to the above mentioned letter of the Dominican Foreign Minister, and also recalled that among important recent events in the Dominican Republic were the general elections of 1 June 1966, the installation of the newly elected Government one month later, and the -withdrawal of the Inter- American Peace Force, completed on 21 September 1966. "In the light of all the circumstances involved", the Secretary-General's Report concluded, "I have initiated arrangements for the withdrawal of the United Rations mission in the Dominican Republic, which is expected to be completed soon". 32. In the Dominican Republic itself, the increase of terrorist acts and a continuing threat of new disruptions of the peace resulting from difficulties in integrating the former Constitutionalist elements into the regular Dominican armed forces, apparently determined the arrival, on 27 October, of the OAS Ad Hoc Committee which had helped in the peaceful solution of the Dominican conflict. After con- sultations with President Balaguer and members of his ministerial cabinet, the OAS Ad Hoc Committee decided to remain in existence. 33. On 23 October, Professor Juan Bosch, President of the Dominican Revolutionary Party (PRO), declared that there was no political activity in the country. "Here, there is only hunger and terror" he asserted. His Party had proposed "to carry out a democratic opposition", he added, "but the Government does not tolerate it and the people are not interested in anything but their poverty-stricken situation". He also declared that the United States was maintaining its intervention in the Dominican Republic. "There can be no political activity in an intervened country", he observed. 34. At a national convention of the PRO, held on 29-30 October, Professor Bosch resigned the presidency of the party and announced his forthcoming voyage to Europe. One of his close collaborators, Francisco Pena Gomez, who was the Press and Propaganda Secretary of the PRD, was elected as the nominal leader of the party. At the convention, Peffa Gomez charged that the Balaguer Government had not apprehended 5/ S/7552 - 10 - a single perpetrator of terrorist acts against the PKD. The military, he said, vere mostly responsible. The deterioration of relations between the PRD and the Government, evidenced on 25 October when the PRD broadcasts were banned, was further manifested in the convention's decision to expel from the PRD ranks, Antonio Martinez Francisco, Finance Minister in the Balaguer Government, and formerly Secretary-General of the party. Of the 16 newly elected members of the PRD National Executive Committee, 1^ belong to the "anti-imperialist" left-wing. VI. Proposals for arms limitation in Latin America 35. On 29 October, President Eduardo Frei of Chile declared in Santiago that Chile wanted to reach a specific arms limitation agreement with her Latin American neighbours. He added that Latin America could not afford spending on supersonic planes or aircraft carriers which would mean reducing allocation of funds for economic development investments. 36. Newspaper reports from' Washington also indicate that the United States vas sounding out the major Latin American governments about their willingness to renounce, for a certain- time, the purchase of such expensive modern arms as supersonic planes, missiles and naval units. In this connexion, a spokesman of the United States State Department recalled a statement made by President Johnson on IT August to the effect 'that a way must be found to avoid the costs of expensive military procurement in Latin America. Such costs, he remarked, undermine the execution of programmes of the Alliance for Progress. 37. The various public references to arms limitation in Latin America followed l a recent announcement that the Chilean government had purchased 21 British jet fighters at a total cost of $20 million, and that Peru had opened negotiations for the purchase of British Lightning fighters, which are supersonic jets of an even more advanced design that that of the jets bought by Chile. The chain- effect of warplane purchases appears to have been set-off by the United States' sale of 25 jets to Argentina some two years ago. 38. In a statement made on 30 October in Portland, Maine, U.S. Senator Robert F-&. Kennedy proposed that the United States should discontinue sales of "unnecessary' arms" to Latin American countries and reduce its economic assistance to those countries which purchased them elsewhere, and which, he said, were "wasting their own resources and depriving their own people ... struggling with the problems of development". This proliferation of arms, Senator Kennedy warned, "threatens to cause conflict and instability between nations, and to obstruct the great objectives of the Alliance for Progress". - 11 - VII. The Role of U.S, Private Investments in Latin American Economic Development fi 59. In an important article - by the prominent Brazilian economist Celso Furtado on the economic future of Latin America vis-a-vis the United States interests, it is observed that for the United States the basic problem is one of "security", while for the Latin American countries it is that of "development". Socio-economic development programmes in Latin America, he further observed, cannot simply result from spontaneous market forces but require also the action of central decision- making organs. Addressing himself to the question of what type of "development" the United States envisages for Latin America, Furtado remarked that there is already an "accepted doctrine" in the United States to the effect that "a decisive role in Latin American development is being undertaken by private American companies and that U.S. faid" policy should be conducted principally through them". In recent years, "guarantee agreements" have been signed between the United States and several Latin American governments permitting U.S. business corporations to enjoy a privileged position in comparison to identical corporations operating at home. Thus, operating in Latin America with a number of privileges, outside the control of U.S. anti-trust legislation, and with U.S. political and military protection, the great American corporation must necessarily become a super-Power in any Latin American country, and the existing national States will come then to play an increasingly secondary role. However, economic development in the present conditions of Latin America, such as that proposed in the "Alliance for Progress" programmes, calls for political decisions. The principle of nationality is therefore vital for Latin American development. In concluding, Furtado asserts, inter alia, that, (i) under the present conditions of "nuclear equilibrium" between the super-Powers, spheres of influence have no longer any significance for the super-Powers from the point of view of their military security; (ii) from the standpoint of the countries of the Third World, spheres of influence are nothing but systems of economic domination; (iii) U.S. hegemony in Latin America by maintaining the anachronistic power structure, constitutes a serious obstacle to development for the majority of the Latin American countries; (iv) the U.S. Government programme for development in Latin America, based as it is on the activities of the great American business corporations and on preventive control of "subversion", is not viable, except as a means of freezing the social status quo; 6/ "United States hegemony and the future of Latin America" by Celso Furtado, "The World Today, Chatam House, London, Vol. 22, Wo. 9, September 1966. - 12 - (v) the success of development policy in Latin America will depend first of all on the capacity of its promoters to mobilize the great mass of the population of the region, a task which can be accomplished only from each national political centre and in conformity with national values and ideals, and (vi) economic integration will serve the development needs of Latin America only if it stems from a common policy formulated by really independent national governments, and not from the co-ordination of the interests of the great foreign business concerns operating in Latin America. kO. On 27 October, in a statement before the annual meeting of the Inter-American Press Association, held in Lima, David Rockefeller, President of the Chase Manhattan Bank and Chairman of the Board of the U.S. Council for Latin America, stressed that "the private capital which Latin America so badly needs will be attracted to the area only if it is given credible guarantees against expropriation and discriminatory treatment, as well as credible assurance that equitable repatriation of profits will be possible". He also said that Latin American governments face a top-priority task in encouraging domestic and foreign private investments. VIII. Other tetters A. Guyana-Venezuela border dispute lj-1. The Guyana-Venezuela border dispute flared up again when, on 14 October, Guyanese demonstrators paraded outside the Venezuelan Consulate-General in Georgetown and burned the Venezuelan flag in protest over Venezuela's alleged occupation of the Arikoko Islandj- located - according to Guyana - in the disputed zone, some 200 miles west-southwest of Georgetown. It was reported that some 100 Venezuelan soldiers had crossed into the island territory during the past few weeks. Prime Minister Burnham of Guyana protested to Venezuela over the intrusion and demanded withdrawal of the troops. Opposition leader Cheddi Jagan told a news conference he hoped Venezuela's intrusion would not be used as an excuse for keeping British troops in Guyana beyond 31 October, date when they were due to be withdrawn from Guyana territory. On the other hand, Venezuelan Foreign Minister Iribarren Borges deemed the Guyana protest "odd and baseless, inasmuch as the LAnkoko Island] has always been Venezuelan territory". The Venezuelan Government sent to the Guyanese Government a note of protest for the anti-Venezuelan demonstrations. In pursuance of the Geneva accord provisions, the note indicated, any claim should be formulated through the Guyana- Venezuela mixed commission that was created as a result of the talks held last February. The Venezuelan Foreign Ministry has also forwarded copies of its note - 13 - of protest over the incident to all members of the OAS and to the governments accredited in Caracas. B. Hew Chilean Copper Arrangements k2f The Chilean Government's plans for "Chileanization" of that country's copper industry have been the subject of international commentary insofar as they represent, according to "The New York Times", -7/ "a new method for meeting and perhaps over- coming one of the most vexing problems in United States-Latin American relations". This problem is, added the commentary, "the invariably disturbing effect of American ownership of a nation's natural resources". The "unique feature" of these plans is that it gives the Government of Chile a majority interest in one private American copper corporation and a. quarter interest in new mines of the other two large American companies, all these "partnership arrangements" resulting from negotiations on a voluntary basis. With the implementation of the "Chileanization" plans, which would involve over $ifOO million of new investment in the country's copper industry, the copper productive capacity of Chile would double to 1.2 million tons a year within the next five years. Chile would then become the world's largest producer of copper. I/ Editorial on 12 October 1966. ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TO: The Secretary-General A: FOR ACTION POUR SUITS A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER5 POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLERJ YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDS NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION POUR INFORMATION Date: FROM: DEs CR. ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TO: Mr. Nesterenko FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER ? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION POUR INFORMATION Amended copy of the Note on Latin American Affairs is attached, together with Note on Vietnam- October-November 1966. Date: 15 Dec. 1966 DE: Miguel A. Mar in, Acting Director, PAD. CR. 13 (11-64) COHFIDEMTIAL 10 December 1966 DdeBrmm NOTE OH LATIN AMEKEGAB AFFAIRS - MOVMBER 1966 NOTE ON LATIH AMERICAN AFFAIRS - NOVEMBER General Comments 1. There has been no major change in the overall situation prevailing in Latin America during the month of November. Negotiations for a Conference of Presidents are proceeding and a draft agenda has been submitted to a Preparatory Committee of the OAS Council. A working document has also been prepared by a group of high officials of inter-governmental organizations and agencies, which will be considered first by the Preparatory Committee and subsequently by the Eleventh Meeting of Foreign Ministers in connexion with adoption of the agenda for the Summit Conference. However there is still uncertainty on the question whether the current preparations will lead to the desired results. With reference to the Third Special Inter- American Conference, there seems to be a move to h old the Conference before the Summit meeting with the result that, if this were to be accomplished, the Inter- American Organization would consider a revision of its Charter previous to the contemplated Conference of Presidents. 2. One of the more relevant developments during the month was the holding of the Seventh Annual Conference of the Armies of American States in Buenos Aires. It is understood that the Conference emphasized the need to "institutionalize" the military system within the inter-American Organization and to improve the hemispheric defense arrangements. Reportedly, the Conference has recommended to the participating governments the legal and functional), integration of activities relating to the security of the continent, as well as measures for the exchange of information thereon. 5. A significant element in the discussions at the Conference appears to have been, according to reports, the question of an inter-American military machinery which is now being approached on a "gradualist" basis. This might result in the strengthening of the existing Inter-American Defense Board and the development of additional machinery as a possible substitute for a standing inter-American peace force. It has been suggested that the idea of strengthening the Defense Board might come up when the Third Special Inter-American Conference meets in Buenos Aires for the purpose of revising the Charter of the OAS. k. On the other hand, there have been reports of suggestions by the United States to Latin American Governments regarding military expenditures which might be considered as an "unnecessary use" of limited resources. Also, a pronouncement by Vice- President Humphrey in a speech at the Pan American Union in Washington on 10 November 1966 has been considered as an "unusual" public challenge to the "military -2 regimes" in Latin America. In that speech the Vice-President called for the United States to give the same attention to "political development" that had "been given in the past two decades to "economic development". Noting that maintenance of domestic order could "be achieved "by "military governments" and that economic progress could be reached by "technocracy", the Vice-President said, however, that the "defects" of military governments were obvious and that the lure of technocracy should not deceive. 5. Continued concern for the resolutions and actions arising out of the Tri- Continental Conference has been reiterated by a report of a Special Committee of the Council of the OAS which has been transmitted to the United Nations (S/76o6). It has been reported that there was considerable opposition to issuance of the report, even within some hemisphere circles whose nations voted for it. In reacting to the report, Radio Havana said that the "Tricontinental Organization ... does not export revolutions". However, some limited resurgence of terrorism in Venezuela, Colombia and Guatemala has not contributed to allay uneasiness. 6. An announced invasion of Haiti, with the alleged participation of Haitian and Cuban exiles, failed to materialize but the situation in that country remains uncertain. 7. Congressional elections in Brazil did not bring about any important surprises, though members of the Opposition won clear-cut victories in some important urban areas. The country is awaiting a draft of a new constitution which is expected to be submitted to Congress. The draft is reported to strengthen the powers of the Executive and to limit the prerogatives of the future Congress. 8. In Uruguay, as a result of consultations and elections held on 29 November 1966, the country returned to the presidential system in exchange for a Swiss type plural executive adopted 15 years ago. With the constitutional reform, the powers of the Executive have been considerably increased. The elections also returned to power the Colorado Party. General Oscar Daniel Gestido, a member of the conservative wing of the Party, was elected President of the country for a five-year term, starting on 1 March 1967. Inter-American Relations A. The Proposed Summit Conference 9. At a meeting of the Preparatory Committee of the OAS Council held on 18 November 1966, Brazil submitted a draft agenda of 15 points for the Summit Conference, divided into two main chapters, dealing respectively with the Alliance for Progress and Latin American economic integration. The draft agenda reportedly coincides in general with proposals already made by Chile, Colombia and the United States for the Summit Conference. -3- 10. On 25 November 1966 a group of high officials of inter-governmental organizations and agencies, whose activities are related to the subjects to be discussed at the Summit Conference, met in Washington to give advice to the Preparatory Committee. The group, in addition to the Secretary General of the OAS, Jose A. Mora, included the President of the Inter-American Development Bank, Felipe Herrera; the President of the Inter-American Committee for the Alliance for Progress, Carlos Sanz de Santamaria; the Secretary-General of UNCTAD, Raul Prebisch; the Executive Secretary of ECLA, J.A. Mayobre; the Executive Secretary of LAFTA, Alberto Sola; the Permanent Secretary of the Central American Common Market, Gustavo Guerrero; and Alfonso Rochac, a representative of the Secretary-General of the Organization of Central American States. The group reportedly prepared a preliminary draft document for the Summit Conference. Sources close to the OAS have indicated that the suggestions of the group will be referred to the Eleventh Meeting of Foreign Ministers which is to consider the agenda for the Summit Conference. According to reports, the draft document suggests the establishment of a Latin American Common Market combining the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) and the Central American Common Market, through a general treaty of integration, recommends measures regarding financing of development and trade, and suggests modifications in the nature of hemispheric economic co-operation. There have been reports that the Eleventh Meeting, which had been planned for December, may now be held in January 1967 to set the time and place of the Conference. It has also been indicated that the Conference may be held in April 1967. At a press conference on lU November, President Johnson stated that he expected to attend a Summit Conference and that he would anticipate it might be held in the early part of the year. He would be going if that was agreed upon and if all the nations were able to arrange their affairs so that the conference could come off. rt was likely, he said, that a Latin American site rather than Washington would be the meeting place of the Conference. B. Inter-American Peace Force 11. In a speech at the School of Foreign Service of the Brazilian Foreign Office on 20 November 1966, the Foreign Minister of Brazil, Mr. Juracy Magalhaes, further clarified the Brazilian position with regard to the establishment of a Permanent Inter-American Peace Force. 12. The Foreign Minister reiterated that Brazil did not have at present any specific plan for the establishment of a permanent force, but that the subject should be discussed until unanimous agreement would be reached by the inter-American community. It was a matter of vital importance, and he could not agree that it should not be discussed because it was controversial. Mr. Magalhaes said that -it- he had no doubt that once the Inter-American Peace Force was created, it would not be directed by any country, but its use would depend on a decision reached by the entire community through defined and yet flexible procedures, with all the necessary safeguards for each member of the community. He also discounted concern that the creation of an inter-American peace force would affect the United Nations in the exercise of its functions, first of all, he said, because the UN Charter allows the existence of regional arrangements. It would also not impede the establishment of an "international force" under Article ^3 of the UN Charter.-' 13. In the meantime there have been additional indications that the idea of establishing a permanent inter-American peace force has been postponed. According to some reports, the United States has abandoned the proposal because many countries feared such a force could interfere in their domestic affairs. It would seem that a "gradualist" approach, supported by Argentina, which was reportedly discussed at the recent Conference of Commanders of the Armies of the American States held 2/ in Buenos Aires, has been gaining ground-' and has in fact put an end to recent efforts to enlist support for a standing inter-American force. It includes a plan to broaden the powers of the Inter-American Defence Board, established in 19^2, as a substitute for the standing inter-American peace force. Under the plan, the Defence Board would be given functions of a co-ordinating entity for hemispheric security, but this would not exclude the organization of a joint general staff under the Defence Board. Apparently one specific proposal at the Conference of Commanders was the suggestion to institutionalize the Defence Board as the Permanent Executive Committee of the Advisory Defence Committee, provided for under Article Wt- of the GAS Charter, with authority to act provisionally as such Defence Committee.—3'/ Under the reported new approach each member of the OAS signatory to the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (the Rio Treaty) would determine, in each case, its participation in any peace force that might be established. I/ Estado do Sao Paulo, Brazil, 22 November 1966. 2/ Diario las Americas, Miami, 5 November 1966 3/ Article ^ of the OAS Charter provides that the Advisory Defence Committee shall be established to advise the Organ of Consultation on problems of military co-operation that may arise in connexion with the application of existing special treaties on collective security. In accordance with Article h6 of the OAS Charter, the Defence Committee is to be convoked under the same conditions as the Organ of Consultation, when the latter deals with matters relating to defence against aggression. -5- 14. It has been suggested thatthe idea of strengthening the Inter-American Defence Board might come up when the Third Special Inter-American Conference meets in Buenos Aires for the purpose of revising the Charter of the QAS. Some reports have indicated that the Conference might meet in that city, late in February 1967. C. Seventh Annual Conference of Commanders of the Armies of the American States 15. On 8 November 1966 the Seventh Annual Conference of Commanders of the Armies of the American States completed its work and signed a Final Act containing recommendations for consideration by their Governments. Representatives of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, the United States and Uruguay participated in the Confernce. Canada, Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, as well as the Inter-American Defence Board, sent observers. Though the contents of the Final Act have not been divulged, it has been reported that they emphasize the need to "institutionalize" the military system within the inter-American organization and to improve the "hemispheric defence system". It is understood that the measures recommended contemplate the legal and functional integration of activities in the inter-American area relating to the security of the continent. They also include measures for the exchange of information with reference to the improvement and extension of co-operation among armed forces. 16. Reports regarding discussions at the Conference indicate that it carried out an evaluation of the forms and prospects of "Communist aggression" in the continent and of negative and positive factors in the existing defence system of the Americas. The discussions also emphasized that armed forces had the duty to facilitate the security indispensable for development, and that one of the essential aspects of security was national integration. The discussions further recognized that the economic situation in many countries was a cause of social unrest and political instability in the region, and that the improvement of the inter-American "military system" was, therefore, essential in order to face "permanent and aggressive subversion". The creation or strengthening in each country of military units that would, When necessary, be made available was also reportedly discussed. Report on the First Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples* Solidarity Conference and its projections (Tricontinental Conference of Havana) 17. On 29 November 1966 the QAS transmitted to the United Nations, pursuant to a resolution adopted by the OAS Council, a copy of the report entitled "The First Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Conference and its Projections (Tricontinental Conference of Havana)", which was prepared by a Special Committee -6- of the Council, with a request for circulation to Member States for their inform- ation. Subsequently the OAS requested circulation as a Security Council document, in accordance with Article 54 of the United Nations Charter (S/?6o6). At the request of Costa Rica, the document was also distributed as a General Assembly document (A/C.1/938) in connexion with Item 96 of the Assembly's Agenda.-' 18. The QAS Council vote on the resolution was 17-0, with Chile, Ecuador and Mexico abstaining. The representative of Chile in explaining the position of his Government, said inter alia that the OAS Council did not have under the OAS Charter or specifically in virtue of a resolution of the Eighth Meeting of Consultation, "... the eminently political power to term particular actions intervention or aggression or to declare that they endanger the peace or security of the Continent". Therefore he was going to abstain for "strictly legal reasons" and, since the Council had assumed a political competence, which in his opinion did not belong to it, he would also state the "political reasons" for his abstention. In the case of Mexico, the Mexican representative reiterated the view that it was within the "exclusive competence" of each of the Member Governments "to take such steps as it considered necessary to safeguard the public order". The representative added that Mexico had abstained from voting because the resolution had emanated from the one adopted by the OAS Council in February 1966 requesting the Committee to submit a Report, which Mexico had not supported. 19. The positions of Chile and Mexico regarding the OAS action were communicated to the United Nations for circulation as UN documents A/C.1/9^0 and A/C.1/939 respectively. The communication from Chile was specifically related to the publication of the OAS resolution and report as a General Assembly document. 20. Under the resolution adopted by the OAS Council concerning the report, it was resolved, inter alia, to submit to the Member States of the OAS for consideration the recommendations of the Special Committee contained in the report, and to urge them "... on the basis of those recommendations and in accordance with their respective national constitutions and laws, to adopt the measures that they deem necessary to counteract the policy of intervention and aggression that has emanated from the so-called Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Conference, as well as from the permanent organizations established by that Conference". These recommendations have not been included in the text of the report forwarded to the United Nations. 21. According to available press reports, the recommendations forwarded to the OAS members, which stress the need of countermeasures that might be considered 4/ Item 96 deals with the "Status of the Implementation of the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of their Independence and Sovereignty." -7- necessary, include the following: (a) Careful vigilance of the development of activities of organizations established by the Havana Conference and creation of "national committees" within each member country with the objective of counteracting such activities; (b) Demarches vis-a-vis countries from other continents which might maintain commercial relations with Cuba with the objective of interrupting such relations; (c) Continued vigilance in the application of measures directed against aggression and subversion arising from the continuous intervention in the hemisphere on the part of "the USSR, the PRC and their allies", particularly measures against the present Government of Cuba as "principal agent" of Communism in the hemisphere, as contained in the resolutions of the Eighth and Ninth Meetings of Consultation of the Foreign Ministers of the American Republics, held in January 1962 and July 1964 respectively; (d) The strengthening of the internal capacity of the member countries in the security field in order to enable them to face "subversion and insurrection inspired by Communism". In this connexion, it has been suggested that for this purpose the technical assistance of countries able to provide such assistance should be requested; (e) Countries facing "communist" insurrection problems or potential subversion should co-operate with their neighbours facing similar conditions, with the objective of exchanging information and experiences and co-ordinating their activities in frontier regions; (f) Member governments should be urged to examine in particular their individual and co-operative measures to impede the movement for subversive ends of persons between their countries and Cuba, and other communist countries, including through third countries. They should also examine their measures to impede the movement to the respective countries of funds, propaganda and arms proceeding from Cuba and from other "communist" countries and co-operating countries; (g) The USSR, Cuba and other Communist countries should be urged to desist from sending radio transmissions which incite subversion. (i) In view of the purposes enunciated at the Tricontinental Conference, the member governments should adopt strict measures of reciprocity regarding the presence and activities in their territories of diplomatic, consular and other agents as •well as ,. / commercial, technical and expert missions from Communist countries.-' 22. Speaking in connexion with consideration of the item on the Declaration on Non-intervention (item 96 of the Assembly's Agenda) by the First Committee, the 5>/ Diario las Americas, Miami, JO November 1966. -8- representative of Cuba referred to the CAS report on the Tricontinental Conference and vehemently denied that the Conference and its decisions had violated the principle of non-intervention. Previously Radio Havana, commenting on the QAS report, had said that the Tricontinental organization "does not export revolutions ... It is merely a gigantic movement of peoples who are already fighting imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism". 23. It has been pointed out that the publication of the QAS report comes at a moment when there has been a general consensus that a decline in "communist inspired activities" in Latin America has taken place in recent months. The Christian Science Monitor of 5 December 1966 reports that according to some QAS circles, the current decline is merely a "lull" and that major activities "can be expected soon". The same newspaper reports that there was considerable opposition to issuance of the report even within some hemisphere circles whose nations voted for the report. Proposals for arms limitation in Latin America 2k. Further reactions to fears expressed regarding an arms race in Latin America include rejections of criticism of recent actions or moves by Latin American countries and denials that they are trying to foster such an arms race. 25. In a letter to the Hew York Times, published on 7 November 1966, the Chilean Ambassador to the United States, Radomiro Tomic, said that the purchase of British Hunter planes by Chile had been the result of the obvious need of keeping the Chilean Air Fo'rce "in being". The cost of the 21 planes - some of them only trainers - was $8.7 million, from funds which laws in force for several years had allocated for the purchase and renewal of material for the armed forces, and that could not be used for any other purposes. The Ambassador referred to the geographical position of Chile, to the vulnerability of its lines of communication and to the need to fulfill its share in the continental defence plans, but noted that Chile spent one of the lowest percentages for defence in Latin America: 11 percent of the national budget. Chile not only opposed in words a senseless "armaments race" in Latin America, but it was proposing a Latin American agreement not to purchase for as long a period as the sister nations would agree, advanced war material such as carriers, supersonic planes, missiles and heavy weapons. His Government hoped the matter would be included in the agenda of the forthcoming meeting of the Presidents of the American Republics. 26. On their part, Peruvian authorities have also emphasized that their projected purchases are only to replace "outmoded" and "unsafe" aircraft. 27. Following reports that Brazil was about to become the latest participant in an arms race in Latin America, the Brazilian Ambassador to Washington, Mr. Leitao da Cunha, in a letter to the Mew York Times, published on 1 December 1966, said that Brazil was only interested in buying jet planes for training, not for combat. -9- The Brazilian Government, he said, conscious of its duties and obligations towards collective and national security, had been seeking only to replace obsolete equip- ment. Brazil, he pointed out, allocated only 3.k percent of her gross national product in overall military expenditures, which was relatively one of the lowest in the world. According to reports, Brazilian authorities have started talks with French officials and are also planning to consider planes offered by other countries. 28. On 19 November 1966 Secretary of State Rusk was said to have stated that he considered the so-called "arms race" in Latin America as highly exaggerated. He reiterated, however, that the United States favoured an agreement for arms control in Latin America. This seems to confirm previous reports of efforts by the United States to hold down spending on sophisticated jet aircraft by Latin American nations. At the present time no member of the Latin American group has supersonic military aircraft. In fact, concern seems to be focused on these advanced weapons. The United States has also indicated that it would consider useful discussions on military expenditures, within the context of Latin American resources. 29. In a speech before the OAS Council when assuming his functions, the new US representative, Ambassador Sol. M. Linowitz, drew attention to the "sacred obligations" of ensuring that resources were not dissipated in the pursuit of elusive "military superiority". This indirect reference to the arms race was criticized by the Peruvian newspaper La Prensa which placed in the United States responsibility for any such arms race. Vice-President Humphrey also made a reference to the subject in a speech at the Pan American Union on 10 Hovember 1966, and proposed that the OAS review hemisphere aid programmes in the light of possible expenditures by member nations on "unnecessary" equipment. 30. Commenting on the "high fervour" of the press and some US "politicians" regarding the so-called arms race in Latin America, the Economist of London on 3 December 1966 expressed the view that "the true 'arms race* is, in fact, the struggle for orders between the United States and the rest - with Britain leading the pack, followed at a distance by France". 31. In the meantime there have been some reports that a US proposal for the discussion of armaments control at the Conference of Presidents has been received with caution. It is recognized that the Latin American nations are insisting that they are in a period of replacement of equipment. Whether they will settle for what might be considered adequate and would involve no major increase in size of -10- forces, or might insist on drastic changes in performance capabilities remains to be seen. 32. In the past the argument known as "controlled escalation", the idea that the provision of arms could facilitate greater control of their use, has been pressed by some US authorities. The situation in the Dominican Republic 33. On k- November 1966 President Balaguer announced that a military camp (the 27 February Camp) of some 335 former followers of the constitutionalist leader, Col. Francisco Caamano Deno, would be closed down. It was indicated that the camp would be disbanded and its members relocated in other camps. The following day it was reported that 85 members of the camp had left the Dominican Republic for the United States to engage in studies. Subsequently it was also resorted that a number of military who had been reintegrated into the Dominican armed forces had resigned from military service. 3^. The Dominican Association for Human Rights, reported in the latter part of November that it had received complaints of 111 political detentions, six disappearances, seven bullet wounds, 20 assaults and ko illegal entries of homes. 35. On 28 November 1966, the new Dominican Constitution was proclaimed replacing the Institutional Act which had been signed by the parties to the conflict in 1965. President Balaguer, Vice-President Lora, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the President of the Senate and of the Chamber of Deputies swore allegiance to it. In its fundamental parts the Constitution deals with rights and duties of citizens, guarantees equality under the law, the inviolability of domicile, freedom of transit and of expression, and prohibition of censorship. The Constitution forbids, however, subversive propaganda which in any way violates the laws of the Republic. It does not exclude presidential re-election. Special attention has been given to a Constitutional provision regarding the functions of the armed forces and the national police, requiring non-participation in political activities and obedience to the civil authorities. The Opposition parliamentary bloc has declared that the Constitution approved by the Constituent Assembly is a "re&ctionary" one, replete with "anachronistic" provisions. According to the bloc of legislators of the Dominican Revolutionary Party (PRO), the Constitution is at odds "with the revolutionary spirit of the popular masses". 36. Passing through Caracas on his way to England and Spain, former President Juan Bosch said that his country's economic situation and political future are very serious and uncertain. Referring to the present Government of the Dominican Republic, the former President said that it is under constant threat of rightist and leftist uprisings which would doubtless provoke a military intervention. His -11- country, he said, is divided "between those who favour President Balaguer's administration and those who oppose it, lacking a middle sector which would give it an "elementary stability". 37- The estimate of some other observers is that while it remains an open question whether the regime can stay in office long enough to restore a measure of economic stability, the answer depends in part on the President's capacity to maintain popular support and in part on the ability of rival groups to mobilize power against the Government. It has also been suggested that trouble seems most likely to come, if it comes at all, from the extremists of the right rather than of the leftr-/ Intra-Regional Relations A. Conference of Foreign Ministers of the Central American States and Panama 38. The Conference met in San Jose, Costa Rica, on 22 November 1966 and was closed on 25 November 1966. It considered possible revisions of the Charter of the Organization of Central American States (ODECA), questions relating to the Conference of Presidents, and relationships between the Central American Common Market and the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA). It also considered Panama's relationships with the Central American states. B. Meeting of Foreign Ministers of Brazil and Colombia 39• In a communique issued on 26 November 1966 at the conclusion of an official visit of the Foreign Minister of Brazil to Colombia, the Foreign Ministers of the two countries reaffirmed their beliefs in the fundamental principles of the inter- American system, and agreed that the most practical means should be found for preserving the peace and security of the American nations. They also concurred on holding the meeting of American Presidents as soon as possible, with a well- planned agenda. In regard to inter-American relations, they rejected the establishment of blocs or axes which might affect the principles of hemisphere solidarity. They also upheld their respective countries' decision to work with other American nations in amending the OAS Charter. Agreeing that the development of the Amazon basin is of major concern to the interested countries, they decided to call a conference of foreign ministers of those countries in the near future to study a development programme. The communique also says that the greatest 6/ "The Dominican Search for Stability", Henry Wells, Current History, December 1966. -12- concern of the present generation is compliance with the Montevideo Treaty—7'/ objectives and the acceleration of Latin American integration. Both Govern- ments, it was said, intended to give LAFTA their complete support as the basic organization for integration. 40. The communique also said that the following factors should be given priority in the application of the Alliance for Progress objectives: (a) Protection of the prices of basic export products from Latin America so that they produce sufficient revenue to allow Latin American countries to finance their develop- ment programmes; (b) Use of foreign credit for the acquisition of goods, especially capital goods, by the financing country as well as by the other countries of the continentj (c) Elimination of all restrictions on the export of Latin American manufactured products to industrialized countries. In its final part the communique says that the Ministers admitted that the evolution of political, economic and social conditions of the continent demand an ever more positive, flexible and dynamic programme. They also decided that the general principles of the communique should serve as a basis to guide the co-operation of the two countries in future international meetings, especially the forthcoming Summit meeting and the LAFTA Foreign Ministers meeting, which will be held in Montevideo in December 1966. Other Matters A. Ecuador-Peru Boundary Question ki. On 2k November the Constituent Assembly of Ecuador, approved a motion reiterating the invalidity of the Treaty signed by Ecuador and Peru in Rio de Janeiro on 29 January 19^2 on the boundary question between Ecuador and Peru. The motion also reiterated that the controversy should be settled by "pacific means" in accordance with international law. B. Barbados Independence 42. Following its formal installation as a newly independent State, on 30 November 1966, the Government of Barbados pledged close relations with the "democratic countries of the Western Hemisphere". The Government also said in its first statement that it was "actively pursuing its long declared goal of membership in the Organization of American States". Barbados has applied for membership in the United Nations. ?/ The Montevideo Treaty (Treaty establishing a free-trade area and instituting the Latin American Free Trade Association) was signed on 18 Februrary 1960 by Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay. Colombia and Ecuador acceded to the Treaty in 1961, and Venezuela in 1966. C. Antarctic meeting 45. The Fourth Consultative Meeting of representatives of the 12 members of the Antarctic Treaty (Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Chile, France, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, South Africa, the United Kingdom, the USSR and the United States) met in Santaigo de Chile "beginning 2 November 1966 and ended on 19 November. It was reported that the meeting reached agreement on recommendations of scientific importance and that only on one or two subjects agreement had been postponed for technical reasons. Among the questions considered was the protection of the continent's fauna and flora. For this purpose, 15 specially protected geographic zones have "been set up "by the countries members of the Treaty. The Fifth Consultative Meeting is to be held in Paris In 1968. ROUTINS SLlfr FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TO* * The Secretary-General FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION X POUR INFORMATION Date: FROM: 16 Jan. 1967 CR. 13 (11-64) CONFIDENTIAL 9 January 1967 D.de B/sr NOTE ON LATIN AMERICAN AFFAIRS - DECEMBER 1966 Copy No. NOTE ON LATIN AMERICAN AFFAIRS - DECEMBER 1966 .General Comments 1. During the month of December a decision was taken by the Council of the Organization of American States (OAS) to hold the Third Special Inter-American Conference in Buenos Aires starting on 15 February 1967. The Conference will be concerned with the revision of the OAS Charter. 2. The adoption by the Council of the OAS of a formula "internationalizing" the meeting places of Inter-American Conferences, with no nation being recognized as a host, seems to have opened the way for participation by Venezuela which, in line with the Be'tancourt doctrine, -'does not maintain diplomatic relations with the Argentine regime, and had been reluctant to hold the meeting in Argentina. J. From the UN viewpoint, the Special Conference, with its purposes of strengthening the regional system, is of considerable significance. In particular, the reorganization of the political and security functions of the OAS could raise the issue of the relationship between the UN and the regional organization in such a way as to have repercussions vis-a-vis the UN role in relation to questions affecting the maintenance of international peace and security. k. Also during December a new meeting was held of high officials of inter- governmental organizations and agencies giving their advice to the OAS Preparatory Committee for the Summit Conference in order to draft the final text of a document for consideration by the Conference. In this connexion, it has been agreed that the Presidents would not be able to negotiate or sign treaties, or detailed agreements but that they cannot limit themselves to agreement on a series of "general resolutions". Present thinking, therefore, is that the Conference might adopt a Declaration though such an instrument would not have any binding character. 5. Despite the more recent optimism on the holding of the Conference in mid- April a final schedule is inevitably linked with subsequent progress in prepara- tions, and particularly with the Governments' reactions to the draft Declaration which is being considered as a possible set of conclusions. I/ The Be'tancourt doctrine has committed Venezuela not to recognize new govern- ments which have come to power through unconstitutional processes. - 2 - 6. Among other developments of the month, special mention should be made of the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Latin American Free Trade Assoc- iation (LAFTA) held in Montevideo, Uruguay from 8 to 12 December. The meeting revealed substantial cleavages between the LAFTA members with regard to possible approaches to Latin American economic integration. In particular, it confirmed serious differences of view between those favouring accelerated economic and political integration and those in favour of a more cautious approach. 7. Despite assertions that the meeting was "a failure", it has to its credit the establishment of a Council of Foreign Ministers which will be the supreme organ of the Association and will meet annually. The meeting also reached agreement on arrangements for the settlement of controversies among Members, and for facilitating the movement of citizens of Members through the territory of the parties. 8. During the month under review military forces of the Venezuelan Govern- ment, at the request of university authorities, occupied Caracas Central Univers- ity. Subsequently the Government issued a decree withdrawing from universities their statutory immunity from police and army interference. The Venezuelan Government also suspended certain constitutional guarantees, reportedly in a move to clamp down on renewed terrorist activity. 9. In Brazil a new press law, of a restrictive character, proposed by the Government and under consideration by Congress, has provoked substantial opposition from Brazil's newspapers and broadcasters. Among the press laws most controversial articles are those that establish prison penalties for publishers, editors and reporters convicted of violating "official secrets". The Inter- American Press Association has protested against the bill and has asked President Castello Branco to withdraw it from Congress. The international press reaction has been highly unfavourable. The President has advised congressional leaders that the Government is prepared to accept amendments to the proposed law which is scheduled to be voted by the end of January. 10. A cabinet crisis in Argentina reportedly precipitated by armed forces circles wishing to forestall the "failure of the revolution" has led to the reorganization of the Government on a liberal-conservative basis which may affect particularly the management of the country's economic and social affairs. - 3 - 11. The situation in Haiti still remains fragile with a great potential for unstable developments. A new attempt, of doubtful significance, at an invasion of that country by refugee Haitians and Cubans and some American soldiers of fortune, was stopped by US authorities, before departure of the group from Florida. Inter-American Relations A. Third Special Inter-American Conference. 12. The OAS Council has decided to set February 15, 1967, as the opening date for the Third.Special Inter-American Conference in Buenos Aires, by adopting a resolution on this matter at a special meeting held on 19 December 1966 (See Annex l). The Conference had been originally scheduled for the Summer of 1966, but developments in Argentina resulting- in the establishment of its present regime, 'led to the Conference's postponement. It will be concerned with a revision of the O.A.S. Charter. 1J. The decision of the OAS Council to hold the Third Special Inter-American Conference before the Summit Meeting is not without significance. It could have important implications and repercussions vis-a-vis future inter-American relation- ships, particularly in relation to matters affecting hemispheric security, and the formalization of Inter-American mechanisms as intruments of collective action. It could also affect the leverage of Latin American countries in the direction of possible concessions by the United States, particularly at the summit level, with regard to hemispheric economic and social co-operation. 14. A number ofQAS members, in particular Venezuela, which has not recongized the Argentine regime, had been reluctant to hold the meeting in Argentina. —2'/ A formula, originally suggested by Brazil, and which has been approved by the CAS Council, offers a way out by providing for the participation in inter-American conferences of countries which do not maintain diplomatic relations with the govern- ment of :the country where a conference might take place. On 22 December 1966 the Venezuelan Foreign Minister said that his country reserved for itself the right not to participate in the Third Special Conference but it had not yet reached a decision on this matter. ^ -2.'1 Venezuela did not attend the Second Special Inter-American Conference held in Rio de Janeiro in November 196? as it had refused to maintain diplomatic relations with the Government of Brazil on the basis that it was unconstitutional. On 31 December 1966, the Foreign Ministry of Brazil announced the re-establishment of s diplomatic relations with Venezuela, following the initiative of Venezuela in - h - B. The Proposed Summit Conference. 15. Further preparations for the proposed Summit Conference are proceeding and more recent reports indicate that though there are still problems threatening to scuttle the meeting, progress is being made towards the holding of the conference. 16. At the end of December U.S. officials expressed confidence that the Summit Meeting would be held in mid-April. They also confirmed that agreement had been reached on this during recent trips to Latin America by U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, Lincoln Gordon, and Ambassador Linowitz, U.S. representative to the Organiz- ation of American States. Apparently the subject of the Summit Conference was also discussed between the U.S. senior aides and the Foreign Ministers of LAFTA Members, during the December LAFTAseeting in Montevideo. 17. This seems to have followed the resolution of lingering doubts about the possible practical value of a meeting of Presidents. Also President Johnson appears to be very eager to attend the Conference. His attendance might be combined with a visit to several Latin American countries. 18. The idea of the Summit Conference was first launched by former President Illia of Argentina in March 1965. The OAS Council spent several months on the consideration of procedures to be followed for the holding of the conference and a Preparatory Committee has also spent a considerable amount of time, with the assist- ance of a group of high inter-governmental officials, to arrive at a possible approach that might give substance to the conference's results. However, still pervading the preparations for the conference is the feeling of Latin 'American governments that if a program with possibilities of success is going to be adopted, it would be essential to modify the conditions of economic assistance and the terms of trade affecting the Latin American area. In this connexion, many observers have compared the preparations for the Summit Conference with the confrontation which took place at the beginning of the year at the inter-American meeting in Panama, dealing with the question of the revision of the OAS Charter, on matters relating to the same subjects. 19. President Johnson's interest was first shown by the dispatch of the two senior aides above mentioned on separate tours of Latin American capitals. —it-'/ Upon their return they indicated that the outlook for inter-American commitments on -^ On this regard. The Venezuelan Foreign Office indicated that re-establish- ment of relations did not amount in any way to a modification of the Betancourt doctrine. •^ Diario Las Ame'ricas. Miami, 22 December 1966. i / York Times. 25 December 1966. - 5 - regional economic projects is fair and that the prospects for an arms limitation agreement are good, though Mr. Gordon has been quoted as having said that the latter subject may not be formally included in the Summit Agenda. ^ 20. A new meeting of the high officials of inter-governmental organizations and agencies -/ giving their advice to the Preparatory Committee for the Summit Conference was held in Washington at the end of the month, to draft the final text * of a document for the Conference. This document will be considered by the Prepara- tory Committee at the beginning of January. 21. Diplomatic sources have indicated that at their last meeting the experts concentrated mainly on the question of priorities which reportedly have been set as follows: economic integration, commercial and foreign financing, agricultural production and agrarian reform, and health and education. •7A/ 22. The U.S. emphasis seems to be concentrated on economic integration and agricultural development and education, rather than economic assistance and trade commitments. The general view is that aid and trade will have to be inevitably considered by the Presidents but in view of its present involvement in Asia, it is doubtful that the United States is in a position to make any major move, in particular before the conclusion of the Kennedy Round negotiations. On the other hand, it has been suggested that since concessions would be included in a Declaration which would not have a mandatory character, the United States might find it possible to consider some of these at the proposed Summit Conference. 23. Further complicating the prospects of the Conference are pressures for the possible inclusion of items of a political character or fear that they cannot be avoided if the Conference is held. Bolivia has been insisting that it cannot take part in the Conference unless the problem of Bolivia's access to the sea would be considered, which is a problem that has been tarnishing its relations with Chile. In diplomatic circles the inclusion of such an item has been considered practically impossible as it would open the door to a series of other problems such as the ^ The U.S. is reportedly opposed not only to "unnecessary" expansion of Latin American air forces but to efforts to build up more sophisticated units through the purchase of modern weapons. -' The group included Jos4 A. Mora, Secretary General of the OAS, Carlos Sanz de Santa Maria, President of CIAP; Felipe Herrera, President of the BID; Raul Prebisch, Secretary-General of UNCTAD; Jose Antonio Mayobre, Executive Secretary of ECLA; Alberto Sola, Executive Secretary of LAFTA; Alvino Roman y Vega, representing Alfonso Rochac, Secretary General of ODECA; Carlos Manuel Castillo, Secretary General of Central American Economic Integration Organization and Gustavo Guerrero, President, Central American Bank of Economic Integration. U Diario Las Americas. Miami, 29 December 1966. - 6 - Boundary Question between Ecuador and Peru. There also remains the possibility that general political items or problems relating to continental security could likewise be raised. -8*/ 24. The selection of the site for the Conference is also reflecting political overtones, which have up to now impeded final agreement. Though a majority seems to be in favour of Lima, Peru, Ecuador has indicated that its President would not go to that city. It is also not certain that Bolivia will take part in the Confer- ence, much less so if it were to be held at Vina del Mar, Chile. More recent indic- ations are that Punta del Este in Uruguay may be selected as the site for the Confer- ence . Status of the Implementation of the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention iii the, Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of their Independence and Sovereignty 25. By a letter dated 16 December 1966 (A/6611), addressed to the Secretary- General, the Permanent Representative of Cuba transmitted a note from the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cuba, to which was annexed a copy of all the resolutions adopted by the First Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Conference, held in Havana in January 1966. It was requested that the Note and the annex (A/66ll/Add.l) should be circulated as an official General Assembly document under item 96 of the Assembly's Agenda. The note accuses the QAS of making use "of the United Nations for the purpose of circulating documents in which attacks are made on a number of State Members of the United Nations, including in particular Cuba". It refers specifically to the QAS communication relating to the Tri-Continental Conference and the Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Organization (AALAPSO) which was issued both as a Security Council (8/7606) and as a General Assembly document (A/C.1/938), in the latter case in connexion with consideration of item 96 of the Assembly's Agenda. 26. In its note, the Government of Cuba states that it considers it as its duty "to reply to this new act of provocation, since the document in question is a fla- grant attack on the right of peoples to defend themselves against the imperialist conspiracy — a defence which is in final analysis, the lofty aim of AALAPSO". 27. The note also says that like AALAPSO, at the tri-continental level, the Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO) "is an association of representatives of our peoples" set up in response to "imperialist aggression and intervention" in the Western Hemisphere and to the "complicity of the Organization of American States" 8/ La Prensa. Buenos Aires, Argentina, 16 December 1966. - T - in all "crimes and outrages of Yankee policy". The Government of Cuba reaffirmed "in its entirety" the agreements concluded at the First Solidarity Conference of the Peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and said it was gearing its policy to those agreements because it was "the duty of our revolutionary state and of its heroic people". 28. During consideration of item 96 of the Assembly's Agenda in the First Committee a part of the discussion was related to the Tri-Continental Conference and the organizations arising from it. Wiile some Members maintained that the Conference had been an expression of the general desire for freedom and that inter- vention against the struggle of peoples for freedom was tantamount to aggression, other Members, particularly Members of the Latin American Group, expressed the view that the Havana Conference had recommended ways of overthrowing political institutions of independent countries and that such actions should be condemned as violating the UN Charter; interventionism, it was said, could not be justified on the grounds of anti-colonialism, and support given to "so-called liberation movements" also violated the Charter. Intra-Regional Relations A. Meeting of the Foreign Ministers of LAFTA. 29. The Meeting of the Foreign Ministers of The Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) opened in Montevideo on 2 December 1966, with the participation of the Foreign Ministers of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela. The meeting was adjourned on 12 December with two Protocols and eight resolutions approved. It also approved what was termed as the "basis" for Bolivia membership as the llth Association's member, as a nation of "relatively minor development". At the final meeting only the Foreign Minister of Chile, who had returned to Santiago on 11 December 1966, was not present. He had expressed disappointment over the results of the meeting but subsequently authorized his representative to sign the Final Act. 30. The main accomplishment of the meeting was the establishment, through a , Protocol, of a Council of Foreign Ministers. The Council will be the Association's supreme organ and will adopt the necessary decisions and general rules for accelerating the economic and social development and integration of the parties concerned. The Council will examine the results of the work performed by LAFTA and draw up work plans of other entities of the Association and the basic rules that will regulate the Association's relations with other nations, regional associations, and international organizations or entities. In addition, it may delegate power -8 - to make decisions to the LAFTA Conference or the Executive Committee. The Protocol provides that the Council may determine the functions of the contracting parties' Conferences concerning arrangement for negotiations, compliance with assigned tasks, and consideration of and decisions on matters submitted "by the Council. It will also deal with matters of common interest not connected with LAFTA's political leadership. The Council and the LAFTA members Conference will meet once a year. The Protocol also provides that the Council and the Conference may only meet and make decisions with afc least two-thirds of the contract- ing parties attending. The Protocol will become effective JO days after its ratification. It was signed by Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela. 31. The meeting of Foreign Ministers also approved a resolution for the settlement of controversies, which will be in effect until a protocol establishing a definitive system is ratified. Another decision of the meeting worth mentioning was the approval of an agreement facilitating the movement of citizens of LAFTA members through the ,territory of the signatory parties. 32. The meeting revealed substantial cleavages between the LAFTA members with regard to possible approaches to Latin American economic integration. Chile was the main spokesman for a group in favour of accelerated economic and political integration, while Argentina was the main spokesman for those in favour of a more o/ cautious approach. ** 33- At the meeting, the Foreign Minister of Chile had proposed an intensive acceleration of the integration process by the adoption of fixed term obligations in regard to a customs union, tariffs • and internal elimination of duties. Subsequently, the Foreign Minister said that the meeting had been a "failure". He had added that he could see that LAFTA's first stage of dealing exclusively with commerce had already been overcome, and that now the integration stage had to be tackled. 3^. The Foreign Minister of Argentina had indicated that the real objective was "to turn LAFTA into an agile and flexible organization so that it might gradually adapt to the changing conditions of the nations in the area". He had stressed the fact that the "diversity" and number of the nations could not be overlooked. Therefore, no "supranationalist formula" contrary to the traditions of these countries could be accepted. Brazil and Mexico also defended the •9^/ Chile was supported by Colombia and partly by Uruguay and Venezuela. Brazil, Mexico, Peru and Paraguay supported the more cautious approach. - 9 - approach adopted by LAFTA pointing out that the Association was progressing rapidly and -was fulfilling its objectives. —' 35- The issues would seem to revolve basically around a supra-national or an inter-governmental approach. They are also closely linked with the achievement of important national economic goals that most Latin American countries are years away from reaching. Though it is conceded that Latin American progress depends on tying the economies of its individual countries together in some common organization, there is disagreement as to whether the tasks of development can best be accomplished from each national political centre or through the magic of a supra-national organ. It should be noted that the preparatory work for the Summit Conference, particularly the work of the group of inter-governmental officials, is placing special emphasis on the creation of appropriate institutional machinery with which to establish a Latin American Economic Community. It is doubtful, however, that all Latin American countries could accept the thesis that economic and political integration is a pre- requisite of development in Latin America. On his return to Buenos Aires, from the LAFTA meeting, the Foreign Minister of Argentina was quoted as having stated that the meeting had demonstrated that it was not "rhetoric and lyricism" but "prudence" and "a sense of realism" on the part of member Governments what would provide a basis for development of the zone. —' B. Meeting of the Presidents of Mexico and the United States. 36. On 3 December 1966, during a meeting of the two Presidents on the Texas-Mexico border, a statement was issued saying that they had come together because of the common interests of their Governments in the progress of construction of the Amistad (Friendship) Dam. After expressing their pleasure at the satisfactory progress of the construction, and recognizing that the Dam constituted an outstanding example of how two neighbour countries could resolve their common boundary problems with benefit to both, the statement said that the joint visit had afforded the Presidents oppor- tunity to strengthen even more their personal friendship which would undoubtedly be IP/ reflected in greater understanding between the two nations. —' C. Visit of Foreign Minister of Brazil to Peru. 37• During a visit of the Foreign Minister of Brazil to Peru, in December 1966, a joint Declaration was issued by the two governments reiterating adherence to the —^ La Prensa. Buenos Aires, 11 December 1966. —' La Prensa, Buenos Aires, 13 December 1966. 12/ New York Times, k December 1966. - 10 - principles of the Inter-American System, supporting the proposed Summit Confer- ence, and reiterating opposition to the formation of "blocs in the Western Hemis- phere. The Declaration also confirms the desire of the two'countries to cooperate with the other American States for the holding of the Third Special Inter-American Conference and it also expresses their agreement on the imperative need of develop- ing with other neighbouring states, the Amazon Basin, and of increasing means of transport and communication. Finally the Declaration supports the strengthening of LAJTA as the basic organ of "Hispano-American integration". -2/ 58. The visit to Peru, and visits to other Latin American countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Uruguay) in the recent past, have been interpreted as part of a diplomatic offensive by Brazil, and have aroused a great deal of speculation in the Latin American press generally. It would seem that one of their objectives is the development of a basis for greater economic co-operation, on a sub-regional basis, (Eiver Plate and Amazon basins) with South American countries, while at the same time counter-acting trends towards the formation of regional blocs, that could affect the fuller development of the Inter-American System as supported by Brazil. Other Matters A. Admission of Barbados. 39. At its 155Ofch meeting on 7 December 1966 the Security Council recommended to the General Assembly that Barbados be admitted to membership in the United Nations. At its l¥37th Plenary meeting, held on 9 December, the General Assembly decided to admit Barbados to membership in the Organization. B. Arbitral Award on Boundary Question Between Argentina and Chile. kO. On Ik December 1966 the award by a British arbitration court, regarding the boundary question between Argentina and Chile, was announced in London. The boundary question arose in connexion with the interpretation and implementation of a previous arbitral award of 1902 and it was referred in 1965 to the arbitration of Queen Elizabeth II by the two parties concerned. The disputed territory con- cerned kO miles of the 3,000-mile frontier between Argentina and Chile, in the High Andes. la. The award follows a line contended for by both parties in the north and southern stretches of the boundary, but for the rest sometimes follows the line claimed by Argentina, sometimes the Chilean line, and sometimes a separate line between the two. Hispano-Americano, Mexico, pp. 30-J1, 26 December 1966. —* The London Times, 15 December 1966. - 11 - A Commission to implement the arbitral decision -will leave for the area at the "beginning of January 1967. 42. The Foreign Ministry of Argentina issued a statement on 15 December 1966, -^in connexion with the award, expressing its satisfaction over the ruling. The Foreign Minister of Chile also expressed the satisfaction of his Government for the arbitration ruling. C. Falkland Islands (Malvinas) 43. In communications dated 15 December 1966 (A/C.4/682 and A/C.4/683) addressed to the Secretary-General, Argentina and the United Kingdom forwarded the text of a joint communique, saying that meetings had been held at the Foreign Office from 28 November 1966, between representatives of the two governments, "with the object of solving the problem of the dispute regarding the Falkland Islands (Malvinas)" referred to in resolution 206"5(XX). The two Governments reported that during these meetings "certain ways of reaching agreement" had been considered. Both Governments would proceed with the talks in order to try to resolve the problem. 44. At the 1678th meeting, held on IT December 1966, the Fourth Committee, on the proposal of the representative of Uruguay requested the Chairman to formulate the consensus of the Committee concerning the Falkland Islands (Mal- vinas), on the basis of views expressed by members. At the l679th meeting, also held on 17 December 1966, the Committee adopted the draft consensus formulated by the Chairman, as follows: "With reference to General Assembly resolution 2065(XX) of 16 December 1965 concerning the question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), the Fourth Committee took note of the communications dated 15 December 1966 of Argentina and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (A/C.k/682 and A/C.4/683). In this regard there was a consensus in favour of urging both parties to continue with the negotiations so as to find a peaceful solution to the problem as soon as possible, keeping the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the General Assembly duly informed about the development of the negotiations on this colonial situation, the elimination of which is of interest to the United Nations within the context of General Assembly resolution 15l4(XX) of 14 December 1960". La Prensa. Buenos Aires, 15 December 1966. - 12 - D. U.S. Citizens allowed to leave Cuba. 45. It was reported from Mexico City, on 28 December 1966, that the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs had announced that a group of U.S. citizens and their families and-close dependents, about 200 persons,had been authorized to leave Cuba as the result of the "good offices" of the Mexican Government. The statement said that President Gustavo Diaz Ordaz had thanked the Cuban Government for the gesture. The Mexican statement said that a Mexicana plane would make successive flights to bring out the 200 possessing exit permits. 46. After arrival in Merida, Mexico, the group was transferred by Pan Amer- ican World Airways to New Orleans. Apparently this had been part of the arrange- ments between the Mexican and Cuban Governments. 47. Although the statement spoke of only 200 persons allowed to leave Cuba, it has been reported that some 2,000 persons in all have been involved in the negotiations. These include about 800 persons carrying United States passports and their families. 48. U..S. State Department officials paid high praise to the Mexican Govern- ment, whose good offices were credited with winning Cuban Premier Fidel Castro's approval of the evacuation. —' Commenting on the airlift from Cuba, Benjamin Welles, writing in the New York Times of 1 January 1967, said that a U.S. source had expressed the opinion that "there was no indication that Premier Castro was out to improve relations with the United States by letting the Amer- icans fly out to Mexico". "It just looks", the informant had said, "as if he wants to be nice to the Mexicans—and naturally we're extremely grateful to Mexico for what they've been able so far to do". There are, however, other indications which might lead to the creation of conditions that could contribute to a further lessening of tensions. E. Plebiscite in Puerto Rico. 4-9. It was reported on 28 December 1966 that the Governor of Puerto Rico had sanctioned and enacted a law approved by the Legislative Houses, regarding the holding of a plebiscite on 23 July 1967, on the political status of the 16/ Hew York Times. 29 December 1966 - 13 - island. The following day, it was reported that the Government of Puerto Rico •was not considering inviting any persons or organs to supervise the plebiscite. IT—u/ F. Understanding on Presidential Candidacy for the next Regular Session of the General Assembly. 50. A dispatch from the UN published in La Prensa. Buenos Aires, of 23 December 1966, reported that "friendly . understanding" had been reached between Guatemala and Rumania regarding the Presidential candidacy for the XXII session of the General Assembly. Under this understanding, the Rumanian Foreign Minsster would be a candidate for the Presidency of the XXII session and the Guatemalan Foreign Minister would be a candidate for the Presidency of the XXIII session. It was reported that both candidates expected to count with the support of the Afro-Asian, Latin-American and Socialist groups. 51. The candidacy of the Guatemalan Foreign Minister to the Presidency of the General Assembly had been suggested by Costa Rica to the Latin American and other groups. It has reportedly the support of the majority of Latin American countries. 17/ Diario Las Americas. .".Miami, 29 and 30 December 1966. ANNEX OEA/Ser.G/V C-d-l460 (English) 19 December 1966 Original: Spanish RESOLUTION ON THE DATE OF THE THIRD SPECIAL INTER-AMERICAN CONFERENCE (Adopted by the Council of the Organization at the special meeting held on December 19, 1966) WHEREAS: In paragraph 1 of the operative part of Resolution I, "The Act of Rio de Janeiro", of the Second Special Inter-American Conference, it was decided "to convoke, in accordance with articles 36 and 111 of the Charter of the Organization of American States, the Third Special Inter-American Conference, to be held in the city of Buenos Aires"; The Council of the Organization at its meeting on October 7, 1966, resolved that the opening date of the Third Special Inter-American Confer- ence be determined, in agreement with the Government of Argentina, "at the latest prior to January 10, 1967"; and The Government of Argentina has expressed its agreement that February 15, 196?, be set as the opening date for the said conference, THE COUNCIL OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES RESOLVES: To set February 15, 1967, as the opening date for the Third Special Inter-American Conference, which is to be held in Buenos Aires. 0/1617 91084 ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TOj The Secretary-General FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDS NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER , FOR INFORMATION X POUR INFORMATION *\*o Date: FROM: DE: 15 Feb. 1967 CR. 13 (11-64) DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD CONFIDENTIAL SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS Political Affairs Division 10 February 1967 DdeB/sr NOTE OK LATIN AMERICAN AFFAIES - JANUARY 196? General Comments 1. The Third Special Inter-American Conference, which is to revise the Charter of the Organization of American States, will finally meet in Buenos Aires on 15 February 1967. A document on draft revision of the Charter has been distributed to the Member Governments containing the Preliminary Draft Proposal on Amendments preparedby the Special Committee which met in Panama, together with the observations made by the Council of the Organization of American States. 2. With regard to the proposed Summit Conference, preparations continue to uncover the divergence of views still prevailing regarding the date, place and agenda for the Conference. The Eleventh Meeting of Consultation which was opened in Washington on 2U January 1967, will continue in Buenos Aires, during the holding of the Third Special Conference, and is expected to set the date, place and agenda of the Summit Conference, if remaining problems can be overcome. J. At the end of the month the Fourth Session of the Preparatory Commission for the Denuclearization of Latin America opened in Mexico City with expressions of hope that it may reach agreement on a draft Treaty. There remain, however, some uncertainties about the prospects of the denuclearization agreement. h. Demonstrations in Managua, Nicaragua, on 22 January, connected with presidential elections and amounting to open rebellion, have been interpreted by some observers as showing a state of substantial dissatisfaction with the political prospects of the country and the expected result of the Presidential elections. The demonstrations would seem to have been linked with an attempt to disrupt the presidential elections which, as expected, returned to power a son of General Anastasio Somoza, General Anastasio Somoza Debayle, a candidate of the "Nationalist Liberal Party". Apparently, feeling against this possibility was running high among opposition forces which had complained that they were being circumscribed by the Nicaraguan national guard or police. - 2 - . . ' i After the elections the opposition charged fraud and intimidation at the polls. 5. The opposition elements had closed ranks in a national union but observers had reported that its candidate, Dr. Fernando Agiiero, a member of the Conservative Party, had failed to capture the firm allegiance of electoral allies. The Government accused the opposition of "subversive" activities and emprisoned a number of its representatives including the publisher of the principal opposition newspaper - La Prensa-, ST. Pedro Joaquin Chamorro. However, despite the results . of the elections political prospects for Nicaragua remain clouded and would not exclude further outbursts. 6. Of other developments during the month, one of the most noteworthy is the Chilean Senate's denial of permission for the President to visit Washington. Opposition forces voted in a solid block against the enabling bill required under the Constitution before a president can leave the country. Some observers have interpreted the negative vote as showing "a marked anti-American sentiment". The denial has affected the "leadership claims" of Chile in Latin America. Foreign Minister Gabriel Valdes: has stated that the Chilean Senate action has considerably hindered President Frei's ability "60 manage Chile's foreign affairs". He added that the Government considered the situation grave because "various Latin American countries were against the position of Chile within the continent". -' The denial has also considerably weakened the position of President Frei and could even affect the holding of the Summit Conference. It also endangers the current Chilean experiment of a "revolution" within a "democratic" framework. 7. Other developments include the adoption of a new Constitution in Brazil which the opposition has said to be of "totalitarian inspiration". However, President Castello Branco has expressed the view that the new Constitution would "improve democratic institutions" and would "promote the development of social peace and national security". Inter-American Relations A. Third Special Inter-American Conference. 8. Preparations are being completed for the holding of the Third Special Inter- American Conference in Buenos Aires, on 15 February 196T. The Council of the O.A.S. has approved the draft agenda for the Conference which will deal with amendment of the O.A.S. Charter, taking into account the Preliminary Draft Proposal on Amendments, 1. The Washington Post, 25 January 1967. - 3 - prepared "by the Special Committee that met in Panama, together with the observations made by the O.A.S. Council. This draft has been submitted to the member States for consideration. 9. Under the Regulations for the Conference, the United Nations has been invited to be represented by its Secretary-General or an alternate, in the capacity of an observer. A number of official Inter-American organizations and entities -2'/ and Governments of American States that are not members of the O.A.S. 2J have also been invited to the Conference. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development has been invited as a Specialized Agency with which the O.A.S. has no agreement. In addition, the O.A.S. Council has agreed to the attendance as special guests of a number of Governments of Non-American k/ States that are members of the United Nations or its Specialized Agencies -' and has also authorized facilities and courtesies for attending the Conference to a number of agencies.^ 10. The Third Special Inter-American Conference will complete the work started at the Second Special Inter-American Conference held in Rio de Janeiro in November 1965. The context within which the Conference is being held gives special emphasis to issues which have a direct bearing on the relationships between the regional organization and the United Nations. The draft revisions dealing with peaceful settlement enhance substantially the political functions of the proposed new Council of the Organization. ¥ith regard to collective security issues, it is difficult at this stage to anticipate the results of the Conference. It was reported that Brazil, with the support of Argentina, had circulated a pre-conference confidential memorandum suggesting converting the Inter-American Defense Board into an advisory commission on defense, -'' but more recent reports indicate that the proposal may not be presented before the Conference. 2. Inter-American Defense Board; Inter-American Cultural Council; Inter-American Council of Jurists; Inter-American Economic and Social Council; Inter American Committee on the Alliance for Progress; Inter-American Commission on Human Rights; Inter-American Peace Committee; Inter-American Development Bank. 3. Barbados, Canada, Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. k. Austria, Denmark, Federal Republic of Germany (West GermanyX Israel, Japan, Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom. 5. Council of Europe; Chamber of Commerce of the Americas; Inter-American Council of Commerce and Production; World Jewish Congress. 6. La Prensa, Buenos Aires, 18 January 1967. 11. Coinciding with the reports on the Brazilian proposal, were also reports that Mexico's Foreign Office had sent a communication to the O.A.S. emphasizing its opposition to a reorganization of the Inter-American Defense Board, Apparently, the tone of the communication aimed at freezing discussion on this subject at Buenos Aires. •7L/ 12, The question of the reorganization of the Inter-American Defense Board and its integration within the framework of a reorganized O.A.S. could raise important issues relating to the security functions of the regional organization and would cause a substantial amount of controversy. 15. The Inter-American Defense Board was established under a resolution (Res. XXXIX) adopted at the Third Meeting of Foreign Ministers of the American States, held in Bio de Janeiro in 19^2. The'resolution recommended "the immediate meeting in Washington of a commission composed of military and naval technicians appointed by each of the Governments to study and to recommend to them the measures necessary for the defense of the Continent." The designated delegates of the twenty-one American States met for the first time as the Inter-American Defense Board on 30 March 19^2. 14. During the Second World War the activities of the Inter-American Defense Board dealt mainly with problems relating to the control of communications, maritime and air measures, production, supply and distribution of strategic and critical materials, uniformity in defense preparations, manpower problems and miscellaneous topics such as "irregular forces" and security against sabotage. 15. The inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace of 19^5 (The Mexico City Conference) recommended that the Board should continue "as an agency of inter-American defense" until a permanent body was established. 16. Subsequently, a considerable amount of attention was given to the project for establishing a Permanent Military Agency, including suggestions for an agency as part of the mechanism for joint action under the contemplated Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (which became the Rio Treaty), but it was agreed by a large majority of the American Governments that the creation of such-military agency should be left for consideration by the Ninth International Conference of American States. However, at the Conference, which was to adopt the Charter of the regional 7. La Prensa, Buenos Aires, 21 January 1967. - 5 - Organization, it was decided instead to establish an Advisory Defense Committee to assist the "organ of consultation" on problems of military cooperation that might arise "in connexion with the application of existing special treaties on collective security". -8'/ 17. To satisfy delegations which argued that a permanent military "body was necessary, the Ninth International Conference adopted a resolution under-vhich it was resolved that the Inter-American Defense Board should continue to act as the organ of preparation for collective self-defense against aggression until the American Governments would decide by a two-thirds majority to consider its labour terminated. It was also provided that the Secretariat of the Board should serve as the Secretariat of the Advisory Defense Committee. 18. The status of the Inter-American Defense Board was subsequently consider- ed by the Council of the O.A.S., as provided for by the Ninth-International Confer- ence, and it was resolved by the O.A.S. Council that the Board had a'fepecific status" in accordance with which it should continue "to act as the organ of preparation for collective self-defense against aggression until the American Governments would decide by a two-thirds majority to consider its labour term- inated". This is still the situation with regard to the Board. ^ 19. It should be noted that at the meeting in Panama of the Special Committee drafting revisions of the O.A.S. Charter, a Delegation submitted amendments to the Articles of the Charter dealing with the Advisory Defense Committee, with the objective of changing the character of the Committee and authorizing the use of the services of the Inter-American Defense Board. Other delegations, however, maintained that the Special Committee was not competent to propose changes in the relevant articles (Articles kk to V7). Several delegations expressed the view that various inter-American organs, such as the Inter-American Board, should be incorporated in the structure of the organization, but other delegations opposed any modification of Chapter XI of the O.A.S. Charter, dealing with the Meeting of Consultation and the Advisory Defense Committee. Wo decisions, therefore, were taken on these matters. 8. The Provisions of the O.A.S. Charter dealing with the Advisory Defense Committee read as follows: "Article kk: An Advisory Defense Committee shall be established to advise the Organ of Consultation on problems of military cooperation - 6 - 20. With regard to economic and social matters, the Buenos Aires Conference is expected to incorporate into the new O.A.S. Charter some principles which are the result of a compromise between the Latin American and U.S. positions, reached at a meeting of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council in Washington, in the Summer of 1966. 21. The Conference is also expected to introduce important structural changes in the Organization of American States. B. Proposed Summit Conference. 22. Preparations for the Summit Conference continue to uncover the divergence of views still prevailing regarding the place, the date and the agenda for the Conference. There has been no agreement on the meeting place and date for the Conference, mainly as a result of slow progress regarding the Conference's agenda, and of other issues which could still affect the holding of the Conference. 23. Reportedly the document prepared by the group of experts advising the Preparatory Commission for the Conference, has not satisfied some of the countries which had been pressing for giving the experts a key role in the agenda preparation. (Note No. 8 - Continued) ... "that may arise in connexion with the application of existing special treaties on collective security." "Article l)-5: The Advisory Defense Committee shall be composed of the highest military authorities of the American States participating in the Meeting of Consultation. Under exceptional circumstances the Governments may appoint substitutes. Each State shall be entitled to one vote." "Article 1*6: The Advisory Defense Committee shall be convoked under the same conditions as the Organ of Consultation, when the latter deals with matters relating to defense against aggression." "Article Vf: The Committee shall also meet when the Conference or the Meeting of Consultation or the Governments, by a two-thirds majority of the Member States, assign to it technical studies or reports on specific subjects." 9. By decision of the Eighth Meeting of Consultation held in 1962, Cuba was excluded from membership in the Board. - 7 - i 2k. To expedite decisions on the Conference, the O.A.S. Council called for the opening of the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation which met in Washington on 2k January 1967, with the participation of the representatives of the Foreign Ministers. One of the first tasks of the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation was to endorse the resolution giving a multilateral character to Inter-American Conferences. This was done, with the understanding, however, that the decision would not apply to special conferences such as the Summit Meeting. The reservation was pressed by Bolivia and Ecuador that did not want approval of the resolution to be interpreted as commitment to participation in the Summit Conference, if and wherever it might be held. 25. At the Eleventh Meeting the US pressed for a decision on the date and place for the Conference, pending agreement on the Agenda, but there was apparently opposition to this on the part of several members including Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Panama, Peru and Venezuela. Reportedly, opposition was particularly vocal on the part of Colombia and Venezuela. —' 26. The Chilean Senate's blocking of President Frei's visit to the US, which has considerably weakened the President's position, could also create some new- difficulties regarding the holding of the Conference. The Eleventh Meeting has ;" "? decided to continue its sessions in Buenos Aires, in the middle of February, when the Foreign Ministers will be meeting in the Third Special Inter-American Confer- ence to revise the O.A.S. Charter. At Buenos Aires, the Foreign Ministers are to set the date, place and agenda of the Summit Conference, if remaining problems can be overcome. Denuclearization of Latin America 27. The Fourth Session of the Preparatory Commission for the Denuclearization of Latin America opened in Mexico City on 51 January 1967. The following countries are participating in the deliberation: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Chile, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti," Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Trinidad-Tobago, Uruguay and Venezuela. The meeting is also being attended by observers from the following countries: Austria, Canada, Denmark, Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany), France, Holland, India, Italy, Israel, Norway, Poland, Sweden, United Arab Republic, United Kingdom, United States• , and Yugoslavia. ll-»/ ' 10. Diario Las Americas, Miami, 27 January 1967. 11. Diario Las Ame'rcias, Miami, 1 February 1967. - 8 - 28. At the end of December 1966, the Coordinating Committee of the Preparatory Commission held two meetings in New York, during which it was agreed to submit for the consideration of the Members of the Preparatory Commission the conclusions of the Coordinating Committee regarding the pending articles of the Draft Treaty. Reportedly, a breakthrough was achieved as a result of private consultations,designed to remove the last major obstacle in the way of agreement, i.e. when the treaty could be brought into force. The compromise was reportedly proposed by Dr. Garcfa Robles, who has been presiding over the Preparatory Commission from its beginning in November 196^. 29. At the inaugural meeting Dr. Garcfa Robles, after expressing his conviction that the session would lead to the signing of the Treaty, referred to a recent communication received from the USSR in which it was indicated that the USSR was ready "to respect the status of the denuclearized zones that may be created in the future if other nuclear powers assume a' like obligation". Dr. Garcia Robles emphasized the use in the USSR's communication of the phrase "other nuclear powers". It has also been noted that this is the first time that the USSR in its dealings with the Preparatory Commission has made no reference to Cuba. In addition, the USSR statement has indicated that denuclearized zones could be created "not only by groups of States covering entire continents or vast geographic regions, but also by reduced numbers of states or even by individual countries". —-' The USSR reply added that the Soviet Government would be able to determine more concretely its attitude to the Latin American nuclear free zone once the States directly interested had reached agreement on the corresponding Treaty, and after the attitude of other nuclear powers had become known. 30. Previously the US had notified the Preparatory Commission that it would support a treaty but would not recognize its application in the Virgin Islands, or Puerto Rico. In the case of the Panama Canal Zone it would be included in the nuclear free zone except for transit rights through the Canal. The United Stsftes has also reserved its rights to fly nuclear arms over Latin America. The US has also expressed willingness to include its base at Guantamano Bay in Cuba, if Cuba would join the Treaty. Cuba, however, has cited the base as one reason for not joining the denuclearization agreement. —^ 12. New York Times, 2 February 1967. 13. The Washington Post, 2 February 1967. - 9 - 31. The People's Republic of China has expressed unwillingness to accept any obligation vis-a-vis the proposed denuclearized zone. 32. The treaty and its two protocols, under the current concept, would include three categories of nations: those foreswearing nuclear arms, outside states with territorial interests in the zone and the nuclear powers. The United States would seem to fall into "both two later categories. Any US concurrence would require consent of the Senate. 33. In a message to the Preparatory Commission the Secretary-General, after saying that Members of the United Nations had followed the progress of its work with great interest and with active sympathy, noted that the attainment of the treaty would create the first nuclear-free-zone for an inhabited portion of the globe. Such a treaty, he said, could also have wider implications: it could lead to the denuclearization of other areas of the world, reduce the size of the problem of nuclear proliferation, and stimulate renewed interest in other disarm- ament measures. He noted that the draft treaty would provide for close links be- tween the Agency to be created under the Treaty and several of the principal organs of the United Nations, as well as the International Atomic Energy Agency. Colombia's relations with the International Monetary Fund 3!)-. A dispute between Colombia and the I.M.F. regarding economic and financial policies, which erupted at the end of November 1966 and provoked strong reactions in Colombia, has not yet been settled though a mission of the I.M.F. is now in that country trying to negotiate an agreement. The dispute has also provoked a readjustment of Colombia's position regarding certain aspects of its inter- American policy, as reflected in its attitude towards the calling of the Summit Conference and agreement on its Agenda. The I.M.F. had recommended an exchange devaluation, which the Government refused to accept on the basis that a devaluation without careful controls on capital movements would only raise internal prices rapidly and "break the wage line that the President had been able to maintain in personal negotiations with unions. Apparently a U.S. loan had been tied up with implementation of I.M.F. recommendations. Instead, the Government adopted a strict system of exchange controls. The Colombian Government has been arguing that internal prices generally shoot up with a devaluation, and that as with other traditional methods of economic stabilization, devaluation places severe hardships of reduced wages and unemployment on the working classes. - 10 - 35. At the heart of the controversy is the dilemma of an under-developed country trying to move ahead, while depending for its livelihood on a single export commodity (coffee), and being pressed to adopt a monetary approach which is being increasingly questioned, short of a solution' of problems relating to terms of trade and international financing. Such problems, it is argued, are far from being faced as squarely as it would be the desire of the under-developed countries, 36. The disagreement has brought into sharp focus the ".controversial" role of the I.M.F., from its beginning, with regard to financial and monetary policies in Latin America. 37. Writing in Vision of 23 December 1966, published in Mexico, former Colombian President Lleras Camargo drew attention to this "controversial" role of the Fund, and pointed out the failure of the policy "tenaciously" recommended by that Special- ized Agency. The former President accused the Fund of "doctrinaire rigidity" which, he said, has not been very successful "in the immense majority" of under-developed countries. After calling the method of devaluation "politically subversive", the former President implied endorsement of recourse to other monetary and financial measures such as those resorted to by Colombia. Mr. Lleras noted that Alliance for Progress Aid had not included originally the requirement of the FundJs approval of recipient nations, and concluded that if the Latin American countries could have met the sine qua non conditions of the Fund, the Alliance for Progress would have been "superfluous". Other Matters A. Chilean Senate Denies President Permission to Visit Washington. 38. On IT January 1967 the Chilean Senate denied permission for President Frei to leave the country for an official visit to the U.S. There were 23 votes against allowing the President to leave the country and 15 votes to allow him to do so. The only support for the President came from members of the Presidents Christian Democratic Party and three independents. The National Party (a right-wing group), the Radical Party (a conservative group), and the Socialist and Communist Parties, which are united in a Front, voted in a solid bloc against the enabling bill required under the Constitution before a President can leave the country. —^ 39. The Senate!s negative vote came after Foreign Minister Gabriel Valdes told the legislators that to deny President Frei's request to leave would be an affront to the President, the Nation and its citizens "and a gratuitous and 15. New York Times, 18 January 1967 - 11 - unjust offense to the United States". —' kO. The extreme rightist nationalists justified their negative stand by arguing that President Johnson's invitation implied interference in Chile's internal affairs. The socialists and communists officially attributed their negative vote "to President Johnson's responsibility for the -war in Viet-Wam". In the case of the Eadical Party group, whose vote was decisive, its decision was motivated by internal considerations, particularly dissatisfaction with govern- mental measures such as those towards agrarian reform. Some observers have interpreted the negative vote as showing a "marked anti-American sentiment". 41. On 2k January 19^7 a communique issued by the Chilean Foreign Office, after expressing appreciation for the invitation extended ' by the President of the United States, said that President Frei had informed President Johnson of his decision to decline it for the time being. The communique further said that the President had also expressed his gratitude to the Vice-President of the United States, the US Congress, the Governor and Mayor of New York, the universities, and the distinguished private organizations that had prepared programs which represented an extraordinary distinction for the people and Government of Chile. Likewise, he had expressed his gratitude to the United Nations' Secretary-General and the 0.A.S.JCouncil for the programs they had organ- ized. The communique added that the Government would attempt by every means to repair the "unprecedented damage" done the nation by an "arbitrary and unjust action". 42. Previously President Frei had announced in a speech on 19 January 1967 that he would send a message to Congress asking for a Constitutional amendment allowing the President to dissolve Congress once during his mandate and to call for new elections. This was subsequently done and represented, according to observers a gamble oil the part of President Frei and his administration, in the hope that new elections might give him a majority in both Houses of the Chilean Congress. However, it has been reported that some polls have indicated the Christian Democratic Party's popularity "has fallen considerably short of its leader's", Many observers have also argued that Chile is still too fragmented in its party system for any one party to carry both Houses of Congress. —•17u/ 16. The Washington Post, 19 January 1967. 17. The Washington Post, 26 January 1967. - 12 - On 1 February 1967 the Chamber of Deputies approved President Frei's constitu- tional amendment, "but the measure is expected to run into stiff opposition in the Senate. 1*3. The rejection of permission has "been interpreted as a drastic measure that does nothing to enhance Chile's "leadership claims" in Latin America. A New York Times correspondent commenting on the development has said that as a result President Frei has abruptly been dislodged "from his perch as one of Latin America's vaunted statesmen". —' B, Meeting of Central American Defense Council kk. An extraordinary meeting of the Central American Defense Council, composed of Costa Bica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua was held in Teguci- galpa, Honduras from 7 to 10 January 1967. According to reports the meeting dealt with the reorganization of the Defense Council, and its conversion into a Central American Staff Command and the organization of a Central American Air Force. Subsequently a dispatch from Tegucigalpa announced that a project for the organ- ization of a Central American Air Force had been submitted and was being studied, but that there was no official information on this subject. Reportedly the proposed Air Force would be organized with the participation of the members of the Organization of Central American States along the lines of the Central American Army. A commission set up to study the matter is expected to report at the next meeting of the Defense Council in June 1967. -^ C. Argentina Extends Jurisdiction over Adjacent Sea. 45. An Argentina Law (Law No. 1709^) which became effective on 29 January 1967, extended Argentina's jurisdiction over 200 miles from its coasts. The new law 20/ affects fishing activities in the area claimed to be under Argentine jurisdiction.—' 1*6. On 21 January 1967 the Acting Foreign Minister of Brazil was said to have indicated that his country did not recognize the Argentine Government's decision to extend its maritime sovereignty. The Acting Foreign Minister was reported to have stated that in accordance with Brazil's doctrine, Brazilian vessels would continue to fish in those waters as they were still considered to be "international waters". Other sources indicated that the problem would have to be discussed wih all the Latin American countries that had signed the Geneva Convention which esta- blished the limit of maritime sovereignty at 12 miles from the coast. 18. New York Times, 29 January 1967. 19. Diario Las Americas, Miami, 13 January 1967. 20. La Prensa, Buenos Aires, 25 January 1967. - 13 - l)-7. On 28 January 1967 it was reported from Havana that the Cuban Govern- ment had objected to the Argentine decision and had announced plans to bring up the problem at the United Nations. The Cuban Government was said to have considered the decision as a "flagrant violation" of the Geneva Convention of 1958 on Territorial Waters. The Cuban reaction has been connected with interests of its fishing fleet operating in South Atlantic. 21—'/ kQ. A report from Buenos Aires of 2 February 1967 said that the USSR had rejected the Argentine decision, through its Embassy in the Argentine capital. It was indicated that the Soviet position is that the action "infringes on rights under International law" to fish on the high seas. —-22/ D. Joint Statement by Algeria, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal and the U.A.R. Regarding Brazilian Policy on Colonialism in Africa. 49. On 6 January 1967 a joint statement was issued in Rio de Janeiro by the Ambassadors of Algeria, Ghana and Senegal, and the Charge's d'Affaires of Nigeria and the U.A.R. voicing "serious concern" over "the recent trend in Brazil's attitude towards Portuguese colonialism in Africa". 50. The statement indicated that the five diplomats had approached the Brazilian Foreign Ministry to obtain clarification of several points, including: (a) Statements alleged to have been made in Lisbon by an "important Brazilian" reportedly the President-elect of Brazil, approving Portuguese policy in Africa; (b) The contemplated visit of Brazilian warships to Angola; (c) Political effects that might derive from the development of Brazilian economic interests in Angola .and Mozambique. The statement further indicated that the explanations furnished had failed to dissipate uneasiness and the fear was expressed that recent events would delay rather than encourage the development of cordial relations between the countries making it and Africa in general on the one hand, and Brazil on the other. 51. On 10 January 1967, a report said that Brazilian Foreign Minister Magalhaes had indicated he saw .no reason to be concerned over Brazil's relations with the countries which had made the joint statement. Such relations would continue to be handled with the utmost interest, and he wished them to be "ever broader and more cordial". However, in view of the fact that the path taken lied "outside the framework of usual communications between governments", he did not feel that it was timely to comment on the matter. 21. La Prensa, Buenos Aires, 29 January 1967. 22. New York Times, 3 February 1967. 52. Subsequently it was reported that the Brazilian Foreign Office had considered the joint statement as an "incursion into domestic affairs". Foreign Ministry officials had indicated that Brazil's African policy was based on "peaceful, constructive and realistic cooperation". Brazilian newspaper comment was that the Foreign Ministry was facing the twofold problem of preserving the image of moral support for its traditionally anti-colonialist policy, while at the same time holding to a "realistic policy" rooted in its historic ties and trade interests with Portugal. - E. Brazil's New Constitution. 53. A new Constitution was promulgated on 2k January 1967 at a joint session of the National Congress. It was approved by a vote of 221 to 11 after six weeks debate. The new law will go into effect on 15 March 1967 when President-elect Arthur da Costa e Silva assumes power. 5^. The main points of the new Constitution are: (a) Indirect elections of the President and Vice-President of the country by an electoral college composed of members of the Federal Congress and delegates elected by State Assemblies; (b) A change of the constitutional name of the country, which henceforth will be known as Brazil, not United States of Brazil, as it has been known since 1891; (c) Authority given to the President of the Republic to promulgate decree-laws; (d) Direct elections for Governors and Legislators; (e) Preservation, with slight modifications, of the provisions of the 19^6 constitution concerning individual rights and guarantees; (f) Cancellation of mandates of Congressmen who do not attend at least 50 percent of the Legislative sessions; (g) Congressional approval of the authority required for foreign forces to transit or remain provisionally on Brazilian territory. 55. The Constitution authorizes the extension of,the state of siege in emergency situations. It incorporates into present legislation the Institutional Acts of the revolution and prevents the legal review of sanctions applied against the adversaries of those who overthrew the Goulart Government. 56. The new Constitution maintains^a-State monopoly for the extraction of oil and authorizes private initiative to explore and exploit Brazilian resources of minerals and the petrochemical industry. 57. Except for five deputies, the Members of the opposition party, the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) were not present at the promulgation of the Constitution. The opposition group issued a statement saying that the - 15 - Constitution had a "totalitarian inspiration". President Castello Branco told a group of Senators that the new Constitution would "improve democratic institu- tions" and would "promote the development of social peace and national security". 58. The Brazilian Congress also approved a new press law. It has been reported that although the modifications adoptedduring the discussion of the "bill did not satisfy all the hopes of professional news associations, the Congress decided to approve the law so as to preclude the eruption of a crisis two months before the present administration's term runs out, taking for granted that the new administration will exercise discretion and rapidly authorize revision of the new law. F. Cuba to permit its nationals in the US to visit their homeland. 59• A policy statement by Foreign Minister Raul Roa, broadcast on 10 January 1967 proclaimed an open door policy for exiles wishing to visit their homeland. According to the broadcast Mr. Roa had said that "the Government has always been disposed to grant permission to any Cubans living in the United States to visit relatives in Cuba and return to North America". Mr. Roa also was quoted as having said that "it has been the policy of the revolutionary (Fidel Castro) Government not to place any obstacles against those who want to go to the United States or any other place". ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION • The Secretary-General FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE • NOTE AND FILE J NOTER ET CLASSSR NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER . FOR INFORMATION X POUR INFORMATION Date: 16 March 1967 CR. 13 (l:U64) DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AMD CONFIDENTIAL SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIRS 9 March 1967 Political Affairs Division D,de B./sr SURVEY OF INTER-AMERICAN RELATIONS Copy No. General Comments 1. The most significant development of the month was the approval by the Third Special Inter-American Conference, which met in Buenos Aires from 15 to 27 February 1967, of amendments to the I9k& OAS Charter. The amendments provide for a re-organization of the structure of the CAS and for a substantial enhancement of the powers of its new organs, particularly the annual General Assembly, the Permanent Council, the Inter-American Economic and Social Council and the Inter-American Council for Education, Science and Culture. 2. The new Permanent Council has had its functions strengthened especially in the field of pacific settlement. This is the first time in the history of the Inter-American System that the Council is being assigned clearly political functions with regard to peaceful settlement outside the framework of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (the Rio Treaty) which allows the OAS Council to act provisionally as Organ of Consultation, and exercise certain specific functions in this field. 3. With reference to economic and social matters the amended OAS Charter has amplified substantially its previous chapters on economic and social standards. This represents a substantial codification of broad rules and the inclusion of these new standards is, in fact, the greatest innovation vis-a-vis the previous pattern of the Charter. However, the new economic standards are more restricted in scope than the initial guidelines issued by the Second Special Inter-American Conference held in Rio de Janeiro in 1965. They are the result of a compromise between the Latin American and the U.S. positions and have the effect of limiting specific and detailed binding commitments in treaty form, particularly with regard to mutual aid. At any rate, the new standards set forth objectives of economic and social develop- ment within the purview of close co-operation among the Member States and of Latin American integration which might not prove to be without significance. k. Another major feature of the amended Charter is the new Inter- American Council for Education, Science and Culture which is to promote friendly relations and mutual understanding between the peoples of the Western Hemisphere and to raise their cultural level. 5. With regard to collective security matters and the functions and structure of the regional organization in this field, an initiative by - 2 - Argentina to institutionalize the Inter-American Defense Board failed to receive meaningful support. The defeat of the Argentine proposal has been interpreted as a refusal by the substantial majority of Latin American members to create a General Staff attached to the QAS, or prepare the ground for the eventual develop- ment of an Inter-American Peace Force. 6. It has been suggested that U.S. abstention in the final vote on this matter was based, as announced, on the evidence of a lack of consensus,and on its desire to avoid affecting the Summit Meeting, but it is not unlikely that the U.S. was not completely dissatisfied with the status quo of an Inter-American Defense Board with a much greater freedom of initiative than an organ of inter- American defense under the aegis, of the regional organization, whose functions possibly could have been diluted. 7. Also at Buenos Aires, the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers reached agreement, on 26 February 196?, on the date, site and agenda for the conference of the American Heads of State, which is to be held at Punta del Este, Uruguay, from 12 to Ik April 196?. 8. Despite agreement on the agenda and the guidelines for its expansion, some doubts are still being expressed as to whether all the contemplated Summit accords will be ironed out in advance of the Summit Conference. The reservations and observations made by several countries at the conclusion of the Eleventh Meeting would seem to indicate that certain basic disagreements still exist, especially in the pivotal areas of Latin American economic integration and hemispheric trade. This is particularly the case with regard to economic integration. There seems to continue to exist a serious cleavage among Latin American States between those favouring an inter-governmental or a supra-national approach. It should be noted that this cleavage is not taking place along the lines of two different basic trends among Latin American States, an authoritarian and dictatorial, and a democratic, but along more subtle forms involving national or regional interests, technological status, economic potentialities and industrial development. 9« It is likely that the Summit Meeting may well mark the end of many of the concepts of the Alliance for Progress through a new emphasis on concepts primarily stressing urgent economic growth. In this connexion some of the agenda items would seem to offer new prospects, particularly those dealing with multi- national action for infra-structural projects and modernization of rural life and increased agricultural productivity. - 3 - 10. The Summit Meeting is expected, however, to present some ticklish problems, and it is as yet even uncertain whether it will have the participation of all American Presidents. 11. Another major development of the month was the adoption and signing on 1^ February 1967, at Mexico City, of a Treaty for the proscription of nuclear weapons in Latin America. It has been pointed out that the Treaty is an instrument which is intended to go beyond mere "non-proliferation" as its purpose is to maintain the Treaty area free of nuclear weapons. The Treaty constitutes the first example of "unconditional" proscription of nuclear weapons in an inhabited part of the world and it has also established an effec- tive system of control under a permanent and supervisory organ. 12. In principle, the Treaty is to take effect when all the parti- cipating countries ratify it and all the nuclear powers and powers exercising territorial control in the Western Hemisphere accept the two Protocols adopted with the Treaty. In view, however, of the decisions of the Conference regard- ing the zone of application of the Treaty, which affect the territorial powers, and in view of the provisions allowing peaceful nuclear explosions, which have met with reservations on the part of nuclear powers, (specifically the USSR and the US) it is not unlikely that formal commitment by these powers, and others, may be withheld or postponed. The participants are allowed to waive the requirements of ratification and acceptance of the Protocols, and the Treaty can begin to function when these requirements have been waived by eleven of the signatories, but on the basis of current information some of 1he key countries in the area, (Argentina and Brazil) may not waive these requirements and might, therefore, remain outside the Treaty Area. 13. Of the other developments of the month, mention should be made of the admission of Trinidad and Tobago to the Organization of American States. ¥ith the ratification of the OAS Charter by its Government and with the deposit of the instrument of ratification with the Organization's headquarters in Washington, Trinidad and Tobago will assume full voting rights in the OAS. 14. It is considered that the admission marks the first step in a possible membership expansion that is expected to add eventually several new members to the regional organization. - k - 15. Another development deserving mention is the conclusion of the River Plate Basin Conference with the participation of the Foreign Ministers of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. The Conference reached important decisions regarding sub-regional co-operation with emphasis on an inter-governmental approach. It apparently aroused a substantial amount of interest in the Latin American countries concerned, as a means of solving problems common to two or more of them on the basis of mutual interests. THe Conference could set a more promising pattemfor the integration of Latin America and if its objectives were to be implemented the experiment could also serve as a possible basis for the eventual development of a new center of power in that part of the world. Third Special Inter-American Conference 16. The Third Special Inter-American Conference met in Buenos Aires from 15 to 27 February 19&7, during which time it approved amendments to the 19^-8 O.A.S. Charter. At the closing session the Conference participants signed a Protocol of Amendments to the Charter, (the Protocol of Buenos Aires) as well as the Final Act of the Conference. When signing the Protocol of Buenos Aires, Ecuador and Panama made declarations reserving their position regarding their rights as Members to raise before the Organization matters relating to peaceful settlement, Argentina also issued a declaration expressing conviction that the Organization was still in need of provisions that "would make effective the system of continental security". When signing the Final Act, Peru also reiter- ated objections to a memorandum issued by the General Secretariat regarding peaceful settlement which was considered as contrary to the Panama draft and the text approved by the Conference on this matter. The memorandum had suggested an amplification of the scope of procedures for peaceful settlement within the regional system. IT. The first consequence of the amendments is the reorganization of the structure of the O.A.S. The amended Charter has established a General Assembly which will meet annually and will be the supreme organ of the regional organization. Previously the O.A.S. Charter provided for an Inter-American Conference whfch was to meet every five years. The other organs of the regional organization include the Meetings of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, - 5 - / which have "been maintained as previously provided for under the 1948 Charter, and three major councils directly responsible to the General Assembly: a) The Permanent Council of the Organization; b) The Inter-American Economic and Social Council; c) The Inter-American Council for Education, Science and Culture, which in many ways is intended to serve as a regional UNESCO. The new structure also includes the Inter-American Juridical Committee which "is to serve the Organization as an advisory body on juridical matters", and which replaces the Inter-American Council of Jurists; an Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, to promote the observance and protection -of such rights and to serve as a consultative organ of the Organization, the General Secretariat, and Specialized Conferences and Specialized Organizations. 18. The second consequence of the reorganization is the substantial enhancement of the powers of the new organs within their respective spheres of competence. 19. The General Assembly is empowered to establish measures concern- ing the activities of the organs, agencies and entities of the Organization and the coordination of these activities with those of other Inter-American Organ- izations. It is also empowered to strengthen and coordinate cooperation with the United Nations, its Specialized Agencies, and other international agencies. In addition, the General Assembly is entrusted with very broad powers in political, economic, social and cultural matters. 20. The new Permanent Council has had its functions strengthened, particularly in the field of pacific settlement. In this connexion it has been given powers to keep vigilance over the maintenance of friendly relations among the Member States -and to assist them in the peaceful settlement of their disputes. To assist the Permanent Council the amended O.A.S. Charter has established an Inter-American Committee on Peaceful Settlement, which shall function as a subsidiary organ of the Council. 21. Under the new provisions, the parties to a dispute may resort to the Permanent Council to obtain its good offices. In the exercise of its new powers, the Permanent Council, through the Inter-American Committee above mentioned or by any other means may ascertain the facts in the dispute, with the consent of the Governments concerned. Any party to a dispute in which no peaceful procedures provided for by the O.A.S. Charter are being followed —' 1. The peaceful procedures provided for by the O.A.S. Charter are: Direct negotiations, good offices, mediation, investigation and conciliation, judicial settlement, arbitration, and those which the parties to the dispute may especially agree upon at any time. -6 - may appeal to the Permanent Council to take cognizance of the dispute. The dispute is to be referred to the Inter-American Committee which if it deems it appropriate shall offer its good offices to the other party or parties. Hovever, if one of the parties should refuse the offer the Inter-American Committee shall limit itself to informing the Permanent Council. The Permanent Council may make suggestions but if one of the parties should continue to refuse the good offices, the Council should limit itself to submitting a report to the O.A.S. General Assembly. 22. The new arrangements, therefore, enable the initiation of peaceful procedures through a unilateral request but in fact provide for a sui generis veto by any of the parties concerned and the entire issue then is limited to the presentation of a report by the Inter-American Committee to the O.A.S. General Assembly through the Permanent Council. An amendment submitted during the Conference by Ecuador and supported by Bolivia, to authorize any one of the parties to a dispute to resort to the Permanent Council was rejected by the Conference. Behind opposition to the Ecuadorian proposal was concern that if adopted it would open up possibilities that could amount in fact or in law to a revision of treaties. 23. At any rate, for the first time in the history of the Inter- American System, the new Permanent Council is being assigned clearly political functions with regard to peaceful settlement, outside the framework of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (the Rio Treaty) which allows the O.A.S. Council to act provisionally as Organ of Consultation, and exercise certain specific functions in this field. In the context of inter-American traditions, the new powers represent a substantial progress in the system of pacific settlement which was set up with the adoption of the Pact of Bogota in 1948. %/ 2k. ¥ith regard to economic and social matters, the amended O.A.S. Charter has amplified substantially its previous chapters on economic and social standards. As a result the functions of the IA-ECOSOC have been broad- ened in accordance with the new Chapters (VI and VII). The new standards 2. The Pact of Bogota provides for a system of peaceful settlement wherein only the parties directly interested in the dispute may participate. The Pact reserves to them the power of promoting the established methods and procedures. - 7 - represent a substantial codification of broad rules regarding mobilization of national, human and material resources, acceleration of economic and social development, a balanced and sustained development, mutual aid, modern- ization of rural life, monetary stabilization, interdependence between foreign trade and economic and social development, and economic integration. The inclusion of these standards is in fact the greatest innovation vis-a-vis the previous pattern of the O.A.S. Charter. However, the new economic standards are more restricted in scope than the initial guidelines issued by the Second Special Inter-American Conference, held in Eio de Janeiro in 1965. They are basically the result of the compromise between the Latin American and the U.S. positions, which has excluded any binding effect vis-a-vis a specific obligation of economic assistance. 25. Another major feature of the amended Charter is the new Inter-American Council for Education, Science and Culture which is to promote friendly relations and mutual understanding between the peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and to raise their cultural level. 26. With regard to collective security matters and the functions and structure of the regional organization in this field, the amended Charter has maintained the prevailing status quo. An initiative by Argentina to institutionalize the Inter-American Defense Board, which was interpreted by some Latin American States as a roundabout way of creating a General Staff attached to the O.A.S., and preparing the ground for the eventual development of an Inter-American Peace Force, or an "American Ni&TO", failed to receive meaningful support. It was rejected by eleven votes to six, with three absten- tions. Voting in favour were Argentina, Brazil, El Salvador, Honduras, Nica- ragua and Panama. Voting against were Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Rep., Venezuela, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Mexico, Peru and Uruguay. Abstaining were Bolivia, Panama and the U.S. 27 The objective of the Argentine proposal was to amend Articles kk, k5, k6 and kf of the O.A.S. Charter, through a redefinition of the functions of the Advisory Defense Committee, provided for under the Charter. The Inter-American Defense Board would be abolished and its installations, files, secretariat, and other property as were not the property of the member States were to be transferred to the reorganized Advisory Defense Committee. The - 8 - Committee was to serve as a preparatory organ for collective self-defence against "aggression" and was to assume responsibility for the Inter-American Defence College. 28. The more vocal opposition against the Argentine proposal came from Mexico, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela. Mexico charged that the proposal constituted a violation of the principle of non-intervention, that it went beyond the purview of the conference, and that it contradicted the UN Charter, while Chile maintained the view that the proposal projected "fears" that did not exist. Colombia expressed the view that the real aggression resided in the retardation of hemisphere economic and social structures. The U.S. had urged a postponement of a vote on the proposal, and Brazil had sub- mitted a formal motion to this effect but Argentina insisted in having a show down. This has been attributed by some sources to"internal military pressure" while other sources, close to the Argentine Government, have said that Argen- tina was aware of its defeat beforehand but was willing to face it, to force an official stand. 29. It has been suggested that the U.S. abstention, despite its support in principle for the Argentine proposal was based, as announced, on the evidence of a "lack of consensus", and on its desire to avoid affecting the Summit Meeting, but it is not unlikely that the U.S. was not completely dis- satisfied with the status quo of an Inter-American Defence Board with a-much greater freedom of initiative than an organ of inter-American defence, under the aegis of the regional organization, whose functions possibly could have been diluted. 30. The amended O.A.S. Charter has incorporated the procedure of the "Act of Washington" of,196^, adopted by the First Special Inter-American t Conference regarding admission of new members. It has retained the limitations with respect to a request for admission which might involve Western Hemisphere territories under litigation or claims between an extra-continental country and one or more Members of the O.A.S. 31. The' new O.A.S. Charter maintains the provisions of the 19^8 Charter making the organization "a regional agency" within the United Nations, and regarding the non-impairment of rights and duties of Members under the U.N. Charter. But it has further strengthened with new provisions the relationships between new organs and the United Nations. _ Q — 32. A Resolution adopted at the Conference urges the Member States to ratify the "Protocol of Buenos Aires" as early as possible. •*' The Resolution has also provided that as far as it may be compatible with the 19lj-8 Charter the function- ing of the Councils and other regional organs should be "adapted" to the spirit of the Buenos Aires Protocol. The Proposed Summit Meeting 33. The Eleventh Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers which reconvened in Buenos Aires on 15 February 1967, reached agreement, on 26 February 1967, on the date and site for the Conference of American Heads of State, as well as on a basic agenda for the Conference. The meeting decided to recommend that the Summit Conference be held at Punta del Este, Uruguay, from 12 to Ik April '1967. It also approved the following agenda: 1. Economic integration and industrial development of Latin America; 2. Multinational action for infra-structural projects; 3. Measures to improve Latin American conditions for inter- national trade; k. Modernization of rural life and increased agricultural productivity, particularly in the case of foodstuffs; 5. Educational, technological, and scientific development, and intensification of health programs; 6. Elimination of unnecessary military expenditures. 31*. The Meeting of Consultation also approved guidelines for developing the points contained in the agenda. For this purpose,'a Special Committee has been set up which in performing its mission will take these guidelines into account. Each Head of State is to appoint a special representative to this Special Committee which will begin its work on 13 March 1967 in Montevideo, Uruguay, in order to prepare the drafts of documents for the Summit Meeting. These drafts must be completed by 27 March 1962 at the latest. 35. The Meeting of Consultation further agreed to hold in Uruguay a • third period of sessions to consider the drafts submitted by the Special Committee. The date for the beginning of this third period of sessions will be determined by the Council of the O.A.S. 3. The amendments are to enter into force among the ratifying States when two-thirds of the signatory States have deposited their ratification. They shall enter into force with respect to the remaining States in the order in which they deposit their ratification. - 10 - 36. A draft agenda for the Summit Meeting, containing a seven- point program, had been reportedly prepared by the U.S. and circulated privately before the Buenos Aires session of the Meeting of Consultation. It was said that this draft was intended to provide a basis for further discussions, and did not represent a fixed U.S. position. Apparently, the U.S. draft had not covered the question of hemispheric trade along the lines of Latin American pressure for pre- ferential tariff treatment of their products in the U.S. market.-k// The U.S. draft agenda had also provided for a permanent Latin American ministerial co-ordinating committee that could begin drafting a Common Market treaty by April 1968. Participating countries would agree to automatic, successive cuts in tariffs and other obstacles to commerce between one another until they were eliminated. It reportedly had indicated U.S. willingness to put funds into the underpinnings of a Common Market - telecommunications, roads, river development and power grids linking the various countries, and regional financial institutions. Another main proposal had apparently called for a commitment .by Latin American agricultural producers to help solve world food problems, in line with President Johnson's policy to obtain new sources of food production to supplement U.S. contributions to famine-prone countries, ^s with regard to arms limitation the U.S. draft had reportedly expressed the view tha t the U.S. would like to see a "voluntary" agreement limiting arms buying possibly by "mutual example". 37. Despite agreement on the agenda and the guidelines for its expansion, some doubts are still being expressed as to whether all the contemplated summit accords will be ironed out in advance of the Summit Conference. 38. There have been indications that certain basic disagreements still exist, especially in the pivotal areas of Latin American economic integration and hemispheric trade. -' This is particularly the case with regard to economic integration. In this connexion the guidelines issued by the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation recommend the creation "in the decade beginning in 1970" of the k. Washington Post. 16 February 1967 5. The New York Times. 12 February 1967 6. Washington Post. 27 February 1967 - 11 - Latin American Common Market, which should be in full operation "not later than 1980", but this is to be done through "improvement" of the two existing systems, the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA), and the Central American Common Market. This is basically the position of Argentina, Brazil and Mexico, which continue to oppose the establishment of any new supra-national entity. On the other hand Chile, Colombia and Venezuela are still apparently in favour of a supra-national approach. The U.S. has been reportedly inclined to favour this latter approach. 39. The Eleventh Meeting of Consultation reached agreement on a loose formula regarding the question of the limitation of armaments. While re- cognition has been made of the importance of the armed forces role in maintaining security, it has also been recognized that the limited resources available in Latin America should be directed mainly to satisfying the needs of economic development and social progress. The discussion on the subject plunged the Foreign Ministers into lengthy arguments with misgivings expressed regarding possible stipulations on arms purchases and limitation of purchasing markets. It is believed that the text approved will be further altered at future discussions on the subject. if.0. On the basis of current information, two or three of the American Presidents may not attend the Summit Meeting. The President of Bolivia has reiterated that Bolivia is "unalterably" resolved not to attend the Meeting if the issue of Bolivia's outlet to the sea is not to be included in the agenda. Ecuador has also indicated that its President may not attend. It wants a discussion, at the Presidents' Meeting, of its border dispute with Peru. There have also been indications that Peru may not go to the meeting if the so-called "Kuchel amendment" -"woul7/ d result in the cutting off of U.S. aid to Peru in connexion with a fishing water dispute between Peru and the U.S. At the last plenary session of the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation, the Foreign Minister of Peru referred to this matter and said that "implementation" of the "Kuchel amendment" would be "contrary to the purposes of the Head of the Peruvian State attending the Summit". —' kl. At a press conference on 27 February, President Johnson indicated that Secretary Rusk had reported to him "in some detail" on the plans 7. The Kuchel Amendment to the Foreign Aid Act provides that aid may be refused to any country which henceforth captures or imposes any penalty on U.S. fishing boats or takes any action against them for operating in its claimed territorial waters. 8. Washington Post. 27 February 1967 - 12 - for the Summit Meeting, and that he would attend the meeting. He could not say whether he planned at that time to visit any other Latin American areas, "but would not want to foreclose the possibility. 9•"/" Denuclearization of Latin America 42. The Fourth Session of the Preparatory Commission for the Denuclearization of Latin America was closed on 14 February 1967 with the signing of a treaty banning possession, use or manufacturing of nuclear weapons in the area covered by the Treaty. The Treaty was signed by the following Latin American Governments: Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guate- mala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela. Seven coun- tries within the area did not sign the Treaty at the closing session: Argentina, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Paraguay and Trinidad and Tobago. 43. The Secretary-General sent a message to the Conference (SG/ SM/66l) on the occasion of its approval of the Treaty saying inter-alia that the nations of Latin America could, with ample justification, take pride in what they had wrought by their own initiative and through their own efforts. He expressed the hope that the Treaty would enter into force at an early date. 44. The provisions of the Treaty may be divided into the follow- ing main categories: a) the preamble which includes principles and purposes.; b) provisions on obligations contracted by the parties (Art. l); c) provisions dealing with definitions including definition of the denuclearized ar6a and nuclear weapons (Arts. 2 to 5); &) provisions establishing the Treaty machinery - a General Conference, a Council and a Secretariat - (Arts* 7 - ll)i e) provisions dealing with a system of control, including participation of the International Atomic Energy Agency; and reports, inspection and violations (Arts. 12 - 16 and 20); f) provisions dealing with the peaceful use of nuclear energy and explosions for peaceful uses (Arts. 17-18); g) provisions dealing with jelations with other International Organizations (Arts. 19-21); h) provisions dealing with solution of controversies (Arts. 2k - 25); i) provisions dealing with ratification and entry into force (Arts. 26 - 28). Two additional protocols (I and II) deal with the obligations to be entered into by powers exercising de jure or de facto control over territories in the area covered by the Treaty (France, the Netherlands, the U.K. and the U.S.) and obligations to be entered into by the nuclear powers vis-a-vis the denuclearized area (France, China, U.K., USSR and U.S.). These 9. The New York Times. 28 February 1967 -• 13 - •' latter obligations include the commitment to respect the Treaty in all its object- ives, and the commitment not to employ nuclear weapons or threaten their use against the contracting parties. 45. It has been pointed out that the Treaty is an instrument which is intended to go beyond mere "non-proliferation", as its purpose is to maintain the Treaty area free of nuclear weapons. It constitutes the first example of "unconditional" proscription of nuclear weapons in an inhabited part of the world. It also establishes an effective system of control under a permanent and supervisory organ. 46. During the discussions preceding the signing of the Treaty the major issues confronting the Fourth Session, were the question of the zone of application of the Treaty, the question of nuclear explosions for peaceful pur- poses, and the entry into force of the Treaty. 4?. As to the zone of application of the Treaty the final arrange- ments include a vast area with coordinates extending from latitude 35 degrees North in the extreme northwest corner to 60 degrees South and from 150 degrees West to 20 degrees East. The arrangements, therefore, cover Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands, Martinique and Guadeloupe, Surinam and the Netherlands Antilles, and U.K. territories. The U.S. could not make reservations regarding the inclusion of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands in the area effectively covered. For this reason, it has been said that the U.S. may confine its role to a statement of support. France, which considers Martinique and Guadeloupe as part of the French Republic, apparently is not inclined to make them a special case as this would present some constitutional problems. The Netherlands has also expressed dissatisfaction with the fact that Surinam and Netherlands Antilles have not been given an equal voice in the mechanisms set up by the Treaty, and the U.K. has made similar objections. To this should be added the fact that Cuba has remained outside the arrangements covered by the Treaty. 48. With regard to the question of peaceful explosions the Treaty allows participants the right to conduct such explosions, without contravening provisions of the Treaty, and provided inter-alia that they do not amount to the use of any nuclear weapon. Nuclear weapon has been defined as any device capable of releasing nuclear energy in an "uncontrolled way" and which has overall character- istics suitable for its employment for warlike purposes. Inclusion of the provi- sions on peaceful explosions was the result of concern shown particularly by the technologically more advanced countries regarding restrictions that otherwise - Ik - would be placed on the use of nuclear energy even for peaceful purposes. The Treaty requires international inspection of peaceful nuclear researches. i)-9. Both the USSR and the U.S. had raised objections to any provisions that would leave the participants free to employ nuclear blasts for .peaceful purposes. In this connexion, the U.S. observer before the conclusion of the Fourth Session issued the U.S. "understanding" of the language of the Treaty to the effect that it would authorize peaceful explosions only through "appropriate international arrangements with countries now possessing nuclear explosive devices". The USSR also expressed specifically in a statement before the Conference its concern over the Treaty provisions allowing for the explosion of nuclear devices for peaceful purposes. —' 50. ¥ith reference to the question of entry into force of the Treaty the compromise previously worked out was adopted. In principle, the Treaty is to take effect when all the countries ratify it and all the nuclear powers and powers exercising territorial control accept the Protocols. Participants, however, are allowed to waive these requirements and when eleven countries have done so, the Treaty will begin to function. The Treaty, however, will be confined to the area covered by the countries desiring to proceed immediately. Mexico City would be the Headquarters of the Treaty Organization. 51. No political entity in the Western Hemisphere is to be admitted to the Treaty Organization, whose territory may be subject, totally or partially, and before the opening for signature of the Treaty, to litigation or dispute between an extra-continental country and one or more of the Latin American States, as long as the controversy is not settled by peaceful means. 52. In view of the difficulties over making territorial reservations, and the attitudes of the nuclear powers, immediate support from territorial and nuclear powers remain at best uncertain. In fact, for a variety of reasons, most of these powers may withhold formal commitment or have withheld a final decision. 53. It is known that Argentina and Brazil have shown a lack of enthu- siasm for the Treaty. In the event that they do sign it, according to current information neither country is expected to waive the Treaty and Protocol require- ments with the result that it is likely they might remain outside the Treaty area. —' 10. Washington Post. 15 February 1967 11. The Jfew York Times. 15 February 1967 - 15 - 54. One of the resolutions adopted by the Fourth Session urges the participants to promote jointly the inclusion in the agenda of the XXII Session of the General Assembly of an item on the Treaty, to enable the repres- entatives of the signatory States to emphasize the Treaty's significance. Under another resolution the full text of the Treaty has been forwarded to the 18 Nation Disarmament Committee, and to the Director of the International Atomic Energy Agency. (See A/6663). Other Matters A. Admission of Trinidad and Tobago as Member of the O.A.S. 55. On 23 February 1967 the Council of the Organization of American States, meeting in Buenos Aires, unanimously approved the admission of Trinidad and Tobago in the regional organization. 12—'/ 56. Trinidad and Tobago became the first new member since the organ- ization adopted its Charter in Bogota in 19^8, and adopted procedures, in 1964, for the admission of new members. Since its inception, the O.A.S. has consist- ed of the U.S. and the 21 countries of Latin America. —^ 5T« The admission of Trinidad and Tobago marks the first step in a possible membership expansion that is expected to add eventually several new members-to the regional organization. 58. Trinidad and Tobago is the first member of the British Common- wealth to join the regional organization. B. U.K. Announces New Status for Caribbean Territories 59« The U.K. Government announced that Antigua, Dominica, St. Kitts- Nevis-Anguilla, and St. Lucia have become "states in association" with the U.K. St. Kitts, Nevis and Anguilla, which are considered a single "territory" and Antigua acquired the new status on 27 February 1967; Dominica and St. Lucia, acquired it on 1 March 1967; and Grenada on 3 March 1967. St. Vincent is to attain its new status not later than 1 June 1967. The islands are to be known as "the West Indies Associated States". 12. Admission was carried out under the procedure of the "Act of Washington" of 196l(-, adopted by the First Special Inter-American Conference. 13. By Resolution adopted at the Eighth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers, in January 1962, Cuba has been considered to have excluded itself from participation in the O.A.S. Cuba is still formally a member of the Organization. - 16 - 60. A't. meetings of the Special Committee of 2h, which has been considering these Caribbean Territories, some representatives have referred specifically to the above mentioned developments, and have questioned the U.K. representative with regard to the procedures used to ascertain the wishes of the people. The U.K. representative has declared that the new arrangements have been worked out in full consultation with the people concerned and have been freely and willingly accepted by them. A number of representatives have noted that the U.K. has failed to permit visits by U.N. missions, and have declared that the people of each territory should have been consulted through a referendum. Other representatives have stated that in their view the new arrangements have the support of the people. C. Question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) 61. A working paper prepared by the secretariat on action taken pre- viously by the Special Committee of 24 on the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) has been distributed under document number A/AC.109/L 358. 62. 5y letters dated 3 February 1967, Argentina (A/6661) and the U.K. (A/6662} have referred to the note from the Secretary-General (TR 300 FAIS) of 19 January 1967, drawing their attention to the text of the consensus on the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) approved by the General Assembly on 20 December 1966, and have informed him that due note has been taken of the consensus and in particular of its request to "both parties to continue with the negotiations so as to find a peaceful solution to the problem as soon as possible". (A/6628) 63. Both communications reaffirm willingness to implement the consensus approved by the General Assembly, as also the terms of resolution 2065 (XX) of 16 December 1965, which invited the Government of Argentina and the U.K. to enter into negotiations with a view to finding a solution to the problem. D. Peru protests U.S. Warning on Sea Limit Extent 6k. On 25 February 19^7, the Foreign Ministry of Peru announced that Peru would continue exercising its sovereignty over its 200-mile territorial limit, thus rejecting a U.S. statement, according to which the United States might suspend its aid to Peru and Ecuador if those countries continue seizing U.S. fishing boats within their 200-mile limit. - 17.- 65. The Foreign Ministry statement referred to the so-called "Kuchel amendment" mentioned by a U.S. State Department spokesman-and said the following: "a—The moment the Foreign Ministry became aware of the afore- mentioned statement it reiterated to the U.S. Ambassador its unalterable resolution to continue exercising its sover- eignty over the 200-mile maritime area by right, which has also . been acknowledged by other hemisphere countries. b—The Foreign Ministry feels that the ideals and aims of the Alliance for Progress cannot be subordinated to pressures of any kind, and that nothing has priority over the obligation that all nations have to defend their rights to administer and preserve, for their own benefit and that of humanity, the vital resources with which nature has endowed them. c—Taking into consideration the fact that this is an issue which concerns internal matters, there are no grounds for in- terference by courts or international arbiters, more so when current Peruvian regulations fully guarantee the right to fish to those who abide by them. d—The Peruvian Foreign Minister is currently conferring in Buenos Aires with other Foreign Ministers, whose countries are faced with a similar situation and pursue the same object- ives with a view toward establishing a uniform policy in defense of their primary national interests". 66. It has been reported that Ecuador would continue to defend its position regarding the 200-mile offshore territorial limit despite U.S. threats to cut off economic aid. Replying to questions on Ecuador's stand in the face of the threats, an Ecuadorean source in Buenos Aires said that Ecuador would not relinquish defence of its sovereignty and jurisdictional rights over the area. Neither would Ecuador bow to pressure to take the issue to the ¥orld Court or submit it to international arbitration. It was indicated that the Ecuadorean Foreign Ministry was keeping in touch with other Latin American countries which had also extended their offshore territorial waters to a 200-mile limit, (in addition to Peru and Ecuador, Chile, Colombia and Argentina have adopted the 200-mile territorial waters limit.) IM-. The U.S. statement had expressed increasing "concern" over the "continuing seizure" of U.S. fishing boats, and had indicated that Peru (and Ecuador) had been informed of the "implications" of the "Kuchel amendment". It had also indicated willingness to settle the issue through arbitration, adjudication or negotiations. (See footnote 7). - 18 - 67. It has been learned that the U.S. pronouncement came as a result of Peru's and Ecuador's rejection of proposed solution presented by the U.S. a month ago. E. River Plate Basin Conference. 68. At the conclusion of the River Plate Basin Conference held in Buenos Aires on 27-28 February 1967 with the participation of the Foreign Ministers of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, it -was agreed in a declaration to join efforts to develop the physical and human resources of the five nations as a step toward. Latin American integration. The Foreign Ministers signed a joint statement and a Final Act under which they agreed to establish an inter-governmental coordinating committee that will act on the unanimous vote of the Member States and will centralize information to be submitted to their Governments. 69. Under the arrangements reached the interested Governments will undertake studies on the basin's major problems such as river navigation, hydro- electric power, multinational programs, and industrial sites. The Final Act includes reference to projects and suggestions previously made by the participat- ing countries within the River Plate Area. The Joint Declaration took note of collaboration already requested from the Inter-American Development Bank, to be rendered through the Institute for Latin American Integration with participation of the U.W. Technical Assistance Program, the Secretariat of the O.A.S. and the Inter-American Committee for the Alliance for Progress. The next meeting of the group will be held in Bolivia some time this year. —^ F. Bolivia Ratifies LAFTA Agreement 70. On 10 Feburary 1967 the Bolivian Ambassador to Uruguay signed the act of ratification by Bolivia of the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA). G. LASO Solidarity Conference 71. At a meeting held on 22 February 1967, the organizing committee issued a declaration announcing that the First Latin American Peoples Solidarity Conference (LASO) will be convened on 28 July 1967. 15. La Prensa. Buenos Aires, 28 February - 19 - 72. On 23 February 1967 the draft agenda for the Conference, which will meet from 28 July to 5 August 1967, was made public. It reads as follows: "1—The anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle in Latin America. A. Experiences of the several forms of revolutionary struggle; armed insurrection in the national liberation process for Latin America. B. Consideration of the specific struggles of the working class, the peasantry, the students, the intellectuals, and the rest of the progressive sectors in relation to the national liberation process. C. Eradication of all forms of colonialism in Latin America. 2—Common position and action against imperialism's political- military intervention and economic and ideological penetration in Latin America. A. The political-military intervert ion of Yankee imperialism in the internal affairs of the Latin American countries; the imperialist policy of repressive coordination against the liberation movements; the O.A.S., the Inter-American Peace Force, the Inter-American Defence Board, the bases, missions, and other military pacts. B. The imperialist economic policy of submission and exploitation of Latin American countries; its control mechanism; financial resources and foreign trade. C. The imperialist policy of ideological penetration on the socio-cultural level as part of its continental strategy; the struggle against all forms of discrimination in Latin America. D. The policy of reform as a means to lessen social conflicts and deflect the peoples from their true path; economic and polit- ical independence. E. The oligarchic and coupist policy of open aggression against the national liberation movements and for the preservation of exploitation of the Latin American peoples. F. The need to achieve a common strategy for all the Latin American revolutionary movements in order to defeat continental strategy, which imperialism has drawn up in its determination to maintain domination over the Latin American peoples. 3—The solidarity of the Latin American peoples with the national liberation struggles. A. Anti-imperialist solidarity in Latin America. B. The most effective aid for the peoples who are waging the armed struggle against imperialism and colonialism. C. Support for the Wegro people of the United States in their struggle against racial segregation and for their rights to equality and freedom. - 26 - D. Defense of the Cuban revolution: struggle against the economic "blockage, isolation, and other forms of Yankee imperialist aggression against the Cuban revolution. k—Statutes of the Latin American Solidarity Organization. H. U.S. Indicts Seven in Haiti Plot 73. A Federal grand jury in Miami indicted seven men, including Roland Masferrer, an exile Cuban and Rev. Jean Baptiste Georges, an exile Haitian priest. Six of those, indicted were among 75 persons arrested on 2 January 19&7 ^n "^ne Florida Keys. The indictments said the group intended to invade Haiti by boat. The Government charged the defendents with setting up a training camp on Coco Plain, Key, near Marathon. The indictments were announced simultaneously by William A. Meadows, United States attorney for the Southern District of Florida, and Attorney General Ramsey Clark in Washington. —' 16. The New York Times. 28 February 1967 ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TO: The Secretary-General FOR ACTION POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? YOUR ATTENTION VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU AS REQUESTED SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION POUR INFORMATION Date: . E. Nesterenko, PSCA Ik April 1967 CR. 1 DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND CONFIDENTIAL SECURITY COUNCIL AFFAIR1' S ..11. A Apri. .nl D.de B./est STURVEY OF INTER-AMERICAN RELATIONS General Comments 1. The fofius of attention regarding developments during the month was centered on the preparations for the Summit Conference which will be held in Punta del Este between 12 and lU April 19^7• The meeting of Presidential Representatives held in Montevideo from 15 to 2k March 19^7 reached agree- ment on most of the points included in the agenda adopted at Buenos Aires in February 19^75 though a, few issues remained to be thrashed out by the Eleventh Meeting of Foreign Ministers before the convening of the Summit Meeting. •« The Summit Meeting is expected to endorse the formation of a Common Market for Latin America, but integration is to be carried out through negotiation without rigid time-tables and automatic tariff reductions, within a time limit which has been extended from 1970-1980 to 1970-1985. The market is to be based on the two existing machineries of LAFTA and the"'CACM, leading up to their eventual merger, 2. The task of Latin American integration is far more complicated than the creation of the European Common Market and will raise complex problems of dislocations and adjustment. It has for this reason' evoked serious political and economic opposition in many countries. 3. There is a fuller realization on the part of the larger Latin American countries that national effort is the uppermost requirement for development and that foreign aid is only a complementary measure. It is considered, however, that substantial financial and technical assistance support would be essential for the success of the project. On the basis of President Johnson's request of Congressional endorsement of an increase in aid inter alia, to help Latin America move towards the Common Market, and of the U.S. Senate's reaction to the request, prospects for substantial financial support remain at best uncertain. The situation with regard to technical assistance would seem to be more promising. At any rate there is no doubt that realistic regional or subregional planning and trade arrangements would speed up the growth of the Latin American economies. k. If the present Latin American population growth rate were to be maintained, there would be, in the contemplated Common Market, when fully developed, a protected consumer market of 3^5 million people. It is, perhaps — 2 — among other considerations, the prospect of this protected market that has enticed pressures for the creation of the Market and its acceleration which would offer private industries, including foreign, rewarding opportunit i e s. 5. The other major issue at the Conference is the question of trade both inter-American and international. There is a general Latin American feeling that it is necessary for the U.S. to make a more clear-cut commitment with regard to the general question of trade and credits. Foreign Trade is one of the wekaest sectors of the regional economy, and in the last decade the value of exports has fluctuated markedly. In terms of particular markets, the share of total U.S. purchases fell from 31$ in 1956 to 17$ in 1965. In the Western European Market, the share dropped from 6.4$ to k.1%. ±/ 6. The U.S. remains reluctant to commit itself to a reduction of tariffs and elimination of trade restrictions or to acceptance of a preferential treatment for Latin America. Differences of approach have not yet been bridged and might still raise some difficulties at the Summit. However, there are indications that the U.S. is searching for a formula that would permit some concrete support to Latin America on these issues though it is doubtful that the Summit would bring about any "dramatic" concessions. One of the possible appro&'ches would seem to be the "untying" of U.S. aid dollars that would permit the Latin American nations to spend them in markets other than the U.S. 7. A reactivation of guerrilla or terrorist activity in Venezuela and Colombia and the outburst of guerrilla activity in Bolivia has brought as into focus the precarious stability of Latin American areas/well as the economic and social problems of the area which could not be disposed of through the use of purely counter-insurgency measures. Though there are more limited news of recent guerrilla movements in Guatemala, the situation there still remains unsettled. I/ Inter-American Development Bank, Sixth Annual Report, February 1967. - 3 - 8. It would seem that the temper is not to brush the guerrilla struggle aside as a mere nuisance in view of the realization that insurrectional focus can not only grow, but could seriously endanger the process of economic and social development. 9. The reactivation of guerrilla activity has coincided with a sharp controversy among Latin American Communists between hard and soft liners seriously affecting the Communist leadership in the area. The Prime Minister of Cuba has denied any Cuban involvement in guerrilla outbursts but he has reiterated support for "armed struggle" as the only means to win "revolutionary power". There has been more recently some talk of raising the issue in an international forum, possibly a Meeting of Foreign Ministers, but there has not yet been any decision on this matter. 10. It is expected that the issue of "subversion" will be informally discussed at the Summit Meeting and will probably continue to haunt the Latin American leadership for years to come. It will also probably continue to divide those convinced or unconvinced of the effectiveness of a "violent" versus a political or economic approach to revolutionary change. The Proposed Summit Meeting 11. The Special Committee of Presidential Representatives met in Montevideo from 1J-2U March 19^7• Nineteen of the Western Hemisphere countries were represented. Only Bolivia was absent. The Committee ended its meeting with agreement on most of the issues to be considered at the Summit Conference which will be held in Punta del Este from 12 to ih April 1967. 12. The general structure of plans for Latin American economic integration has been preserved despite reported renewed Chilean efforts, fully supported by the U.S., to accelerate the process of integration. Integration, there- fore, is to be based on the two existing machineries of LAFTA and the CACM, without rigid timetables and automatic tariff reductions. The process of integration has also been extended from 1970-19&0 to 1970-1985 so as to give the participants more time to adjust to the inevitable dislocations and internal strains. If anything, the position of countries opposing a supra- national approach and accelerated integration became more definite, and perhaps assumed a more nationalistic avertone. This would seem to confirm the view of some qualified observers that the most evident force in Latin America is nationalism, not ideology of the right or the left. 15. Colombia, which had previously favoured accelerated integration, apparently showed less enthusiasm for it. Brazil pressed more outspokenly against accelerated integration and Argentina continued to oppose it with the cautious support of Mexico and the Central American Common Market countries4. • . —2'/ l*u The Montevideo discussions coincided with President Johnson's request of Congressional endorsement, in the form of a resolution, for an increase in aid to Latin America (in addition to current Alliance for Progress aid) in the amount of $1.5 billion over the next five years (300 million dollars per year) mostly to expand education and increase food production and help Latin America i. move toward a Common Market.^ 2/ La Prensa, Buenos Aires, 26 March 196? • J5/ The New York Times, lU March 196?. In pleading for swift Congressional approval of the requested resolution, Secretary of State Rusk said inter alia, that approval would have a beneficial impact on the psychology and politics of the Common Market idea. He noted that since 1961, when the Alliance for Progress had begun, the Latin American nations had invested more than $91 billion in their own development, while U.S. aid had amounted to $6.5 billion, mostly in loans. An industrialized Latin American Common Market would offer an "important" market to U.S. businessmen. Mr. Rusk added that the U.S.'s chief trading partners - Canada, Japan and West Germany - are all highly industrialized. See the New York Times, 15 March - 5 - 15. Reportedly, the amount was described as "absolutely insufficient" and a "pittance" by some of the Latin American Presidential Representatives. —' The House of Representatives passed a watered-down resolution supporting the President's ainQs, but the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee balked at the Administration effort to get quick approval of the resolution. Action was delayed on it and subsequently the Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Senator Fulbright, submitted a draft which said in effect that any aid proposals would be examined on their merit when submitted. Whatever the reasons behind the Senatorial rebuff, it probably weakened the U.S. position at the meeting of presidential representatives and might have strengthened the position of those in favour of a more cautious approach to Latin American integration. Though President Johnson has strived to minimize the significance of the rebuff, the Congressional attitude and the proposed figure of additional aid could not but have reawakened misgivings about the prospects of U.S.-Latin American economic and financial co-operation on a basis which might be considered satisfactory from the Latin American point of view. 16. It is conceded that the idea of a Latin American Common Market faces obstacles of geography, history, nationalism, political instability, inflation and shortages of local capital, and that the vast differences in the sizes and stages of development of the potential member countries also create problems in the search for unity. Therefore the task is far more complicated than the creation of the European Common Market. 17. There is a fuller realization, on the part of the larger Latin American countries, that national effort is the uppermost requirement for development and that foreign aid is only a complementary measure. It is considered, however, that outside substantial financial and technical assistance support would be essential for the success of the project. lS. Under the prevailing circumstances, prospects for outside substantial financial support remain at best uncertain, but the situation with regard to technical assistance would seem to be more promising. 19. From the information available, it would seem that the working document arising from the Meeting of Presidential Representatives was fairly conser- vative but perhaps realistic on the integration issue. The project, if finally Washington Post, l6 March - 6 - based on tangible realities, not on theoretical formulas, when and if fully developed would create a "protected" consumer market of 385 million people. It is, perhaps, among other considerations, the prospect of this "protected" market that has enticed pressures for the creation of the Market and its acdeleration, which would offer private industries, including foreign, rewarding opportunit ie s. 20. The meeting of Presidential Representatives reportedly evidenced a general Latin American feeling that it is necessary for the U.S. to make a more clear-cut commitment with regard to the general question of trade and credits. In fact it is foreign trade, not integration, that seems to have become the main issue at the Summit Meeting. At the Summit Meeting, foreign trade is expected to remain a block issue, with all the Latin American countries on one side, the U.S. on the other. It has been indicated that the U.S. is searching for a formula that would permit some concrete support to Latin America on these issues, although doubts continue to be expressed as to the viability of any "dramatic" concessions, par- ticularly in relation to tariff reductions, abandonment of restrictions to inter-American trade and preferential treatment. One of the possibilities is the relaxation of the requirement that all of the U.S. aid to Latin America be tied to the purchase of U.S. exports. This would allow Latin American nations to use U.S. financial aid to buy goods and commodities within the area of the proposed Latin American Common Market. This change of policy might not pose any danger to the U.S. balance of payments. It has been indicated that "untied" loan money is likely to come from local currency financing. 21. Apparently, at Montevideo the Latin American countries continued to ask the U.S. to work closely with them in pressing Europe to abandon discri« mination against Latin American products vis-a-vis the treatment granted to its former colonies. It is the desire to argue jointly before international organizations for a world-wide system of non-reciprocal concessions for manufactures and semi-manufactures of developing countries. 22. The Presidential Representatives failed to agree on the preamble of the draft declaration to be issued by the Heads of State at the Conference of Punta del Este. Reportedly, some of the Representatives favoured a - 7 - preamble calling upon all member nations of the O.A.S. to pledge to join their efforts for the economic and social integration of Latin America, while others favoured a general declaration which would not strain the individual commitments of the Governments. Apparently, one of the drafts considered contained a tacit admission of the failure of the Alliance for Progress. 23. The Presidential Representatives also failed to reach agreement on the ticklish issue of military expenditures, which, like the other unresolved problems, have been referred to the Eleventh Meeting of Foreign Ministers. The issue involves national pride, domestic problems and international consi- derations, which will prove difficult to reconcile with any drastic limitation of armaments. 2k. It was reported on JO March 1967 that the O.A.S. Council had decided to reconvene the Eleventh Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers at Punta del Este on 8 April 1967. The Eleventh Meeting of Consultation is to consider the document that the Presidents are expected to adopt and will make the final preparations for the Summit Meeting.—' 5/ La Prensa, Buenos Aires, 31 March 1967. - 8 - Other Matters A. Venezuela Suspends Constitutional Guarantees 25. On k March 1967, the President of Venezuela issued a decree suspending throughout the national territory certain constitutional guarantees relating to arrest without a legal warrant, the inviolability of correspondence and home, freedom of expression and press and the right to assemble and demonstrate. The Executive's decree was approved by the Venezuelan Congress on 9 March 1967« Constitutional guarantees had been restored two days before their suspension. 26. The Executive's action followed the kidnap-murder of former Social Security Chief, Julio Iribarren Borges, and coincided with a renewal of guerrilla activity. The Venezuelan Government has accused the Cuban Government of involvement in this guerrilla activity, and has reportedly been considering submitting the matter to the O.A.S. or the United Nations,-' 27. In a speech in Havana on 13 March 1967, the Prime Minister of Cuba said that his regime had no part in the murder of Iribarren Borges* If Cuba had directed anti-Government activities in Venezuela, he said, the insurgents would not have made their "tactical errors". The Venezuelan Government was responsible for Mr. Iribarren's death because it repressed and assassinated revolutionaries with the support of "American imperialism". However, the Prime Minister condemned"revolutionaries who don't fight" and made a direct attack on the Venezuelan Communist Party,-71'/ He singled out for support the Venezuelan guerrilla leader Douglas Bravo and denounced the "rightist" 8/ leadership of the Venezuelan Communist Party.-^ Some political observers have said that the slashing attack on Venezuela's Communist Party indicated a new militant line of Cuban support for Latin American guerrilla movements .-9/^ 6/ According to an AMSA dispatch of 9 March 1967, the Foreign Minister of Venezuela, a brother of the assassinated former Social Security Chief, had begun contacting members of the O.A.S, It was said that the objective was to reach agreement on preventive and defense measures considered necessary. Subsequently, the Caracas semi-official newspaper La Republica commented on 13 March 1967, that the time had come for international bodies to examine the "threat to peace" posed in Latin America by the "Cuban regime". It has transpired in O.A.S. circles that application of the Rio Treaty had been explored, £/ The London Times. 15 March 1967. In his speech the Prime Minister of Cuba also condemned, without referring to any socialist country by name, socialist trading with "oligarchic" regimes in Latin America. Dr. Castro said that whoever helps the "oligarchs" is helping "the war of aggression against the people." 8/ A Venezuelan insurgent leader declared to the Cuban Communist Party newspaper Gramma that his organization had decided"to apply revolutionary justice" to Iribarren Borges. 9_/ New York Times. \ March 16> — Q _ 28. The murder has heightened the struggle of the two tendencies within the Venezuelan Communist Party and the Leftist Revolutionary Movement. The persons involved in the assassination have been accused of "provocateurs" and < "enemies of the people". Some of them, including the guerrilla leader, Douglas Bravo, have been accused of being nothing more than "adventurers". Also the Political Bureau of the Venezuelan Communist Party fiercely rejected the accusa- tions of Prime Minister Castro. / B. Eruption of Guerrilla Activity in Bolivia 29. On 30 March 1967, the Bolivian Government reported sharp clashes between guerrilla forces and army troops in the Nachabhuazu area, about 600 miles southeast of La Paz, with casualties on both sides. The area is an extension of the Amazon rain forest, but it is also mountainous. Press dispatches from Santa Cruz also reported that former Vice-President Ruben Julio, a leading political figure during the 1952 revolution, had organized a guerrilla band of his own in the region of Puerto Suarez along the Brazilian frontier. —' 30. The Nachabhuazu group reportedly consisting of about ^50 men has been identified by the Government as "Castro Communist guerrillas" but almost nothing is known about the guerrillas.—' Nachabhuazu is the centre of a forbidding area several hundred miles square that the Government calls Zone Red. 31. President Barrientos said on 28 March 1967 that the eruption of guerrilla activities had created an emergency and as a result a state of emergency was declared in the zone where the guerrillas are operating. The Bolivian Army Commander, General Ovando, was reported to have said that the guerrilla movement "must be financed by Havana" and coordinated with similar insurrections in Colombia, Venezuela and Guatemala. 32. A communique issued by the Government on 28 March 196? acknowledged that the "national territory" had been invaded by an "armed group" composed of "elements of different nationalities" who had been joined by several "agitators" of Bolivian "extremist groups". The communiqu6 added 'that it was presumed that the armed group was not operating in an isolated manner and that it had "intelligence liaison" set up in various points of the country. 10/ New York Times. 31 March 1967 ll/ New York Times, k April 1967 - 10 - 33 • During the month of March, there were no further encounters with the guerrillas, after the initial clash. While the situation remains fluid, and while there have been conflicting reports about the rebels, the new development is causing concern in Latin American and U.S. circles. The outburst is the first positive indication that guerrillas have, in fact, established themselves in Bolivia which is considered a politically explosive area in the heart of South America. C. Visit of President-Elect Costa e Silva to Argentina 3!)., The President-Elect of Brazil, Marshal Costa e Silva, made an official visit to Argentina from 2 to 6 March 1967. During this visit, the President- Elect held talks with General Ongania, Head of the Argentine Government. The subjects of these talks have not been revealed but reportedly they dealt mainly with economic integration and security issues. A diplomatic source denied that there had been any "secret" pact between Argentina and Brazil. This source added that Argentina and Brazil were in fact trying to harmonize their policies but without secrecy of any sort, despite persistent rumours of a block or axis between the two countries. It pointed out, however, the close identity of view between the two countries, and their active participation in the regional integration of the River Plate Basin. This same source denied rumours of U.S. concern over the close rapprochement between Argentina and Brazil. 12—'/ 35. With regard to economic integration, it has been reported that the two leaders were favourably inclined to cooperation with International Organizations but they were opposed to giving these organizations a leadership in the integration process. 36. Marshal Costa e Silva and General Ongania had met in Rio de Janeiro in 1965 when they were still serving the armed forces of their countries and were reported to have backed the concept of "ideological frontiers". It has been reported, however, that during their conversations on security matters, the question of establishing an Inter-American Peace Force had not been discussed, because it is 12/ 0 Estado de Sao Paulo. Brazil, k March 196? - 11 - a problem concerning the O.A.S., "but that they had arrived at a common understanding regarding "subversion" problems.—^ 37. Upon his return to Rio de Janeiro, Marshal Costa e Silva confirmed that "no concrete agreements" had been made but that the talks had been "most useful." Brazilian Foreign Minister Magalhaes said that cooperation between Brazil and . Argentina would take place not only in the diplomatic field but mainly on the social and economic levels. A new type of "relationship" would thus be created, "the first of its kind in Latin America." * D. Chile's Belations with the USSR 38. Ch£b has signed with the USSR three agreements covering trade, export credit and technical assistance and development loans. It has become the latest Latin American country to extend its commercial relations with the socialist countries of Europe. 39. The Chile-USSR trade agreement establishes a "most favoured nation"clause applicable to the two parties with the exception of associations like LAFTA and COMECON. The agreement is to run for two years. Though lists of desired products have not yet been worked out, the USSR has apparently shown interest in Chilean copper, cellulose, leather, wool, fruit and fishmeal. The USSR will use 30$ of the receipts of its sales of machinery and equipment to purchase Chilean semi-manufactured and manufactured products. 40.; The export credit loan agreement is in the amount of $15 million. ( The larger part will be administered by Chile's development agency and a smaller amount will be made available for private enterprise. The export credit is repayable over a period of eight years at a 3.5% rate of interest. Hi. The agreement on technical assistance and development project aid covers credits up to $42 million for specific projects such as a larger petro-chemical project. The credit will be repayable in dollars, sterling, or other convertible currencies, at a rate of interest of 3-3.5$ interest over a period of 8-12 years. The USSR will use the amortizations for the purchase of Chilean traditional and manufactured exports. 42. An A.F.P. press dispatch of 22 March 196? reported that the Chilean Ambassador to the USSR had said in Santiago that the agreements must be ratified 12/ 0 Estadb de Sao Paula.. Brazil, 7 March 1967 - 12 - by the Chilean Congress, The Ambassador emphasized that the USSR considered the Chilean Government "forthright, progressive and independent" and noted that the bonds between the two countries had been substantially strengthened in 1966. It was also reported that the USSR Ambassador to Chile had pointed out that the agreements confirmed that the USSR and Chile desired to develop fruitful cooperation on an "entirely equal plan". E. Special Committee of 2k adopts Resolution on Six Caribbean Territories lj-3. On 28 March 1967, the Special Committee of 2k affirmed that resolution 1511* (XV), and other relevant resolutions continued to apply to the six Caribbean Territories of Antigua, St.Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, St. Vincent, Grenada, Dominica and St. Lucia. kkf The Committee took this action in adopting, in a roll-call vote, by 18 in favour to 3 against, with 3 abstentions, a resolution (document A/AC.109/L.378/ Rev.l) sponsored by Afghanistan, Iraq, Mali, Sierra Leone, Syria, the United Republic of Tanzania and Yugoslavia). The United Kingdom, United States and Australia voted against the resolution, while Finland, Italy and Uruguay abstained. Earlier the Committee, in a separate vote, approved the first operative paragraph of the resolution, relating to the continued application in the Territories of resolution 151^ (XV), by 1J votes in favour to 4 against with 3 abstentions. It rejected by 6 votes in favour to 16 against, with 2 abstentions, a proposal by the United Kingdom that the question of the Caribbean Territories be referred to Subcommittee III without a vote, on the draft resolution. It further rejected, in a roll-call vote, by 8 in favour to 13 against, with 3 abstentions, an amendment proposed by Uruguay to the effect that the Committee be asked to reaffirm that the provisions of resolution 151^ (XV) and other relevant resolutions must be fulfilled in the Territories (document A/AC.109/L.387). The representative of Italy withdrew his proposed amendment (document A/AC.109/L.381) in favour of Uruguay's proposal. The United Kingdom representative said before the vote that if the resolution were adopted, it was difficult to see what value there would be "to further cooperation" with the Committee. ^5. The resolution a& adopted is as follows: "The Special Committee. "Having considered the oral and written petitions presented to it concerning Antigua, Dominica, Grenada, St.Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, St. Lucia and St. Vincent, - 13 - "Having heard the statements of the administering Power, "Having examined the recent developments concerning these Territories, "Recalling General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV ) of 14 December I960 containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and General Assembly resolution 2232 (XXI) of 20 December 1966, "1. Reaffirms that General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and other relevant resolutions continue to apply to these Territories; "2. Requests its Sub-Committee III to examine, in the light of the recent constitutional developments, the situation in these Territories in all its aspects including the possibility of sending a visiting mission and to report to the Special Committee at an early date." F. Ecuador insists on Sea Limit Extent 46. On 7 March 1967, the Ecuadorean Foreign Minister reasserted that Ecuador would never give up "its right" to defend and preserve the fishing resources contained in an extension of its Territorial Waters up to 200 miles. 47. In a statement issued by the U.S. State Department on 10 March 1967, the U.S. eased its position regarding the question of fishing rights off the West Coast of South America in an effort that was aimed at smoothing the way to the Hemisphere Summit Meeting. The statement said that it has been, is now and will remain the policy of the U.S, Government "to have the fullest and most friendly relations with all nations Joined with us in the Alliance for Progress". It was further indicated that the U.S. would make "every effort to reach a mutually satisfactory accord which would protect the interests of all and carry us further toward the achievement of the goals of the Alliance for Progress." The State Department spokesman noted that there had been no cut-off of aid to Ecuador and Peru and expressed the hope that all interested Governments would join the U.S. in "avoiding friction" in the rich tuna fisheries along the Pacific Coast of Latin America. —14' 7 Q« Marshal Costa e Silva assumes Presidency in Brazil 48. On 15 March 1967, Marshal Costa e Silva was inaugurated as President of Brazil. In his uinaugural address, President Costa e Silva hinted at changes in the style of government which his ranking associates privately confirmed. 14/ The Washington Post. 11 March 1967 15/ The Washington Post. 16 March 1967 -14 - 49. A new Constitution, increasing substantially Presidential powers, went into effect with the inauguration of the new Head of Government. It had been approved by Congress under the administration of President Castello Branco. 50. The new President's first formal act was to sign the appointments of his new Cabinet,—' The composition of the new ministerial team has been considered as a clear sign of changes to come. On the economic side, the key figure Finance Minister Delfin Neto was a frequent critic of the previous Government's economic policies. President Costa e Silva himself has spoken on the need for a "more constructive" economic policy orientation. Reportedly he considers that the way is now open for a renewal of rapid economic development. However, price stability is far from realized as yet, and the Government, therefore, is expected to tread carefully in order to avoid a further aggravation of inflation. At any rate, it is expected that a new effort will be made to accelerate development. The new Government is also expected to give special attention to the promotion of industrial exports. 51. The new Foreign Minister, Jose de Magalhaes Pinto, a banker and former Governor of Minas Gerais State has indicated that Brazil will give priority to economic objectives. It is the intention to expand trade relations with LAFTA, to try to overcome barriers to Brazilian exports to the European Economic Community, and to open up new markets in Eastern Europe and elsewhere. 52. In his first policy statement, President Costa e Silva promised the Brazilian people a government of "social humanism". He recognized that there exists "a .profound cleavage of inequality" in Brazilian society and pledged to initiate policies that would improve transportation and health, and give aid to poorer workers.—17^/ President Costa e Silva has indicated that he will govern within the new Constitution, but is not expected to go along with demands for an early liberalization of the new Charter. H. New Uruguayan President Inaugurated 53. On 1 March 1967, General Oscar D. Gestido, a retired Air Force Officer, was inaugurated as President of Uruguay for a 5-year term. His inauguration marked the end of a 15-year Swiss-style rotating presidential system. General 167 The new Cabinet is decidedly military. Half of the posts are filled with armed forces officers. There are no holdovers from the Castello Branco Government. 1Z/ New York Times. 17 March 1967 - 15 - Gestido was elected by his Colorado Party in November 1967 in a victory against the incumbent and more conservative Blanco party. General Gestido took office under a new Constitution which was approved in the November elections. The new l8/ Constitution has strengthened the executive Power. —' 5^. Uruguay depends on the export of primary products, mostly wool, meat and hides, but the price trends of these products have been downwards since the Korean conflict. General Gestido has promised incentives to higher efficiency in agriculture and labour, intensive industry, administrative reform, budgetary norms for state enterprises, and time limits for parliamentary discussions of Bills.—19^/ One major force in his new administration is a four-man economic team assembled by the President with Luis Faroppa, Director of the Office of Budget and Planning; Enrique Iglesias, Director of the Central Bank; Santiago de Brun Carbajal, President of the Bank of the Republic and Carlos Vegh Garzon, Minister of the Treasury, Observers have said that the group includes one liberal economist (Mr, Faroppa) and two conservative economists (Mr, Brun Carbajal and Mr. Vegh ?o/ Garzon) with Mr, Iglesias acting as a balance. —' 55. In the past Mr, Faroppa has advocated stricter central management of the economy with credit managed so as to stimulate agriculture and the processing of agricultural produce. Mr, Vegh Garzon is considered the other key member of the Government, as he is in charge of implementing the nation's economic and financial policy. It has also been indicated that the Minister of Industry and Commerce, Dr, Lucarte Muro, wields substantial power over business through management of price control and foreign and internal commercial policy. He is expected to push for new exports to Eastern Europe. The Minister favours further economic integration through LAFTA, under "conditioned protectionism" and is said to have a plan to attract foreign investment, I. El Salvador Elects President 56. In elections held on 5 March 1967, Col. Fidel Sanchez Hernandez, a candidate of the ruling National Conciliation Party, was elected President for a five-year period. Colenel Sanchez Hernandez was endorsed by the incumbent 18/ Hew York Times. 2 March 1967 19_/ The London Times. 3 March 1967 20/ The Christian Science ,„„ ^. - 16 - President Col. Julio Adalberto River®* Two Leftist groups, the Christian Democratic Party and the Party of the~ Renovating Action charged that there had been undue pressure on the peasantry to vote for the officially-backed candidate.—21'/ Col. Sanchez Hernandez von by a large margin despite a split in the governing party whose right-wing did not accept :ihis nomination. Col. Sanchez Hernandez is a former Minister of the Interior and was once Chairman of the Inter-American Defense Board, He.is considered moderately liberal. 21/ Hew York Times. 7 March 1967