OPEN ACCESS Research article Scaling down planning in towards the neighborhood and its public realm

Dena Qaddumi1,*, Ameena Ahmadi2

1University of Cambridge, Cambridge, ABSTRACT UK 2Capital Projects Directorate, The state of and its capital Doha are undeniably in a state of profound change. In this current Qatar Foundation, Doha, Qatar phase of rapid development, neighborhoods, and especially their public realms, have often been *Email: [email protected] neglected due to the prioritization of creating notable architectural objects that support national development plans. Without conscious and sensitive attention toward developing these spaces, it is difficult to encourage communal relations and practices at the point of residence. Built environment practitioners face unique challenges when planning Doha. Qatar’s population has dramatically increased in both numbers and diversity, resulting in resident communities that hold different expectations of and needs from the city. Moreover, traditional living is not commonly associated with urban communities; a lingering question remains regarding how the built environment can preserve tradition and identity. Planning approaches in Doha have oscillated between rational comprehensive planning and entrepreneurial and management planning and, as a result, have overlooked the micro-scale of the neighborhood. Recent developments in policy approaches to urban planning, including the Qatar National Vision 2030 and the Qatar National Master Plan, include potentials and constraints to address the public realm in neighborhoods. Building on these policy foundations, that focus on the scale of the neighborhood and support local mechanisms for community participation, two entry tactics are developed as actions to be taken by governmental authorities: establish an urban forum at the neighborhood scale and launch a public awareness campaign.

Keywords: public realm, neighborhood, planning approaches, participation, urban governance

http://dx.doi.org/ 10.5339/connect.2017.qgbc.2 ª 2017 Qaddumi, Ahmadi, licensee HBKU Press. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY 4.0, which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Cite this article as: Qaddumi D, Ahmadi A. Scaling down planning in Doha towards the neighborhood and its public realm, QScience Connect, Shaping Qatar’s Sustainable Built Environment 2017:qgbc.2 http://dx.doi.org/10.5339/connect.2017.qgbc.2 Page 2 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

1. INTRODUCTION The state of Qatar and its capital Doha are undeniably in a state of profound change. The aspiration to complete significant projects to the built environment in line with the Qatar National Vision 2030 (QNV) and for the FIFA World Cup in 2022 promises to continue this state of flux for the next decade. In this current phase of rapid development, neighborhoods, and especially their public realms, have often been neglected due to the prioritization of creating notable architectural objects that support national development plans. Similarly, urban practice and research in Doha have been pre-occupied with the master planning of these new large-scale developments;1,2 little attention has been given to the design and maintenance of cohesive and shared spaces between buildings in existing neighborhoods. In parallel, built environment practitioners face unique challenges when planning Doha. Qatar’s population has dramatically increased in both numbers and diversity, resulting in resident communities that hold different expectations of and needs from the city. Moreover, in a country like Qatar, where traditional living is not commonly associated with urban communities, a lingering question remains regarding how the built environment can preserve tradition and identity, which is a principle of the QNV. Efforts to emulate “traditional” forms of urbanism have emerged, though how they spatially relate to traditional ways of living is unclear.a This paper is a conscious contribution to focusing on the public realm in neighborhoods. It is hoped that this research would act as a reference for further investigation and action by private and public sectors toward this scale of the city. First, we will outline two dominant approaches to planning that we believe are found in Doha: rational comprehensive planning and entrepreneurial management planning. Using this as a framework, an overview of the planning trends of the last two decades in Doha will be reviewed, followed by an assessment of how these actions have impacted the development of the public realm in Doha’s neighborhoods. This will take into account the distinct social and spatial features of Doha that create challenges for urban planning. We will then examine the main state actors involved in planning and implementation with newly developed policy documents, understanding the opportunities that these documents imply for the public realm in neighborhoods. Finally, a set of recommendations related to planning methodology and urban governance will be offered as possible entry tactics and actions to be taken by governmental bodies. Our research is built on a literature review of relevant theory, the history of planning in Doha, and an examination of policy documents and maps. Site-work that included visits to small-scale public spaces in several of Doha’s neighborhoods was also undertaken. Semi-structured interviews took place with the Ministry of Municipality and Urban Planning, including representatives from the Qatar National Master Plan project, the Public Parks department, and Ashghal, as well as a member of the Central Municipal Council. It should also be noted that this research was augmented by the long experience of both authors living in Doha and witnessing its development over the past 20 years.

2. PREVAILING APPROACHES TO PLANNING At a global level, the discipline of planning has evolved over the last half century, responding to changing social, economic, and spatial realities at the local and global scales. Currently, we are witnessing the prevalence of two approaches to planning in Doha: rational comprehensive planning and entrepreneurial and management planning. Rational comprehensive planning reflects the modernist tradition, revering rationality and technical expertise. As the title suggests, this approach to planning values the adherence to rational thoughts while also believing that planning should be comprehensive in its nature – addressing social, economic, and human factors.3 Rational comprehensive planning factors comprise all elements that could affect plans, measuring and evaluating the outcomes of each4,5 in order to arrive at the most rational decision. These plans are largely complex in nature requiring the most current data available, usually in the form of quantitative statistics.6 This information is then applied to theory to determine the ultimate aims of plans and the most direct way of achieving these aims. Many criticisms have been leveled at rational comprehensive planning for being ineffective in responding to urban realities. It has been viewed as relying on the accuracy of expansive information that is often out-of-date by the time plans are implemented. Obtaining such information utilizes human and economic resources while taking much effort and time. This prevents rational comprehensive planning from creating frameworks to respond to immediate urban problems. Further, by trying to

aTwo examples of these are the Msheireb and Katara developments. Page 3 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

respond to all elements in the urban environment, plans can become bureaucratic and difficult to execute. Plans are effectively assumed to exist in an apolitical environment that would not impede their implementation. By focusing on the desired planning outcomes, implementation mechanisms that allow for citizen participation are often neglected in favor of conclusions arrived at by governmental agencies and consultants through seemingly rational and technical analysis. The needs of vulnerable communities can be excluded from plans as they often lack representation in governmental structures. When consultation is present, it often validates preconceived assumptions and solutions.7 The second prevailing approach to planning, which is entrepreneurial and management planning, emerged in the 1980s in parallel with the rise of neo-liberal policies.8 It views urban planning as a means for economic development, in which the private sector plays an expanded role. The state’s role shifts from a developer to an enabler of the market; the market is considered to be best equipped to promote urban development through its rationale and efficiency. Policies of decentralization, deregulation, and state minimization are enacted to support this strategy. Entrepreneurial and management planning encourages planning to be project-oriented.9 As new relationships between the state and the private sector emerge, financial models are encouraged that align with clear timeframes and spatial remits. “Such practices often resulted in a piecemeal approach to urban development that lacked strategic foresight or long-term planning, posing a difficulty for citizens to see where their cities are going.”9 In this new approach, the role of the planner shifts to a city manager, whose focus is on marketing the city to compete at a global scale, particularly in its ability to attract foreign investment. This has become more apparent as competition occurs on the national, regional, and urban scales. Investments of this kind have generally led to the “serial reproduction of certain patterns of development”;10 [p. 128] these are more a product of the global market than local needs. Ultimately, entrepreneurial and management planning has been critiqued for placing too much emphasis on the economy and neglecting social and cultural realms of development.11 Further, it does not seriously engage other actors in the city in its plans and actions, namely its inhabitants. Urban development emerges from the knowledge of technocrats either in the government or in the private sector; rarely does it incorporate local knowledge. The next sections will illustrate that planning approaches in Doha oscillate between rational comprehensive planning and entrepreneurial and management planning and, as a result, overlook the micro-scale of the neighborhood.

3. PLANNING IN DOHA: CHALLENGES AND CONSEQUENCES FOR THE PUBLIC REALM IN NEIGHBORHOODS Doha has witnessed massive urban transformation in the last 20 years. In response to the need to diversify the economy and compete regionally and internationally, the Qatari government began developing the country and its capital, to become a service hub focused on five main areas: news and media, culture and sports, education and science, infrastructure and services, and real estate.1 Examples of investments in such focus areas include the establishment of the Al Jazeera Network; the creation of ; the hosting of the (and the forthcoming 2022 World Cup); the Museum of Islamic Art; major infrastructure projects including highways and plans for a public transportation system; and large-scale real estate projects such as the Pearl development, Katara Village, Msheireb and Lusail City. These projects utilized much of the rhetoric, and sometimes institutional framework, found in entrepreneurial and management planning but were instigated by the state rather than the private sector. The focus by the Qatari government on macro-scale objectives has resulted in two main urban development trends: unregulated development and master-planned initiatives.1,12 Though these projects have generally been located in the fringes of the city (with the exception of Msheireb), they served to increase Doha’s international standing2 as the spatial and visual icons of Qatar, resulting in the development and branding of the city as synonymous with the state.b We will illustrate how this

bAttempts have been made to develop the cities of Al Khor and Wakra, though ultimately both of these cities are part of greater metropolitan Doha; urban sprawl in Doha has rendered the borders between these cities virtually indistinguishable. Ras Laffan, as an industrial city, cannot be underestimated as integral to the development of Qatar. However, Ras Laffan has not been put forward as a visual symbol of Qatar, or as a source of pride for Qataris. As a result, Doha continues to be the site to root the nation and the state. Page 4 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

dominance of national ambitions compromises the interests of the city, specifically regarding the prioritization of development areas. As the state was focused on delivering macro-scale objectives and projects, the private sector was left to fill in the gap for urban citizens’ needs at the micro-level. This was executed with little attention to urban design12 and alignment with planning regulations. Building typologies have reflected the preferences of investors and not end-users.1 “Luxury living” and/or consumerism have dominated large-scale projects; meanwhile, small developers have focused on quick housing solutions to accommodate the incoming population. The latter has resulted in an immature housing market whereby a sharp increase in rental prices has not been accompanied, on the whole, by a parallel increase in services or construction quality. Meanwhile, consumerist-related projects have proliferated that are not suitable to the scale or needs of the neighborhood (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. Map of and surroundings. Three shopping malls along with a large hypermarket have already been built in this area in addition to a fourth shopping mall that is under construction.

Such practices have produced a skewed market and disjointed built environment. Rather than understanding projects in their contribution to the development of the city, they have been conceived as either tokens of prestige or merely mechanisms for short-term profit. In this reality, the “private sector has become an opportunistic participant in developments rather than a driving force in developing and implementing long-term plans.”1 [p. 216] This massive development has only been possible with a corresponding burgeoning of the population; almost 40% of foreign labor is directly engaged in the construction industry.1 Not only has the population increased dramatically (it more than doubled between 2004 and 2010) but also the diversity of nationalities now living and working in the country has expanded. According to the Ministry of Development Planning and Statistics, the estimation of the Qatar’s population on September 30, 2016 was 2,553,393.c Research undertaken in 2014 by BQ Magazine estimated that Qatari residents make up only 12% of the population.13 By using this figure, we can estimate that approximately two million people live in Qatar and do not hold Qatari citizenship. These residents come to Qatar from over 60 countries across the world, with their own language, culture, and perspectives on urban life. Nagy14

cThe Ministry of Development Planning and Statistics reports the estimated population of Qatar on the last day of every month. See: http://www.mdps.gov.qa/en/statistics1/StatisticsSite/Pages/Population.aspx Page 5 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

[p. 121] asserts that, “Residents in Doha bring understandings of diversity influenced by their own diverse traditions.” Salama and Weidmann1 [p. 230] argue that “little effort, coupled with a strong lack of desire, has been made by decision-makers to develop more integrated environments and public realms to be used as platforms for an emerging society.” According to Ali Alraouf, two myths have informed planning policy and have had a negative impact on the development of the public realm.d The first myth is related to the climate in Doha. A common misconception is that the heat and humidity are too extreme for outdoor activities. As a consequence, the development of outdoor spaces was not given much thought or seriousness. However, this perception is slowly being eroded. Doha’s Corniche and adjacent Bidda Park are consistently busy, even in the evenings of the summer months. The renovation of (an outdoor mixed-use commercial space) and its popularity with Doha’s residents throughout the year also proved that the weather would not deter people from spending time outdoors. The second myth is related to privacy, namely that Qatari society is conservative and adheres to social norms that strictly regulate the movement of bodies in public space. Consequently, the development of public space was not viewed as a priority area. However, attitudes on this subject have changed dramatically in the last 15 years.e It is common to see Qatari women and men in outdoor public spaces, such as in Katara Village, the Pearl, and the Corniche. Even shopping malls, though indoors and very much intertwined with consumerism, can be considered as a type of public space where concerns regarding gender and public space have diminished. Young Qatari couples are now living in the Pearl, challenging the idea that Qataris only desire to live in stand-alone villas in exclusively Qatari neighborhoods in order to maintain privacy.f Perhaps, accidentally, the Pearl development has created the space for new types of social interactions to take place in Doha. In addition to these two myths, the proliferation of a highly diverse and transient society makes the provision of services (e.g. transport, education, and health) that are collectively consumed difficult. This includes the public realm and any type of collective environment.g It is difficult to pinpoint the social groups that should have an influence on the neighborhood development and its public realm. Questions persist such as: who owns the street? Who is responsible and advocates for the public realm? As the population is in constant flux due to migration as well as changing residences within Doha, there is little ownership of the public realm that is constant. There exist no institutionalized civil society groups that are based at the level of the neighborhood or whose collective interest is based on a geographical unit. The relationship between the urban planner and residents is further complicated because of the mix of urban residents that are nationals and non-nationals, many of whom whose first language is neither English nor Arabic. As a result, planners find it difficult to engage in consultation and participation with local stakeholders. There is one formal channel for communication between residents and the state – the Municipal Council. It is comprised of elected Qatari nationals every 4 years by Qatari residents of districts. This entity is, in theory, a channel for both national citizens and urban residents, to voice their concerns. However, such communication is often carried out on an individual basis and not discussed collectively.h The above-mentioned challenges have resulted in an irregular and inadequate public realm in Doha’s neighborhoods. Such discrepancies include the provision of public space, parks, sidewalks, street lighting, bicycle lanes, vegetation, and services such as health centers, grocery stores, and retail outlets. Not only are such features of the urban realm absent, but also even when present, they lack visual consistency, thereby preventing a connection to the wider city. Moreover, a dominant visual feature in Doha’s neighborhoods is boundary walls, be it of villas, schools, and even retail compounds. Table 1 demonstrates samples of conditions from a range of Doha’s neighborhoods and summarizes select urban elements and their contribution to the creation of a public realm within each neighborhood. Figures 2–16 are a selection of the urban conditions from these neighborhoods.

dAn interview with Ali Alraouf, Professor of Architecture and Urbanism and Capacity Building, Development and Training Coordinator with the Qatar National Master Plan, was conducted on February 25, 2015. eSee Nagy.15 In her research, Nagy reveals that Qatari women do not feel comfortable using the Corniche Park. This is clearly not the case today, whereby it is common to see Qatari women exercise and socialize on the Corniche as well as in other public spaces. fFrom an interview with Ali Alraouf. gFrom an interview with Ali Alraouf. hThis will be discussed in more detail in subsequent sections. Table 1. List of Doha’s neighborhoods with urban elements and their contribution to the creation of a public realm.

Street Bicycle Parking Neighborhood* Parks Sidewalks lights lanes Vegetation** Benches provision Comments

1 Bin Mahmoud 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Bin Mahmoud is located in an older part of Doha. It is a mixed-use neighborhood with a variety of residential (zone 22) typologies including apartment buildings, old compounds, and old single story villas. Despite it being one of Doha’s older neighborhoods with vibrant commercial activities, it still lacks basic public realm infrastructures, such as sidewalks, lampposts, vegetation, street furniture, and designated parking. 2 0 2 2 0 1 0 2 Al Hilal is a neighborhood that was built over time with mixed residential typologies but dominated by large (zone 42) villas. It is also home to the Indian Embassy. Elements of its public realm have been realized, such as paved sidewalks and lampposts; nevertheless, it still lacks street furniture, vegetation, and convenient services. 3 1 2 2 2 1 0 1 Al Markhiya is a newer and large neighborhood of northern Doha, characterized by a topographic change and a (zone 67) sprawling nature. Despite a less built-up area, bicycle lanes, sidewalks, and lampposts have been constructed. It is also apparent that these elements do not necessarily connect well with neighboring zones, such as bicycle lanes, which abruptly stop at the border of the zone. Additionally, this zone features three compounds of “aswaq al-furjan”, which is an initiative by a number of entities in Doha whereby clusters of shops are offered to accommodate services for their surrounding neighborhoods such as groceries, laundry, bakeries, and barber shops amongst others. Three of these compounds, however, in a zone of approximately

4.2 square kilometers are not sufficient. 2017:2 Connect QScience Ahmadi. and Qaddumi 4 1 2 2 0 1 0 2 Al Dafna is a higher-end neighborhood with large villas including diplomats’ residences. It is located in (zone 63) close proximity to the central business district, the , and is a mixed-use area. 5 *** 0 1 1 0 1 1 2 Onaiza is comprised of older villas and is currently being developed as the new diplomatic area (zone 66) in northern Doha. Some urban elements, such as sidewalks, are available in some parts of the neighborhood.

0: non-existing – the element is not present at all; 1: present – the element exists in the neighborhood; 2: present and consistent – a consistency is observed with regard to the characteristics of the element. *The listed names are identified with larger zones of the city, which in turn consist of a number of clusters, which separate or merge and could be considered as neighborhoods on their own. **Vegetation as observed in the table above refers to greenery planted by residents themselves in small portions located within the Right of Way in front of their residences. ***Neighborhood assessed in this table is only a segment of the larger zone 66. ae6o 22 of 6 Page Page 7 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

The patterns observed from Table 1 and Figs. 2–16 indicate that a more holistic approach to building urban elements is required for realizing a cohesive public realm in neighborhoods. The irregularities suggest that urban elements are considered and implemented on an ad hoc basis, leading to a disparate and incoherent public realm. Without conscious and sensitive attention toward developing these spaces in neighborhoods, it is difficult to encourage communal relations and practices at the point of residence.

Figure 2. Diagram of the neighborhoods being assessed in this paper (zones).

Figure 3. Uncoordinated and obstructed pedestrian sidewalks (Bin Mahmoud). Page 8 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

Figure 4. Neglected Right of Way and public realm (Bin Mahmoud).

Figure 5. Attempt at public art, which was obstructed due to lack of designated parking (Bin Mahmoud). Page 9 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

Figure 6. Residents’ initiative to beautify the public realm results in uncoordinated elements (Al Hilal).

Figure 7. Trees planted by residents soften the neighborhood’s public realm and start to define some of its features (Al Hilal). Page 10 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

Figure 8. A grouping of urban elements such as designated parking, religious destination, and transit, suggesting a developing public realm (Al Hilal).

Figure 9. Boundary walls, most dominant visually in Doha’s neighborhoods (Al Hilal).

Figure 10. Overview of Al Markhiya. Page 11 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

Figure 11. Newly installed bicycle lane lacks connection (Al Markhiya).

Figure 12. aswaq al-furjan; a compound offering different services for neighborhoods. Nevertheless, the architecture of the compound does not seem to offer many opportunities for an extended public realm, especially with the presence of a boundary wall enclosing it from its surroundings (Al Markhiya). Page 12 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

Figure 13. Large open spaces and greenery within the private realm visually spill over to the neighborhood (Al Dafna).

Figure 14. Semi-private outdoor seating developed by a neighborhood’s resident (Al Dafna). Page 13 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

Figure 15. Public park entrance with a boundary wall similar to villas and schools and a backdrop of West Bay’s towers (Onaiza).

Figure 16. Public seating in the street median (Onaiza).

4. POLICY FRAMEWORK AND STATE ACTORS Qatar has produced several policy documents that guide the urban development and planning of Doha (Fig. 17). The Qatar National Vision for 2030 (QNV), issued in 2008, is a high-level document with specific mandates and principles for the State and serves as a critical reference for informing the work of various authorities and agencies.16 It was followed by the Qatar National Development Strategy 2011–2016 (QNDS), which outlined strategies that are to be achieved by 2016. Page 14 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

Figure 17. Hierarchy of governmental documents concerning urban planning.

Both the QNV and the QNDS are guiding documents that form the foundation for urban planning and development in Qatar. A comprehensive planning document – the Qatar National Master Plan (QNMP) – is currently in progress and is described as the “spatial representation of the QNV2030”.17 [p. 9] The QNMP includes the Qatar National Development Framework (QNDF), Municipal Spatial Development Plans, and other planning instruments. The recently approved QNDF builds on the QNV and the QNDS, offering responses to the challenges in planning a sustainable Qatar. Some of the urban challenges that the QNDF identifies are given as follows: population explosion, rapid urbanism, traffic congestion, diminishing natural resources, low quality and fragmented public realm, and the current prevalence of single-use zoning. This last challenge has resulted in ad hoc development in unsuitable places and a lack of purpose-built structures. The following two important spatial development strategies underpin the QNDF: the creation of transit-oriented developments focused on public transport nodes and the establishment of a hierarchy of mixed-use centers, ranging in scale from the “local” to the “capital”.17 [p. 45] Both are aimed at alleviating the challenges identified above, through transforming transportation, improving accessibility, efficiently allocating services, and contributing to a sustainable and livable city. In essence, all of the above-mentioned documents provide substantive plans that offer only guidance for future growth. Multiple governmental actors, both executive and representative, have been involved in the creation of these documents, and are responsible for the consequent policies, procedures, and implementation actions. We list in Fig. 18 those actors which are critical for the development of the city’s public realm.

Figure 18. Actors and stakeholders of the public realm. Page 15 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

4.1. Ministry of Municipality and Urban Planning (MMUP)i The MMUP is responsible for national planning and cascading these strategies to the municipal level. All of the municipalities in Qatar are held within the MMUP and are responsible for local enforcement and coordination. For more than 6 years, the MMUP has been developing a comprehensive master plan, the QNMP, for the State of Qatar. The first component of the QNMP, the QNDF, was finalized and approved in 2014. All ministries and relevant bodies are required to adhere to the QNDF policies and policy actions. Within the QNDF, policy LC 13: Public Open Space and Recreational Facilities17 [p. 129] directly regulates public space and the public realm. As described by a QNMP representative,j LC13 shall be the umbrella for all master plans that relate to the public realm. The public realms were defined as a group of urban elements that should be connected to each other and reflected at multiple planning scales from the local to the capital (in reference to the proposed hierarchy of mixed-used centers in the QNDF). Each planning level corresponds to a specific catchment area and population and is also identified with different characteristics. Regarding the concept of planning around mixed-use centers and transit-oriented development, the QNMP representative further clarified that encouraging the use of public transport will not happen unless people see vibrant life around public transport. Community facilities and services will be provided in these centers with the intention of decreasing overall commuting. At the time of interviewing the QNMP representative, there was no defined timeline for implementation of the QNMP, though the QNDF identifies 2032 as a target year, and 2017 as an interim target. Certain policy actions are also tagged with immediacy, which is defined as a timeframe of 0–2 years for implementation.

4.2. Ashghal, Public Works Authority Ashghal is a governmental authority that falls within MMUP, and is responsible for executing all public projects including buildings, roads, and infrastructures. Under the strong commitment and leadership of Ashghal’s President, the authority launched a Public Realm project, through which urban guidelines for public realm elements within the Right of Wayk have been developed. The Ashghal Public Realm project tries to develop the Right of Way from car-center development by better accommodating pedestrians, cyclists, public transport, and the disabled. In an interview with an Ashghal representative,l the project was described as intending to create a new urban balance, which would inevitably need to encourage shifting mindsets, both within Ashghal and the public. Guidelines for the Public Realm project are being established with the consultant AECOM to cover the entire State of Qatar. One of the basic premises is to create differentiated zones based on an area’s natural and urban setting. Each zone is then further broken down into 10 different themes. The zone, theme, and function of a space then guide the application of street elements such as pavement, furniture, and planting, to give identity to the street and distinguish it. Though the Public Realm project is still being developed, Ashghal reviews ongoing proposals on the basis of the guidelines and ensures their compatibility and compliance. This process has also been a good way of testing how the guidelines are read and interpreted by designers, project managers, contractors, and other stakeholders. Further, the finalization of the guidelines will also be based on mock-up pilot projects, to be completed by the end of 2015.m These mock-ups will help Ashghal obtain feedback from communities and multiple stakeholders in order to inform the guidelines. West Bay North and Al Aziziyah have been identified as high priority areas, which are currently being addressed via pilot mock-ups. A signifier of Doha’s skyline and a concentration of its governmental and commercial establishments, the West Bay area had originally been planned to include green boulevards and a dense residential

iThe MMUP was restructured in January 2016 and merged with the Ministry of Environment to form the Ministry of Municipality and Environment. This happened after this paper was written but before its final publication. jAn interview with a representative from the Qatar National Plan was conducted in early 2015. The purpose of this meeting was to understand the MMUP’s perspective on the QNMP and what it considers as its main priorities. kThe Right of Way includes the space between property boundaries, which is to be used for vehicular and pedestrian circulation. Elements in this space could include streets, sidewalks, trees, lampposts, benches, etc. lAn interview with a representative from Ashghal was conducted in early 2015. The purpose of this meeting was to understand Ashghal’s perspective toward the public realm. Much of this section draws from this interview. mAt the time of publishing, the completion of these pilot projects was unclear. Page 16 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

community. The area, however, never fully developed according to the plan and is plagued by poor vehicular and pedestrian connections. As el Samahy, Hutzell and Himes18 [p. 91] explain, the “West Bay today represents a mix of well-intended planning overridden by reality, guilty not only of underestimating population growth, but also of failing to address complexities of implementation.” In response to this current condition, Ashghal wants to create a vibrant life in the area for vehicular and pedestrian movements alike. This entails activating street levels and softening the scale of the towers in the area in coordination with the private sector. The Public Realm project guidelines also aspire to encourage community consultation and participation, which is a process that may take place following the completion of the mock-ups. Ashghal guidelines will be applied to either new developments or high priority areas. Retrofitting Doha’s older neighborhoods is still under consideration. If, however, an existing area or neighborhood is identified for upgrades as per the existing process of Ashghal works (i.e. repaving a street), and then the guidelines will be applied to these projects. A timeframe for such upgrades is unknown.

4.3. Public Parks Department The Public Parks department is a function of MMUP and is responsible for the design and implementation of all park and planting components within road sides as well as parks. In an interview,n with Majeed Ali Majeed, a Landscape Advisor at the Public Parks Department, he clarified that the department is responsible for the design and implementation of all parks in the country. Once a project is completed, it is then handed over to the appropriate local municipality for operation and maintenance. The department has completed 40–50 parks within neighborhoods so far, and more are planned or are in-progress. Parks are seen to complement and be sensitive to their surrounding context. For example, if a park is designed next to a school, the Department tries to include a function that could be used by the school, such as an amphitheater. Food outlets and a cafeteria are usually incorporated in parks and are located at the periphery in order that they can be operated independently from park operation hours. Park entry points also consider privacy for adjacent residential units. The locations of parks are commonly nominated by local municipalities. In some cases, a citizen may raise a letter to the Department, requesting that an empty land in their neighborhood be turned into a green space. The Department assesses such requests and implements where deemed appropriate. The identified land would have to be acquired for this purpose and this is not always guaranteed. Ashghal and MMUP representatives also noted the challenge of land availability when implementing certain guidelines.

4.4. Central Municipal Council The Central Municipal Council (CMC) cares for the advancement of municipal affairs. In general, the CMC’s role is advisory and supervisory and supports governmental authorities to implement approved recommendations. Council members represent 29 different zones in Qatar and are elected by national citizens to represent these zones. Five committees are established within the Council, and each is aligned with a different aspect of municipal functions. The Services and Public Amenities Committee is considered to be a spinal group that assesses and puts forth recommendations with regard to provisions and services used by the community at large. However, as explained by Eng. Mishaal Bin Hassan Aldhanim,o a council member of the CMC during its fourth cycle representing Al Hilal and a member of the Services and Public Amenities Committee, effective representation is dependent on the engagement of council members. Eng. Aldhanim advised that most input to the CMC is given by citizens of Qatar, though benefits of implemented recommendations are then shared among citizens and residents alike. He also explained that recommendations put forth by the CMC to the MMUP Minister stem from different sources: a complaint raised directly by a citizen, a “hot topic” published in a newspaper, or a viewpoint raised by a member of the CMC itself. Recommendations are discussed and assessed by the CMC in consultation with experts from the relevant authorities. After they are approved by the CMC, they are then transferred to

nAn interview with Majeed Ali Majeed, Landscape Advisor at the Public Parks Department within the MMUP was conducted on March 12, 2015. oAn interview with Eng. Mishaal Bin Hassan Aldhabim, Member of the CMC, was conducted on March 23, 2015. The interview aimed to understand the role of the CMC as a mediator between the community and governmental authorities. Page 17 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

the MMUP. Some of these recommendations touch upon aspects of the city’s public realm, such as allocating open and green spaces. In the past, the CMC has recommended designating certain areas within some neighborhoods as green parks. The above outlines the various actors responsible for creating the public realm in neighborhoods: Ashghal for the Right of Way, the Public Parks departments for local parks, the MMUP for master and spatial planning and the CMC, through delivering residents’ perspectives. Policy documents inform and influence the actions of these organizations and individuals and the extent to which the public realm in neighborhoods is prioritized in their work.

5. OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS FOR THE NEIGHBORHOOD’S PUBLIC REALM Through examining the discourse of state actors involved in planning Doha as well as the policy documents that guide their work, some potentials and constraints emerge toward improving the public realm at the neighborhood scale. This analysis is also informed by the unique planning challenges in Doha and the impact of current planning priorities on these spaces. The first constraint identified is related to the challenge of implementing within a specified and accountable timeframe in order to remain relevant to current urban realities. While the QNDF defines immediate urban challenges, ultimate goals are to be met in 2032, with some milestones in 2017. Even the short-term milestones seem to focus on developing yet more plans and identifying strategies. Additionally, no timeframe for completion is publicly announced for the Municipal Spatial Development Plans, which are to offer the detailed action items. Their implementation and how they will tie into existing urban fabrics and opportunities are also unknown.p This is especially crucial as the dominant spatial strategy – transit-oriented development – will only be realized in 2020 and only then as phase 1.q In the meantime, addressing the existing urban fabric does not seem to be on the agenda; rather, it will only be significantly addressed once the transit centers are built. Further, when the new regulations are codified, there may be difficulty in creating channels for enforcement. Discussing planning in Doha, Rizzo2 suggests that this is due to a disconnection between the master plan (prepared by international consultants that may lack an understanding of the local context) and the implementation phase (carried out by state agencies that may lack capacity and/or the ability to enforce regulations). This dynamic is further compounded when assuming a rational comprehensive approach; plans become quickly outdated and are difficult to implement given their scope. Further, Rizzo2 asserts that the blurred line between the private and public sectors in Qatar diminishes the ability of the public sector to enforce regulations. Another concern is related to defining and prioritizing the scale of the neighborhood as the QNDF is mostly focused on big initiatives at the national and city level. When addressing the specificity of the neighborhood, the QNDF alludes to the construction of new neighborhoods and how they will tie into the future transit-oriented developments. Policy BE6: Livable Neighborhoods17 [p. 153] aims to “promote integration of housing, workplaces, shopping, recreation and community facilities, linked by walking, cycling, and public transport networks.” However, the corresponding policy actions imply a focus on new neighborhoods that are to be developed. Tactics such as retrofitting, upgrading, or complementing existing urban fabrics are not explicitly mentioned. Though these ideas are subsequently described as opportunities under the section “Enhancing Urban Form”, they are not given the prominence necessary to ensure that they are not lost in the myriad of policies and policy actions. In addition to Policy BE6: Livable Neighborhoods, other policies in the QNDF are directly relevant to neighborhoods’ public realms including Policy LC6: Community Facilities;17 [p. 120] Policy BE13: Create Active Streets and Public;17 [p. 165] and Policy BE15: Landscape Design of Open Spaces.17 [p. 167] At the same time, the QNDF recognizes that, “Elements of Qatar’s cultural and social past need to be preserved ...Conserving, adapting and retrofitting urban areas are urgently required instead of mega project-scale urban redevelopment.”17 [p. 147] Further, “Rapid demolition and deterioration of historic buildings and sites and an over-reliance on replica buildings are depriving areas and communities of their genuine historical and cultural value.”17 [p. 148] These perspectives emerge from a

pThe QNDF notes the importance of reducing the need to build outside of existing urban areas (page 42), but the implementation of QNDF policy actions do not clearly build from the existing neighborhoods. qAccording to Qatar Rail’s website, the first phase of the metro will be complete in 2020, with the second phase in 2026. See: https://www.qr.com.qa/English/Projects/Pages/DohaMetro.aspx Page 18 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

consideration of identity as a guiding principle for the document and are particularly poignant, given the history of the Msheireb project. First named Heart of Doha and developed by DohaLand, the project went through an “identity crisis” before deciding to assume the name of its neighborhood, though it was razed in order to clear the land for the project.19 We can infer that urban planning actors, especially MMUP, have learned from this episode (and others) and recognize the problems in current planning approaches and their negative consequence on Doha’s cultural identity and history. In terms of methodology, both the QNDF and Ashghal have indicated their recognition that modes of implementation need to be reviewed and redesigned. This is particularly seen in the use of urban mock-ups in the Public Realm project. Using such pilot projects to test guidelines is positive and may be the first such attempt in public works projects in Qatar. Similarly, within the QNDF, a policy action under Policy LC6 is “implement innovative ways to deliver (community) services at the local level”.17 [p. 120] Lack of participation and input from residents and communities are other constraints to formulating opportunities at the neighborhood scale. Our research indicates that coordination across governmental authorities pertaining to the public realm is ongoing; nevertheless, it is also apparent that the actors’ circle is incomplete in the absence of an effective channel for the community to participate. The QNDF has specified an array of stakeholders, including consultative bodies, to be involved in implementation. However, the residents are absent from this list as well as the CMC and it is currently the state’s only formal channel for conveying community concerns. Though the QNDF does not clearly delineate the CMC as an actor, it is showing signs of maturity as a participatory platform. Eng. Aldhanim explained that, with every new cycle, the CMC gains experience. We can foresee more structured and institutionalized means of interaction with the community groups in the future. Currently, this channel is often activated through direct contact with the council member in their majlis, which is an element of residential neighborhoods where a form of public life happens.r However, ultimately, these civic interactions are performed privately or semi-privately and therefore it is difficult to build concerns and priorities collectively, both between national citizens and with urban residents. This process will take time and will require educated, conscious, and engaged citizens. As Qatar’s population continuously increases, the majority of which are changing expatriate groups, consulting the community becomes a challenging task. The QNMP representative illustrated an example of an urban element like cycling lanes, in which allocation must be considerate of the surrounding groups of residents. Proximity of cycling lanes to the access of houses could be seen to infringe on the privacy for some groups, namely Qatari families. Another example given was the need for open space; those living in private villas have access to open space within their properties, therefore, the need for collective open space decreases. This is different in areas comprised of apartment blocks, where residents do not have access to open space within their homes. Striking a balance in addressing these varying needs – while promoting inclusion as opposed to separation – becomes key. Yet, these varying needs remain as perceptions, which are under the risk of being colored by cultural stereotyping, until stronger channels are formulated to elicit community feedback in spatial planning. Doha is a particularly unique context and “shows the importance of considering multiple frameworks for understanding urban social diversity in transnational and global cities.”14 [p. 136] The QNDF does propose the creation of three new entities that would support the QNMP and specifically the public realm in neighborhoods: the Urban Renewal Authority, the Community Facilities Task Force, and the Implementation Committee. Their mandates are described as follows: 1. Urban Renewal Authority: “comprising public and private sector stakeholders to identify and develop urban renewal projects and identify opportunities for private sector participation in the delivery of projects”.17 [p. 115] 2. Community Facilities Task Force: “plan, coordinate and implement the provision, location and co-location of community facilities consistent with the mixed-use, mixed density approach articulated in the National Spatial Strategy and the projected needs of each community”.17 [p. 120] 3. Implementation Committee – established and managed by the MMUP to oversee the implementation of the QNDF strategy, policy and policy actions, and to report progress to Government annually. This overarching committee would be “supported by a group of Technical Coordinators drawn from senior members of key Ministries and Agencies”.17 [p. 206]

rThough visits to majlises of CMC members are almost always restricted to men, and women often reach out via other means, such as telephone calls or social media. Page 19 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

The above suggests that the MMUP is trying to diversify the make-up of actors involved in planning and encourage cross-agency coordination and support. The risk in this increase of state actors is a lack of communication, division of responsibilities and clear lines of accountability. Further, governmental actors are accorded a specific function and remit across Doha. Crucially, it does not appear that there are defined actors whose responsibility is to understand each neighborhood as an integral whole.

6. RECOMMENDATIONS: LINKING POLICY INTENTIONS WITH ACTORS In order to divert attention away from the mega-projects that have hitherto dominated urban planning, we must capitalize on policy intentions, while substantively increasing the diversity of actors in the planning process. Further, planning methodologies must be innovated so as to counter the “top-down techno-economic approach that continues to dominate development as in central planning.”20 [p. 516] Based on the analysis in the previous section, we have developed two entry tactics to be taken by governmental authorities: establish an urban forum at the neighborhood scale and launch a public awareness campaign.

6.1. Neighborhood urban forum In order to increase the number of actors directly involved in planning, an urban forum at the scale of the neighborhood is proposed.s It could be coordinated between the MMUP and the area’s representative in the CMC. In addition to the MMUP and the CMC, the newly proposed Urban Renewal Authority should be represented as well as residents of the neighborhood and built environment professionals (including architects, planners, academics, developers). By establishing a formal entity, the planning at the neighborhood scale can be pursued in a sustainable and consistent manner. The urban forum would be an opportunity to collectively diagnose the urban needs and problems of the neighborhood’s residents and discuss small-scale interventions that could alleviate such problems. By rooting these discussions in a particular locale, concrete ideas and solutions could be offered. Such a forum would create the space for residents to collectively discuss their perspectives on the city through a shared spatial interest – their neighborhood.t This forum could also strengthen and inform current initiatives that some residents have already undertaken, such as planting the Right of Way in front of their houses. Currently, the establishment of an Urban Renewal Authority is proposed in the QNDF as a form of engaging both public and private sectors in developing and identifying housing projects that are affordable and mixed in density. We would suggest that this new planning actor should also be tasked with identifying the potential for neighborhood centers, and we also suggest beginning urban improvement schemes based on tactics that can then connect to the larger plan. Including professionals and academics involved in the built environment will also be key in making the urban forum a success. Architects and planners will need to be active participants in these discussions and in their communities’ activities in general, in order to produce a better urban form.22 Currently, Qatar’s professional associations have little public authority toward commenting on urban projects. These associations should be developed and encouraged to assume a greater advocacy role towards lobbying for sounder urban planning and implementation. This will help foster a public culture that is concerned with the built environment and its long-term contribution to the identity of Doha. If such associations are not nurtured, plans will continue to be dominated by international consultants that have no long-term stake in the city.2 Further, the presence of these professionals in the urban forum will provide technical and design expertise that can be used toward imagining the public realm and finding creative solutions to problems.u

sAs a precedent, on April 8, 2015, Ashghal, in coordination with MMUP, held a community event at the Al Wakra Municipality to present important projects in the area. Participants included various organizations, businesses, schools, and residents. See: http://www.ashghal.gov.qa/en/MediaHub/News/Pages/Community-Event-to-Showcase-Infras tructure-and-Building-Projects-in-South-Qatar.aspx#.VS0iVEuNvd4 tSee Sandercock21 for a discussion on multicultural planning in Vancouver. She argues that neighborhood level spaces allow for intercultural programs and intergroup co-operation. uAn example of such professional engagement is a unit initiated by the Hong Kong University, namely the Community Project Workshop (CPW), which offers multidisciplinary consultancy in the form of recommendations and proposals for urban improvements. The CPW develops its proposals through participatory design processes engaging members of the community and relevant stakeholders to the areas under assessment.23 Page 20 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

Utilizing urban tacticsv is a way to obtain “easy wins” and thereby demonstrate how humble physical interventions, in contrast to the hefty sums used in large-scale projects,7 have the potential to engender significant impacts in everyday living. This can create a momentum towards further action: “The rationality of action planning, the workshop, street work and plan-making lies in the proposition that once sufficient work is done at the neighborhood level, pressure begins to build up to act at city level”.7 Urban tactics can be used as a means to involve residents in all phases of urban development, from diagnosis to planning to implementation, as well as test ideas through rapid implementation and feedback.w In this regard, it will be important to analyze the success of the pilot projects strategy in the Public Realm project by Ashghal, though urban tactics address even smaller scales. Such projects could include redesigning/designating pedestrian and vehicular routes, planting trees, producing and installing public art, or even creating education projects related to the neighborhood. On the latter point, integrating education into public realm projects will reinforce stakeholder participation as well as encourage intergenerational participation. The organization of such an urban forum will require sensitivity and attention. Issues regarding its location, time, language for discussion, and how participants are invited will need to be carefully decided. However, we believe that instigating such a space is crucial. Doha’s residents have already shown their willingness to be actors in their neighborhoods, whether through paving the sidewalks in front of their homes or planting trees in the public realm. These actions should be viewed positively; they only need to be coordinated towards collective ambitions.

6.2. Public awareness campaign The second recommendation, which is launching a public awareness campaign, is related to the city level, but has implications for state and society perceptions of the neighborhood. This action, broadly, is aimed toward strengthening the relationship between the MMUP and Doha’s residents. As cities grow, urban governance mechanisms must adapt for increasing social diversity and scale. “Indeed some have argued that it is neither the size of the city nor the speed of the growth that is most important in explaining poor urban environment, but that the main culprit is a lack of good governance”.26 [p. 225] Both state institutions and urban residents must work toward creating communication and participation mechanisms that promote transparency, accountability, and participation.27,28 This becomes very difficult when urban residents do not understand governmental structures, processes, and plans. Currently, there is little information that is readily available to the public on the QNMP, which would explain the planning process, responsible authorities, and short and long-term actions. This has caused many residents to be frustrated with current developments, which are perceived to have resulted in increased traffic, poor air quality, and an uneven public realm. Further, there exists a doubt about whether the prevailing urban strategy – transit-oriented development – will succeed in Doha.x The new metro system will necessitate a change in lifestyle that privileges collective transit over private vehicular use. The campaign should thus address this explicitly, thereby demonstrating the real benefits of such a system and how it will positively impact residents’ daily lives, from the point of residence.y The success of the metro system will be dependent on its pedestrian connections to adjacent neighborhoods as well as convincing the public that this mode of transit is desirable. Mapping out such scenarios can reinforce the importance of developing the public realm at the scale of the neighborhood. A mix of media and public forums could be utilized towards raising public awareness, understanding, and supporting the MMUP. Representatives from the MMUP should be equipped to make the argument

vAs described in Tactical Urbanism: Volume 124 [p. 1], tactical urbanism is: “A deliberate, phased approach to instigating change; The offering of local solutions for local planning challenges; Short-term commitment and realistic expectations; Low-risks, with a possibly a high reward; and The development of social capital between citizens and the building of organizational capacity between public-private institutions, non-profits, and their constituents.” wIn Hong Kong, for example, the utilization of the fenced-off area under the Kwuan Tong Bypass became a successful pilot that was then implemented through other flyovers in Hong Kong.25 xThough this assertion is not based on any detailed research or public opinion surveys, this has been the general reaction to the plans from a diverse set of residents. yFor example, the campaign could illustrate a resident’s experience in using the metro to travel from Bin Mahmoud to Souq Waqif (or even walking the 3 kilometers during seasonable months) in contrast to the scenario of driving. Currently, the idea of walking, potentially 35–40 minutes, between these two destinations is beyond the imagination of many of Doha’s residents. Page 21 of 22 Qaddumi and Ahmadi. QScience Connect 2017:2

that transit-oriented development is not only beneficial, but also necessary, for building a sustainable urban future. They should also be prepared to clearly explain, through real examples, how transit- oriented development will transform urban life in Doha. The role of the private sector in supporting the state should also be addressed; their developments have a responsibility towards consolidating the identity and sustainability of Doha. Developers should be encouraged to assume a positive public role and receive acknowledgement for their sensitivity to the city. This paper has aimed to understand why the public realm in Doha’s neighborhoods has been neglected and how public and private groups can build on new policies to find a remedy to this reality. Though planners in Doha face unique challenges when working in the city, the QNV, QNMP and QNDF provide policy foundations to focus on the scale of the neighborhood and support local mechanisms for community participation and feedback. This will be imperative in order that large-scale projects do not once again take precedence as national priorities. Further, the diversity of Doha’s residents requires that planners understand the communities they plan for, otherwise they risk relying on misconceptions and reinforcing biases. In this new policy framework there is also greater scope for built environment professionals to play an advocacy role and encourage informed public discourse on the development of Doha. Together with state actors, there is now space to re-focus the planning of Doha toward the neighborhood and its public realm.

COMPETING INTERESTS The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

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