Introduction Systematic Field Investigations Carried out in the Field of Archaeology During Recent Decades Have Thrown Fresh

FRESH LIGHT ON THE MATERIAL BACKGROUND OF EARLY CULTURES OF GANGA PLAIN

Vibha Tripathi Department of AIHC and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, Benaras [email protected]

Abstract The Ganga Plain witnessed the rise of cities and the first imperial power of India in the middle of the first millennium BCE. Recent studies being carried out by scholars have shed fresh light on dimensions like the beginning of agriculture, and technological developments in India, especially an early emergence of iron in the region under discussion. This communication brings together all the recent findings and shares ideas and thoughts regarding the formation of early cultures of Ganga plain.

Introduction and Neolithic was recovered (Sharma et al. Systematic field investigations carried out in the 1980: 100-101). The stage was thus set for a field of archaeology during recent decades have settled agrarian life in the Vindhya-Ganga plain. thrown fresh light on early cultures of the Ganga This paved the way for the rise of civilization in plain. Availability of relatively more efficient and the Ganga plain during succeeding centuries. reliable tools for analysis of material remains There appears to be an evolution of culture unearthed through scientifically conducted from an early farming stage to the Early Historic excavations has added new dimensions to period that is perceptible in technological our understanding of cultures. The emergent innovations, ceramic and terracotta art, craft picture is more authentic and clearer now. production, metallurgy, agriculture, and other Therefore, it may be apt to review the earlier aspects of life evidenced in archaeological concepts and theories at this juncture. For remains. The present paper proposes to instance, we now definitely know that the draw attention of scholars to the important Gangetic alluvial plain was not a cultural developments that took place in the Ganga void when Videgha Mathav crossed over the Plain over the millennia. Taking cognizance of Sadanira. They must have come across some the overall growth in social, economic, cultural, indigenous people. The nature of contact of the and political fields, Sir Mortimer Wheeler used two may be a subject of deeper inquiry. What the termed ‘Ganges Civilization’ at par with the is certain, however, is that the fertile plain was ‘Indus Valley Civilization’ for this region. The already occupied by early farming communities Ganga Plain witnessed the rise of cities and moving down from the nearby Vindhya– the first imperial power of India in the middle of Kaimur hilly tracts, perhaps in search of better the first millennium BCE. Recent studies being pastures. This is fully attested by similarities carried out by scholars have shed fresh light on in pottery and other artifacts found at sites dimensions like the beginning of agriculture, in the two eco-zones. The Mesolithic folk that and technological developments in India, inhabited parts of the North-Central Vindhyas especially an early emergence of iron in the had acquainted themselves with wild species region under discussion. The recent radiocarbon of food grains during the course of foraging for determinations assigned to cultural horizons their sustenance, and at a later stage started with markers of the socio-cultural changes experimenting with animal husbandry and taking place over the millennia need serious plant breeding. Cultivated rice grains (oryza consideration in cultural reconstruction. We sativa) were excavated along with its wild variety cannot afford to ignore the new dates and (oriza nivera and rufipogon) at sites like Chopni remain oblivious of the new evidences. Here, Mando where a complete sequence of culture we are faced with questions like: in what way from the Epi-palaeolithic to the Proto-Neolithic can the early beginning of crop cultivation in the

Tripathi 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 250-264, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Fresh Light on the Material Background of Early Cultures of Ganga Plain

Vindhya-Ganga Plain change our perception of number of high mounds dotting the alluvial cultural development taking place in the region? plain. Though the nearby hilly terrain of the Shouldn’t we re-examine the chronologies Vindhya-Kaimur range was inhabited from the regarding the beginning of iron and NBPW Stone Age, the alluvial plain was first occupied culture afresh in light of new 14C dates? What by cultures like the Ochre Coloured Pottery- can be the cultural implication of these early Copper Hoard culture in the upper Ganga plain dates coming forth from excavations? In view and by Neolithic folk in the middle Ganga plain. of recent developments, can we interface the It was succeeded by the Black and Red Ware technological development and socio-cultural culture that made scanty use of copper relying changes? Does craft specialization caused largely on bone tools for their subsistence. This by use of better tools and implements lead to period was followed by the introduction of iron intensified demand of products? Did it lead without much change in the cultural milieu. to full-fledged specialist groups? If so, how A true Age of Iron sets in the subsequent did it influence social structure? Could it also centuries. However, in the upper Ganga plain, lead to further classification, segregation and a cultural break has been discerned between hierarchical structure of society of Early Historic the OCP, the succeeding Painted Grey Ware India? Such problems call for a critical evaluation (PGW), and the Harappans migrating towards of the nature, content, and context of material the Yamuna-Hindon Doab. The gaps have remains at different periods of human history. now been filled by recent excavations at sites The issues voiced here are of vital significance like Sanauli (Sharma et al. 2004; 2006) to our understanding of techno-economic and Bhagwanpura, Katpalon, Nagar, Dadheri (Joshi social changes that took place in the region 1993), and more recently at Alamgirpur (Singh over the millennia. An attempt is made here to et al. 2013). Such an uninterrupted cultural re-examine the context of material culture. And sequence has great significance so far as an if need be, to evolve a fresh paradigm of study understanding of the process of growth of of the cultures of the Ganga plain. culture is concerned. The process of such It is not possible to discuss all the facets of changes must indeed have been a slow and culture in a short paper like the present one and complex one. Continuity between cultural hence it is aimed here to focus on a few issues horizons, if testified, raises possibilities of like: 1. Cultural sequence and inter-relationship interactions and thereby diffusion of cultural between supposedly two distinct cultural traits howsoever tenuous they appear in their phases; 2. Early beginning of agriculture and its expression in material form. The presence of cultural ramifications. 3. Recent radiocarbon certain Harappan cultural traits that appear dates related to – (A) advent of Iron, (B) NBPW in subsequent times of Indian civilization may Culture and the significance of the early context be attributed to such contacts, physical or of their incidence. The cultural sequence found ideational. Future research may underline such commonly in excavations at sites of the Ganga interactive mechanism with greater clarity. The Plain is briefly described below. Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW) culture which succeeded the BRW cultural horizon in 1. Cultural Sequence the middle Ganga plain and the PGW in the The Ganga plain with its hospitable terrain has upper Ganga heralded material prosperity been termed by B. Subbarao (1958) as an ‘Area and urbanization to the Ganga Plain. The date of Attraction’. After the decline of the Indus bracket of 600 to 300 BCE assigned to the Valley Civilization, the cultural foci gradually NBPW culture earlier is now being challenged shifted from the Indus-Saraswati plain to the by recent radio-carbon dates. There are more 14 Ganga plain. The alluvial plain bordered by the than a dozen C dates from sites in the middle Vindhya-Kaimur hills had already been host to Ganga plain that average out to 1000 BCE. If a rich variety of cultures for centuries. An un- these are accepted, we may have to reconsider interrupted cultural sequence under a deposit the chronology assigned to the advent of several meters high is evidenced at a large coinage, writing, permanent buildings with

251 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra sanitation arrangements, and fortification – all proto-Neolithic phase of Chopani-Mando on denominators of urban traits. the one have and its recurrence at Koldihwa Mahagara and Panchoh on the other would also 2. Beginning of Agriculture suggest continuity between the Proto-Neolithic Credit for the origin of rice cultivation was and Neolithic. A transition from gathering of earlier given to China. But the picture has now wild rice to its cultivation is also indicated. As changed with recent evidence reported from regards domestication, inter-linkage between sites in the south-central Vindhyas and the the Proto-Neolithic and Neolithic is also adjacent plains. There are AMS dates from suggested.’ A continuous cultural sequence some of the recently excavated sites go back from the Mesolithic to Proto-Neolithic and the to as early as 8th-7th millennium BCE. We succeeding Neolithic period has presented come across a clear-cut evolution of paddy a different picture. The succeeding Neolithic grains from its wild to domesticated species cultural horizon at Koldihwa and Mahagara at sites like Chopni Mando. Appropriate tool yield both, wild and cultivated varieties of typology of the Mesolithic people optimized rice and small millets right from the earliest the advantages. Besides tool-typology, the strata of the Neolithic period. Thus there is an Mesolithic community of the Vindhya-Ganga extensive distribution of Early Farming cultures plain has shown better adaptation strategies in the Vindhya-Ganga plain, both in time and perceptible in the food processing equipment space. The site of Chopni Mando is situated and composite tools used to harvest edible just three kilometres away from Koldihwa. grasses, fruits, berries, nuts etc. Settlements Rice grains identified as Oryza sativa – the with structural remains, evidence of cultivated variety of rice – have been found domestication of plants and animals, storage in a Neolithic context at Koldihwa dated to devices especially pottery makingare all as early as 5440±185 BCE by radiocarbon taken to be attributes of the Neolithic culture. method of dating (Sharma et al. 1980). More However, as seen above, the Vindhya-Ganga recent evidence of Lahuradeva in district Sant plain witnessed many such features right from Kabir Nagar of Uttar Pradesh, situated on the the Epi-Plaeolithic-Proto-Neolithic, though in an bank of an extensive lake has further pushed incipient form. More importantly, there appears back the antiquity of agriculture in the Ganga to be an evolution of rice cultivation from its plain (Tewari et al. 2003: 37-68). The Neolithic wild variety used by Mesolithic communities of period at Lahuradeva has been divided into two the Vindhyas as evidenced from excavations at sub-phases, viz. IA and IB. Period IA has yielded sites like Mahagara, Kunjhun, Sarai Nahar Rai, both domesticated and wild varieties of rice Damdama, Chopni Mando, Hetapatti, Panchoh (Oryza Sativa) along with fox tail millet (Setaria etc. Horseshoe lake sites also occur in the region sp.) fish and turtle bones. The calibrated dates in the Proto-Neolithic and Neolithic cultural from this period yielding cereals is (BS 1951) horizons (Misra 2008: 255). In the succeeding 5320±90BP – 4320-3997 cal. BCE; (BS-1967) Proto-Neolithic period, the appearance of both 6290±140 BCE, 5464- 5059 cal. BCE, and wild as well as cultivated varieties of paddy an AMS date of rice husk is 7532±58 cal. BP indicates a process of evolution in domestication that is 8259 cal. BP or 6409 cal. BCE. The of the crop. Misra (2007) observed that ‘The antiquity of rice cultivation in the Middle Ganga presence of wild rice, however, when viewed plain thus goes back to the 7th-6th millennium in the context of the presence of processing BCE. This may be one of the earliest evidences equipment and other traits of semi-sedentary of rice cultivation found anywhere in the settlements would suggest its collection during world. The cultivation of rice from its wild to this (proto-Neolithic) phase. The appearance domesticated species also makes this region an of hand-made pottery at this stage at Chopani- independent zone of rice cultivation. It is thus Mando and all the excavated Neolithic sites, a well established fact that rice cultivation was offers another linkage between the two. The indigenous to the Vindhyan hills from where it first occurrence of the tranchet during the diffused to the nearby plains as attested by the

252 Fresh Light on the Material Background of Early Cultures of Ganga Plain

Lahuradeva excavations (Tewari et al. 2006: Singh feels that the cereal remains suggest the 40-46). Within a few centuries, a variety of ‘spread of Harappan agricultural products in crops were introduced and cultivated across the the middle Ganga plains’ (B.P. Singh 2004). plains during succeeding stages such as Period I B at Lahuradeva where wheat, barley, pulses 3. Chronology and the Dynamics of Cultures and sesame were also introduced. At the site of the Ganga Plain of Tokwa besides rice and small millets other The application of 14C, especially AMS dates grains like barley, wheat, green gram; lentil, etc. has added credence to the dating of cultures were also found (Misra 2008: 255). with higher accuracy. While talking about the This tradition of Neolithic culture (?) cultures of the Ganga plain, we are now faced continued in the plains for centuries (ranging in with set of new challenges posed by recent time from 2300/2400 to1300/1200 BCE, the radiocarbon dates. Here I would like to specially exception being Lahuradewa and Jhusi which underline the dates for the advent of iron and are much earlier) as indicated by the chronology that of the NBPW culture. There are dozens of such horizons at sites like Chirand, Taradih, of dates suggesting an earlier beginning for Senuwar, Khairadih Sohgaura, Narhan, Imlidih both these occurrences. They also have higher Khurd, Mangalkot, etc. With a meticulous use stakes for reconstruction of Proto-historic of floatation technique for procuring samples and Early Historic cultures of India. Both iron of seeds and grains, a variety of cereals have technology and NBPW are closely associated been recovered from sites like Senuwar and with the beginnings of urbanization of the Narhan (Saraswat et al. 1994: 255-342; in P. Ganga plain. If the NBPW culture has earlier Singh 1994). Narhan has yielded kodon millet antecedents than believed so far, it will have (psaspalum scrobiclatim), pearl millet (bajra- serious repercussions on the events taking 14 pennisetum typhoides), and pulses like chick place in the region. In view of the early C pea or gram (cicer arietinum L.), field pea (pisum dates, are we ready to push back the antiquity sativum), green gram (mung), (vigna radiata), of these features and ensuing urbanization by horse gram or kulthi (dolichos biflorus), grass at least a couple of centuries? If this trend of pear, khesari (lathyrus sativus), lentil (lens early dates from excavated sites continues, we culinaris), moth bean, and aconite bean (vigna will have to give it more serious thought than acoritifilia). Oil seeds like sarson (brassica previously ascribed to such evidence. juncea), sesame (sesame indicum) and linseed or flax (linum usitatissium) are also found. 3.1 Advent of Iron Noteworthy is the evidence of pips of grapes, Metallurgy may be taken to be one of the dates, and jackfruits as also of watermelon. greatest achievements man has ever made in the field of technology. Manipulation of fire Senuwar IA yields rice (Oriza Sativa) to control temperature involves skill of a very along with wild rice, job’s tear, foxtail/bandra, high order. Copper, which could also be used chaulai and palaka of wild variety. But towards in its native form required a temperature of its later phase (of IA itself) cereals like barely, 1080 °C to melt while the melting point of iron wheat, jowar millet, lentil, field pea, finger millet is 1540 °C. But iron could not be melted and (Ragi), and khesari were introduced (Saraswat worked in the same way as copper especially 2003). The cultural phase is dominated by cord in the elementary bowl furnaces that were in impressed pottery akin to the Vindhyas. In the use during the Chalcolithic period. Extracting opinion of Saraswat (1995-96), the evidence of iron from the ore required a higher level of wheat from Senuwar is of special significance as understanding of the material and an ingenuity it is of identical species as the Harappan wheat, of a different nature. The early metal-smiths suggesting Harappan connections. Noteworthy devised a new method to extract metallic iron in is the occurrence of hemp or bhang (cannabis a semi-solid state at a much lower temperature. sativa) from this period. Summarizing the This is known as the bloomery process. The evidence of agricultural remains from Senuwar, availability of iron ore is more profuse on the

253 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra earth’s crust than copper. However, due to the comes to be used in this region before the PGW metallurgical complexity involved, it not only period. A fresh angle to the beginning of iron appeared later but its exploitation in a metallic has been exposed by an excavation at Indor form was far more gradual. It took a long period Khera. At this site, iron occurs during a pre-PGW of trial and error to master this technique. Once period that has Black-Slipped Ware (BSW) as the metallurgy was perfected, it was recognized the dominant pottery (Jaya Menon and Supriya as common man’s metal. It influenced life of Varma, personal communication). In the North- people in a big way. When, how, and under what Central Vindhyas, a similar dominance of BSW circumstances did iron technology develop in the early iron period (Period II) is noted at in India should be examined closely at this Raipura in District Sonbhadra, U.P. (Tripathi juncture. The Ganga plain, it may be stated at and Upadhyay in press). the very outset is not a homogenous land mass; There is almost a continuous cultural and therefore has to be studied accordingly. sequence from Neolithic-Chalcolithic through The ecological setting of the upper Ganga BRW/BSW (with iron) and succeeded by plain is somewhat different than the middle, or Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW). Iron is parts further east of the plain. Therefore these introduced as part of the Chalcolithic milieu parts also have a somewhat distinct cultural there. The early occurrence of iron has already personality. been indicated from Ahar and Eran in a In the upper Ganga plain, a gap lies Chalcolithic set up. At all these sites the common between the end of the OCP that was abrupt feature is a continuity between the Chalcolithic and the beginning of the succeeding Painted and the subsequent iron bearing levels, Grey Ware culture (PGW henceforth). At a few Mangalkot being the only exception where iron sites such as Atranjikhera (Gaur 1983), Jakhera is found from the earliest level. There is hardly (Sahi 1994), and Noh (Agrawala and Vijay any change in the material culture apart from a Kumar 1976; 1993) a thin cultural strata of natural refinement in cultural components over Black-and-Red Ware (BRW) precedes the PGW the period. Introduction of iron, albeit in small culture and rests above the OCP deposit albeit measure is the most conspicuous factor in the after a gap. Iron was first introduced at sites like otherwise Chalcolithic cultural context. Even Noh in this cultural zone. Earlier evidence of the with the advent of iron, the cultural material emergence of iron with PGW had to be modified remains almost the same though a refinement with the occurrence of bits of iron in a pre-PGW in the ceramic tradition, terracotta and other context at Noh, District Bharatpur in Rajasthan craft artifacts is discernable in the course of (Agrawal and Vijay Kumar 1993) and at a proto- time. Whether iron was introduced under some PGW cultural stage at Jakhera, District Etah outside influence or was an innovation of the (Sahi 1994). Both these sites are located close copper using community that had inhabited the to the Agra-Gwalior belt of iron ore deposits. region for generations is a question that needs The dominant ceramic tradition at this stage is to be addressed in this connection. Black-and-Red Ware (BRW) that also continues As seen above, iron appears in a with PGW in the subsequent cultural period. Chalcolithic context in the Gangetic plain Jakhera has yielded a red ware with stroke that is largely dominated by bone or stone paintings in black. In every other respect the industries. It is likely that the metal (copper- pottery looks like PGW except for the surface bronze) starved region led the metal workers colour. It is a unique piece of evidence that has to experimentations. It eventually led to the given rise to several questions that need to be recognition of iron as a separate and alternative answered is connection with the genesis of metal. The issue has been examined in detail by PGW, its relationship with Painted BRW pottery the present author elsewhere (Tripathi 1986, of Ahar in Rajasthan on the one hand and with 2001). Based on present knowledge and the Koldihwa-Kakoria (BRW using culture) on the available evidence, it seems likely that in the other. It also occurs at Kausambi in a pre-PGW absence of sufficient availability of copper ore context. What is definite, however, is that iron

254 Fresh Light on the Material Background of Early Cultures of Ganga Plain and inadequacy in technological skill, it is the The use of iron from an early context that is Chalcolithic metal worker who is more likely basically Chalcolithic in nature has been made to experiment with new material. Tylecote’s evident from a number of sites in the Ganga (1962: 211) remark that the “… invention plain in recent years (for details, see Tripathi of iron may be attributed to primitive copper 2001, 2008). Iron was earlier reported from smelters than to the more sophisticated ones” Koldihwa, Kausambi, Eran, and Ahar in a strata accounting for the circumstances leading to predating 1000 BCE, which was either ignored the first appearance of ironis worth mentioning or was considered suspect. In recent years here. sites in the Vindhya-Ganga region like Raja Nal-

Table 1: Radiocarbon Dates from Iron Age sites Sl. Sites Radiocarbon dates in Calibrated No. BP/BC on the basis of half life 5730±40 years Raja Nal-Ka-Tila 1. BS-1378 1996-97 Trench No. U-19 (6) 2626±110 BP 822 (773) 486 BC 1.95-2.00#m With iron 676±l10 BC 2. PRL-2047 1996-97 Trench No. U-20 (6) 2980±90 BP 1196 BC- 1188 BC -1164 BC-1143 BC 2.08-2.10#m With iron 1030±90 BC -1132 BC-976 BC -970 BC-930 BC 3. BS-1299 1995-96 Trench No. A-l Pit sealed 2914±100 BP 1118 (963) 859 BC by layer No. (6) With iron 960±100 BC 4. BS-1300 1995-96 Trench No. A-l (6) 3150±110 BP 1423 (1307) 1144 BC 2.00#m With iron 1200±110 BC 5. PRL-2049 1996-97 Trench No. T-19 (6) 3150±90 BP 1406 BC -1198 BC 1186 BC-1164 BC 2.00#m With iron 1200±90 BC 1143 BC-1132 BC Malhar 6. BS-1623, MLR II 3550±90 1886, 1664 1649, 1643 BC Trench No. XAl, Layer No. (3) Depth 0.55 cm 7. BS-1593, MLR II 3650±90 2010 ,2001, 1977, 1750 BC Trench No. Al, Layer No. (3) Depth 90-100cm 8. BS-1590 MLR II Layer No. (4) 80 cm 3850±80 2283, 2248, 2233, 2030 BC Dadupur 9. BS-1822 3368±80 B.P. 1679 (1522) 1422 BC Trench No. DDR-3, A -1 1420±80 B.C 10. BS-1759 3480±160 BP 1882 (1685) 1465 BC Trench No. DDR-3, A-1 1530±160 BC 11. BS-1825 (Pit sealed by (12) 3532±90 BP 1739, 1706, 1695 BC 1580±90 BC Lahuradewa 12. BS-1939 2940±100 B.P. 1205, 1205, 1188 Jhunsi 13. AU/JHS/9 2075C-15 (46) 1210 2730±90 897 (806) 789 BC 14. AU/JHS/12 2077C-15 (49) 1240 2900±90 1107 (973, 956, 941) 844 BC 15. AU/JHS/16 2081C-15 (53) 1325 2780±90 966 (830) 799 BC 16. AU/JHS/18 2083C-15 (62) 1520 3290±90 1597 (1490, 480, 1450) 1400 BC Aktha 17. S-3580 3350±160 Un calibrated 1660±218 18. S-3849 3460±180 Un calibrated 1771±248

255 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Table 2: Radiocarbon Dates of Raipura (BSIP, Lucknow) Laboratory Layer/ Depth Calibrated Age with 1 Calibrated Age with 2 Number sigma sigma BS#3384 Tr. YI-11, Depth 60 cm, Floor 1 of Lr. (2) 340 Cal BCE (±50) 400 Cal BCE (±200) Charcoal Less NBPW with 1 sigma with 2 sigma Carbon* BS#3386 Tr. YH-11, Depth 130- 135 cm, Pit 3 sealed by 430 Cal BCE (±80) 460 Cal BCE (±100) Charcoal Lr. (2) with 1 sigma with 2 sigma NBPW BS#3536 Tr. YI-11 1720±220 cal BC Charcoal 90 cm, Pit sealed by Lr. (4) with 1 sigma With Iron BS#3545 Tr. YH-11, Depth 85 cm, Pit sealed by Lr. (3) 2410±140 cal BC Charcoal Without iron with 1 sigma BS#3544 Tr. YH-11, Depth 100-105 cm, Pit sealed by Lr. 2510±180 Cal. BC Charcoal (4) with 1 sigma Without iron BS#3537 Tr. YH-11, Depth 150-155 cm, Pit sealed by Lr. 2710±90 cal BC with Charcoal (4) 1 sigma Without iron BS# 3387 Tr. ZB-10, Depth 140-145 cm, Pit 4 sealed by 2720 Cal BCE (±80) 2690 Cal BCE (±230) Charcoal Lr.(5) with 1 sigma with 2 sigma Without iron BS# 3385 Tr. ZB-10, Depth 170-175 cm, Pit 5 sealed by 2770 Cal BCE (±80) 2790 Cal BCE (±310) Charcoal Lr.(5) with 1 sigma with 2 sigma Without iron BS#3542 Tr. ZH-10, Depth 195-200cm, Pit sealed by Lr. 2790 ± 60 Cal. BC Charcoal (7) with 1 sigma Without Iron BS#3383 Tr. ZH-10, Depth 170- 175 cm, Pit 7 sealed by 3270 Cal BCE (±130 ) 3240 Cal BCE (±290) Charcoal Lr. (8) with 1 sigma with 2 sigma Without iron * For the Sample No. BS#3384, small amount of carbon implied loss of precision.

Ka-Tila, Malhar, Dadupur, Jhusi, Aktha, Raipura, and sword (?) are found in layer No. (2)… one etc. (see Tables 1, 2 and 3) have produced early may convincingly surmise that immigrants dates from iron yielding deposits. There are indubitably hailed from some community of consistent 14C dates from Malhar, some are as skilled iron-smiths established elsewhere. early as 3550+90 BP (1882-1743) 1639 cal. These artifacts may be classified broadly under BC; 2012+90 BC (1882-1836 cal. BC); (see the implement used in agriculture, craft, daily Tewari et al. 2004, Tables 4, 5, 7) from the iron use and war, besides decoration.” (Tewari et al. bearing layers. There are three consistent dates 2004: 26). This observation of the excavator at Malhar going back to the opening centuries presupposes an earlier beginning of iron from of the 2nd millennium BCE. In the considered where the occupants of Period II arrived. We opinion of the excavator, iron appears in period have yet to locate such an area. II in a developed form. “The artifacts recovered Raipura in District Sonbhadra which lies from layer (3) include sickle, plough share (?), just about 40 km away from Raja Nal Ka Tila nail, clamp, awl, spearhead, arrowhead, and has been excavated by us at Banaras Hindu flat bar. It may be noted, however, that the lower University. The site is located in an iron ore rich levels of this layer have revealed nails, sickle area. It has yielded early dates from a BSW (?) and other unidentifiable objects, while other dominated cultural period which is preceded by types appear in the middle and upper levels. a metal–free period (Tripathi and Upadhyay in Knife, bangle/bracelet, chisel, khurpi (trowel), press). The 14C dates from Period II at Raipura

256 Fresh Light on the Material Background of Early Cultures of Ganga Plain

Table 3: Radiocarbon Dates of Raipura (Dr. M.G.Yadav, P.R.L. Ahmadabad,) Lab number Location of Sample C14- Age in yr BP (based Cal BC with 1 sigma/2 sigma on τ1/2=5730 yr) PRL-3317 ZB-10, 145-150 cm, 3480 ± 110 One Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area BHU/RPA/1 Pit SB Lr.(4) [cal BC 1867: cal BC 1848] 0.055721 [cal BC 1774: cal BC 1527] 0.944279 With Iron Two Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area Earliest level of Pd. II [cal BC 1932: cal BC 1438] 1. PRL-3318 XJ-5, 165-170 cm, 2950 ± 140 One Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area BHU/RPA/2 Pit SB Lr.(1) [cal BC 1257: cal BC 1234] 0.054564 [cal BC 1216: cal BC 899] 0.945436 With Iron Two Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area middle level of Pd. II [cal BC 1395: cal BC 803] 1. PRL-3319 YI-11, 60 cm, 2680 ± 100 One Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area BHU/RPA/3 Pit SB Floor 1, Lr.(2) [cal BC 894: cal BC 873] 0.059897 With Iron [cal BC 849: cal BC 734] 0.497125 Transitional phase of [cal BC 690: cal BC 662] 0.107593 of Pd. II and Pd. III [cal BC 649: cal BC 546] 0.335386 Two Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area [cal BC 926: cal BC 413] 1. PRL-3320 YI-11, 75-80 cm, 3000 ± 80 One Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area BHU/RPA/4 Lr.(3) [cal BC 1257: cal BC 1235] 0.077994 [cal BC 1216: cal BC 1006] 0.922006 With Iron Two Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area middle level of Pd. II [cal BC 1372: cal BC 1343] 0.022781 [cal BC 1318: cal BC 911] 0.977219 PRL-3321 YH-11, 125-130 cm, 2800 ± 90 One Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area BHU/RPA/5 Pit SB Lr.(3) [cal BC 974: cal BC 957] 0.079577 [cal BC 940: cal BC 801] 0.920423 With Iron Two Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area From upper layer of [cal BC 1128: cal BC 754] 0.990223 Pd. II [cal BC 685: cal BC 668] 0.006721 [cal BC 609: cal BC 598] 0.003057 PRL-3322 YH-11, 25-30 cm, 2260 ± 110 One Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area BHU/RPA/6 Lr.(1) [cal BC 387: cal BC 159] 0.939516 [cal BC 134: cal BC 116] 0.060484 With Iron Two Sigma Ranges: [start:end] relative area From upper layer of [cal BC 507: cal BC 459] 0.01665 Pd. III [cal BC 453: cal BC 439] 0.004657 [cal BC 419: cal AD 31] 0.973106 [cal AD 37: cal AD 52] 0.005587 range between 3480+110 B.P.; 3000+80 B.P., The question that needs to be answered 2950+140 B.P.; 2800+90 B.P.; 2680+100 here is whether the early use of iron influenced B.P. (Tripathi, 2013, in Press). The dates have life in any significant way. This requires a been procured from two different laboratories, detailed examination of iron tool typology at that is, PRL (Ahmadabad) and BISP (Lucknow) different stages vis-à-vis the material remains. for greater reliability. On calibration, these A gradual increase in the number of craft dates go back to as early as (PRL-3317)1867, objects is observed on a closer examination of 1774, 1527 cal. BCE and the youngest being material remains as seen in Fig. 1. In short it (PRL-3321) 1128 and 974 cal. BCE from its may be stated that at the earliest stage, iron upper layers (for detail see Table 3). Since the was used for war and hunting rather than in dates come from successive layers and are the production sector (see Table 6). It also took quite consistent; they demand more serious several centuries for iron metallurgy to develop attention from scholars. into an effective medium. A fact that is often ignored in this debate is the efficacy of iron.

257 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Table 4: Recent dates of NBPW and Early Historic Sites of Ganga Plain (All BP dates are based on 5568 years half-life of Radiocarbon. Calibrated dates are given in BC/ AD Agiabir BS-2641 2779±100 BP 969, 797 cal. BCE Period III, NBPW Agiabir BS-2846 2710±70 BP 889±63 cal. BCE Period III, NBPW Agiabir PRL-3127 2840±80 BP 2855 cal. BP to 3072 cal BP Transitional Phase of Pre-NBPW and NBPW periods Juafardih 3528 3010±90 BP 1259 BC NBPW Pd-II (8) Juafardih 3529 3280±90 BP 1562 BC NBPW Pd-II-(7) Juafardih 3525 2850±80 BP 1002 BC NBPW Pd-II-(6) Juafardih 3526 2740±100 BP 857 BC NBPW Pd-II-(8) Ayodhya 2152 2830±100 BP 800 BC NBPW Pd-I Ayodhya 2153 2860±100 BP 910 BC NBPW Pd-I Ayodhya 2154 3200±130 BP 1250 B.C NBPW Pd-I Jhusi 2070 2140±90 BP 357 (195, 195, 173) 46 BC Late NBPW Jhusi 2072 2430±90 BP 763 (498-413) 393 BC Mid-NBPW Jhusi 2074 2520±90 BP 799 (763, 676, 674) 413 BC Early NBPW Jhusi 2075 2650±90 BP 897 (806) 789 BC Pre-NBPW with Iron Jhusi 2077 2820±80 BP 1107 (973,956,941) 844 BC Pre-NBPW with Iron

Fig. 1: Relative position of different materials at three cultural stages

The earliest objects are of wrought iron which of wrought iron that the early metal workers was the basic product of the bloomery process; were capable of producing at the earliest stage with plenty of slag inclusion, it was actually far might have been used by the privileged few inferior to copper-bronze. Equally significant is more as a status symbol than for its functional the fact that the production of iron in sufficient properties. This is well attested by the pattern quantity required a higher level of expertise of technological adaptation as manifest in the that took a long time to develop as testified quality and quantity of iron during the early by an analytical examination of iron objects stages of its emergence. The table of iron from early contexts. The insufficient amount objects from the PGW level at Atranjikhera is an

258 Fresh Light on the Material Background of Early Cultures of Ganga Plain

Table 5: Distribution of Iron objects from PGW at Atranjikhera Sl. No. Objects Lower Middle Upper Total 1. Arrow-head - 7 14 21 2. Spear-head - 3 5 8 3. Shaft 2 5 3 10 4. Tongs - - 1 1 5. Clamp - 10 11 21 6. Nail 2 4 14 20 7. Bar/Rod - 2 5 7 8. Hook - 2 5 7 9. Borer 1 2 3 6 10. Chisel - 4 2 6 11. Needle - - 1 1 12. Axe - - 1 1 13. Knife - 1 2 3 14. Bangle - 1 1 2 15. Indeterminate 2 3 9 14 Grand Total 7 44 77 128 example in this case (see Table 5). With time appears to be a culmination of the kilning– and experience the expertise of metal workers potting technique. The pyro-technological skill grew. The efficacy became apparent as manifest reaches an all time high at this time. It is worth in better tools and implements (Table 6). This underlining here that iron oxide had a key role is also reflected in the quantity and quality to play in imparting the colour and shine to the of stone, bone, semi-precious and precious surface of NBPW. We see an interconnection objects of respective cultural periods. This has between the kilning and furnace technology and been discussed elsewhere (Tripathi 2008A; Fig. command over temperature control that was 1). It may be worth interfacing material remains essential in iron manufacturing. Iron, though and its reflection in socio-economic life during a introduced much earlier comes of age only particular period. We will try to touch upon this during this period. The technological skill is put a little later in discussion. to proper use in the production sector leading to prosperity as reflected in the material culture 3.2 Chronology of NBPW Culture and of this period. But pottery is only one aspect of Urbanization artisanal expertise exhibited during this period. Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW) is a The age culminates into a relatively more beautiful pottery known as the deluxe ware of its prosperous and urbanized society. There is time. Because of its very distinctive nature, the intensification in structural activity that is of culture of the period has been named after it. A a more permanent nature. Defenses, roads, fine pottery with golden, silvery, blue and black lanes, baked brick structures, pottery drains, hues, a flawless fabric, beautiful smooth shining ring-wells, etc. mark the expanding settlement surface, NBPW exhibits a mastery of ceramic system in the subcontinent. Use of script and art. It appears to be a product of a specialist coinage started during the NBPW culture. group of artisans who had mastered control NBPW culture may indeed be called a harbinger and temperature manipulation in the closed of a prosperous and organized society atmosphere of the kiln. The metallic sound it that nurtured a fairly well developed socio- produces when struck is indeed remarkable. political system. The early regional cultures Archaeologists have compared it with silver of the upper, middle, and lower Ganga plains ware because of these qualities. NBPW is that were marked by the BRW and the PGW still an enigma to modern ceramic experts. It cultures were overshadowed and taken over

259 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Table 6: Iron Objects at different cultural stages Tool Type Name of Tool Early Stage Middile Stage Late Stage Hunting Tool Spear heads * * * Arrow heads * * * Points * o o Socketed tangs * o o Blades * * o Spear lances o * o Dagger o * * Sword o * * Elephant goad o * * Lances × × * Armour × × * Helmet × × * Horse bits × × * Caltrop o o * Agricultural Tools Axes * * * Sickles * * * Spade × * o Ploughshare × * o Hoe × * * Pick o o * Household objects Knives * * * Tongs * o o Discs × * o Rings × * o Spoons × * * Sieve × × * Cauldron × × * Bowls × × * Dishes × × * Structural and craft tools Rods * o o Pins * o o Nails * * * Clamps * * * Chisel × * * Pipes × * o Sockets × * o Plump bob × * o Chains × * * Door hooks × * * Door handle × × * Hinges × × * Spikes × × * Tweezers × × * Anvils × × * Hammers × × * Scissors × × * Saw × × * * = Definite existence; o = Confirmed data not available; x = Non-existence by the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW) parts of India. The four-five meter thick deposit culture. NBPW has an extensive distribution. of the NBPW period suggests a prolonged life None of the preceding cultures show such a and stability. It is reasonable to assume at long distribution in time and space. It spreads the same time that cultural trends would not from Nepal to Sri Lanka and from the present have been static during the centuries when Bangladesh to Pakistan besides covering major NBPW dominated the scene. Changes must

260 Fresh Light on the Material Background of Early Cultures of Ganga Plain have taken place during this period as is well mentioned in Buddhist and Jain literature must evidenced in the material remains. Because of have had deeper foundations than hitherto these observable changes, this cultural period believed. There were several other cities and has been divided into the Early and Late phases. towns mentioned in literature. Six big cities, viz. Needless to emphasize here that such a Champa, Rajgriha, Sravasti, Saket, Kausambi, stability and widespread dispersal of a ceramic and Varanasi flourished during Buddha’s culture is also indicative of close interactions lifetime as mentioned in Mahaparinirvan sutta within the region, be it through trade or politico- of Dighanikaya (Rhys Davids and Carpenter cultural relationships. That an inter-regional 1890-1911: 146). It stands to reason to assume relationship with distant lands was well that there must have been a long tradition of established is fully borne out by occurrence cultural development before the settlements of NBPW sherds, some of them inscribed with or Janapadas dotting the plain took the form Brahmi letters found in 5th century BCE strata of cities and got incorporated into the evolving at Anuradhapur in Sri Lanka. This evidence also Mahajanapads. This is fully corroborated by pushes back the antiquity of Brahmi to the Pre- archaeological excavations conducted at sites. Asokan period. The cities of Buddha’s time, mentioned above NBPW culture had been dated roughly (except Saket) also became capitals of the to circa 600-300 BCE primarily on the basis Mahajanapadas. of excavations conducted at Taxila, Kausambi, Bhita, Hastinapur, etc. during the mid twentieth Discussion century. There were no scientific methods In view of recent evidences in archaeology of dating available then. With availability of discussed above, several new issues for radiocarbon, dates from NBPW sites averaged historical reconstruction have come up. With the around 700-300 BCE. However with calibration, availability of scientific tools of interpretation the date brackets are extended further. more detailed and precise information is now Moreover, in recent years radiocarbon dates available. It may be said that earlier stand have extended the date bracket further by a points on several issues on the culture of the couple of centuries. The recent excavations Ganga plains need to be reviewed and revised. at Juafardih near Nalanda, Ayodhya, Gotihwa In developing strategies of interpretation of (Nepal), Agiabir, etc. have yielded dates going archaeological material we can now go beyond back to 1200 BCE (see Table 4). The dates the stage of classification and descriptive average between 1000 to 600 BCE for the early enumeration of material remains. We have to phase of NBPW and go up to 300/200 BCE for devise better methodologies to study material the end of the culture. These dates should have and even try to look beyond the physical a serious implication for the beginning of NBPW remains at the man behind material. cultures. Does it also mean that the antiquity Some of the emergent points of the of material remains like baked brick structures, present discussion are being underlined here: fortification, coinage and writing which are all 1. The region of the Vindhya-Ganga plain associated with NBPW can be pushed back in has emerged as one of the key centres time in view of the early dates? We might be for cultivation of rice not only in India but forced to give credence to a higher antiquity in the entire world. We have discussed to such features in view of this. The cultural above the context of the beginning of dimensions manifest in the material remains agriculture in the Vindhyan hills (Chopni coming forth from excavations in the Ganga Mando, Koldihwa) as well as the adjacent plain assume greater significance in light plains (Lahuradeva, Jhusi, Tokwa etc.). 14 of the recent C dates, if accepted. Can we These sites have yielded 14C dates going date the onset of urbanization to the opening back to the 8th–7th millennium BCE. It centuries of the first millennium BCE on the appears that the process of familiarization basis of these dates? This is a question that with plants had started much earlier than confronts us at this juncture. The urban centres

261 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

previously assumed. The food gatherers Harappans in the western Uttar Pradesh. of ‘Advanced Mesolithic/Proto-Neolithic’ A tremendous haul of the Harappan cultures of the North-Central Vindhyas jewelry accidentally discovered at had started the process that took roots in Mandi deserves serious attention, more the subsequent phase. There are camp than what was paid to it till now. It has sites showing seasonal migration near legions to tell on the Harappan intrusion/ the horseshoe lakes on the foothill of migration towards this region. This has the Vindhyas. In the subsequent period, been reinforced further by excavations at with growing interest in cultivation, the Sanauli in Baghpat district (D.V. Sharma occupants started regular cultivation of et al. 2004:35-44; 2005-06: 166-176) cereals, especially rice along with other where there are hundreds of Harappan edible grasses, fruits, and seeds and graves containing Copper Hoard shifted towards the foothills and thence implements. The long debated issue of to the plains on a more permanent basis. Copper Hoard-Harappan interface gets 2. Chronology of cultures has been reviewed new dimensions with such a discovery. in light of recent radiocarbon dates – be 5. Archaeological investigations are bringing it for Neolithic cultures (at Lahuradewa, forth a strong phenomenon of cultural Tokwa, Jhunsi) or iron bearing deposits continuity from the OCP-Copper Hoard (at Malhar, Nal-Ka-Tila, Dadupur, Raipura) through the Harappan intrusion to the or also for that of the NBPW culture. rise of urban centres in the Vindhya- The early radiocarbon dates from iron Ganga plain. The fertility of soil, rich bearing deposits from various sites are arable land, presence of perennial noteworthy. Instead of the first millennium rivers transecting the plain providing an BCE which was the date assigned to the effective communication network were beginning of iron in India, we have dozens all conducive to agriculture and close of consistent 14C dates which indicate a communication as well as transport much earlier beginning of iron technology of goods and people. Equally valuable in India, especially in the central part of was the availability of minerals and raw the sub-continent. We cannot altogether material used in craft and industry in brush aside these early dates as it the hills bordering the plains. These are amounts to ignoring the obvious. contributory factors making the land an 3. The early radio carbon dates from the ‘area of attraction’ for growth of cultures NBPW period are also posing a serious after the Harappan hegemony comes to problem in dating the urbanization of an end. Cultural continuity may be seen the Ganga Plain. The dates of NBPW and in the material remains and an innovative urbanization are closely interlinked. If spirit of the people. There is a smooth these dates are accepted, we will have transition from Neolithic to Chalcolithic to think afresh about the antiquity of and later to Iron Age in this region. coinage, writing, and other features which Inspirations from other corners may have are markers of evolving urbanization after added to the phenomenon. The Harappan the Copper-Bronze Age urban civilization wheat at Senuwar or the steatite micro- of the Indus-Saraswati basin. beads at sites in the Saryupar plains are manifestations of their presence, direct 4. The Harappans displaced from their or indirect. These facts manifest a greater ‘homeland’ were knocking at the doors amount of inter-zonal interactions within of the ‘Ganges Civilization’. There is now the Ganga plain. Natural evolution of clear-cut evidence of a (Late) Harappan cultural processes seems to have been – OCP/Copper-Hoard relationship. at work from an early age. The innovative Equally important is the recent evidence sprit and the adaptation pattern of demonstrating a strong presence of the behaviour are exhibited right from the

262 Fresh Light on the Material Background of Early Cultures of Ganga Plain

Stone Age, be it in the field of agriculture, groups must have been a natural corollary craft production, tool technology, and in of such a situation. As a consequence, in later cultures in metallurgy. Man’s natural due course of time, social segregation of will to improve and improvise is greatly artisans must have ensued. A situation manifest. At the same time, inspirations like this had caught the attention of – overt or covert – seem to have been historians such as Toynbee albeit in received every now and then. It is time a different context. In his opinion, the that greater attention is paid to identify social cost of such specialization was these. heavy. He observed, “... craft sowed the 6. Whether technology played any role in seeds of class differentiations and class bringing about prosperity and thereby conflict”. In his considered opinion, a culture change is an issue brought up smithy was at the base of it leading not in different discourses on ancient India. only to the emergence of a specialized This debate assumes greater significance section in society but also eventually to in Indian archaeology while dealing with social hierarchy. “Metallurgy has raised iron technology and the role of iron in mankind’s material standard of living; but economic development, especially in the social price of metallurgical expertise urbanization. Though this issue will not be has been the division of labour, while entered into here, it may be stated that the environmental price has been the urbanization is a very complex question to progressive using up of raw material that which there is no straight forward simple is both scarce and irreplaceable. The answer. Technology and society appear division of labour was the technological to be interdependent. It may be observed consequence, (Toynbee in Tomlin, 1978: that technological input is directly 188-189). The Varna system in India proportional to increased production could have been an outcome of such a and therefore higher economic output. socio-economic situation. We only need to However, it is the society that decides observe material remains within a larger the course and direction of technological framework of cultural exchange and development. This assumption closely innovations a bit more closely to arrive at fits in on iron technology. We find that such a conclusion. A fresh paradigm has over that period with development of to be devised for a better understanding of metallurgy, iron comes to be utilized the personality of ancient Indian culture. into variety of production sectors like agriculture, masonry, craft production, etc. References as may be seen in the distribution of iron Agrawala, R.C. and Vijay Kumar 1976. The Problems of PGW and Iron in North-Eastern Rajasthan, objects (see Table 6). With employment in Mahabharat, Myth and Reality, S.P. of effective tools and implements in Gupta and K.S. Ramachandran (Eds), pp. production sectors like agriculture, craft, 241-244. Delhi: Aram Prakashan. and trade – commerce production must Agrawala, R.C. and Vijay Kumar 1993. Ganeshwar- have increased. This may have ultimately Jodhpura Culture: New Traits in Indian given rise to a more prosperous society. Archaeology, in Harappan Civilization, G.L. Possehl (Ed.), pp. 125-135. New Delhi: 7. An often ignored point in theory building Oxford and IBH Publishing Company. in the context of ancient history is the Gaur, R.C. 1983. Excavations at Atranjikhera. Delhi: social cost of technology. We have seen Motilal Banarasidas. above that the demand on artisans and Joshi, J.P. 1993. Excavations at Bhagwanpura 1975- craftsmen grew for better and larger 76 and Other Explorations and Excavations production. It must have exerted greater in Haryana, Jammu & Kashmir and Punjab pressure on this class. Full time specialist 1975-1981, New Delhi, Archaeological Survey of India.

263 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Misra, V.D., J.N. Pal, M.C. Gupta 2001 ‘Excavations at Tewari, R and R.K. Srivastava 1997. Excavations Tokwa: A Neolithic-Chalcolithic Settlement, at Raja Nal-Ka-Tila (1995-96) District Pragdhara 11: 59-72. Sonbhadra (UP): Preliminary Observation. Misra, V.D. 2007 ‘Stone Age Cultures, their Pragdhara 7: 77-95. Chronology and Beginning of Agriculture in Tewari, R. and R.K. Srivastava 1998. Excavations North-Central India’ Man and Environment at Raja Nal-Ka-Tila (1996-97) District XXXII(1): 1-14. Sonbhadra (UP): Preliminary Observation. Misra, V.D. 2008. Prelude to Agriculture in the North- Pragdhara 8: 99-105. Central Vindhyas, Pragdhara 18: 248-261. Tewari, R., R.K. Srivastava, K.S. Saraswat and K.K. Rhys Davids, T.W., and L. Estlin Carpenter 1890- Singh 2000. Excavations at Malhar 1999: A 1911. Mahaparinirvan Sutta in Digh-nikaya Preliminary Report, District Chandauli (UP). London, Pali Text Society II: 146. Pragdhara 10: 69-98. Sahi, M.D.N. 1994. Aspects of Indian Archaeology. Tewari, R., R.K. Srivastava, K.K. Singh, K.S. Saraswat Jaipur: Jaipur Publication Scheme. and I.B. Singh 2003. A Preliminary Report Saraswat, K.S. 1994. Excavations at Narhan (1984- of the Excavations at Lauradeva, District 89), P. Singh (Ed.), Varanasi and New Sant Kabir Nagar, Uttar Pradesh 2001- Delhi: Banaras Hindu University and B.R. 2002: Wider Archaeological Implications. Publishing Corporation. Pradghara 13: 37-68. Saraswat, K.S. 2003. Plant Economy of Early Tewari, R, R.K. Srivastava and K.K. Singh 2004. farming communities, in Early Farming Report of the Excavation at Malhar, District Communities of Kaimur (Excavations at Chandauli (Uttar Pradesh) India, 1998-99. Senuwar 1986-87-89-90), B.P. Singh (Eds.) Pragdhara 14: 1-112. Vol II: 416-535 Jaipur: Publication Scheme. Toynbee, A. 1978. Arnold Toynbee: A Selection Sharma, D.V., K.C. Nauriyal, V.N. Prabhakar from his Works, E.W.F. Tomlin (Ed.), Oxford: and Vishnu Kant 2004. Sanauli: A Late Oxford University Press. Harappan Burial Site in the Yamuna-Hindon Tripathi, V. 1986. From Copper to Iron – A Transition. Doab, Puratattva 34: 35-44. Puratattva 15: 75-79. Sharma, D.V., K.C. Nauriyal and V.N. Prabhakar Tripathi, V. 2001. The Age of Iron in South Asia 2006. Excavation at Sanauli 2005-06: A Legacy and Tradition, New Delhi: Aryan Harappan Necropolis in the Upper Ganga- Books International. Yamuna Doab. Puratattva 36: 166-179. Tripathi, V. 2008. History of Iron Technology in India Sharma, G.R., V.D. Misra, D. Mandal, B.B. Misra, and (From Beginning to the Pre-Modern Times). J.N. Pal. 1980, Beginning of Agriculture. New Delhi, Rupa & Co. Infinity Foundation Allahabad: University of Allahabad. Series. Singh, B.P. 2004. Early Farming Communities of the Tripathi, V. 2008A. Genesis and Spread of Urban Kaimur, Jaipur: Publication Scheme. Process in the Ganga Plain. Archaeology of Singh, P. 1999. Rise of Cultures in Eastern India, in Early Historic South Asia Gautam Sengupta Dawn of Indian Civilization: Up to 600 BC, and Sharmi Chakraborty (Eds.) New Delhi, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture Pragati Publication: 137-168. in Indian Civilization G. C. Pandey (Ed.), D.P. Tripathi, V. and P. Upadhyay (in press). Excavation Chattopadhyay (General Ed.), New Delhi: at Raipura and Ethno-Archaeology of Centre for Studies in Civilization. Iron Working in Vindhya-Kaimur Region, Singh, P. 1994. Excavations at Narhan (1984-89). Pragdhara. Varanasi and New Delhi: Banaras Hindu Tripathi, V. (in press) Recently Discovered Iron University and B.R. Publishing Corporation. Working Site in Vindhya-Kaimur Region, Singh, R.N, C.A. Petrie, P.P. Joglekar, S.Neogi, C. India. Paper Presented at VIII Session Lancelotti, A.K. Pandey, A. Pathak 2013 of Beginning of Use of Metals and Alloys Recent Excavations at Alamgirpur, Meerut (BUMA-VIII) held at Nara, Japan, 10-15 District: A Preliminary Report. Man & Sept. 2013. Environment XXXVIII(1): 32-54. Tylecote, R.F. 1962. Metallurgy in Archaeology. Subbarao, B. 1958. The Personality of India. Baroda London: Edward Arnold. M.S. University of Baroda, Archaeological Series, No. 3.

264 ROOTS OF THE GANGA VALLEY CIVILIZATION: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE B.B. Lal Retd. Director General, Archaeological Survey of India [email protected]

Abstract This paper is an overview of the beginnings of the Ganga valley civilization using archaeological record as a principle tool. It cites instances of various sites and cultural materials recovered from them, with black and red ware, and Northern Black polished ware being prominent among them. Mighty civilization of the Ganga valley emerged from the preceding Chalcolithic culture, Copper Hoard Culture and the Neolithic Culture of the Ganga valley.

Strange though it may seem, the roots of the linear and curvilinear designs in white colour mighty civilization of the Ganga valley do not (Fig. 1). Crops were raised in two seasons, as is lie in the Ganga valley itself, but in a region to done even now. The produce included: wheat its west, namely in the Banas valley of Mewar, (Triticum aestivum), barley (Hordeum vulgare), Rajasthan. rice (Oryza sativa), lentil (Lens culinaris), green The evolution of civilization in the Ganga gram (Vigna radiata), sesame/til (Sesamum valley which reached its acme a little before indicum), etc. Amongst the domesticated the middle of the 1st millennium BCE with the animals, mention may be made of: cattle (Bos establishment of the Shodasha Mahajanapadas Indicus Linn.), buffalo (Bubalus bubalis), sheep (sixteen mighty kingdoms) was not a one-day (Ovis aries) and pig (Sus scrofa cristatus). affair. It took a whole millennium of sustained A little later, say around the middle of efforts to achieve it. the 2nd millennium BCE, iron also began to be In the 2nd millennium BCE, we come exploited. But that does not seem to have made across a large number of sites in the Ganga any substantial difference in the economy. valley which were Chalcolithic in character, Around the beginning of the 2nd millennium showing the use of microliths alongside copper BCE, the settlements were small and not very objects. Of these sites, more than twenty have many. However, as time passed the economy been excavated, such as Narhan, Imlidih Khurd, flourished and there was a bursting forth of Lahuradeva, Jhusi, Raja-Nal-ka-Tila, Senuwar, the population. Hundreds of settlements grew, Chirand, etc., which provide a fairly good picture small and large; the latter may well be called of the Chalcolithic culture of the Ganga valley in towns. This takes us to the beginning of the 1st the 2nd millennium BCE. Without going into an millennium BCE. Thereafter the developmental elaborate discussion of this culture, its more graph begins to soar. The second quarter of the outstanding features may be summed up as 1st millennium BCE witnessed the emergence follows. of a very noteworthy form of pottery, called in As the name indicates, the Chalcolithic people were using both copper and stone for their tools. The former included arrowheads, besides objects for domestic needs. Bone arrowheads were also used. The lithic component comprised microliths such as blades, points, lunates, scrapers, etc. The people usually dwelt in huts made of wattle-and-daub, but sometimes there were houses with mud walls as well. But what is most conspicuous is the pottery which includes bowls and dishes of Black-and-red Fig. 1: Black-and-Red Ware with white-painted designs, Ware, and of Black-slipped Ware painted with from Narhan

Lal 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 265-268, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra archaeological parlance, the Northern Black end of the 3rd millennium BCE is the Copper Polished Ware (NBPW). Bowls and dishes of Hoard Culture. It is characterized by a variety this ware had a very shiny surface, the hues of copper objects, the more distinctive among varying from black to indigo, silvery and golden. them being antennae swords, harpoons and A little before the middle of that millennium, anthropomorphic figures. The associated there was an all-round upsurge in economy: pottery is a red ware, often slipped and painted a system of coinage came into being, and with designs in a black colour. Some scholars cylindrical weights in various denominations have expressed the view that this culture may also began to be used. Script was introduced have given rise to the Chalcolithic of the Ganga in the 5th century BCE as attested to by the Valley. But this proposition too is prima facie evidence from Jhusi (J.N. Pal 2014). The take wrong. Not even a single example of typical off was complete and there emerged the Copper Hoard tools has been found at any of the Shodasha Mahajanapadas (sixteen mighty Chalcolithic sites of the Ganga Valley. Likewise, kingdoms) with their respective metropolises. none of the pottery shapes, as revealed at The Civilization that took its birth in the Ganga Sanauli (Sharma et al. 2006), an important valley slowly but certainly encompassed almost site in north-western Uttar Pradesh yielding the whole of India (and Pakistan). an antennae sword, occurs in the pottery- As shown above, this mighty civilization of repertoire of the Ganga Valley Chalcolithic. the Ganga valley emerged from the preceding Conversely, the Black-and-red Ware with white- Chalcolithic culture of the region. But did the painted designs, so typical of the Ganga Valley Chalcolithic culture originate in the Ganga Chalcolithic, is totally absent from the Sanauli valley itself or did it have its roots elsewhere? pottery- complex. Thus, any influence of the To answer this question, we must first examine Copper Hoard Culture on the Ganga Valley if this culture can be derived from any of Chalcolithic has also to be totally discounted. the cultures of the Ganga valley itself in the A third culture which has to be taken preceding i.e. 3rd millennium BCE. into consideration is the Neolithic Culture Towards the end of that millennium, we which has been there in the Ganga valley have, in the upper Ganga valley, an overflow for a few millennia prior to the Chalcolithic. of the Harappan Civilization from the upper Remains of the Neolithic Culture have been reaches of the Sarasvati valley, as revealed by encountered at sites like Jhusi, Lahuradeva, the evidence of sites like Hulas, Alamgirpur, etc, in levels preceding the Chalcolithic. The etc. Some scholars are of the view that the Neolithic people used, besides stone axes and Harappan Civilization had an impact on the microliths, a coarse hand-made red ware with Ganga Valley Chalcolithic Culture. In this what have been called cord-impressed designs. context, they cite the occurrence of tiny steatite In the succeeding Chalcolithic culture, the cord- beads and dish-on-stand in the latter culture impressed pottery continues for some time and (see, for example Sinha 1982). But the tiny then peters out. But the straight question is: steatite beads are not the monopoly of the Did the coarse hand-made Neolithic pottery Harappan Civilization and occur, in profusion, give rise to the sophisticated wheel-turned, at Balathal in the Chalcolithic Culture of the fine-grained Black-and-red ware and Black- Banas valley (Misra 2007, Pl. 6.14). Likewise, slipped ware, bearing designs in white colour? the dish/cup-on-stand is also there in the I am sure the answer would be a ‘No’. Hence Banas Culture at Ahar (Sankalia et al. 1969, the Chalcolithic Culture of the Ganga Valley Pl. VI), yet another important Chalcolithic site cannot be regarded as a child of the preceding in the Banas valley. Thus, any contribution of Neolithic. the Harappan Civilization to the Chalcolithic If all the three cultures, namely the Culture of the Ganga valley has to be ruled out. Harappan, the Copper Hoard and the Neolithic, Another noteworthy culture met with in discussed in the preceding paragraphs, have to the upper to middle Ganga valley towards the be ruled out as being ancestral to the Ganga

266 Roots of the Ganga Valley Civilization: an Archaeological Perspective

Valley Chalcolithic, was this last-named culture The final question then is: If the Banas Valley a child of the Ganga Valley itself, born and Chalcolithic Culture was ancestral to the Ganga brought up there? This does not seem to be the Valley Chalcolithic, how did it enter the Ganga case, since we have, next door, in the Banas valley? There is a well known saying: Mountains valley of Mewar, Rajasthan, a culture not only divide and rivers unite. The Banas joins the with exactly the same features, including the Chambal, and the latter, in turn, meets the characteristic Black-and-Red and Black-slipped Yamuna. The Yamuna joins the Ganga at Wares with white-painted designs (Fig. 2) but Allahabad, making itself a part and parcel of also preceding the Ganga Valley Chalcolithic the Ganga valley system. Now what is needed Culture by more than a millennium, as revealed is a thorough exploration of the Chambal and by the Carbon-14 dates from Balathal. Some of Yamuna valleys to find out if there are any these dates are as follows (V.N. Misra 2007). remains of the Banas Chalcolithic Culture PRL-1925 2400-1830 BCE; PRL-1935 along their banks. It is also likely that the Banas 3010-2700 BCE Chalcolithic people may have straightaway crossed the Yamuna, and gone on to the bank PRL-1932 2580-2290 BCE; PRL-1933 of the Ganga, instead of moving all the way 4540-4510 BCE down the Yamuna right up to Allahabad. But On the other hand, some of the C-14 dates surely the Chambal must yield the remains of for the Ganga Valley Chalcolithic are (Singh P. the Banas Chalolithic Culture, if the hypothesis 2010): put forward in this paper has any validity. I Lahuradeva BS-1950 2135-2056 BCE; have requested the Director General of the Jhusi PRL- 20831597-1400 BCE Archaeological Survey of India to depute a team of archaeologists to undertake this exploration Narhan BS-852 1390+110; Chirand TF- and very much hope that the same will be 445 1650+100 BCE. accomplished in the near future.

Fig. 2: Black-and-red Ware with white-painted designs from Balathal

267 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

In this context, what is more surprising References and interesting is that even ancient literature Misra, V.N. 2007. Rajasthan: Prehistoric and Early confirms this west-to-east movement. States Historic Foundations. New Delhi: Aryan the Baudhayana Shrautasutra (18.44): Books International. “Pranayuh pravavraja tasyete Kuru-Panchalah Pal, J.N. 2014. Jhusi (Pratishthanpur). In Dilip K. Chakrabarti and Makkhan Lal. (Eds.) History Kashi-videha ityetad Ayavam pravrajam.” i.e. of India-III: The Texts, Political History and “Ayu migrated eastwards. His (progeny) are Administration till c. 200 BC., pp. 525- the Kuru-Panchalas and Kashi-Videhas. This 40. New Delhi: Vivekanand International is Ayava migration”. This clearly means that Foundation and Aryan Books International. the Kuru-Panchalas and Kashi-videhas, who Sankalia, H.D., S.B. Deo and Z.D. Ansari 1969. occupied the western and central Ganga valley Excavations at Ahar (Tambvati). Poona: in the 2nd-1st millennium BCE, were migrants Deccan College. from the west. Sharma, D.V., K.C. Nauriyal and V.N. Prabhakar 2006. Excavation at Sanauli 2006: A Harappan Necropolis in the Upper Ganga- Yamuna Doab, Puratattva, 36: 166-79. Singh, Purushottam 2010. Archaeology of the Ganga Plain – Cultural and Historical Dimensions. New Delhi: Aryan Books International. Sinha, B.P. 1982. Harappan Fallout (?) in the Mid- Gangetic Valley. in Harappan Civilization, Gregory L. Possehl (Ed.), pp. 135-39. American Institute of Indian Studies and Oxford and IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd.

268 THE MARAM MEGALITHS AND THEIR ASSOCIATED RITUALS P. Binodini Devi P.G. Department of Anthropology, D.M. College of Science, Imphal [email protected]

Abstract The Maram is a primitive tribe of Manipur. It is also one of the indigenous and largest tribes of this state. This community occupies the northern part of the state, and belongs to the Tibeto-Burman family of the Mongoloid racial group, which has its own dialect, social organization, religious and cultural life, including the practice of erecting huge megalithic structures of different types even today. The raising of such megaliths is accompanied by elaborate sacrificial ritual. This paper deals with the megalithic rituals practiced by this tribe, analyzing how megalithic rituals are interwoven with the social structure of this tribal community, and discerning diversities that exist among different villages of the same tribe in the method of erection of these gigantic structures, performance of related sacrificial rituals, and the complex processes of preservation of this prehistoric tradition in modern times by the Marams, who have come under the influence of Christianity.

The People Khullen circle, (ii) the Willong circle, and (iii) the Manipur is one of the smallest hilly states of Senapati Circle. The area inhabited by this tribe Northeast India. The Maram is one of the largest lies in between 24° 0’ N and 24° 3’ N latitudes, indigenous tribes of this state. They occupy the and 93° 15’ E and 94° 0’ E longitudes (Fig. 1). north and northwestern part of the Senapati district and concentrate in the Mao-Maram Social-Political System sub-division (Tadubi block). Scattered pockets Every Maram village is governed by the are also found in the Sadar Hills sub-division traditional village council and village authority. (Kangpokpi Block) of the same district. There The traditional village council is headed by the are 32 Maram villages. These villages come chief of the village known as Sagong (village under three circles. They are (i) the Maram chief). He is assisted by a number of councilors

Fig. 1: Map showing Manipur and Senapati District

Binodini Devi 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 269-277, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

(Kapras). Each Kapra is the representative by a village priest, the physical appearance of a of each clan of the village concerned. The Sagong of the village concerned is demanded selection of the Kapra is based on the basis of by Maram customary law. He takes a very seniority. The Kapras thus selected are equally important part in the proceedings of any kind of important and expected to discharge their rites and rituals. Thus the ceremony performed respective duties in the village administration. in the absence of the Sagong seems to be Hence it needs to be pointed out here that the meaningless. Maram political organization is quite democratic and these village officials serve largely at the Megalithic types pleasure of the people that they govern. Eight types of megaliths which abound every Maram village are listed below along with their Function of Traditional village council local name, classified structural type, and The functions of traditional village council are functional type (Table 1). broadly executive, administrative, and judicial. The councilors are the real body in whom Beitung (Fig. 2) the highest power of the village concerned is This megalithic type is connected with an oath vested. They are at the helm of village affairs. taking ritual concerned with various crimes like They formulate the policy of the village in war, land disputes, theft case, quarrelling, adultery, and in peace. They amend the unwritten laws rape case, disputed paternity, etc. The Marams which are then rigidly followed. Unlike other have a deep rooted faith in oaths which are so tribes, this community has only one Supreme much respected by them to such an extent that ruler of all the Maram villages. They consider these are very rarely taken. Generally these him as their king, and each village follows the are resorted to only in the most serious cases rules amended by him. where all other means fail. The Beitung is considered holy, so much so that no one dares Function of the Village Chief swear falsely on them. They also consider the Each Maram village concerned has a village death penalty being sanctioned against the chief called Sagong. He has a dual obligatory accused person. function. One is in religious spheres, and They believe that if an oath taking ritual the other is as secular head. In his religious is performed, the spirit of the Beitung will sort functions he is assisted by the village priest, out the guilty person and punish him according known as Atingba, whereas for secular functions to the degree of the crime. Thus they perform he is assisted by councilors called Kapras. It is three types of oath taking rituals for every reported that at any rites and rituals conducted

Table 1:

Sl. No. Local Name Classified Types Functional type 1. Beitung Menhir associated with dolmen Witness stone 2. RaniiAtu Cairn Watch tower/resting place 3. Tiisum Menhir Memorial Stone 4. ArouAtu Dolmen with/without raised structure Grave stone 5. Tiirosum Horizontal flat stones Stone seats resting on the ground or on some supporting stones 6. Amailui Small Avenue A cluster of miniature menhirs raised to represent all the male population of the village in 1906 7. Atuchaga kamatei Monolith Holy stone 8. Atu amei Gogisa Capstone A flat stone covering a burial pit where phuigung Kai decapitated heads are buried karanijangba atuai kai bamle

270 The Maram Megaliths and their associated Rituals

Fig. 2: Beitung (Witness stone) Fig. 3: Ranii Atu (Cairn) disputed problem. They are: 1) Striking the Tiisum (Menhir, alignment and Avenue) (Fig. menhir part of the Beitung by the butt end of a 4) long bladed knife; 2) Sacrifice a cock on the flat It is a menhir which has a distinct name of its horizontal stone; and 3) Cutting the tail of a cat own. Each menhir is raised by a number of on the flat stone part of theBeitung . Each ritual merit-seekers in his/her name or in the name of is performed by the individuals concerned. their loving parents or relatives. Such menhirs are found in and around the settlement area Ranii Atu (Cairn) (Fig. 3) in the form of an alignment or avenue. Such a Each Maram village has a number of such stone raising place is called Katak in Maram megalithic structures, depending on the dialect. number of clans, because each clan constructs its own cairn to serve as a resting place or/and Rituals associated with the raising of Tiisum also as a vantage point as well as a look out. A wealthy man or woman may raise menhir (s) For example the Willong village has three Ranii in his/her name to attain the highest social Atus representing each clan. While constructing position beyond which the majority do not these cairns, each clan competes with one aspire to during their lifetime, or even by their another adjudicating which clan could raise descendents after their death with a view to the best one. This kind of competition among preserving their names forever on the rocks. different clan groups in constructing the Ranii Thus a wealthy person makes a stipulation Atu contributed to enhancing social value of in his verbal will that a memorial stone will the megalithic structures. be planted in memory of him. If the wealthy

271 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Fig. 4: Tiisum (A. Menhir, B. Alignment, C. Avenues) person has already performed a stone raising ceremony and erected megaliths, he has to seek permission from the village chief. Selection of the stone The intending merit-seeker selects the desired After declaring his wishes or getting stone, according to the advice of an expert permission from the village chief, the intending person (male/female who is experienced in merit-seeker must observe the special social the field). The host does not take normal food, sanctions and restrictions (genna). That for a but he drinks rice-beer and takes ginger. After year before planting the menhir(s) the intending selecting the stone, he touches the stone merit-seeker lives apart from his spouse. and utters “Ai atu I na jusa abadeng kabam I Otherwise the stone to be erected would crack. mareile alot luniile. Majiitu Majii kasu gomang It is not a good sign, and as a consequence lamkei mati-seilo”. the merit-seeker’s family would suffer in many ways. Free Translation “Oh stone I would like to stay with you. So I have The intending merit-seeker also worships selected you to be with me. Come and stay with their supreme God, “Sarah Gungba”, to us there”. prevent occurrence of natural calamities like earthquakes or death in his family or kinsmen Then he will take out some mosses (spa) from or in the village. If one of these events happens the stone and return home. That night at home, to the village of the intending merit-seeker, or the merit-seeker sleeps keeping the mosses in the neighboring villages (where his kinsmen under his pillow dreams on it. During the one reside), it is a must to postpone the stone year’s genna, the merit seeker collects the raising ceremony for a duration of one month materials required for the stone dragging and for every such event. raising ceremony in cash or kind. He needs at least 2000-4000 liters (or more if the host can afford) of rice-beer. For that the merit-seeker

272 The Maram Megaliths and their associated Rituals requires a large amount of rice. Pounding People believe that the stone thus planted of rice starts 15 days before of the actual causes much harm to the performer and his ceremony whereas preparation of rice-beer family if some mistakes are committed in starts a week beforehand. Preparation of the erecting the menhir. sled and collection of stone dragging creeper are also done during this period. Rituals for stone dragging (Fig. 5) The auspicious days for dragging and In the early morning of the stone pulling day, setting up the menhir are fixed by the Sagong the merit-seeker performs a ritual on the spot assisted by Atingba. The head and base of the where the selected stone is quarried. The host selected stone are sorted out by the experts. offers an egg to the spirit of the stone along with six pieces of iron. The host keeps six pieces

Fig. 5: Various Processes of Stone dragging (A-H)

273 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra of cotton at the foot of the selected stone first, A ritual is performed during this period. and thereafter six but small pieces of iron are The Sagong/Atingba chants “Hé Sarah placed just above the six cotton pieces. They kiichina chiilung katang lohingsha hangsha consider such offering as a sign of paying pyiishailo”. tax. Then they shouted “Magu oh ohui” at the Free translation same time the host offers the leaves of a small “Oh God Hé Sara kiichina give me long life and fruit bearing tree. All the participants make prosperity”. offerings in this way. They also chant “Atho ai ara chiimagasha pui le”. The Marams believe that the performer will attain a long life like the iron objects, and his Free Translation fame will last forever as the stone. “We have won, purified, and taken (our share of) the stone” They generally lift the stone in an inclined position to slide the base (foot) of the stone The stone pulling ceremony is a spectacular into the hole already dug. Thus pulling from the event in Maram society. In fact all the villagers, front and propping it with longer wedges from elder persons, adults, young boys and girls, behind every time, the stone is erected at last even the small boys and girls adorned in their with the shouting of “hoi”. The stone is wedged full ceremonial dress join the stone dragging underneath to make it stand firmly on its own party. In all, at least two hundred or more were base after which the hole is filled with earth in the procession. and is then rammed. When the signal is given, they start to pull On this stone raising day, the merit-seeker the stone along a zigzag hilly path. It is indeed a feeds invitees, guests, and his villagers. He very strenuous job to pull the heavy stone along also distributes uncooked meat and rice-beer the steep hill slope across sharp bends of the to each and every household of the village. hilly tract, but the experienced stone pullers Drumming, singing and dancing continue the could smoothly negotiate the tract to drag whole night by the members of the boy’s and up the stone to the selected place. When the girl’s dormitories. On the next day also, the stone reaches half way, the stone pullers take merit-seeker gives another feast to his villagers rest. During this period, drinks are served with and with this he concludes the stone raising some eatables to refresh the pullers. ceremony. The stone is thus pulled up to the selected spot. Here the sled is wedge to guard against a Arou Atu (Grave stone) (Fig. 6) possible slip after which the stone is held on In every Maram village there are many the sled for a considerable length of time. Once gravestones raised by the children for their the stone is left in the Katak, it is prohibited deceased parents; and they treat such stones to touch the stone no matter what. The pullers leave the place, but they enter their houses after cleaning their hands. On the next day or the 3rd or 5th day (but within five days) they prepare to raise-up the menhir. For this they arrange long poles of hard wood, and plant them on the ground to use them as a fulcrum. At the foot of the sled, on which the massive stone was pulled up, a hole about one and a half feet deep is dug. The lashing of the stone already made is then cut out and new ones are made. Inside the hole, the merit-seeker keeps some iron objects like hoe-blade/knife/sickle. Fig. 6: Arou Atu (Grave stone)

274 The Maram Megaliths and their associated Rituals as their parents in perpetuity. The erection Atuchaga kamatei (Holy stone) of a memorial stone, near a grave is very It is a natural stone. The Marams of the Willong common among this tribe. The preservation village believe that it fell down from sky in ancient of such stones is associated with the family’s times. It plays a very important role among good fortune. Timely care of such stones by its the Marams’ traditional religion followers. It concerned family is duly associated with the is related to socio-religious functions and no worshipping of ancestors. one is allowed to touch it. If someone touches This is a flat stone directly resting over the it, knowingly or unknowingly, a heavy fine is ground but capping the grave. Sometimes it is imposed upon the guilty person. The Atingba placed on a raised platform or near a raised purifies the holy stone by sacrificing a bull/a platform. It is constructed in memory of their cock. He ritualistically smears the blood of the parents or any other deceased person of the sacrificed animal upon the holy stone. family, even relatives. In rare cases, there is also an upright stone which is inscribed in Amailui (Small alignment) (Fig. 7) Roman script stating birth and death of the It is a small avenue formed by four rows of deceased person. aligned miniature menhirs. It represents the male population of Zongnamei clan of For constructing such a structure, Sangkhungmei village. It was raised in 1906. selecting the stone and the process of pulling Each miniature menhir represents a male it are similar to that of the Tiisum, but the member of the clan. No ritual is performed for ritual is different. No purification is done on raising this megalithic structure. the spot where the selected stone is quarried. After selecting the stone they pull it up to the Tiirosum (stone seats) (Fig. 8) burial spot and place over the grave. Thereafter It is a cluster of dolmens set up at regular they perform a ritual called Rausamkuitu. intervals to serve as the public resting place, While performing the ritual the Atingba utters “Hésarah gongpa, nejiina sagenna kajii poikaji imatune kuitun, ating, sadzii, oi golmale, poikajii matumtai gojeiketo steichii goma satoinei kargajasa tiimatei pejii sailo steichii te kaleiba Rangii lamto nangna kasui psiilo tajau-sa karingmei tii tiilungdo jumaye seilo”. Free translation “Oh God, you are the creator of all. The stone, the land, the forest, the trees, bamboos etc., are all belonged to you. We are using these things by your grace. Even if this grave stone is a bad one you please transform it to a good one. We wish to become the fortunate ones with your blessings. Please keep the soul of this deceased person in heaven”. The performer sacrifices any cattle (a bull or a buffalo or a mithun) to propitiate the soul of the deceased person in whose name the Arou Atu is raised. The donor offers a grand feast also. Thus the grave stone raising ceremony is concluded. Fig. 7: Amailui (Small alignment)

275 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

his Khel (hamlet) if he has a good harvest that year (not less than the transporting capacity of one hundred men at a time, say 60 kg x 100 = 6000 kg at least) called Atohai. The second stage is complete when the same person could collect a good harvest in the following year as well. He performs a ritual and sacrifices 3 or 5 or 7 cattle and distributes the meat to each and every household of his Khel. He also offers a feast to the people of his hamlet and purifies his house in a ritualistic Fig. 8: Tiirosum (stone seats) manner. The food and drink arranged for the feast should be consumed on the day of and meeting seats. Each hamlet of every Arakatii. Such food and drink are not allowed village has a number of such structures. It is to be consumed on the next day. The leftovers raised collectively by the people of each hamlet are thrown out on the main road of village without performing any rite or ritual. concerned. At this second stage the host worships Atu amei gogsia phuigung kai karanijangba Sarah Gungba (supreme God) to grace him atuai kai amle (Capstone) (Fig. 9) forever uttering “Sarah Gungba dato satoi It is a flat stone which covers a secondary kangtu, Ara gasa lungtang karam kani koshii burial pit. It is found at the courtyard of Willong kadau kasu jangbii Atiilung lungmakuisa Khullen’s village chief (Sagong). It is placed lungtang karam jangba. Amei Amoi blessing only when the village Chief’s house is repaired. saltoi kangkatu jangba ARA – katii aite”. Free Translation Discussion “Oh God Sarah Gungba, please bless me. favour In Maram society the person who is resourceful me to prosper in all respects. Please increase in terms of manpower and wealth, and passed the number of cows, oxen, buffaloes, goats, the three stages of prosperity in his lifetime is dogs, fowl, more and more areas for cultivation considered to be a wealthy person. The three having good fertility. For this I am performing stages are: 1) Azoubai /Haibai, 2) Arakatii, and this Ara-katii ritual.” 3)Heijou / Heijoutou. Heijou/Heijoutou is the third stage. It is the The first stage is very simple. It is the feast of prosperity. At this stage the prosperous offering of rice-beer to the aged persons of person offers another feast to his villagers along with the people of the neighbouring villages. Every person receiving an invitation must attend the feast otherwise he/shewould be considered a sinner. After performing this feast, he attains a high social status called “Kani kahii Achiilung kito samakado jakasu”. It means that the performer is the most resourceful person of the village in terms of manpower and wealth. Thereafter he is allowed to wear a title clothe and also decorate his house with carvings. The person who passes these three stages is allowed to raise a memorial stone in Fig. 9: Atu amei gogsia phuigung kai karanijangba atuai his/her name. kai amle (Capstone)

276 The Maram Megaliths and their associated Rituals

After performing this stone raising commemoratives, while others are religious ceremony, the merit-seeker is again allowed to stones. Each megalith is closely associated wear another titled clothe called Tuchiipai. The with many rituals involved while giving the performer is also allowed to decorate his house feast-of-merit, selecting the stone, and erecting with a house horn and a carved front wall. Thus them in their Katak (clan’s stone raising place). he decorates his house with carved heads of animals including human heads (restricted to Bibligraphy some persons). Adams, Ron, Ayu Kusumawati, Dra., and Sukender Haris 2004. The Megalithic Tradition The carved heads and statues on wooden of West Sumba: A Preliminary report of planks in Manipur are not ornamental. These research in West Sumba, Indonesia, Simon are the commemoratives of animals sacrificed Frazer University, British Columbia, Canada. during the feasts-of-merit. Thus their value is Binodini Devi, Potshangbam 2011. The Megalithic not only aesthetic but definitely symbolic. It Culture of Manipur, Agam Kala Prakashan, may be ascribed as the symbolical character to New Delhi. the art of the early Megalithic culture of South Childe, Gordon V. 1948. Megaliths, in Ancient India, East Asia. No. 4, pp. 5-13, New Delhi. Daniel, Glyn 1963. The Megalithic Builders of The idea associated with the megalithic Western Europe, Pelican Books, Hutchinson rituals for gaining prosperity and prestige for & Co., U. K. the living and also for establishing links with the Christoph, von Furer Haimendrof 1943. Megalithic souls of the deceased persons are similar to the rituals among the Gadabas and Bondos of megalithic cultures of Indonesia which suggests Orissa, in the Jr. of Asiatic Society of Bengal a unity of the megalithic complex extending (Letters), Art. No. 5, IX: 149-178. from Northeast India to South East Asia. Heekeren van, H.R. 1958. The Bronze-Iron age of Indonesia, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. The social life among the Maram’s Hutton, J.H. 1922. The Meaning and Method of is dominated by a megalithic tradition and Erection of Monoliths of the Naga Tribes, necessary feastings, ceremonies, and rituals in the Jr. of Royal Anthropological Institute, involved in them. Of them, the most common 52: 242-49, London. factor in this area is the feast-of-merit, and Koestoro Lukas Partanda and Wiradniyna Ketut carving of animals’ horn (either buffaloes or 2007. Megalithic traditions in Nias Island, mithuns or both). Above all, this tribe practices North Sumatra heritage series no. 0105, the erection of carved statuettes over the grave Medan Archaeological Office, Medan, of individuals who had committed sins during Indonesia. Loofs, H.H.E. 1967. Elements of the megalithic his lifetime. complex in Southeast Asia; An annotated Bibliography, Oriental Monograph series, Conclusion No.3, (Canberra), Centre for Oriental Megalithic tradition is a living cultural element Studies in Association with Australian among the Maram’s of Manipur. Even the National University Press. Christian converted Maram’s raised menhir(s) Virendra Nath, Misra, and Bellwood, Peter 1985. with some modification as memorial and Recent Advances in Indo-Pacific Prehistory, commemorative stones while they are living Oxford & IBH Publishing Co., New Delhi. and also after their death. In the area occupied Perry, W.J. 1918, Megalithic culture of Indonesia, by Maram there are eight types of megaliths. Manchester University Press, London, U.K. Schnitger, F.M. 1964. Forgotten Kingdoms of Structurally they are menhirs, alignments, Sumatra, E, J. Brill, Leiden, Neatherlands. avenues, cairn, capstones, dolmens, and Settar, S. and Sontheimer, Gunther D. 1982. stone seats. Functionally, they are witness Memorial Stones: A Study of their origin, stones, memorials, watch towers, grave stones, significance, and variety, Institute of Indian stone seats, small avenues (representing the Art History, University of Dharwar and South population of a clan or village), holy stone, and Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg, gravestone. Some of them are memorials and Germany.

277 AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE DYNAMIC SYNERGY BETWEEN EARLY IRON AGE SETTLEMENTS AND MEGALITHISM IN VIDARBHA R.K. Mohanty and Shantanu Vaidya Department of AIHC and Archaeology, Deccan College, Pune 411006 [email protected]

Abstract The Early Iron Age and Megalithic culture in Vidarbha has been studied on a wider scale over the past century and a half. However, problems like paucity of settlements, nature of subsistence, the process and methodology of intensive surveys for settlements, and also the synergy between settlements and burials have not been addressed in detail. Recent studies have revealed that many new settlements and also many new aspects of burial practices have been unearthed and traced by now. Earlier research put together with recent approaches and studies show the varied aspects of the Early Iron Age-Megalithic culture within the broader framework of the culture itself and can also help in determining the pivotal role played by the culture in the emergence of urbanization during the Early Historic period.

Introduction to Vidarbha the major activity zone of the Vakatakas who Vidarbha is the name traditionally given to the ruled during 3rd-6th centuries CE, when a region comprising most parts of central India, large number of monuments, sculptural and and the eastern part of present-day Maharashtra architectural remains projected a preference in particular. Vidarbha has been referred to for this region. Thus it can be easily deduced in Aitereya Brahmana and also in later texts that the region of Vidarbha was under unabated such as the Ramayana and Mahabharata. This intense human occupation from at least region has extensive forest cover, fertile soil, second half of second millennium BCE till today moderate climate suitable for cultivation of a (Bopardikar 1996, Mohanty 2015, Nath 2016). variety of plants and crops. Vidarbha is drained by many rivers and their tributaries among General Features of Megalithic culture of which the Wainganga, Wardha, Penganga and Maharashtra Purna are the major rivers. The average rainfall The Early Iron Age/Megalithic sites are mostly varies from east to west in Vidarbha, wherein the located in the Vidarbha region of Maharashtra. region to the east of Wardha receives around More than 100 burial sites were known earlier. 1000 mm of rainfall. The region to the east of However, recent research has brought into light the river Wardha is therefore a comparatively a large number of settlement sites which had good agricultural zone for rice, pigeon pea (tur), eluded earlier (Fig. 1). This research pointed to and other legumes to a great extent besides continuous cultural continuity in the Vidarbha varieties of forest products. This region is also region beginning with Chalcolithic-Early Iron very well-known for many rich mineral deposits Age- Megalithic and Early Historic based on like iron ore, coal, and manganese. excavated remains found from Tuljapurgarhi, This region was inhabited since prehistoric Adam, Shirkanda and Tharsa (Ismail et al. times starting from the Lower-Palaeolithic 2015). Some of the sites show evidence of a onwards (IAR 1958-59: 18, IAR 1959-60: Chalcolithic-Iron Age, while some of the sites 31-32). However, on the archaeological map begin during the Early Iron Age and continue Vidarbha is well known for its widespread Early to the Early Historic. It is often seen that the Iron Age/Megalithic culture. It continued to settlements during the Early Historic period emerge and gradually manifested in the form have shifted to a nearby locality as seen at of what we understand as urbanization in the Bhagimohari, Mahurjhari, and Khairwada. region. Later, this region is also well known as It clearly suggests that people continuously it formed a part of the administration division inhabited the Vidarbha region; although not under Early Historic rulers like the Satavahanas, always in the same locality or at the same site. Kshatrapas, and the Vakatakas. It was in fact Out of the 100 Megalithic burial sites reported from Maharashtra, nearly 95 sites come from

Mohanty and Vaidya 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 278-294, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Investigation into the Dynamic Synergy between Early Iron Age Settlements and Megalithism in Vidarbha

Fig. 1: Map of Vidarbha showing major excavated sites of Early Iron Age

the Vidarbha region. The recent discoveries of 1. Early Iron Age settlements surrounded a number of Early Iron Age sites, mostly bereft by vast tract of arable and pasture of visible burials are located within the confines land without visible Megalithic burials of a larger territorial distribution of Iron Age in the near vicinity (sites like Adam, settlements inclusive of burial sites (Vaidya Kaundinyapur, Tharsa, Pauni, Paunar, 2014). These settlement sites occupy distinct Nagardhan as well as several recently landscapes surrounded by vast fertile arable explored sites, etc.) land with adequate water resources, away from 2. Large Early Iron Age settlements deep forest sites. Many of them continued to surrounded by vast tract of arable and be inhabited, grow and expand till the middle pasture land with a few burials in the near of the 1st millennium CE, and few continue still vicinity (e.g. Kahali-Brahmapuri, Dist. further. However, the burial sites are mostly Chandrapur, Walimbe, 2001-2002: 42.) concentrated in the hilly, forested regions or wastelands of eastern Vidarbha. They have 3. Early Iron Age settlements with sparse agricultural land around. The districts reasonably arable and pasture land as of Nagpur, Bhandara, Chandrapur, Gondia, and well as forested land along-with a large Gadchiroli together account for about 70 burial number of Megalithic burials (Khairwada, sites and 15 habitation sites reported earlier. Bhagimohari, Naikund, Mahurjhari, Vyahad) From the on-going research, Early Iron Age-Megalithic sites can be divided into four 4. Megalithic burial sites not associated with basic groups (Mohanty 2015): any settlement nearby but having similar

279 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Fig. 2: Stone Circles with cairn filling at Raipur

ecological niches seen in previous two water-bodies, whereas the rest seem to have cases. They are sites like Raipur-Hingna, been collected from nearby environments. The Borgaon, Dhamanalinga, Junapani, black soil covering the deceased is so dense Kamptee, Seminary Hills, Botanical that the pots associated with this soil often garden, Bhilgaon, Kuhi, Dhavalameti, retain the residue of food items as has been etc.). seen from burial no. 10 at Mahurjhari (Mohanty 2015). The grave was then filled with rubble and Megalithic Burials and Recent Researches pebbles. The whole area was then encircled by In Vidarbha, the common type of burials seen large stone boulders often. The burials were is the stone circles filled with cairns. These often symbolic in nature. are located mostly on unproductive barren Menhirs are found in a few places like land, hill slopes, and rocky surfaces (Fig. 2). In Nagbhid (in Chandrapur District), Pachkheri and most of the burials excavated from Vidarbha, Umrer (in Nagpur District), and Malli, Gangla, primary burials are few (Walimbe 1988). While and Janva (in Gondia district) (Fig. 3) (Sontakke most of the burials accommodate secondary, 2014a). The burials having cist components fragmentary skeletal remains, often more than are also seen in a few places. One of the burials one such skeletal remains are found in a burial from Raipur had cist chambers as one of its (Mohanty 2005: 106-107) and multiple burials internal architectural features. Sites like Malli (Deo 1973b and c). Normally, the dead were have given good evidence of the use of cists buried in a pit dug out on a high rocky surface for internal structures (Sontakke 2014b). At in a oblong or oval like shape. The skeletal Malli a suggestive of movement of architectural remains or the deceased in the pit were covered components like dolmens, cists, etc. can be with black cotton soil and often associated with seen as Gondwana formation are located few grave goods like pots, and iron and copper about 50 to 60 km as crow flies near opposite objects. The sticky black soil associated with bank of Wainganga (Sontakke 2014a). Prior the burials is quite fine, unlike the ones used to Malli (Fig. 4) (Sontakke 2014a), dolmens as filling material outside the burial. The black were only known from sites like Tilotakhedi soil used to fill the pit seems to have come from and Pimpalgaon. Due to their geographically

280 Investigation into the Dynamic Synergy between Early Iron Age Settlements and Megalithism in Vidarbha

(IAR 1985-86: 58-60, also see Ismail et al. 2015). At Dhamnalinga, burials were found beyond the associated peripheral stones but adjacent to the outer peripheral stones in the form of small stone appendages (Ismail et. al. 2015). The burials sometimes have used stone that are not locally available. The cists used at Raipur-Hingana, the sand stone menhirs used at Bhagimohari, sandstone blocks used at Dhamnalinga, Gondwana slabs found associated with the Bhagimohari burials do not come from the nearby resources. Sandstone found at Bhagimohari and Dhamna might have come from Borgaon which has an exposed sandstone outcrop. These sites are in close proximity to each other separated by a geodesic distance of about 15-20 km. Gondwana slabs seem to have come from about 40-50 km away from Bhagimohari. Schists are locally available in the environs of Malli which might have been a source for the burials over there. However, the source of schists found at Raipur-Hingna Fig. 3: Menhir at Gangla (after Sontakke 2014a) cannot be ascertained at present, since the nearest source is around 100 km away. The use of stones not found in the same locality expansive distribution, the concentration of and coming from the areas where the Early dolmens at a given site rarely exceeds one Iron Age Megalithic settlements are located or two in number. Recently the excavation probably suggests strong social relationships by Nagpur University at Dhamnalinga has as quite often during funeral rites, relatives produced evidence of the use of a sarcophagus offer mementos in various forms brought from in the case of a child burial occurring near their native places. the periphery of an excavated stone circle. An Urn burial appears in context of the Early An intensive surface survey was carried Iron Age phase within the settlement area out at Bhagimohari and Mahurjhari with a view at Tharsa as seen at some of the Neolithic- to document the burials taking into account all Chalcolithic sites in Deccan and South India the morphological features such as the nature of peripheral boulders, filling material, visible features on the burials (growth of vegetation, architectural features, cup marks, unusual assembly of stones, arrangement of boulders in relation to the topography of the landscape, height of the filling in relation to the surrounding area, and diameter). The documentation and observations of burials recorded at Bhagimohari (Mohanty 1993, 2015) indicate variability even in their surface treatment suggesting a complex society with varied economic and social status. 1. Simple cairn circle without peripheral boulder.

Fig. 4: Dolmen at Malli (after Sontakke 2014a) 2. Cairn circles with peripheral boulders.

281 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

3. There are cairn circles similar to the earlier exactly similar in its shape and size and the one having a distinguishable chamber by amount and quality of deposit they represented. the arrangement of larger boulders or However, at Bhagimohari a cluster of some slabs at some locations within the burial. sub-types are confined to a particular locality, 4. Cairn circles having chambers but suggesting a complex ritual pattern and accompanied with a menhir either in the preference in the burial ground. Large loose centre or near the periphery. cairn filled burials (Khairwada type or sub-type 7) are mostly located close to each other in 5. Cairn circles have big peripheral boulders the central part of the cemetery. Sometimes, with multiple chambers within the burial, there are burials noticed without any fillings, with or without menhirs as described especially seen at Raipur-Hingna and Naikund. earlier. Scholars have proposed that they were 6. Few stone circles with double row of organized prior to the death as can be seen peripheral boulders and have usual from ethnographic parallels from the north- fillings. eastern states; where after several merits 7. General cairn circle type but having a are achieved during a life-time, stones are huge pile of loose pebbles on the top chosen before death to be associated with the (without clay filling). This kind of filling of burials (Binodini 1993). Intensive explorations the burial architecture is found in large at Mahurjhari by the first author (Mohanty numbers at Khairwada excavated by Deo 2003, 2015) have revealed that there were and Jamkhedkar (IAR. 1981-82: 51-52). 10 localities of cemeteries surrounding the megalithic settlement within a radius of 1.5- 8. There is one type of burial which is 2 km. These cemeteries were separated by without peripheral boulders but the top natural landscape comprising water bodies, is filled with loose pebbles and without a rivulets, low lying hills, and forest coverage. Each clay filling. cemetery had clusters of burialsseparated from 9. There are a few large cairn circles with each other. Each cluster was again represented peripheral boulders having loose pebble by several burials of different dimensions, filling on the top. They are having one or orientations, and sizes. Several cemeteries several funnel shaped depressions on the like Mahurjhari, Durgdhamna, Dhamnalinga, centre with or without a chamber. Here Vyahad, Kamptee, Bhilgaon, Seminary Hills, the depression seems to be have been Botanical gardens spread across the landscape made by filling an empty pit with pebbles. and fall within a radius 5-10 km. There are two The empty pit must have been filled by habitation sites, viz. Mahurjhari and Vyahad, some organic matter which has probably located on the edge of this perimeter. In such decayed over time. These depressions cases it is presumed that these cemeteries are quite large considering the burial might have been used by the inhabitants deposits. of these settlements (Vaidya 2014). At 10. Like the burial mentioned above, one Bhagimohari, where the settlement exceeded more similar type of burial has been a 1000 years has burials and cemeteries observed here. This type of cairn circle dispersed within a 4-5 km radius. In the has peripheral boulders with a loose absence of settlements associated with each pebble filling on the top and having one and every burial site found yet, it is proposed or several depressions near the centre, that the inhabitants of settlements might have with or without chambers, and with used the landscape where suitable facilities menhir. It combines a large number of were available for erecting burials according to characteristics seen at this place. their social, economic and ritual requirements. Thus complementary functionality can be seen Even though the types mentioned above are in use amongst the sites. located in a cemetery, not a single burial was

282 Investigation into the Dynamic Synergy between Early Iron Age Settlements and Megalithism in Vidarbha

The sites explored in Gondia district be based on grave goods alone. Besides those (Sontakke 2014a) have added a new dimension types mentioned above there are urn-burials to the study of burial types as well as burial at sites like Tharsa (Ismail et al. 2015) and rituals in Vidarbha. The region gives a different Adam. A very interesting and important aspect type of burial with buried cists or exposed cists is the finding of peripheral burials and simple in stone circles. Though they are stone circles, burials in the vicinity of megalithic stone- their internal architecture comprises a single circles at Dhamnalinga (Ismail et al. 2015) and chamber or multiple chambers using schist and Mahurjhari (Mohanty 2005: 106) (Fig. 5). This having a large capstone. The burials though has given a different dimension to the burial impressive, suggesting intensive labour input, rituals known for the period so far. All these have very little skeletal remains and grave goods evidences have shown that there were a large (Sontakke 2014a). The investment in burial number of burials, simple in nature where such construction is more than that of grave goods. extensive burial rituals mega-stones and a lot of Hence, the methodology adopted by Binford and grave goods were not used. As it has been seen projected by Moorti (1994) cannot be applied. at Mahurjhari, from the locality A, these simple In this regard it can be said that the personality, burials may outnumber the visible stone circles economic status, power position enjoyed by in the cemetery. It has been opined that certain the individual, family, and the community in a deceased who were given simple burials so particular settlement or in different ecological that a part of their skeletal remains could later niches would be reflected in a different way. The be retrieved and may then be incorporated in a concept of social importance need not always megalithic stone-circle (Mohanty 2015). Such

Fig. 5: Burials in the vicinity of Meg. 10, Mahurjhari (after Mohanty 2005)

283 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra burials might also have been of commoners absence of settlements was quite intriguing. associated with some influential deceased During intensive investigations within a 3km people (Vaidya 2014). radius of the site, the settlement was finally These burials have, to a large extent discovered and excavated in 2003 and 2004 helped palaeo-pathological studies for the (Mohanty 2005, 2015). Taking this clue of the period. Most of the skeletal remains belong site location and ecological changes, a survey to an age-group of 18-32, which is the prime of other Early Iron Age-Megalithic burial-cum- age-group (Mohanty and Walimbe 1993, habitation sites was conducted. Now there are 1996; Walimbe 1988). However, there are a more than 20 new settlement sites discovered few instances of child, adolescent and adult other than the burial sites in the Nagpur- burials. These have not been well-studied Wardha-Bhandara-Gondia region (Vaidya 2014; from a gender perspective, since in most of Vaidya et al. 2015; Sontakke 2014a and b). It the cases the skeletal remains are very fragile has been observed that the habitation sites of as well as secondary in nature. At Raipur, the Early Iron Age have higher concentration in Walimbe (1992) study of dental remains show alluvial regions where good agricultural land a nutritional deficiency of Vitamin D and also and adequate water facilities are available. childhood stress. He has suggested a nomadic These were probably Early Iron Age agricultural and hunting mode of life. Besides finding a large settlements. number of horse ornaments and horse-gears, Looking into the present state of research the skeletal material of Mahurjhari has helped and the associated cultural remains of the identify that the people were active horse- sites, the landscape and the resource zones riders (Kennedy quoted in Deo 1985). Though they occupy, it seems, that society was very there are diverse views regarding the ethnicity complex by then (Mohanty 2015, Trigger of the people by earlier scholars, it is difficult to 1972). Though, iron-smelting evidence has suggest any racial affinity (Guha 1926: 307), come from Naikund, it is a solitary piece of (Sarkar 1960) from the present study. The evidence, not of industrial scale to augment the recent observations from both archaeological amount of iron implements found from burials. and ethnographic data suggest hardly any This is practically evident from all the burials difference in the people of the period. The study and settlements excavated in the region. Again, of Kennedy and Levisky (1985) have however when the implements are analysed, for e.g. the refuted the racial theory and showed that there chisels and the spearheads are found in good was in reality a mixture of local populations by numbers from each of the burials. Their utility the Early Iron Age and there are no evidences is diverse. The size and the morphology of the for any foreign invasion as such. chisels do not suggest that they were essentially used in constructing houses or wood-working Burials and Settlements at the site itself. The tools were probably used The controversy of burial sites and settlement for heavy works, and the wood-workers were sites pertaining to the megalithic culture moving across the landscape thereby catering remains till today. Mahurjhari was one of the to the affluent classes by manufacturing carts, extensively excavated burial sites in Vidarbha. wooden furniture, agricultural implements like Investigations of the archaeological remains plough and other implements. Similarly, spears began as early as 1933, and the site extensively along with horse ornaments and horse gear excavated extensively in 1970-72, 1978-79 suggest a warrior class. Looking at the sizes yielded very impressive and large amounts of of the settlement and demographic profiles, grave goods relative to the other neighbouring it is unclear if they were the protectors of the sites. However, excavators had not found a site. They might have been militia. Hence, settlement nearby. Moreover, Mahurjhari has a burial-cum-settlement sites were occupied large Early Historic settlement situated at the by professional groups, mostly since sources centre of the dispersed burial locations. This of raw materials like semi-precious stones paradox of burials, rich antiquities but with the at Mahurjhari, and iron ore at Naikund and

284 Investigation into the Dynamic Synergy between Early Iron Age Settlements and Megalithism in Vidarbha

Shirkhanda are given equal importance in 60, Nath 2016) have yielded good evidence settlements here, thereby serving the dominant of the structural activity of the period. The agricultural communities with their craft. It has structures were mostly domestic in nature. been observed that some of these agricultural Structures were both rectangular (Takalghat) settlements emerged as fortified urban and circular (Naikund) in shape. They were made centres in Vidarbha. These are Adam, Pauni, by using mud and rubble. At Mahurjhari, chips Chandankheda, Nagardhan, Paunar and so on. of stones were used to pave the floor. Often the As the cities and urban centres grew, the Early floors were plastered with lime and probably Iron Age burial-cum-settlement sites reduced with cow dung. The structures were wattle and to small rural settlements or were deserted on daub in nature. Houses at Mahurjhari had walls some occasions. Most probably the craftsmen constructed using bamboo and wood, and were and utility groups moved to the urban centres, plastered from both sides. It is interesting that where their expertise were further utilized and there were several episodes of houses getting they could have better economic conditions. burnt and the charred, plastered collapsed wall This might have led to a lull in burial activity too. were levelled upon which new constructions It has been seen that multiple habitation sites took place. At Takalghat, Deo had noticed post- form a hierarchy with respect to their sizes as holes which could support a light roof above. well as their functional aspects. There is a need It also gave evidence that the structures were to study the Early Iron Age as a homogenous more firm in the earlier phase with higher entity with heterogeneous components within, walls. The excavations at the habitation site and with different burial rituals and various of Bhagimohari, Khairwada, and Mahurjhari, roles of each settlement. have given evidence of several episodes of house construction in the same locality. They Excavations at the Settlement Sites do not show much deviation in plan either. At Excavations at settlements like Takalghat (Deo times it appears that the space was fixed as 1970a), Naikund (Deo and Jamkhedkar 1982), long as it had uninterrupted settlement. In an Bhagimohari (IAR 1982-83: 61-62, IAR 1983- instance at Bhagimohari, the housing complex 84: 57-58), Mahurjhari (Mohanty 2005: 106- had a passage in-between, which remained 107, Mohanty 2015), Adam (IAR 1988-89: 58- continuous for several episodes of subsequent

Fig. 6: Excavated iron-working in settlement, Bhagimohari (after Mohanty 2015)

285 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra house construction. This is evident from the were mainly influenced mainly by the idea of remains of the house floors which were made by increasing agricultural production and hence concealing each of the earlier levels by covering were located in fertile alluvium zones and in them with black soil and finally ramming it with close proximity to the rivers or major tributaries. brown soil. At Bhagimohari, activity areas such This is in accordance with the idea of Mohanty as iron-working (Fig. 6), hearths (both inside and and Joshi (1996). The landscape surrounding outside the house), and washing places with the sites was congenial to agricultural economy pebble floors were also identified. At Naikund, which attracted the craftsmen and also helped iron-smelting was carried out in a different craftsmen grow and prosper. It can also be locality. The hearths found from Bhagimohari seen through the analysis of burials (Moorti were remarkable. Hearths were exposed both 1994, Vaidya 2014) that craftsmen played a from inside the house and in front of the house very important role in the burial rituals, apart in the courtyard as well. There were both single from being a very important component of hearths and multiple hearths of two or three society itself. Evidences of craftsmen activities wings. Some of the multiple hearths are open were found mostly at HCB sites which could on both the sides and fuel was supplied through prosper due to these agricultural settlements. the single opening on the middle hearth. The interaction and network of iron-smiths Sometimes, one of the side hearths was closed could be seen from a recent analysis of on the top, and was probably used to keep food artefacts from Mahurjhari, Naikund, Borgaon, warm. Similar kinds of hearths are still in use and Raipur (Thakuria et al. 2015). The analysis by the neighbouring villagers. It is interesting to suggests that chisels, axes and adzes follow note that at the site of Adam, the beginning of a standard pattern in their manufacturing, construction of a mud rampart around the site distribution and uses. Thus there might have had begun in the Early Iron Age (Nath 2016). been multiple centres of production and a wider market network where artefacts were Settlement Pattern and Subsistence being procured. This has been suggested in to Deo (1982, 1985) has rightly observed that the morphological as well as smithery adopted the burials are on foothills or barren undulating in manufacturing tools. The wider distribution landscapes since it was easy for burial building, of this network can also be very well seen from while habitations were situated on river banks, a large number of semi-precious stone beads rivulets and water-bodies (Deo 1991). He felt, found from different sites (Thakuria 2010). according to the scenario then that eastern The raw material used (like banded agates), Vidarbha was preferred over the western half manufacturing technologies, sizes and shapes, since the east had a rich deposit of natural the final product including their polish and resources like coal, iron ore, manganese, and perforation in a large number of cases suggest forest lands (Deo 1985). Along with these that they were from a particular production it was probably the vast amount of fertile centre (Thakuria 2010, Mohanty 2008). This land that attracted people during this period, centre had particular standards. However, at subsequently growing in urban centres. the bead manufacturing site at Mahurjhari, Mohanty and Joshi (1996) divide sites into beads manufactured were of a different nature three groups: a) Burial sites (B), b) Habitation (carnelian) (Vaidya and Mohanty 2015) and do sites (H), c) Habitation cum Burial (HCB) sites. occur at some of the sites in few quantities. Apart from this distinction, they showed a It can be said, therefore, that craftsmen had preference for agriculture (Mohanty and Joshi become an indispensible part of the megalithic 1996). They tried to relate the settlements with economy involved with larger agricultural the environment. Recent explorations in the economy and a catalyst in enhancing the region have brought to light more than 20 new general economy. settlements of the Early Iron Age (Vaidya 2014, Sites show a hierarchy with regards Sontakke 2014a, Vaidya et al. 2015). The to size, growth and continuity. Sites ranged analysis by them shows that these settlements from 2-3 ha to 15-20 ha in size. As has been

286 Investigation into the Dynamic Synergy between Early Iron Age Settlements and Megalithism in Vidarbha mentioned above, though they belong to same as to how the Early Iron Age/Megalithic society culture, some sites had special functions was quite complex. along-with other activities and different crafts like bead manufacturing (Mahurjhari), iron Personality of Vidarbha Megalithic-Early Iron smelting (Naikund, Shirkanda), and iron Age Culture working (Bhagimohari). Thus sites observed Research in the Megalithic Culture pertaining a functionally complemented each other. the Vidarbha region in the past four decades Besides crafts, agriculture and pastoralism has been encouraging when compared to other played a major role in the settlement pattern areas. Research has also been carried out as is evinced by the faunal and floral remains over the passage of time on various aspects as well as through recent surveys. The use of culture, using different methods and of terms such as ‘wanderers’, ‘mobile’ and varying hypotheses to project a better picture ‘nomads’ can be applicable to some sections than earlier known. Data from more than 80 of the society as it continues till today in the burials is available to campare and understand Indian rural setup. Thus the community might individual, site specific and regional nature. The be having various groups with varying lifestyles excavation at Mahurjhari Locality A, irrespective such as agro-pastoralists, hunter-gatherers, of the burial dimensions, size and shapes and fishermen, potters, cobblers, lapidary workers, in the surrounding areas has created scope mobile pastorals, oil-crushers, basket makers, to understand an activity probably belonging carpenters, iron smiths, weavers, and so on. to a particular community, for e.g. all three The excavation of habitation sites has given burials excavated show that NE quadrant was substantial data on subsistence patterns dedicated to fractional secondary burials, while either in the way of agriculture (Kajale 1989) central location was used for primary burial. The or domestication of animals, hunting of excavation of burial no. 17 at Bhagimohari that wild animals (Badam 1982; Thomas 1992, was a primary burial was of a moderate size, Deshpande-Mukherjee and Mohanty 2015), whereas, some of the larger burials excavated and fishing and foraging. The fish hooks had secondary fractional remains. This was and net sinkers found from Takalghat and because primary burials were instantly carried fish bones and turtle remains from some of out whereas secondary burials were organized these sites also reveal exploitation of aquatic much later. resources. The lipid analysis of the pottery from Radio-carbon dates from some of the Mahurjhari (Mohanty 2015) indicated that the sites excavated earlier suggest that they can pots contained cooked food. The food items be placed between 8th -9th century BCE and used were aquatic resources, legumes, and about 1st century CE. However, dates from animal fat. The research has provided sufficient this period at Adam and cultural material from evidence about the subsistence system of the the lowermost levels at Mahurjhari certainly Megalithic people, who adopted agriculture as suggest an early beginning. At Adam, this phase well as partial pastoral way of life, which still has been dated to around 1250 BC (Tewari dominates the way of life in rural areas. They 2003, Nath 2016). also practiced double cropping and cultivated many pulses and grains (Kajale 1989). Amongst the most important craft productions associated with the period were It also suggests a regional development the iron tools for various functions. The iron of early historic culture though the influence smelting furnace from Naikund (Gogte 1982) coming from other neighbouring regions was and the metallurgical analysis of iron objects also a causative factor (Vaidya 2014). The (Gogte 1983) has revealed now that the local recent finding of Early Iron Age habitation iron ore was smelted and was used for making in the lowermost levels of the excavation at various kinds of implements. There are sources Nagardhan (Sontakke et al. 2016) in Nagpur of magnetite iron ore in the area of Pench to district further strengthens this aspect. These Wainganga. observations may provide some understanding

287 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

The tools and implements included region, the evidence of furnaces is negligible, varieties of agricultural equipments such as except for those found at Naikund and some hoes, ploughshare, sickles, digging equipment, remains from Shirkanda (IAR 1991-92) and the etc. (Gogte 1983, Deo 1981, 1991). The recently excavated site of Malli in the district of chemical analysis of chisels from Mahurjhari Gondia (Sontakke 2014a) as well as recently suggests that steeling process had already explored Bhandara (Vaidya et al. 2015). The begun as early as 8th century BCE since some amount of objects found and requirements of implements have 92% pure iron (Deshpande processed iron for producing such implements and Mohanty 2015). The tool kit found both from do not correspond to the refuse generated burials and habitation suggests their diverse from remains of iron smelting furnaces seen uses. They can be broadly categorized into at any of these sites. On the other hand, the weapons, tools used for other craft production, by-products generated from secondary iron agricultural implements, household objects, for working process are found in good quantities construction, and associated artifacts of art and from all excavated settlement sites. necessity, like horse stirrups and the tongues Working on bamboo or cane was already of bells. The weapons of offence and defense known from a much earlier Neolithic period as included spears, daggers, swords, battle axes seen from the burial at Tekkalkota (Nagaraja (Parasu), knives, blades, tridents, etc. The Rao 1971). Agricultural implements found from repository of tools like varieties of chisels, the burials as well as habitations, viz. hoes, axes, nail parers, adzes, etc., suggest their ploughshare, sickles, and digging equipment, skill in wood, leather, and probably bamboo show that they exploited various kinds of soils and cane working (Fig. 7). Some adzes were which were necessary in different seasons. probably used for splitting bamboo or cane Household objects included frying pans, lamps, and not as a pressure tool for cutting leather. saddles, querns, pestles and copper bowls, Most adzes are flat on both edges and do not lids, and lota, etc. suggest hafting of a handle at one end as seen in case of chisels or modern day cobbler Besides this, we have a large number adzes. However, though several megalithic of copper objects. They are bangles, anklets, habitation sites have been excavated in this rings, bells and horse ornaments (Deo 1981,

Fig. 7: Iron tools from Early Iron Age Vidarbha (courtesy Deccan College Museum)

288 Investigation into the Dynamic Synergy between Early Iron Age Settlements and Megalithism in Vidarbha

1984). The workmanship of these copper ornaments is excellent and often suggests that the artisans who worked with iron directly or in association with the coppersmiths or vice versa produced some of the most excellent specimens (Thakuria et al. 2015). A dagger with an iron blade and the hilt being skillfully covered with a thin sheet of copper enclosing a wooden frame was found from Mahurjhari. This shows multifaceted or combined workmanship along-with the excellence achieved. This is further emphasized since a large number of objects such as bells of copper having an iron tongue, copper horse ornaments having iron loops for fastening are also found. The copper lota (Fig. 8), decorative finials of copper (bird, bud and animal finials) and a tripod (Fig. 9) were found at Mahurjhari (Mohanty 2015) as well as the bells were manufactured using three techniques - casting, forging and riveting. There are some of the copper vessels with a very thin body sheet and a lustrous shine. They contain Fig. 9: Copper tripod from Mahurjhari (courtesy Deccan a good amount of tin which might have come College Museum)

from outside. These high tin bronze vessels are different in their manufacturing techniques than the other copper objects found. The ceramics display a wide range of vessels. They are mostly varieties of bowls in different shapes and sizes, cooking and storing pots and jars, etc. in Black-and-Red, black on red painted ware, micaceous and coarse red ware (Deo 1973, Deo and Jamkhedkar 1982, Deglurkar and Lad 1992). However lid knobs in black and red with goat and bird motifs are unique to this region (Deo 1984). The association of the horse with Megalithic people is very significant. The elaborate horse ornaments and partial skeletal remains in some of the burials suggest their importance in the cultural system (Fig. 10) (Deo 1970a, 1970b, 1973a, 1973b, 1973c, 1991, Deo and Jamkhedkar 1982). The horse suggests mobility of a society. However, horse bones have been recovered from a select few burials and that too mostly non-meat bearing parts like the skull. Horse bones with cut marks from the habitation suggest that they Fig. 8: Copper lota (courtesy Deccan College Museum) were most probably consumed. This reminds

289 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Conclusion This brief review of the megalithic culture Vidarbha in particular has brought to light the fact that there are many aspects which needs to be investigated further. The origin and development of the Vidarbha megalithic culture still remains an enigmatic problem. It also reveals that Nagpur district is well represented with the megalithic burial monuments within the Vidarbha region. The recent research mentioned above shows that although different types of burial monuments were sporadically erected such as menhirs, dolmens, cist burials, sarcophagus, etc., the predominant burial types were stone circles or cairn circles. There are many cemeteries associated with the site and each cemetery has several localities with varied shapes and sizes, some of them having different architectural features. Erection of the megalithic monument was not the only way to dispose the dead. There was a differentiation in burying the dead with respect to their sex and age. They seem to have not represented, as Fig.0 1 : Horse head ornament from Raipur (courtesy the demographic profile seen from Inamgaon Deccan College Museum) and also in a normal situation (Mohanty and Walimbe 1993). It has been proposed that us of the late Jorwe phase (1000-700 BCE) at some of the burials belong to the deceased Inamgaon, a Chalcolithic site in Pune district, who probably met an accidental death due to when the horse was introduced into the culture. various causes. Association of several post- Like the megalithic culture, horse bones with crematory, fragmentary skeletal remains cut marks and charring have been found there suggests that burial erection was not a very (Thomas 1992a, 1992b, 1993). It suggests regular phenomenon. They were erected that horse meat was consumed by both the probably only when sufficient energy in the Jorwe people of Inamgaon and the Megalithic form of economy and social commitment could people of Vidarbha, besides using them for be achieved. The objects found from the burials transport as well as an animal of prestige. suggest a very complex society with a large This is amply testified by the way they were amount of expertise available. People were decorated gracefully with intricately designed engaged in agriculture, animal husbandry, ornaments. However, horse led to a much carpentry, basketry, lapidary, coppersmith, more social and economic complexity as well blacksmith, goldsmith, oil crushing, stone as influencing craftsmen to a greater extent. It working and leather working. These complex became an important part of the ritual and also economic characteristics tells that society was a part of declaring social status. This in a way probably already divided according to their led to the development of equestrian sciences profession and craft specialisation, probably and also growth in power and authority (Vaidya which we see in the emergence of caste forms and Goyal 2012). Sometimes the amount of within the Varnas already known from Vedic horse ornaments incorporated in the burials texts. The disposal of the dead in the landscape exceeds the amount of ornaments provided to with various kinds of facilities available in the deceased. the vicinity, their architectural features, their variable shapes and sizes and arrangement in

290 Investigation into the Dynamic Synergy between Early Iron Age Settlements and Megalithism in Vidarbha a cluster, if at all they belong to a community or etc. have not produced any such smelting a family economic upheavals can be visualized evidence, but have yielded burials which have to some extent. If further excavations are varieties of tools, especially pertaining to craft- carried out keeping all these views in mind, driven service providers and warrior classes. such aspects can come in the forefront. The The essential equipments for iron tool making grandeur of burials deceived the structural like hammers, tongs and the iron anvil have not remains of the houses. The role of Early Iron been found from several excavations. Hence, Age settlements and its agricultural base and there could be some other localities and craft production probably formed an integral settlements who were intermediaries between factor preparing a base for both; urbanization the iron-smelters and the service providers and a complex society. The tendency to acquire as the implements found suggest multiple fertile tracts suggests the need to get support production centres. This service provider class from ancillary product along-with agriculture to was an essential component for settlements grow as an affluent society in the later period. providing agricultural subsistence in lieu of It seems that agriculturists later dominated their economic strength, technical requirement, which led to socio-political economic system of and protection. During the next stage, i.e. in the the succeeding period i.e. Early historic period. emergence of Early History, these agricultural From the foregoing observations it can be settlements grew to larger urban centres and visualised that the Early Iron Age-Megalithic probably controlled the essential resources, culture in Vidarbha is emerging out of complex thereby governing the production system on economic exploitation of contemporary a larger scale. The bead manufacturing site technological advancements, diversification at Mahurjhari and the inscriptional evidence of production systems and division of social suggest that it was controlled by Early Historic persona. The cultural mileu which has come to rulers of Vidarbha. the forefront suggests that the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic culture already established, Acknowledgements though not extensively in this region adopted The authors would like to acknowledge the the emerging iron technologies in furtherance authorities of Deccan College, Pune, ASI, ICHR, of economic development. Hence, the dates IGRMS, Bhopal, Government of Maharashtra available for the megaliths in the hey-days and Drs. G.B. Deglurkar, Ismail Kellelu, Tilok of megalithic activity are late, whereas the Thakuria, Virag Sontakke, and Shrikant beginning as seen at Adam, Tuljapur garhi, Pradhan. Kaundinyapur and Tharsa as well as from the lowermost excavated levels at Mahurjhari References are proposed to be earlier. At this stage we Annual report of the Deccan College Post-graduate visaulise four stages of economic assimilation and research Institute 2001-2002: 42. namely (1) The iron smelting; (2) making iron Badam, G.L. 1982. Animal Remains from Naikund implements and their use; (3) subsistence with Special Reference to Domestication, in Naikund Excavations 1978-80, S.B. Deo providing economy; and (4) subsequent and A.P. Jamkhedkar (Eds.), pp. 70-90. emerging economy controlling the economic Appendix VII. Bombay-Pune: Department of resources. The recovery of iron smelting Archaeology and Museums, Government of furnace from Naikund that has been referred Maharashtra and Deccan College. to several times, was not on industrial scale Binodini Devi, P. 1993. Studies on the Megalithic which could have provided sufficient iron for Remains of Manipur. Ph.D. Dissertation, tools or even for grave goods of a single burial. Guwahati: Gauhati University. Sites like Sasara in Bhandara (Vaidya et al. Bopardikar, B.P. 1996. Excavtions at Tuljapur Gharhi 2015) have heaps of iron slag and surrounded 1984-1985 (Vidarbha, Maharashtra). New by Early Iron Age-megalithic settlements and Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. some burials. The Early Iron Age-megalithic Deglurkar, G.B. and G. Lad 1992. Megalithic Raipur (1985-1990). Pune: Deccan College. settlements like Bhagimohari, Mahurjhari,

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Deshpande-Mukherjee Arati, P.K. Thomas and R.K. Gogte, V.D. 1982. Megalithic Iron-Smelting at Mohanty 2015. Faunal Exploitation Patterns Naikund (part I): Discovered by Three- during the Iron Age in the Vidarbha Region Probe Resistivity Survey, in Excavations of Maharashtra with special Reference at Naikund 1978-80, S.B. Deo and A.P. to Mahurjhari, in Megalithic Traditions in Jamkhedkar (Eds.), pp. 52-5. Bombay: India (Archaeology and Ethnography), K.K. Department of Archaeology and Museums. Basa, R.K. Mohanty and S.B. Ota (Eds.), pp. Gogte, V.D. 1983. Iron and Copper in Mahurjhari 426-444. New Delhi: Aryan Publishers and Megaliths: Chemical and Metallographic IGRMS, Bhopal. Analysis, Bulletin of the Deccan College Deshpande, P.P. and R.K. Mohanty. 2015. Iron Age Research Institute 42: 74-82. and steeling in Ancient Vidarbha region Guha, B.S. 1926. A comparative study of the of Maharashtra: Technical Aspects, in human crania excavated at Aditanallur, Megalithic Traditions in India (Archaeology Proceedings of the 14th Indian Science and Ethnography), K.K. Basa, R.K. Mohanty Congress. and S.B. Ota (Eds.), pp. 421-425. Ismail, Kelellu, Chandra Shekhar Gupta, P.S. Deo, S.B. 1970a. Excavations at Takalghat Meshram, P.M. Khobragade, Rabindra K. and Khapa (1968-69). Nagpur: Nagpur Mohanty and TilokThakuria 2015. Recent University. Development in the Megalithic Research Deo, S.B.1970b. The Personality of Vidarbha in Vidarbha, Maharashtra in Megalithic Megaliths, Indian Antiquary 4: Professor Traditions in India (Archaeology and H.D. Sankalia Felicitation Volume, S.B. Ethnography), K.K. Basa, R.K. Mohanty and Deo and M.K Dhavalikar (Eds.), pp. 23-31. S.B. Ota (Eds.), Vol. II, pp. 204-225. New Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Delhi: Aryan Publishers and IGRMS, Bhopal. Deo, S.B. 1973a. The Dating of Megaliths in Indian Archaeology – A Review, Archaeological Maharashtra: Evaluation of Some New Survey of India, New Delhi. Evidence in Radiocarbon Dating and Indian Joshi, P.S. 1993. The Vidarbha Megaliths: A Cultural Archaeology, D.P. Agrawal and A. Ghosh Study, unpublished PhD Dissertation (Eds.), pp. 131-7. Bombay: Tata Institute of submitted to University of Pune, Department Fundamental Research. of Archaeology. Deo, S.B. 1973b. Problem of South Indian Kajale, M.D. 1982. First Recorded of Ancient Megaliths. Dharwar: Kannada Research Grains at Naikund, in Excavations at Institute, Karnatak University. Naikund1978-80, S.B. Deo and A.P. Deo, S.B. 1973c. Mahurjhari Excavations (1970- Jamkhedkar (Eds.) pp. 60-3, Bombay: 72). Nagpur: Nagpur University. Department of Archaeology and Museums. Deo, S.B. 1981. Some Aspects of Megalithic Kajale, M.D. 1989. Archaeobotanical Investigation Technology, in Madhu, M.S. Nagaraja Rao on Megalithic Bhagimohari and its (Ed.), pp. 33-5, Delhi: Agam Kala. Significance for Ancient Indian Agricultural Deo, S.B. 1982. The Vidarbha Megaliths A review, System, Man and Environment XIII: 87-100. Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Kennedy, K.A.R. and J. Levisky 1985. The Element Institute 41: 2732. of Racial Biology in Indian Megalithism: a Deo, S.B 1991. New Discoveries of Iron Age in Multivariate Analysis Approach, in Recent India, Indian Archaeological Heritage, C. Advances in Indo-Pacific Prehistory, VN. Margabandhu, K.S. Ramchandran, A.P. Misra and P. Bellwood (Eds.), 455-64. New Sagar and D.K. Sinha (Eds.), pp. 189-197. Delhi: Oxford-IBH. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan. Kennedy, K.A.R. and C. Burrow (in press).An Deo, S.B. 1985. The Megaliths: Their Culture, Osteological Analysis of Human Skeletal Ecology, Economy and Technology, Recent Remains from Iron Age Maharjhuri, in Advances in Indian Archaeology, S.B. Deo Further Excavations at Mahurjhari, S.B. and K Paddayya (Eds.), pp. 89-99. Pune: Deo and A.P. Jamkhedkar (Eds.). Bombay: Deccan College. Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Deo, S.B. and A.P. Jamkhedkar 1982. Excavations at Government of Maharashtra (quoted in Deo Naikund (1978-80), Bombay: Department 1985). of Archaeology and Museums, Government Mohanty, R.K. 2003. A Preliminary Report of the of Maharashtra. Excavations at Mahurjhari – A Megalithic and Early Historic Site in Vidarbha,

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Thomas, P.K. 1993. Faunal Remains from the Vaidya, Shantanu and Pankaj Goyal 2012. Man and Megalithic Habitation Site at Bhagimohari, Horses in the Megalithic Culture of Vidarbha Maharashtra, in Man and Environment in Kosala 5: 238-248. XVIII(I): 105-18. Vaidya, Shantanu, Riza Abbas, Virag Sontakke and Trigger B.G. 1972. Determinants of urban growth Michael Willis 2015. Recent Findings on in pre-industrial societies, Man, settlement the Early Iron Age in the Bhandara District and urbanism, P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham and and Wainganga Basin, Vidarbha, Bulletin G.W. Dimbleby (Eds.), Gloucester Cresent, of the Deccan College Post-graduate and NW: Gerald Duckworth and Co., pp. 575- Research Institute 75: 85-92. 600. Vaidya, Shantanu and R.K. Mohanty 2015.Relevance Vaidya, Shantanu. 2014. Emergence of Complex of newly found bead manufacturing Societies and Urbanisation During the Early centre at Mahurjhari, Heritage: Journal of Iron Age and Early Historic Period in the Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 3: Wardha and Nagpur Districts of Vidarbha, 401-409. unpublished Ph.D. thesis submitted Walimbe, S.R. 1988. Recent Human Skeletal to Deccan College Post Graduate and Evidence from Megalithic Vidarbha, Research Institute, Pune. Puratattva 18: 61-71. Vaidya, Shantanu. 2016. Burials and Settlements Walimbe, S.R. 1992. Human Skeletal Evidence, of the Early Iron Age in Vidarbha: A Fresh Megalithic Raipur (1985-1990), G.B. Analysis, Man and Environment XLI(2): Deglurkar and G. Lad (Eds.), pp 125-132, 102-113. Pune: Deccan College. Vaidya, Shantanu and Tilok Thakuria 2010. A brief Walimbe, S.R. 2003. Excavations at the Early look in to the Megalithic Culture in Western Historic Site of Kahali-Bramhapuri, Annual Maharashtra, at the International Seminar Report (2001-2002), pp 39-40, Pune: on Recent Archaeological Achievements in Deccan College. India at Lucknow on 28-30th December 2010.

294 A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON THE EARLY IRON AGE CULTURES OF VIDARBHA AND SOUTH INDIA P.S. Joshi and Kanchana Bhaisare Department of AIHC and Archaeology, Deccan College, Pune 411006 [email protected]

Abstract Problem-oriented investigations of megaliths of south India was initiated by Mortimer Wheeler in 1944 at Brahmagiri, now in the state of Karnataka. As a result, the excavations at Brahmagiri provided for the first time a reliable basis for the chronology and cultures of early south India by Leshnik in 1974 and 1975. Similarly, with the excavations at Takalghat- Khapa in 1967, S. B. Deo began problem-oriented investigations of the megaliths of Vidarbha in the northeastern part of Maharastra. The results of the excavations placed the megalith builders of Vidarbha on a definite chronological frame. It also established a cultural link with the rest of the South Indian megaliths. In both these regions the megalithic culture seems to have flourished during the Early Iron Age: though the beginning of iron technology in both these regions differs considerably. From a critical study of the archaeological research in these regions, it has been observed that apart from the sites associated with ‘megaliths’, some of the sites without any kind of association with ‘megaliths’ were also unknowingly included in the arena of Megalithic culture. And the sole criterion to incorporate these sites into the folk of Megalithic culture was ‘the occurrence of Black-and-Red ware’ in the habitation remains of the excavated sites. Unfortunately, even today this criterion continues to be treated as a ‘type-fossil’ of megalithic culture of both these regions. A new perspective has been put forth in this article which critically evaluates the proposition that there were two contemporaneous cultural traditions during the ‘Early Iron Age’ in Vidarbha as well as in southern parts of India. These two cultural traditions are distinguishable on the basis of their two distinct modes of disposal of the dead. One of the cultural traditions buried their dead ceremoniously by erecting megaliths over the remains at the outskirts of the dwelling place; the other cultural tradition preferred cremation over burial. This proposition satisfactorily explains the ‘absence’ of megalithic yard at some of the Early Iron Age sites in Vidarbha and most probably in South India as well. Apart from this proposition, the concept of ‘Early Iron Age’ has been dealt with critically.

Introduction (see Deo 1973). The monograph on the physical Vidarbha megaliths are an extension of South anthropology of the megalith builders of South Indian megaliths (Sankalia 1979: 115), and India (including Vidarbha) and Sri Lanka by ‘megalithism’ was “essentially a South Indian K.A.R. Kennedy (1975) explains the racial phenomenon and inception” (Soundara Rajan and cultural origins of these megalith builders 1996: 134). The range of megalith building of South India. “Archaeologically, this period activity has been recently placed between (the first millennium BCE) of South Indian 1500 BCE and 100 BCE (Rajan 2016: 310). archaeology is characterised by the dominance The megaliths are considered to have evolved of a unique culture known to archaeologists from the preceding cultures of Vidarbha, all over the world as the megalithic culture” namely the Chalcolithic as well as in South (Gururaja Rao 1970: 254). India, namely the Neolithic-Chalcolithic (see, Vidarbha region forms the eastern part of Joshi 2016: 305; Sundara 1999: 149 for a Maharashtra state of India . It borders Madhya detailed discussion). According to Soundara Pradesh in the north, Chhattisgarh in the east, Rajan, “the Megalithic culture is of the Iron Age, Telangana in the south and Marathwada region essentially, in India. This, however, should be of Maharashtra in the west. It covers an area of stretched back to mean that they take off at 97,409 sq.km. The Wainganga, tributary of the the end of the protohistoric period and fall into river Godavari, forms the principal component subsequent Iron Age with the ceramic, metallic of the drainage system in the region. and structural ingredients…” (Soundara Rajan Geographically, the region belongs to the upper 1996: 131). Megaliths of India are no more Deccan, and the megaliths of this region were linked to the ancestry of Celto-Druids or Celto- also known as ‘Central Indian megaliths’; the Scythians as interpreted by European scholars latter nomenclature was current during the of the nineteenth and mid twentieth centuries British rule in India, as this region was then

Joshi and Bhaisare 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 295-306, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra part of British India’s Central Province (Ghosh (Vidarbha) had a personality of its own, and 1989:18). Recent archaeological research hence these publications have aptly justified related to ‘Megalith builders’ (Deotare et al. the chosen nomenclature of Vidarbha (Fig. 1). 2013: 153-192, Joshi 2015, 2016) and the The investigation of Indian megaliths was ‘early historical cultures’ of Vidarbha (Sawant inaugurated in Vidarbha and South India in the 2012, Bhaisare 2012, Deotare et al. 2013: first half of the nineteenth century by a number 193-304) have demonstrated that this region

Fig. 1: Map of India showing the sites with Early Iron Age Megalithic cultural Tradition and Early Iron Age Non-Megalithic cultural Tradition. Credits: Shri Devadatta Phule, Deccan College, Pune.

296 New Perspective on the Early Iron Age Cultures of Vidarbha and South India of British officials. Recently it is observed in Vidarbha megaliths were documented at connection with the legacy of the British Empire the hands of Stephen Hislop in 1847 (see, a in India and stated that: “the most pervasive historical overview of Vidarbha Megaliths, Joshi legacy of the (British) empire is the imperial 2016a). However, problem-oriented research system of record keeping” (Wilson 2016 quoted in South India began with the excavation in Debroy 2016: 69). It is very much true to the of Brahmagiri in 1940 (Wheeler 1947- field of archaeology; wherever the British went, 48); whereas in Vidarbha it was initiated at they documented archaeological remains Takalghat-Khapa (Deo 1970). The latter region including ‘megaliths’. They initiated inquiry experienced three phases of problem-oriented into India’s past as amateur antiquarians. research. These phases are visualised on the However the cult of ‘scientific history’ began in basis of application of developing techniques, India in the 1880s, and more seriously in the methods and theory in understanding the way early years of the 1900s (Chakrabarti 2015: of life of megalith builders of Vidarbha (Joshi 39); with a few exceptions such as Captain 2016: 300-301) (Figs. 2 and 3). Meadows Taylor who was ahead of his time Consistent research of Vidarbha (see Taylor 1853; Thapar 1985: 104). The megaliths for more than fifty years have had megalithic culture(s) of Vidarbha and South scholars attempt to interpret the socioeconomic India emerged prominently during Early Iron aspects and subsistence strategy of the Age. This culture is known after their distinct megalith builders (Deo 1985, 1990; Joshi cult of erecting ‘megaliths’ as a part of their 1993: chapters 5 and 6, 2002; Kajale 1989, mortuary practices. ‘Megaliths’ are structures, Lukacs 1981; Mohanty and Selvakumar 2002: partly underground conceived of rude stones, 330-331; Moorty 1986; Sundara 1999: 163; big or small, that stand mysteriously even today Thomas 1992, Deshpande-Mukherjee et al. as part of the rural landscape. Megaliths are 2015). In the present state of knowledge, found especially throughout Asia and Europe the ‘megalith builders’ are credited for being and their time-span ranges from the Neolithic ‘the first horseback riders’ (Deotare et al. to the historical periods. The Megalithic cult, 2013: 346) who introduced iron technology however, is now fading, but has not completely (Gogte 1982a, 1982b, Joshi et al. 2008; died out from the world of the regions located Deshpande et al. 2011, Deshpande and remote parts of the land. They have a unique Mohanty 2015) and were the first monument personality of their own with numerous regional builders of Vidarbha (Joshi 2016b: 14- variations from simple ‘cairn circle’ or ‘stone 15). Apart from these ‘three firsts’ to their circle’ to a monumental ‘Stonehenge’. The credit, they had blacksmiths, coppersmiths, systematic documentation of megaliths was goldsmiths, potters, carpenters, robbers, and inaugurated in the southern part of India by a class of craft specialists. The grave goods Colonel Colin Mackenzie between 1800 and in the megalith and typological variations 1811 (Joshi 2016a: 297-298); whereas the within the architecture of megaliths proper are

Fig. 2: Lifestyle of Early Iron Age Megalithic Cultural Tradition of Vidarbha: A Reconstruction. Artist: Vijay Kakde

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Fig. 3: Close-up of the above visual portrayal, Megalithic Gallery, Deccan College Museum, Pune good indicators of social stratification of the community of megalith builders of Vidarbha (Joshi 1993: chapter 6 mention the pages of the chapter instead of chapter number, 2004; Sundara 1999: 193) (Figs. 4 to 6). No stone was left unturned as far as the research in understanding ‘megalith builders’ is concerned, e.g. palaeodemographical (Walimbe 2015) and palaeoastronomical (Vahia et al. 2011) studies were also undertaken in recent years despite the fact that “Archaeologists must learn to live with the realisation that their desire to study Fig. 5: Dolmen (before excavation) at Hirapur, District whole cultural systems cannot be realized” Chandrapur, 92 km from Nagpur towards Chandrapur (Photo credits: Dr. Kantikumar Pawar)

Fig. 4: Megaliths (stone circles) in the foreground from Raipur-Hingna, 10 km SW of Nagpur, district: Nagpur, Fig. 6: Dolmen at Hirapur Excavated during 2010-2013, Vidarbha (Photo credits: Mohan Pardhi) District Chandrapur (Photo credits: Dr. Kantikumar Pawar)

298 New Perspective on the Early Iron Age Cultures of Vidarbha and South India

Fig. 7: Dolmen, Pimpalgaon, Bhandara district. 40 km south of Bhandara (Photo credits: Mohan Pardhi)

(Bruce Trigger 1971: 332). However, one cannot do away with new problems that arise as one steps out of previous ones. In this regard it is interesting to recall the observation on the research at Oriyo Timbo by Paul Rissman and Y.M. Chitalwala (1990: I): “It led the team to answer some questions, but like all good sciences it also raised new questions and unanticipated intellectual problems and the need for productive work in the future”. One such problem, Megalithic versus Iron Age Fig. 8: Menhir, Nagbhid, Nagpur district, 96 km south- Traditions of Peninsular India, has cropped east Nagpur (Photo credits: Mohan Pardhi) in and it has been dealt with briefly in Joshi (2016a: 301-302). In the following pages, the problem of the to c. 700-500 BCE on the basis of as many as categorising ‘Early Iron Age’ sites in Vidarbha thirty C14 dates for the early, middle and late is discussed. An attempt is made to present phases of the culture from four megalithic sites to the world of scholars a new perspective in (Sundara 1999: 162). The dates of introduction which two groups of Early Iron Age sites, namely of iron technology are relatively late in Vidarbha, Group A: ‘associated with megaliths’; and, and fall behind the southern regions of India Group B: ’not associated with megaliths’ are which are dated to between 1800/1600 BCE visualized. The same groups are termed as ‘two and 2000-2300 BCE respectively (Tripathi Early Iron Age Cultural Traditions, i.e. (I) Early 2013: 11, Deotare et al. 2013: 346). Iron Age Megalithic Cultural Tradition and (II) Early Iron Age Non-Megalithic Cultural Tradition Basis of Classification of Megalithic Sites in and are presented with their backgrounds Vidarbha: A Problem while shedding light on terminologies wherever In the course of investigations since 1947, necessary (Fig. 1). after beginning of problem-oriented research in 1960s in Vidarbha (see Joshi 2016a: 300-301) Early Iron Age of South India: Chronological to be precise, the discovery of a ceramic called variations Black-and-Red ware was mistaken as one Indian archaeologists characterize the Early of the criteria for identification of Megalithic Iron Age as the period chronologically varying culture of Vidarbha, and the same criterion greatly by regions. This development of iron was used even in South India (see discussion technology, particularly in Vidarbha is dated Joshi 2016a: 302-303). As a result the list of

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Megalithic sites of Vidarbha remained not only Category A: Megalithic habitation remains a matter of controversy till this day, but led to with megaliths i.e. habitation-cum-burial propositions and inferences about way of life sites of megalith builders of Vidarbha based on a Category B: Purely burial sites, i.e. number of sites (Deo 1990: 7; Vaidya 2014: Megaliths are present devoid of habitation 727).This trend may mislead the overall attempt remains nearby. to interpret and arrive at a logical conclusion regarding the reconstruction of the past of As noted above, the flaw in grouping megalithic megalith builders of Vidarbha in particular, and sites into three categories lies in the nature of South India in general. evidence and its interpretation; for instance, the excavations at Kaundinyapur in Amravati To elaborate further, this above mentioned district of Vidarbha (Dikshit 1968) assign trend eventually led to classify ‘megalithic Period I to the Megalithic folk, and the nature sites’ in to three categories (Joshi 1993: 7-8, of evidence cited was none other than the Mohanty and Joshi 1996: 158-159), they are: discovery of Black-and-Red ware. It is worth Purely Megalithic Burial sites (Joshi 1993: to quote the observations in the words of the 7, Category B; Mohanty and Joshi 1996: excavator (Dikshit 1968: 27) since this trend 158, Category A) had lasted more than fifty years. A few lines are Sites with habitation remains without any quoted here from the Kaundinyapur excavation megaliths around, but indicating some report: cultural contacts with the megalithic “The earliest inhabitants at the site community (Joshi 1993: 8, Category C; were a people who used a black-and-red Mohanty and Joshi 1996: 159, Category pottery of the inverted firing technique B) generally associated with the megalithic folk in south India. These people used Sites which yielded habitation remains metals like silver and copper as seen and megaliths around it, i.e. habitation- from the crucibles left by them. Their cum-burial sites or burial-cum-habitation ornaments consisted of etched carnelian sites (Joshi 1993: 7, Category A; Mohanty beads of the south Indian type. Since no and Joshi 1996: 159, Category C) burials are associated with this stratum, In light of new archaeological evidence at the this appears to be a habitation site of the excavations at Kahali-Bramhapuri (Walimbe megalithic folk.” (Dikshit 1968: 27). 2001-2002) and the critical discussion on the Apart from Kaundinyapur, the excavations issue of categorisation of megalithic sites of at Arni and Paunar in Yavatmal and Wardha Vidarbha in the National Seminar on ‘Megalithic districts of Vidarbha respectively (IAR 1978- Traditions in Ethnography and Archaeology in 79: 71-72; 1984-85: 55-56; Deo 1982a: India’, held in November 28-30, 2005 at Bhopal 28; 1982b: 37) and further excavations at (Basa et al. 2015), it was thought to classify Kaundinyapur (IAR 2000-2001: 91; Deotare et sites of the Early Iron Age Megalithic culture al. 2013: 237-239) faced similar situations. This into two categories. This thought was based trend continues to a large extent even today. on the assumption that there must have been For instance, the twelve newly discovered Early a distinct cultural phase of the Early Iron Age Iron Age sites in Vidarbha with purely habitation community in Vidarbha who weren’t practicing remains and devoid of megaliths in their vicinity a megalithic mode for the disposal of the dead. have been classified as megalithic (see Vaidya As a result the concept of ‘three categories 2014: 727). The excavated site of Tharsa in of megalithic sites’ was dropped. Since then, Nagpur district (IAR 1984-85: 58-59; Ismail et megalithic sites of Vidarbha were classified into al. 2015: 205-207) is another example devoid the following two categories (Joshi 2015: 178- of any ‘megalith’ in and around the ancient 179): habitation site which is also included in the megalithic tradition of Vidarbha.

300 New Perspective on the Early Iron Age Cultures of Vidarbha and South India

B.K. Gururaja Rao (1972: 340) has, apart devoid of any megalith in and around these from quoting the observations of B. Subba sites (see Deo and Dhavalikar 1968; Dikshit Rao on the Black-and-Red ware industry in his 1968; IAR 1979-80: 71-72; 1981-82: 55-56). unpublished article of 1962, entitled ‘Problem The relevant matters are reproduced below: of Black-and-Red ware in Northern India’, and “It may further be stated that at has highlighted how he (Subba Rao) brought Paunar, Kaundinyapur and Arni, the first around the unitary nature of the Black-and-Red occupations – though relatively dated (to) ceramic industry. To quote the words of Subba the pre-NBPW period are characterised Rao: “This great ceramic tradition appears by the Megalithic Black-and-Red ware somewhere in closing stages of Harappan and iron artefacts like axes with cross- Culture and continues in time and space upto fasteners and nail-parers (Ghosh 1989: the early centuries of the Christian era”. 122). It may not be out of place to quote and “Similar is the case with Kaundinyapur. emphasise the observations of F.R. Allchin Here Period I of Megalithic culture is (1954) and L.S. Leshnik (1975) regarding capped by Period II in which Black-and- the Black-and-Red ware ceramic type and Red continues and horizons of which megalithic sites of peninsular India reported show sterile flood deposits. Period II is from time to time when the former scholar capped by the deposits of Period III which observes: “… it is particularly instructive to could be dated on the occurrence of the note that in several instances where the NBP. Thus the relative period of Period I investigator specially sought to locate a former could be much earlier” (Deo 1969: 35). (i.e. megalithic) habitation associated with a Pandukal cemetery, the efforts were in vain. The site of Tharsa in Nagpur district can be One reliable report gives only eight “known”, included in this group of sites as an ‘urn burial’ and another “probable“ settlements for fifty-six is found within the habitation deposits which observed cemeteries , and it may be supposed indicates Chalcolithic association; no megaliths that since no excavation was done, the ‘known’ are reported in and around the site (Ismail et al. identification was presumed on the presence 2015: 205-207). of the Black-and-Red Ware.” (Allchin 1954 quoted in Leshnik 1975: 58). Ex silentio nihil Megalithic Tradition and Non-Megalithic arumentum, but the circumstance is at the very Tradition least suspicious! ”. (Leshnik 1975: 58) Often, topics like the origins of iron technology and megalithism are regarded as separate Non-Megalithic Early Iron Age Sites of issues. In context of iron technology and Vidarbha particularly of Vidarbha megaliths, it is In the initial phases and prior to stages of rightly pointed that “while all megalithic sites problem-oriented research into Megalithic have iron artefacts, all Iron Age sites are not culture of Vidarbha (see a brief survey of necessary megalithic” (Suvrathan 2010: 133). Problem-Oriented Research, Joshi 2016: 300- This special feature of cultural developments in 301) the sites of the Early Iron Age free from Vidarbha during the Early Iron Age was brought any association with ‘megaliths’ were found to the forefront by the author of this article at incorporated into ‘Megalithic culture of the the National Seminar on ‘Megalithic Traditions region’. It was basically done on the basis in Ethnography and Archaeology in India’ of Black-and-Red ware and iron artefacts held in 2005 at Bhopal (Joshi 2015) and in a recovered in the habitation deposit. In an historical review article on ‘megalith builders of entry related to ‘Megalithic cultures’ in the Vidarbha’ (2016a: 301-302). Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology (Ghosh To elaborate further, it has been observed 1989: 122) three sites namely Paunar, that there must have been two cultural Kaundinyapur and Arni have been cited as traditions flourished during the Early Iron Age part of ‘megalithic culture’. All these sites are of Vidarbha, if not Maharashtra. These cultural

301 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra traditions can be distinguished by a criterion, at Hallur can be classified as non-Megalithic. namely, the mode of disposal of the dead. At these sites, megaliths or megalith building The first tradition is represented in the form of related concepts are not present in any megaliths. Archaeological evidence from sites form in their way of life. This community was like Takalghat-Khapa (Deo 1970a), Junapani contemporary to the Early Iron Age Megalithic (IAR 1961-62: 32-33), Kamptee (Pearse cultural tradition. Cremation must have been 1869-70), Khairwada (Carey 1871, IAR 1981- the mode of disposal of the dead for this 82: 51-52), Naikund (Deo and Jamkhedkar particular community which has been termed 1982), Mahurjhari (Deo 1973a; IAR 1978- by the author of this paper as Non-Megalithic 79: 71; Mohanty 2005), Bhagimahari (IAR cultural Tradition of Early Iron Age culture of 1982-83: 61-62; 1983-84: 57-58; 1992-93: Vidarbha. 63-64), Dhamna [Linga] (IAR 2000-2001: 99- 102; 2001-2002: 121-122; 2002-2003: 168- Emerging Picture 169; Gupta and Ismail 2005), to quote a few, A new perspective has been put forth here that are associated with megaliths (Fig. 4). A few elaborates the proposition that there were two among these have yielded habitation remains contemporaneous cultural traditions during associated with megaliths; whereas a majority the Early Iron Age in Vidarbha as well as in the of the sites having only burial grounds, i.e. southern part of India. This is in tune with H.D. megaliths revealed cultural evidence related Sankalia’s (1979: 115) notion that “megaliths to the Early Iron Age Megalithic community of should belong to a particular section of the Vidarbha. This community emerged as the most community or people in each region”. With important ‘basic metallic material producers’ of due consideration to this idea, the region Vidarbha and fashioned a wide variety of iron requires “regional and site specific research” artefacts of great utility as demonstrated by on the lines of Kadebakele, one of the largest the evidence at Naikund (see Gogte 1982a, settlement sites of Late Prehistoric and Early 1982b; Deshpande et al. 2011, Deshpande Historic periods in the district of Koppal, and Mohanty 2015). Their graveyards, in the Karnataka state (see Sinopoli 2009). The form of megaliths are located outside their present trend in Vidarbha, which is organically settlement area, unlike the preceding Neolithic- one with the South Indian megaliths must have Chalcolithic communities. It is to be noted here also experienced a similar cultural pattern, that in a few cases there must have been partial i.e. the co-existence of the ‘Early Iron Age cremation of the dead, and after cremation, Megalithic cultural tradition’ and the ‘Early Iron the ritual was followed by burial in the form of Age Non-megalithic cultural tradition.’ These megaliths as indicated by the excavations of two cultural traditions are distinguishable megaliths at Khairwada (Walimbe 1987-88: on the basis of their mode of disposal of the 70, pl. IV) and Takalghat-Khapa (Smith 1888: dead. One of the cultural traditions was that 243) (Figs. 2 and 3). of the ‘megalith builder’ responsible for the Another Early Iron Age cultural tradition construction of megaliths, as represented at of Vidarbha, namely ‘non-megalithic tradition’, sites like Brahmagiri (Karnataka) (Wheeler is represented and revealed by the cultural 1947-48), and Takalghat-Khapa (Vidarbha) material unearthed from sites like Kaudinyapur (Deo 1970a) The other cultural tradition (Dikshit 1968), Paunar (Deo and Dhavalikar preferred cremation over burial (megalith), as 1968), Arni (IAR1978-79: 71-72), Kahali- represented at Kaundinyapur (Dikshit 1968) Bramhapuri (Walimbe 2003), and Adam (Nath and Paunar (Deo and Dhavalikar 1968) in 1992), to cite a few. As far as the southern part Vidarbha, and Hallur in Karnataka (Nagaraja of India is concerned, the site of Hallur from Rao 1984: 137). The material culture of both Karnataka can be cited as an example. The the traditions of Vidarbha , namely ‘Megalithic megaliths are far off (3 km) from the habitation cultural traditions of Early Iron Age’ and Non- site at Hallur (Nagaraja Rao 1984: 137; Megalithic cultural tradition has an inherent Sundara 1972); and hence cultural tradition identity (Deo 1970b: 26).

302 New Perspective on the Early Iron Age Cultures of Vidarbha and South India

In the light of the two distinct cultural dead in the form of ‘megaliths’ in Vidarbha can traditions of the Early Iron Age in Vidarbha, it is be appropriately termed as ‘Megalithic Cultural necessary to investigate, with a new spirit, the Tradition of Early Iron Age’. way of life of the Early Iron Age Non-Megalithic Gone are the days when we assumed a Cultural Tradition of Vidarbha and South India label namely ‘the Megalithic Period’ appropriate on par with the Early Iron Age Megalithic for a package of discovery of Black-and- Cultural Tradition. And finally, it may also be Red ceramic industry in archaeological noted that in the northern part of India, similar excavations of the settlements, especially ‘Non-Megalithic’ and ‘Megalithic’ traditions co- in south India a five-decade-old problem of existed during the Early Iron Age (see Sundara assuming ‘Black-and-Red’ as a ‘type-fossil’ 1999: 164-165); but unlike northern part of for labelling the culture as ‘Megalithic’ has to India, the Megalithic Cultural Traditions of Early be put to rest in the light of critical discussion Iron Age in South India, however, dominates and observations by the archaeologists of high contemporary socio-cultural scenario. repute.

Conclusions Acknowledgements In the light of above critical discussion The authors are grateful to Shri Devadatta and evaluation of the data and its varied Phule of Deccan College, Pune who prepared a interpretations the following concluding map to suit the article as well as upgraded the remarks are offered. quality of all photos spared by Deccan College There were two cultural traditions of the and the scholars of Department of Archaeology, Early Iron Age in Vidarbha region, eastern part Deccan College, Pune, included in this article of Maharashtra state. These two traditions are within stipulated time. termed as: i. Megalithic Cultural Tradition (of Early Iron Age), and ii. Non-Megalithic Cultural References Tradition (of Early Iron Age). Allchin, F.R. 1954. The Development of Early Culture in the Raichur District of Hyderabad. Thesis However the existence of more than two No, 202. London: University of Arts. cultural traditions of Early Iron Age in Vidarbha Basa, Kishor, Rabindra K. Mohanty and Simard cannot be ruled out. Future problem-oriented B. Ota (Eds.) 2015. Megalithic Traditions research will enlighten us in this regard. in India: Archaeology and Ethnography. Apart from the presence ‘megaliths’ Bhopal and New Delhi: Indira Gandhi around the settlement, their correlation with Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya and Aryan Books International. settlement should be the sole and prime Bhaisare, Kanchana 2012. The Vakatakas: Cultural criterion for labelling the cultural tradition as Study in Archaeological Perspective. Ph.D. ‘Megalithic’ cultural tradition. Dissertation. Pune: Deccan College Post- Since the concept of disposal of the Graduate and Research Institute. dead in the form of ‘megaliths’ are traceable Chakrabarty, Dipesh 2015. The Calling of History: during Early Iron Age (if not Neolithic), Early Sir Jadunath Sarkar and His Empire of Historic Period as well as later periods the Truth. Ranikhet: Permanent Black. (First published by the University of Chicago nomenclature such as ‘Megalithic Period’ is 2015). inappropriate. Debroy, Bibek 2016. Legacy is Grand Delusion. A Instead, such cultural phases wherein the Review of: India Conquered: Britain’s Raj association of ‘megaliths’ with settlements are and The Chaos of Empire, by Jon Wilson. beyond doubts should be labeled as ‘Megalithic London: Simon and Schuster. In Outlook Cultural Tradition’; and this should be suffix with 56(40): 69. ‘time-lable’ such as ‘Iron Age’, ‘Early Historic Deo, S.B. 1969. Megaliths in Maharashtra, in Seminar Papers on the Problem of Period’ and so on. In other words, for example, Megaliths in India, A.K. Narain (Ed.), pp. 27- the cultural period wherein the disposal of the 36. Varanasi: Department of Ancient Indian

303 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Indian Institute of Metals. Published online: Hindu University. 01 December 2011. Deo, S.B. 1970a. Excavations at Takalghat and Deshpande, P.P. and R.K. Mohanty 2015. Iron Khapa. Nagpur: Nagpur University. Age and Steeling in Ancient Vidarbha, in Deo, S.B. 1970b. Personality of Vidarbha Megaliths, Megalithic Traditions in India: Archaeology Studies in Indian Archaeology: Professor and Ethnography, Kishor Basa, Rabindra K. H.D. Sankalia Felicitation Volume, Indian Mohanty and Simardi B. Ota (Eds.) pp. 421- Antiquity 4(1-4): 23-31. 425. Vol. 2. Bhopal and New Delhi: Indira Deo, S.B. 1973a. Mahurjhari Excavations. Nagpur: Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya and Nagpur University. Aryan Books International. Deo, S.B. 1973b. Problem of South Indian Megaliths. Dikshit, K.N. and Ajit Kumar (Eds.) 2014. The Dharwad: Kannad Research Institute. Megalithic Culture of South India (Special Deo, S.B. 1982a. The Vidarbha Megaliths: A Review, Report No. 6, 2014). New Delhi: Indian Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Archaeological Society. Institute 41: 27-32. Dikshit, M.G. 1968. Excavations at Kaundinyapur. Deo, S.B. 1982b. Recent Researches on the Bombay: The Director of Archives and Chalcolithic and Megalithic Cultures of the Archaeology, Maharashtra State. Deccan. Madras: University of Madras. Ghosh, A. 1989. An Encyclopaedia of Indian Deo, S.B. 1984. Vidarbha Ek Puratattveeya Archaeology. New Delhi: Indian Council Samalochana (in Marathi). Vidarbha of Historical Research and Munshiram Samshodhan Mandal Varshik 1984: 1-35. Manoharlal. Deo, S.B. 1985. The Megaliths: Their Culture and Gururaja Rao, B.K. 1970. Development of Ecology, Economy and Technology, in Technology During the Iron Age in South Recent Advances in Indian Archaeology, India, Indian Journal of History of Science S.B. Deo and K. Paddayya (Eds.) pp. 73-76. 5(2): 253-271. Pune: Deccan College Research Institute. Gururaja Rao, B.K. 1972. Megalithic Culture in Deo, S.B. 1990. The Megalithic Economy in South India. Mysore: University of Mysore. Vidarbha, in Historical Archaeology of India: IAR: Indian Archaeology – A Review. New Delhi: A Dialogue Between Archaeologists and Archaeological Survey of India. Historians (Amita Ray and Samir Mukherjee Joshi, P.S. 1993. Vidarbha Megaliths: A Cultural Eds.) pp. 73-76. New Delhi: Books and Study. Ph.D. Dissertation. Pune: University Books. of Poona University. Deo, S.B. and M.K. Dhavalikar 1968. Paunar Joshi, P.S. 2002. Economic Foundation of Megalithic Excavations. Nagpur: Nagpur University. Culture of Vidarbha vis-a-vis India, in Deotare, B.C., P.S. Joshi and C.N. Parchure (Eds.) Puraratna: Emerging Trends in Archaeology, 2013. Glimpses of Ancient Maharashtra Art, Anthropology, Conservation and Through Archaeological Excavations. History: In Honour of Shri Jagat Pati Joshi Pune: Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Samitee (C. Margabandhu, A.K. Sharma and R.S. and Deccan College Post-Graduate and Bisht Eds.) pp. 252-257. New Delhi: Agam Research Institute. Kala Prakashan. Deshpande-Mukharjee, Arati, P.K. Thomas and R.K. Joshi, P.S. 2015. Megalithic Traditions of Early Iron Mohanty 2015. Faunal Exploitation Patterns Age Maharashtra, in Megalithic Traditions During the Iron Age in the Vidarbha Region in India: Archaeology and Ethnography of Maharashtra with Special Reference (Kishor Basa, Rabindra K. Mohanty and to Mahurjhari, in Megalithic Traditions Simardi B. Ota Eds.) pp. 172-187. Vol. in India: Archaeology and Ethnography, 1. Bhopal and New Delhi: Indira Gandhi Kishor Basa, Rabindra K. Mohanty and Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya and Aryan Simardi B. Ota (Eds.), pp. 426-444. Vol. Books International. 2. Bhopal and New Delhi: Indira Gandhi Joshi, P.S. 2016a. Early Iron Age Megalith Builders Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya and Aryan of Vidarbha: A Historical Review, in Books International. Companion to South Asia in the Past , Gwen Deshpande, P.P., R.K. Mohanty and V.S. Shinde Robbins Schug and Subhash Walimbe 2011. An Early Evidence of Harding and (Eds.) pp. 297-309. West Sussex (UK): Subsequent Tempering from Megalithic Wiley-Blackwell. Sites, Maharashtra, India, Transaction

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Joshi, P.S. 2016b. The Monument Men, in Nath, Amarendra 1992. Adam – An Index to Maharashtra Unlimited (Vidarbha Vidarbha Archaeology, in New Trends in Special). Vol. 5 (Issue 1) pp. 14-15. Pune: Indian Art and Architecture [Felicitation Heritage India Communications Pvt. Ltd. to Dr. S.R. Rao on his 70th Birthday], N.C. and Maharashtra State Development Ghosh and B.U. Nayak (Eds.) pp. 69-79. Corporation. Panaji: Aditya Prakashan. Joshi, S.V., P.P. Deshpande, R.K. Mohanty, N.B. Rajan, K. 2016. Situating Iron Age Monuments in Dhokey and M.A. More 2008. Metallographic South India: A Textual and Ethnographical Investigations of Iron Objects found in the Approach, in A Companion to South Asia Megalithic Burials in Vidarbha Region of in the Past, Gwen Robbins Schug and Maharashtra, Puratattva: 244-250. Subhash R. Walimbe (Eds) pp. 310-318. Ismail, Kellellu, Chandra Shekhar Gupta, P.S. Chichester, Sussex: Willey Blackwell. Meshram. P.M. Khobragade, Rabindra K. Rissman, Paul and Y.M. Chitalwala 1990. Harappan Mohanty and Tilok Thakuria 2015. Recent Civilisation and Orio Timbo. New Delhi: Development in the Megalithic Research in Oxford and IBH Publishing Co. and American Vidarbha: A Review, in Megalithic Traditions Institute of Indian Studies. in India: Archaeology and Ethnography, Sinopoli, Carla M. 2009. Late Prehistoric Kishor Basa, Rabindra K. Mohanty and Landscapes of the Tungabhadra Corridor: Simardi B. Ota (Eds.) pp. 204-225. Vol. Recent Excavations at Kadebakele (Koppal 1. Bhopal and New Delhi: Indira Gandhi District, Karnataka), in Recent Research Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya and Aryan Trends in South Asian Archaeology: Books International. Proceedings of the Professor H.D. Sankalia Kajale, M.D. 1989. Archaeobotanical Investigations Birth Centenary Seminar (10-12 December on Megalithic Bhagimohari, and its 2007), K. Paddayya, P.P. Joglekar, Kishor Significance for Agricultural System, Man K. Basa and Reshma Sawant (Eds.), pp. and Environment 13: 87-100. 279-294. Pune: Deccan College Research Kennedy, K.A.R. 1975. The Physical Anthropology of Institute. the Megalith-builders of South India and Sri Smith, George 1888. Stephen Hislop: Pioneer Lanka. Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies Missionary & Naturalist in Central India. in Association with Australian National (From 1844 to 1863). London: John University Press. Murrary, Albemarle Street. Leshnik, Lawrence S. 1974. South Indian Sankalia, H.D. 1979. Indian Archaeology – Today. ‘Megalithic’ Burials: The Pandukal Complex. Delhi: Ajanta Publications (Second edition). Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner. Sawant, Reshma 2012. Historical Archaeology of Leshnik, Lawrence S. 1975. Nomads and Burials Vidarbha. Bhopal/ New Delhi: Indira Gandhi in the Early History of South India, in Rastriya Manav Sangrahalaya and Aryan Pastoralists and Nomads in South Asia, L.S. Books International. Leshnik and Gunther-Dietz Sontheimber Suvrathan, Uthara 2010. Landscape of Life and (Eds.), pp. 40-67. Wiesbaden: Otto Death: Considering the Region of Vidarha, Harrassowitz. in Ancient India: New Research, Upinder Lukacs, John R. 1981. Dental Pathology and Singh and Nayanjyot Lahiri (Eds.), pp. 124- Nutritional Patterns of South Asian Megalith- 173. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Builders: The Evidence from Iron Age Soundara Rajan, K.V. 1969. Megaliths and Black- Mahurjhari, Proceedings of the American and-Red Ware, in Seminar Papers on the Philosophical Society 125(3): 220-237. Problem of Megaliths in India, A.K. Narain Mohanty, R.K. and P.S. Joshi 1996. The Megalithic (Ed.) pp. 69-89. Varanasi: Department Problem of Vidarbha: Retrospect and of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Prospect, in Spectrum of Indian Culture: Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University. Professor S.B. Deo Felicitation Volume, Soundara Rajan, K.V. 1996. Identifying the Megalith- C. Margabandhu and K.S. Ramchandran Builders in India – Some Factors, in (Eds.) pp. 157-169. Delhi: Agam Kala Spectrum of Indian Culture – Professor S.B. Prakashan. Deo Felicitation Volume (C. Margabandhu Nagaraja Rao, M.S. 1984. Protohistoric Cultures and K.S. Ramchandran Eds.), pp. 131-135. of the Tungabhadra Valley. Delhi: Swati Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan. Publications (Second edition).

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Sundara, A. 1972. Megaliths in Hallur Region: Eds.). Tokyo: National Astronomical Their Types and Characters, Journal of the Observatory of Japan. Karnataka University Social Sciences 8: Walimbe, S.R. 1987-88. Human Skeletal Remains 1-6. from Megalithic Vidarbha, Puratattva 18: Sundara, A. 1999. Indian Megaliths and Iron, in 61-71. History of Science, Philosophy and Culture Walimbe, S.R. 2003. Excavations at Early Historic in Indian Civilization. Volume IV, Part 1: Site of Kahali-Bramhapuri, Annual Report Chemistry and Chemical Techniques in (2001-2002), pp. 73-84. Pune: Deccan India, D.P. Chattopadhyay (Ed.) pp. 148- College Research Institute. 172. New Delhi: Centre for Studies in Walimbe, S.R. 2015. ‘Palaeodemography of the Civilisation. Megalithic Builders of South India, in Thomas, P.K. 1992. Faunal Background of the Megalithic Traditions in India: Archaeology Iron-Age Culture of Maharashtra, Man and and Ethnography, Kishor Basa, Rabindra K. Environment 17(2): 75-79. Mohanty and Simardi B. Ota (Eds.) pp. 520- Trigger, Bruce 1971. Archaeology and Ecology, 532. Vol. 2. Bhopal and New Delhi: Indira World Archaeology 2(3): 321-336. Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya and Vaidya, Shantanu A. 2014. Megalithic Culture in Aryana Books International. Vidarbha: Studies and Ideas, Heritage: Wheeler, R.E.M. 1947-48. Brahmagiri and Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Chandrvalli 1947: Megalithic and Other Archaeology 2: 720-741. Cultures in the Chitaldrug District, Mysore Vahia, M.N., S.M. Menon, R. Abbas and Nisha State, Ancient India 4: 180-310. Yadav 2011. Megaliths in Ancient India and Wilson, Jon 2016. India Conquered: Britain’s Raj Their Possible Association to Astronomy, and the Chaos of the Empire. London: in Proceedings of Seventh International Simon and Schuster. Conference on Oriental Astronomy (W. Orchiston, Soma Nakamura and R. Strom

306 ROCK ART IN CHHATTISGARH: AN OVERVIEW Meenakshi Dubey-Pathak and Jean Clottes Bradshaw Foundation, India [email protected]

Abstract Rock art in Chhattisgarh is not yet well-known except Singhanpur and Kabra Pahar. In the course of the past few years we found and studied 63 painted shelters in different parts of the State. They share a number of conventions, like absence of engravings or art restricted to walls in the light and never in the dark, but there also are geographical differences and specialties. For example, in the north of the State, we saw an abundance of geometric motifs that contrasted with their fewer numbers in the south. An important point is the persistence up to now of religious ceremonies in those painted sites.

Introduction the north and the south, we saw two painted Nobody had heard much about rock art in shelters (Chitwadongri 1 and 2) about 120 kms Chhattisgarh until, in July 2014, a sensational south-west of Raipur. piece of unlikely news came out in the media, In the southern part of Chhattisgarh, we including internationally: ten thousand year were shown seventeen painted sites. Others old figures representing aliens and UFOs were mentioned to us but we could not go had been discovered in the Southern part of to see them for safety reasons. Among the Chhattisgarh. Several colleagues from different most important we visited, we can quote countries contacted us about the discovery. Jogdadeo, Shitlama, and Balarao. One of their We then decided to go and visit those sites if characteristics is the frequency and abundance at all possible. We did so in November of the of handprints, mostly red but with some yellow same year. Naturally, we did not find any traces ones. We found them in about half the shelters of aliens or UFOs (Clottes and Dubey-Pathak we saw (Fig. 1). 2015) but some interesting rock art that we decided to study. As to the northern part of the state, we were taken to forty-four painted sites. It is not With the welcomed help of the a surprise that a majority of the sites should Chhattisgarh government, particularly of its be in the north as we note that they belong to Chief Secretary Mr Vivek Dhand, we returned a vast region of rock art which also includes a number of times to the state where we many painted sites in the neighbouring states saw sixty-three painted shelters, most times of Odisha to the east (in the Sambalpur area shown to us by local Forest Officers and local for example), of Jharkhand to the north/ tribesmen who provided invaluable information east (Hazaribagh), Uttar Pradesh to the north particularly on the traditional practices still (Mirzapur), and Madhya Pradesh to the west going on in some shelters. (Sidhi area). In common with some of the sites Our field work led to the writing of a detailed in Odisha, for example, geometric figures or well-illustrated book, titled Powerful Paintings. signs are abundant and complex. They seem Rock Art and Tribal Art in Chhattisgarh, (Dubey- to be far less numerous and varied in the Pathak and J. Clottes in press), which is in the south where we noticed just a few than in process of being published by the Chhattisgarh the north where the most important site for authorities. geometric signs undoubtedly is Ushakothi 1. The paintings there are so numerous, complex, Distribution of the art in Chhattisgarh diverse, superimposed, and intricate (Fig. 2) The northern and southern parts of the state that if the site has occasionally been mentioned are hilly, and that is where we shall find most in literature it has never been studied and of the rock art, while the centre mostly consists published in depth. of a fertile plain. In addition to the sites in

Dubey-Pathak and Clottes 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 307-314, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Fig. 1: Red handprints and footprints next to an armed warrior at Balarao, Enhanced with D Stretch

Fig. 2: Ushakothi 1 shelter, with our guides. Note how the whole wall is covered over with geometric signs (see Fig. 8) but also with modern graffiti

Subjects represented A fourth possible one would be trees (Siroli The subjects represented fall into three Dongri 6, Ushakothi 1, Lekhapoda, Lekhamada main categories: animals, humans, and the 1 with possible floral patterns). Other natural geometric signs that we had just mentioned. phenomena (sun, stars, wind, rain, fire) are not

308 Rock Art in Chhattisgarh: an Overview very frequent or could not be worked out, except Humans are plentiful but less varied for a moon crescent at Ushakothi 1 and 2, and than in other rock art areas of Central India. sun-like patterns with rays at Kabra Pahar and Generally, whenever a painted shelter is fairly Chitwadongri. well preserved, human images are present. The At only three sites (Balarao, Benipat, Siroli few that have no humans at all, such as Badra Dongri 7), there are no animals whatsoever. 1, are rare and most have suffered severe In some other sites, animals are present damage so that the absence of humans cannot but not well preserved or precise enough for be meaningful. Among the human shaped their species to be determined. Most painted images, some might represent deities. We can shelters, though, have animal representations. be certain in the case of Rawan because of The most common ones are cervids (in his ten heads. We found him thus represented eighteen shelters), with stags, does, deer and in three Lekhamada sites (Fig. 4). Because of blackbucks. We would have expected more the overall sketchy quality of the art, the sex of sites with elephants, only present in three most humans remains indeterminate. When it shelters (Bahman Dai, Amargufa and Badra 1). is characterized it will be because the phallus Bison, bulls, bear, wild boar, monkeys, horses has been represented for men (Shitlama, and tigers are only known in two or three sites Singar Pathar) or breasts for women (Badra each. Even humped bulls are not as frequent 2, Lekhamada 1). We have mentioned hand as we would have expected, except at Khobar representations that mostly include handprints where they are numerous (Fig. 3). Smaller (Fig. 1), but occasional hand stencils occur, animals are also present, like birds with when the hand is applied against the wall and occasional recognizable peacocks, different paint is blown onto it and its outlines; when sorts of lizards, fish, snakes, butterfly, and the hand is removed, it appears in negative rabbit. In all, less than twenty different species (Hamtha) (Fig. 5). Sometimes feet, isolated or have thus been noted. in pairs, are represented. In some cases (Siroli

Fig. 3: A humped bull painted in white at Badra 4

309 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Fig. 4: Two representations of Rawan at Lekhamada, Enhanced with D Stretch

Fig. 5: Hands drawn and sometimes stencilled at Hamtha

310 Rock Art in Chhattisgarh: an Overview

Dongri 2, Balarao, Jogi Gufa 2) two feet covered of them could be snakes); circles and roundish with paint seem to have been directly applied motifs, often with an inside pattern which may against the wall to make the print. be simple (a cross, another circle) or quite A great majority of humans are shown complex; numerous quadrangular designs with involved in various activities or carrying tools or a drawing inside; other complex designs (Fig. weapons. The most common case is dancing 8). We obviously wish we knew what all those in a row, with people close together holding symbols stand for, but so far we have not been arms, raising them or putting their arms on able to get solid local information about them. the shoulder or waist of the person next to them (Fig. 6). Other daily life activities are The chronology of the art also represented, like carrying loads at Badra Rock art making in Chhattisgarh goes from 5. Hunting is present in the art: an archer the Mesolithic (perhaps 8,000/10,000 years shooting at a deer (Kabra Pahar) and another BP) to fairly recent times with some typical hunting scene with archers at Bhanwar Khol images for each main period. So far we have (Fig. 7). If armed horse riders are sometimes no radiocarbon dates for the art, nor any present (Bhanwar Khol, Lekhapoda) as well as other absolute dates. Our ascriptions were archers (Basnajhar, Bahman Dai), we have not thus done provisionally from the style of the found any combat scene, unlike in many areas representations. in the neighbouring state of Madhya Pradesh. Few sites like Kabra Pahar, Rabkoh, Chhattisgarh rock art, then, is on the whole Amargufa, Bhanwar Khol, Badra Pahar 1, quite peaceful. Majhingarh 2 and 3, and Sita Lekhni 3, can One of the essential characteristics of be partially attributed to the Mesolithic, which Chhattisgarth rock art, particularly in the north, would be the earlier period with dancing stick is the number and complexity of geometric figures and large sized animals sometimes figures or signs, Ushakothi 1 being the most filled with geometrical/honeycomb patterns. important site we saw for signs. They include All these sites also have much younger images. dots, which may be in a cloud or be part of According to Wakankar (2005), the Mesolithic complex motifs; parallel lines; zigzags (some was the golden era of Indian rock art with the best compositions and styles of paintings.

Fig. 6: Dancers represented at Lekhamada, Enhanced with D Stretch

311 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Fig. 7: A sketchy archer is shooting his arrow at an animal at Bhanwar Khol. Enhanced with D Stretch

Fig. 8: Complex geometric designs at Ushakothi 1

In the Neolithic/Chalcolithic, humped The art of early to late Historic times bulls become quite numerous, for example in includes anthropomorphic images with the Kohbar site where they could be part of a dancers, hunters, horse and elephant riders. sacrificial ritual (?). Then, the style of painting Handprints and sometimes footprints, finger is notably inferior to what it used to be in the marks, lines, dots, depictions of trees and Mesolithic. many kinds of geometric symbols are frequent.

312 Rock Art in Chhattisgarh: an Overview

Some look very recent and they well could be crops, and any festival. For example, for the as traditions have long persisted and may still protection from ghosts Murias will print hands be going on in places. in a row all around the walls of their houses. Among the Gonds, when somebody dies, Persistence of traditions in Chhattisgarh rock family members will make a paste made of art sites rice flour – which stands for the colour white, Perhaps because of their remoteness and – and of turmeric (for yellow) to which they add of the prevalence in Chhattisgarh of tribes vermillion powder for red. They will then make that have kept their age old traditions, the handprints inside and outside their homes and number of painted sites where we found also in the shrines of their local gods. The aim undisputable traces of recent ceremonies, of such ceremonies and handprint making is offerings and religious practices has proved to to ensure that the soul of the dead person will be unexpectedly high (nineteen out of the sixty- rest in peace. three we visited). This contrasts with the rest Handprints thus establish a direct of the world where nowadays such practices relationship between this world and the next. have either entirely vanished or have become They are perceived as protection. They do not exceptional as in Aboriginal Australia. just symbolize it, they create it. In this context, The offerings made by the local visitors making handprints in a painted shelter is not are nearly always the same (coconut, incense, a signature or a casual gesture. Through the glass bangles, sometimes ceramic statuettes), sacred paint, which may on occasion be made identical to the ones one can see in Hindu with blood from a sacrifice, the hand in a way temples, as well as the vermillion colour that penetrates the wall where it leaves its mark. has kept its symbolical and powerful meaning as establishing a relationship between humans Preservation of the sites and of the art and gods. The direct influence of Hinduism During our diverse trips to the north and to could be found in at least eleven shelters the south of Chhattisgarh, we paid particular from what we observed (sites converted into attention to the problems of conservation, temples, built sanctuaries, abodes of hermits) which condition the future of the art. In and what we were told about the sacred stories our descriptions of the sites we took care concerning those sites and the Hindu divinities of mentioning their state of conservation venerated in them. whenever necessary. Even if many images remain mysterious The art may be imperilled by two main to us, India in general – and Chhattisgarh in causes: degradations by humans, and by particular – is one of the few places in the world natural elements. where the persistence of traditions may permit The degradations by humans are us to understand the meaning or some of the principally due to ordinary vandalism, such as meanings of diverse motifs, even if what is writing names on the painted walls. We have most striking is their complexity. There cannot also had examples of painted sites that were be any doubt that all sorts of different intricate more or less destroyed by the modern religious stories applied to the painted shelters and to Hindu inscriptions and practices of local their numerous images. With the passage of villagers. time most have been lost and we can only get some inkling about them from the beliefs and On the other hand, quite a number of rock ceremonies still alive in the tribes. art panels are faded or have been seriously damaged because of their exposure to natural We shall give one example with handprints elements (sun, rain, washing off by running which are found both in the shelters with rock water, etc.) as the paintings were never made art and on the walls of houses. They are very inside deep caves but on the walls of exposed common in the tribes. They may be made on shelters. different occasions such as marriages, new

313 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Trying to avoid voluntary or involuntary One final important point is that, given the vandalism is the clearest and most obvious importance of many of the painted sites for the option. Two possibilities come to mind: local tribal people who entertain strong religious - building a fence around the rock art feelings about them, their beliefs and religious panels for them to remain out of touch practices should be respected by all. No further and be protected. We talked about damage or changes should be done to the it with the authorities in charge who sites: in particular, nobody should build walls, entirely agreed about that necessity and make fires, cement the ground or add script or will carry out all necessary protections; images. It would probably be fruitful to trust the local tribal people with the conservation of their - setting written panels warning not to sites as unofficial or official guards. damage the art. Those panels should be visible to visitors while being always References put in a place of the shelter where there Clottes J. and M. Dubey-Pathak 2015. Pseudo are no paintings and without touching aliens’ representations in Chhattisgarh rock the wall. We suggest setting up panels art (India), International Newsletter on Rock and chain-link fencing or railings in all Art 72: 11-18. the important sites. Dubey-Pathak M. and J. Clottes 2017. Powerful Paintings. Rock Art and Tribal Art in Chhattisgarh. In print.

314 ROCK ART OF SOUTHERN BIHAR AND ADJOINING JHARKHAND IN EASTERN INDIA: “WHEN, WHY AND TO WHOM?” Awadh Kishore Prasad Senior Academic Fellow, ICHR, New Delhi [email protected]

Abstract The rock art of southern Bihar, discovered in the remote and extremely dangerous forested hills in Nawada, Jamui, Nalanda and Gaya districts and adjoining Giridih and Kodarma districts of Jharkhand during the 1990s and 2010, has distinct thematical, motivational and stylistic traits which distinguishes it from other rock art regions of India. Based on the subject-matter, superimposition, style and other archaeological evidences it is presumed that rock art in this region was produced right from Upper Palaeolithic period down to the early historic era. It can be put in four developmental stages viz . The earliest phase roughly corresponding to the Upper Palaeolithic period dominated by symbols, intricate designs and geometric signs. The second phase corresponding to the Mesolithic period. The third phase contains the rock art of the settled agriculturalist and animal keepers depicting domestic animals besides symbols and intricate/geometric signs corresponding to the Neolithic/Chalcolithic period. The last phase pertains to the rock art of the early historic era depicting various human activities connected with their religious, social and economic matters.

Introduction comparatively young Vindhyan sandstones, India is one of the six major rock art regions and volcanic basalt (Sankalia 1974). The entire in the world. Surprisingly however, southern rock art region is densely forested and infested Bihar and the adjoining Jharkhand, which with wild animals such as bear, wild boar, deer, formed part of the famous ancient Magadhan rabbit, leopard, tiger etc. as well as snakes kingdom, so well known for its glorious history, and scorpions. This forested hilly region is had remained obscured on the rock art map mainly inhabited by the Santhals – the largest of India till about a hundred rock shelters/ aboriginal tribe in India. Small bands of another caves containing prehistoric rock paintings, tribe (presently on the verge of extinction) - still petroglyphs and ancient rock inscriptions leading a hunter-gatherer lifestyle can also be were discovered by the author during the early occasionally spotted roaming in the forest. nineties (Prasad 2003-04). Besides rock art, Rock art of this region mainly comprises several Stone Age tool factory sites, megalithic of prehistoric rock paintings. Petroglyphs are sites, and Buddhist cave monasteries were very few but quite unique. Comprehensive also discovered in this extremely remote documentation including video recording of and dangerous region forming part of Nawada, almost all the rock shelters/caves and the open Jamui, Nalanda, and Gaya districts in Bihar rock surfaces containing rock art has been and adjoining Giridih and Kodarma districts meticulously done. Rock paintings are found of Jharkhand in eastern India (Prasad A.K. on the walls and ceilings of the rock shelters/ 2012). Carrying out explorations in this almost caves while the petroglyphs are mainly found inaccessible region was extremely challenging on the granite boulders in the open. The rock and risky not only due to the difficult terrain paintings are executed in various shades of red, and overwhelming presence of wild animals, white, ochre, and black including a very rare poisonous snakes, and scorpions but also due blue colour. Rock art of this region is extremely to the dreaded political situation? important and unique in many aspects, These rock art sites lie between 24° 40’ though it shares some common features with to 24° 53’ North and 85° 41’ to 86° 7’ East other Indian rock art regions. Predominance in the north-eastern part of the Chotanagpur of symbols and geometric/intricate designs, plateau – the northern extension of the frequent depictions of therianthropes/wizards, Vindhyan ranges (Fig. 1: Location map).This snakes, various ritualistic scenes and selection plateau is the meeting point of the oldest rock of only one rock shelter/cave for painting formations like granite and gneiss and the out of several rock shelters/caves available

Prasad 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 315-325, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Fig. 1: Location map of the rock art region in a cluster indicates prevalence of distinct the main ingredients of agricultural thematic, motivational, and stylistic traits in the society is a much later development rock art of this region (Prasad, 2014). It certainly during the Neolithic period and therefore provides very useful window to answer certain domesticated animals and plants basic questions -When and why was rock art naturally do not figure in early rock art of produced, and to whom were the messages the Upper Palaeolithic/early Mesolithic addressed? In this paper I would attempt to periods. As such it can be assumed that answer these questions pertaining to the rock the early rock art was produced by groups art of eastern India with special reference to of hunter-gatherers. Subsequently, a southern Bihar and the adjoining Jharkhand. hunting-foraging economy was replaced during the Neolithic period by an agro- 1. What kind of groups produced the rock pastoral mode of subsistence with art: hunters, gatherers, agriculturists…? domestication of animals and plants along When was it produced and by whom? with settled life, though hunting- gathering Rock art holds the story of our “sapiens” also continued to some extent. Naturally species; it is the most conspicuous and rock art of this period was produced by important treasure of man as it identifies the dominant agricultural society which the many facets of culture and the mainly depicted domesticated animals many identities of human imagination and plants, and other aspects of village (Emmanuel 2013). Subject-matter of settlements. Production of rock art early prehistoric rock art all over the continued in some parts of the world world mainly revolves around depiction during the Early Historic period and in of symbols/geometric/intricate designs, certain areas even until recently. certain wild animals which were hunted Symbols, intricate designs and for food (including some he feared/ geometric signs are the vital components venerated) and hunting-gathering scenes. of prehistoric art all over the world. One Domestication of animals and plants-

316 Rock Art of Southern Bihar and Adjoining Jharkhand in Eastern India: “When, Why and to Whom?” of the biases about early art development Saka/Kushan travellers/traders/pilgrims emanating from Western Europe is that it from the North-western section of the consists largely of ‘naturalistic’ images, Indian sub-continent (Prasad 2009). notably of large animals. This is not true for the Franco-Cantabrian region of By whom was the rock art of this region Western Europe itself where figurative produced? representations are outnumbered more The archaeological and ethnographical than three times by non-figurative art evidences suggest that rock art in India (Bednarik 1991). As far as rock art of and particularly eastern India was eastern India is concerned, particularly produced by the ancestors of aboriginal that of southern Bihar and the adjoining tribal communities inhabiting the forested Jharkhand, there is very conspicuous hilly regions. The earliest inhabitants of predominance of symbols and geometric/ the Indian sub-continent are supposed intricate signs. Each and every painted to be the tribal communities consisting rock shelter/cave invariably contains of various tribes such as the Santhal, symbols/intricate/geometric signs. Bhil, Munda, Gond, Kolis, Korku, Saori, It clearly indicates that production of etc. They are widely regarded as the rock art started in this region as early predecessors of both the Aryan and as the Upper Palaeolithic period. It is Dravidian-speaking people. In many parts also observed that production of rock of India especially in the forested hilly art further continued here till the Early regions they have remained completely Historic era. outside the village economy and outside Based on the subject matter and Hindu culture even today. They may not other archaeological evidences such be the earliest Indian Homo sapiens but as Stone Age tools, potsherds, animal they have clearly been in India since bones, and ancient rock inscriptions before the Aryan and Dravidian-speaking found in the painted rock shelters, the people. There is nothing to associate Rock art of southern Bihar and Jharkhand the artists with the technically more can be placed into four developmental advanced cultures in early Indian rock stages (Prasad, 2009). The earliest art. The Aryans who eventually dominated phase contains rock art of hunters and north India, where rock art is to be found gatherers roughly corresponding to the now were cattle-raising, chariot-driving, Upper Palaeolithic period dominated by horsemen who practiced agriculture and symbols and intricate/geometric designs. raised cattle, sheep, goats and pigs. The second phase consists of rock art None of this appears in the early rock of hunters and gatherers depicting paintings. On the contrary, the subject hunting and dancing scenes besides matter is exclusively geometric signs, symbols and intricate/geometric designs wild animals, and humans in conflict corresponding to the Mesolithic period. with them (Wakankar and Brooks 1976). The third phase contains rock art of the Many of the early paintings show scenes settled agriculturist and animal keepers of hunts, dances, and shamanistic depicting cattle and other domestic activities still practiced in similar forms animals besides symbols/geometric by tribal communities in many parts of signs corresponding to the Neolithic/ India and particularly Bihar, Jharkhand, Chalcolithic period. The fourth phase and Odisha in eastern India. As such, it pertains to the rock art of the early historic appears nearly certain that the producers era depicting various human activities of rock art were the ancestors of the connected with their religious, social, and tribal communities living in the remote economic activities by the indigenous forested hills mostly cut off from the main communities as well as outsiders such as stream.

317 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

It appears that in this rock art region, decoration and doodling. However, it during the later phases of the Mesolithic/ seems reasonable to comclude that no early Neolithic period the rock shelters/ single explanation can suffice to explain caves located deep inside the dense the multitudinous forms of Palaeolithic forest at higher terrain were gradually art. Different factors probably lay behind abandoned by the ancestors of the local different forms of art in different caves/ tribal communities being unsuitable rock shelters, different localities and so for farming and cattle-rearing. They on (Ucko 1967). In addition to a single moved down towards comparatively primary motivational factor there most open uplands which were more suitable probably might be some other factors for farming as well as upkeep of their also contributing towards the creation of domestic animals in terms of availability rock art. of water, food, habitat and also safety In case of eastern Indian rock art from the wild animals. The present tribal and particularly southern Bihar and villages nearest to the rock shelters/ Jharkhand, it appears to be primarily caves containing Neolithic/Chalcolithic shamanistic and its main purpose seems paintings are located within about one to send messages or to communicate with and half to three km (Prasad 2012). the spirit world. In this regard, rock art of Though the local tribes presently do not this region has a striking resemblance make paintings on the walls/ceilings of with the Shamanistic art of the San rock shelters/caves they have continued people of Southern Africa. Lewis-Williams the tradition of making similar types of interpreted the San art as the telltale paintings on the walls of their houses on signs of shamanistic art – the images important occasions especially during a from a mind in a state of hallucination. He marriage in the family. realized that the images of San art were not simpleminded presentations of San 2.. Why rock art was produced: message, life, as Western anthologists had long communication, commemoration, assumed. Instead, they were the product memorization? What did it intend to of shamans in a state of trance: the images convey: What is its content? were a connection with the shamanistic Life of early man must be extremely spirit world and were depictions of what precarious, difficult, risky and hazardous. the shaman saw during his hallucination. Under such conditions he would not This is also applicable to a great extent have devoted so much time and effort to the aboriginal Santhal tribe and other unnecessarily in producing rock art tribal communities of eastern India. The just to embellish the rock surfaces. He male Shaman, locally called Bhagat and must have done it with some purpose. the female counterpart Bhaktini played an Scholars such as Ed Lartet, M. Boule, extremely important role in the religious, Salomon Reinach, Henri Breuil, Andre social and economic matters of the tribal Leroi-Gourhan, Iegor Reznikoff, Michel communities of Bihar and Jharkhand as Dauvois, Margaret Conkey, Alexander well as those of Odisha. They still exercise Marshack, Robert Laden, Lewis- considerable influence in such matters. Williams, Michel Lorblanchet, V.S. Wakankar, etc. have come up with their What is the content of rock art? own interpretations. Various suggested In India as well as abroad, predominance motives for producing rock art include of either animal figures or human figures hunting magic, religion, shamanism, or an equal proportion of both is observed totemism, sexual significance, fertility in rock paintings. However, in the case of rites, communication, commemoration, eastern India, and particularly southern ceremonial symbols, calendrial devices, Bihar and the adjoining Jharkhand,

318 Rock Art of Southern Bihar and Adjoining Jharkhand in Eastern India: “When, Why and to Whom?”

there is an obvious predominance of the intricate/geometric designs right from the Upper Palaeolithic/Mesolithic period down to the Early Medieval era (Prasad A.K. 2006). These are found in considerable numbers in each and every painted rock shelter/cave in the Nawada, Jamui, Nalanda, and Gaya districts in southern Bihar and the adjoining district of Giridih and Kodarma in Jharkhand (Fig. 2). These symbols include variations/combinations of circles, squares, rectangles, wheel, cross, etc. The geometric signs consist of grids, zigzags, dots, chevrons, curves triangles, and rectangles while intricate designs comprise of rhombic meanders, concentric circles, spirals and their variants covering large spaces on the wall/ceiling of the rock shelters/caves (Fig. 3). Similar is the case with the neighbouring Hazaribagh and Chatra districts in Jharkhand. Here too the most eye-striking features of the paintings are Fig. 2: Chart showing some of the symbols/intricate/ the overwhelmingly geometric patterns geometric signs from the rock art of southern Bihar and with intricate designs of many variations adjoining Jharkhand (Neumayer 1994-95). In Odisha too the subject-matter is by and large non- figurative and non-thematic (Pradhan

Fig. 3: Large number of symbols, intricate/Geometric signs in Rock shelter XI.B.1.

319 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

2001). In this aspect the rock art of wise to accept the probable limits of our southern Bihar, Jharkhand, and Odisha understanding (Leakey 1996). differs from the cave art of Europe which Contents of prehistoric rock art, is mainly zoomorphic, and the rock art especially the symbols, and geometric of Spanish-Levant, South Africa, and signs/intricate designs were drawn Central India which have an almost equal with some purpose, had some definite percentage of human and animal figures. meaning to the person who made them Next in order after symbols and and other members of the group/society geometric/intricate signs come the of which he formed a part. It is also humans who are depicted hunting, quite possible that far back in prehistory dancing or standing on/around animals signs and symbols originated as random in victorious postures. Hunting scenes marks without any phonetic value, or are mostly ritualistic. Anthropomorphs/ similarity with any specific object, just wizards are also frequently depicted like the Arabian tribal symbols or wusum. with upraised arms, widespread legs, The wusum are not signs and their and extremely long phalluses. Next in interpretations are not meanings, but number are animals, birds, plants, and they represent certain social groups or insects. Ancient rock inscriptions in tribes. It was a system of representing Kharoshti, Kharoshti-Brahmi, Brahmi and names without using a proper writing Shankh also found important place in the system. Thus, through usual marks the historical paintings of southern Bihar and messages were understood (Khan 2007). the adjoining Jharkhand. Rock art was There are some common symbols/ produced with some purpose and not just geometric patterns in rock art sited in to embellish the rock surface. As rightly different parts of the world, but they put by Prof. Anati, it contains messages may not be carrying the same meaning that could be read thousands of years everywhere. We may not fully agree with ago. The messages are still there. Rock art Christine Pellech’s claim that the circles is “Writing Before Writing.” It is interesting and spiral motifs could be proved from to note that the rock art sites are also the Neolithic till the present all over the locally known in Odisha in eastern India world as the meaning of these symbols as “Lekhamoda” meaning rock shelter was constant throughout a period of with writing. The peculiar character of around 15,000 years (Pellech 2001). the art of non-literate peoples, and in David Lewis Williams says of prehistoric particular of rock art, is that of being an art ‘Meaning is always culturally bound’. assemblage of chronicles that have a Artistic expression may form an enigmatic tremendous role in its totality as the most thread in the intricate weave of the durable, comprehensive, first hand source cultural fabric of the society. Mythology, of history of pre-literate human kind. music and dance are also part of that Picture – writing is pre-literate writing. It fabric: each thread contributes meaning is testimony of our hidden memory and to the whole, but by themselves they are research will make this memory emerge necessarily incomplete (Lewis-Williams et again. They have to be read and decoded al. 1998). Even if we were to witness a (Emmanuel 2013). However, living in slice of Upper Paleolithic life in which the present society with an entirely different cave paintings played their role, would we environment and life-style, it would be understand the meaning as a whole? extremely difficult for us to know the meaning of such messages. The ancient The task of securing correct meanings images we have today are fragments of of the symbols and intricate/geometric an ancient story, and although the urge signs may require a very extensive to know what they mean is great, it is investigation. We would be lucky if

320 Rock Art of Southern Bihar and Adjoining Jharkhand in Eastern India: “When, Why and to Whom?”

we come across some of them which of eastern India and especially southern continued to be used by later generations Bihar and Jharkhand. There is also till recently or being used even now by frequent depiction of wizards, snakes, and some tribal/local communities. We may various ritualistic scenes in the rock art of also get some clue of those symbols/ this region. Another very unique feature geometric signs about which some is that only one rock shelter cave out of epigraphic or pictorial information is the entire cluster containing several rock available or if there are communities still shelters/caves was selected for making practicing them. It was very encouraging paintings. This specially selected painted to find pictorial-cum-epigraphic as well as rock shelter/cave was most probably some ethnographical evidences, which considered a sacred place – a “temple” enabled me to understand the meaning or a “community hall” for performing of at least three symbols/geometric ritualistic and other important group signs frequently found in the rock art activities. To a great extent this pattern is of southern Bihar and the adjoining also observed in the rock art of Odisha. Jharkhand. The symbols/geometric signs Although there exists a large number of include a circle with six spokes having dots rock shelters, rock art is found in only in the space between the spokes, a cross a few of them. It is interesting to note inside a set of two concentric circles, and that the rock art sites are locally known a grid (Prasad 2014). A rare Kharoshti here either as Lekhamoda meaning rock rock inscription in Rock shelter II.A.2 shelter with writing or Ushakuthi meaning (deciphered as “Naha Saga Aminashena worship hall/ ritual chamber (Usha = madhatre”) datable to the 2nd century worship or ritual and Kuthi = hall or CE reveals that the symbol consisting of a chamber) or Ushakupa (Usha = worship circle with spokes and dots (in the space and kupa = cavity) meaning ritual cavity between the spokes) was used in rituals (Pradhan 2001). meant for harming enemies. Another All these unique features indicate that rock inscription in Kharoshti-Brahmi rock art of eastern India and especially (deciphered as “Sri-vrata”) datable to the southern Bihar and Jharkhand is primarily 2nd Century CE provides a clue that a shamanistic. Here the messages were cross inside a set of two concentric circles addressed to the spirit through the found in Rock Shelter III.A.2 was used shamans. When asked about the creators in rituals for gaining prosperity/fortune of rock art, some of the local tribal replied (Mukherjee 1997). I was also given a that it might have been made by the spirits. very interesting and detailed account It is very interesting to find that rock art of a ritual by a Santhal named Kalesar of this region is so similar to the rock art Kisku, in which grids are still drawn on the of the San tribe in Southern Africa. Lewis- ground by the local shamans (Bhagats) Williams interpreted the San art as telltale to find missing objects in some tribal signs of shamanistic art- the images from communities (Prasad 2007). a mind in the state of hallucination. He came to realize that the images were 3. To whom was the message addressed: not simpleminded presentations of San Human beings, ancestors, gods, nature? life, as Western anthologists had long What kind of communication was assumed. Instead, they were the product produced by the rock art? What did their of shamans in a state of trance: the images makers expected to obtain as result of were a connection with a shamanistic producing rock art? spirit world and were depictions of what As mentioned earlier there is the shaman saw during his hallucination overwhelming predominance of symbols, (Lewis- Williams 1988). He was also intricate/geometric signs in the rock art given description of some of the now-

321 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra vanished shamanistic rituals by an elderly stage, the subject sees geometric forms, daughter of a shaman who is very similar such as grids, zigzags, dots, spirals, and to the one still being practiced in the curves. These images, six forms in all, tribal communities inhabiting the rock art are shimmering, incandescent, mercurial region of southern Bihar and Jharkhand. and powerful. They are called entoptic In the San community shamans (“within vision”) images, because used to induce trance in themselves by they are protected by the basic neural various techniques, including drugs and architecture of the brain. “Because they hyperventilation. The state of trance derive from the human nervous system, was invariably accompanied by rhythmic all the people who enter certain altered singing, and dancing and clapping by state of consciousness, no matter what groups of women. As the trance deepened, their cultural background, are liable to the shamans would begin to tremble, their perceive them.” In the second stage of arms and bodies vigorously vibrating. trance, people begin to see these images While visiting the spirit world, the shaman as real objects. Curves may be construed often “dies” bending over as if in pain. The as hills in a landscape, chevrons as eland is a potent force in San mythology, weapons, and so on. The nature of and the shaman may use blood from cuts what the individual sees depends on in the neck and throat of the animal to the individual’s cultural experience and infuse potency into someone by rubbing it concerns. The passage from the second to into cuts on the person’s neck and throat. the third stage of the hallucination is often Later, the shaman often uses some of accompanied by a sensation of traversing the same blood while painting a record through a vortex or rotating tunnel, and of his hallucinatory contact with the spirit full-blown image-some commonplace, world. The images have a potency of their and some extraordinary-may be seen. own, derived from the context in which One type of important image during his they were painted. And the old woman stage is of human/animal chimera, or told Lewis-Williams that some of the therianthropes- an intriguing component power could be acquired by placing one’s of Upper Palaeolithic art. hand on them. Shamans often perceive The therianthropes, common in the their hallucinations as emerging from shamanistic San art also find important rock surfaces: “They see the images as place in the rock paintings of southern having been put there by the spirits, and Bihar and the adjoining Jharkhand (Rock in painting them, the shamans say they shelters/Caves – I.A.8., II.A.3., II.D.2., are simply touching and making what IX.A.1., XI.C.1.,XI.B.1 etc.). Besides already exists,” Lewis-Williams explains. repeated depictions of therianthropes the “The first depictions were therefore not entoptic images of stage one hallucination representational images, but were fixed are also present in San art as well as in images of another world.” The rock the rock art of the aboriginal Santhal tribe surface itself, is an interface between of southern Bihar and Jharkhand, which the real world and the spirit world – a may be taken as objective evidence that passageway between the two. It is more their art is shamanistic (Fig. 4). And the than a medium for the images; it is an same images are to be seen in Upper essential part of the images and the ritual Palaeolithic art sometimes superimposed that went on there (Lewis-Williams 1988). on animals, sometimes in isolation. According to the psychological literature In combination with the presence of that Lewis-Williams surveyed, there are enigmatic therianthropes, they are strong three stages of hallucinations, each one evidence that at least some of the Upper deeper and more complex. In the first Palaeolithic art is indeed shamanistic. These therianthropes were once

322 Rock Art of Southern Bihar and Adjoining Jharkhand in Eastern India: “When, Why and to Whom?”

Fig. 4: Therianthrope amidst geometric signs depicted in Cave I.A.8.

dismissed as the product of “a primitive their female counterparts (“Bhagtinis)” mentality (that) failed to establish still perform rituals in a similar manner. definitive boundaries between humans The only difference is that here a musical and animals,” as John Halverson put it. instrument, locally called Dhole is played If, instead, they are images experienced on such occasions and the locally in a trance, they are as real to the Upper available young he-goats or cocks are Palaeolithic painter as horses and bison. sacrificed instead of eland during various The evidences mentioned above rituals performed in order to ward off suggest the rock art of eastern India, calamities, getting relief from diseases, particularly southern Bihar and the securing better yields in farming, etc. The adjoining Jharkhand is primarily shamans from local tribal villages can shamanistic. The message was addressed still be seen performing rituals on some to the spirit. The shamans in a state of important occasions at certain locations trance intended to communicate with the such as in front of painted rock shelters spirit world in order to acquire success engraved boulders or open air village in the forthcoming hunts/other group “temples”. I came to know such rituals activities. There are striking similarities being performed regularly at Domani between the above mentioned rituals of pani near Rajabar (where figures of cattle the San tribe of southern Africa and that including humped bulls are engraved on of the Santhal tribe of the southern Bihar the sloping surface of a granite hillock) in and the adjoining Jharkhand in eastern Kodarma district and at Kohabarwa near India. The shamans (“Bhagats”) and Ranigadar (in front of Rock shelter III.A.1 containing a panel of a village settlement

323 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Fig. 5: A female shaman (Bhaktini) in trance performing a ritual in front of an open air “temple” of a Jharkhand tribal village

besides other images) in Nawada district the present local tribal communities provide as well as in front of an “open air temple” strong evidence that the rock art of this region outside a tribal village in Giridih district is primarily shamanistic. In this regard rock art (Fig. 5). of this region resembles the art of the San tribe of southern Africa to a great extent. It appears Conclusion that at least the early rock art was a product of Rock art of eastern India particularly southern shamans in a state of trance. The images were Bihar and the adjoining Jharkhand is very a connection with a shamanistic spirit world and important and unique in many aspects. It has were depictions of what the shaman saw during distinct thematic, motivational and stylistic his hallucination. The communication with the traits which distinguish it from other Indian spirit world was sought to acquire potency and rock art regions. A closer examination of success in the forthcoming hunts/other group its content, style, superimposition, state of activities. Nowhere else in India, and may be preservation and other features indicate in the whole world is shamanistic rock art as that the earliest rock art was produced here conspicuous as observed in eastern India during the Upper Palaeolithic period by hunter- and especially southern Bihar and Jharkhand. gathers, most probably by the ancestors of the Shamanistic rock art is very different from present aboriginal Santhal tribe of this region. Western art in execution and its construal. The tradition of producing rock art continued Through it we may look at Upper Palaeolithic right from the Upper Palaeolithic period down art in new ways. to the Early Historic era. Like other places rock art in this region was also produced with some References purpose and conveyed messages which were Anati, Emmanuel 2013. XXV Valcamonica understood then and can be decoded now. Symposium 2013 Papers. Art as a source of Though a very difficult and challenging task, it History. Centro Camuno di Study Preistorici, can be achieved to a great extent with intensive Capo di Ponte, Italy, p. 28. Bednarik, R.G. 1991. Asian Palaeoart and investigations. As mentioned earlier I have Eurocentric Science, Purakala 2: 71. been able to decode three symbols/geometric Leakey, Richard 1996. The Language of Art. The signs frequently found in rock art of this region. Origin of Humankind. Phoenix, a division of Predominance of symbols, intricate/geometric Orion Books Ltd, London, pp. 113-17. signs, selection of only one rock shelter/cave Lewis-Williams, J. David and Tomas A. Dowson for painting out of several rock shelters /caves 1988. The Signs of All Times, Current available in a cluster, frequent depiction of Anthropology 29(1988): 202-45. therianthropes/wizards, ritualistic scenes, and Mukherjee, B.N. 1997. Discovery of Kharoshti continued shamanistic practices prevalent in and Kharosti-Brahmi Inscriptions in Bihar.

324 Rock Art of Southern Bihar and Adjoining Jharkhand in Eastern India: “When, Why and to Whom?”

Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXIX, Prasad, A.K. 2012. Beginning of Cattle Domestication No. 3-4, pp. 5-8. in southern Bihar and adjoining Jharkhand: Neumayer, Erwin 1993. The Rock Pictures of Early Perspective of Rock Art and Archaeology. Hunters and Gatherers. Lines on Stone- Purakala 22: 67-68. The Prehistoric Rock Art of India. Manohar Prasad, A.K. 2013. Interpreting some Symbols, Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, p. Intricate Designs and Geometric Signs in 43. the Rock Art of southern Bihar and adjoining Prasad, A.K. 2003-4. Important Discovery of Jharkhand in eastern India, Art as a Source Prehistoric Rock Paintings, Ancient of History (Emmanuel Anati Ed.). Centro Inscriptions and Stone Age Tools in South Camuno di Study Preistorici,Capo di Ponte, Bihar and adjoining Jharkhand, Puratattva Italy, pp. 359-365. 34: 68-90. Prasad, A.K. 2009. Important Discovery of Buddhist Prasad, A.K. 2012. Palaeolithic Context of the Giriak- antiquities In the Plaeolithic caves of Rajgir-Jethian Hills/Valleys, Puratattva 42: Magadha and adjoining Jharkhand, in The 104. Ocean of Buddhist Wisdom, S.P. Sharma Prasad, A.K. 2014. Distinct Dominant Traits in and B. Labh (Eds.) New Bharatiya Book the Rock Art of Eastern India with Special Corporation, Delhi, pp. 244-250. Reference to the Rock Art of Southern Pradhan, S. 2001. Rock Art in Orissa, Aryan Books Bihar and adjoining Jharkhand, in Rock Art International, New Delhi. Studies: Concept, Methodology, Context, Sankalia, H.D. 1974. Lower Palaeolithic Cultures. Documentation and Conservation (Volume Prehistory and Protohistory of India and 1), B.L. Malla (Ed.) Indira Gandhi National Pakistan. Deccan College Post-Graduate Centre for the Arts and Aryan Books and Research Institute: Poona. International, New Delhi, pp. 117-134. Wakankar, V.S. and Robert R.R. Brooks 1976. Prasad, A.K. 2009. Continuum in the Rock Art of Why Did They Paint? Stone Age Painting in Eastern India, in Asian Perspectives on India, D.B. Taraporevala Sons & Company, Human Evolution, A.R. Sankhyan (Ed.) Bombay, pp. 61-84. Serials Publications, New Delhi, pp. 236- 241. Prasad, A.K. 2006. Rock Art in the Chotanagpur Hills: Regional Features. Purakala 16: 62- 63.

325 XUANZANG’S ROUTE THROUGH CENTRAL INDIA AS DESCRIBED BY ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM IN 1871 IN THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA, BUDDHIST PERIOD Pallavee Gokhale D2 Nirant Colony, Kothari Blocks, Bibwewadi, Pune 411037 [email protected]

Abstract Chinese traveller Xuanzang (Hwen Thsang) visited India in the 7th century CE and wrote a detailed account of his roughly 15 year long journey in the form of travel logs. Alexander Cunningham made use of his and other historic accounts to understand the ancient geography of the region. The descriptive and detailed nature of these writings helped in a detailed survey of the region. He surveyed the places mentioned by Hwen Thsang throughout the subcontinent, and in 1871 and published a book titled ‘The Ancient Geography Of India, Buddhist Period’. According to him, Hwen Thsang entered Central India from Thanesar in the latter half of 635 CE. He took the route in the Ganga plains and reached Paundra Vardhan in the beginning of 639 CE. Thereafter he visited Eastern, Southern, and Western India and entered Central India via Bharuch. After visiting Maheshwarpura in mid-641 CE, he returned to Saurashtra, and subsequently to Baluchistan via Kutchh. A poster map tracing this route in the Central Indian region by identifying the correct locations within the present context was presented during the Professor V.N. Misra Felicitation Seminar organised by ISPQS and the Deccan College in August 2015. It was accomplished by overlays of remotely sensed imagery, online maps, GIS data and then cross referencing those back to multiple sources including ancient and contemporary texts.

Introduction Hwen Thsang probably from the preceding ‘The Geography of Ancient India’ was described Chinese emperors. Out of these, the current mainly by using textual sources of Greek/ mapping scope was limited to the central European and Chinese origin. Hwen Thsang, region. It mainly comprised of the Gangetic the Chinese traveller who visited India for about basin from Thanesar to the mouth of the river, 14-15 years, wrote detailed travel accounts and and from the Himalayan foothills to the banks it is one of the important sources to understand of Narmada and Mahanadi. India’s ancient history, geography and overall landscape. He covered the entire subcontinent, Methodology visiting numerous places and kept a detailed Almost half of the main districts or kingdoms account of the entire journey. Alexander of that time were in the densely populated and Cunningham was one of the first scholars who fertile region of Central India. Hwen Thsang analysed and compiled works of these ancient visited all of those during the course of his travel. travellers visiting India at different times with Mapping was attempted in open source varied aims. This resulted in a clearer picture GIS application by integrating multiple sources of India’s overall geography and provided a for the appropriate identification of the places as good idea of contemporary regions. As per described by Cunningham. The ruins described Cunningham, Hwen Thsang began his venture by Hwen Thsang, their tentative distance in the Indian subcontinent around the middle from the previous place, relative location with of 629 CE and returned around the middle of respect to known towns, rivers, mountains, 644 CE. etc. made this research a multi-resourced project. It was achieved by overlaying present Aim district boundaries, major towns, topography, The aim of the present work was to identify and drainage systems and combining it with and map the exact location of places visited by online open access satellite imagery data from Hwen Thsang as described by himself and later multiple vendors. interpreted by Cunningham in his book ‘The Ancient Geography Of India, Buddhist Period’. In addition to this, the etymology of many It was said that more than eighty kingdoms town names as analysed by Cunningham was existed within five major divisions at that time. very useful. Few such examples which can be That system of five divisions was adopted by quoted are:

Gokhale 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 326-329, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Xuanzang’s Route through Central India as described by Alexander Cunningham in 1871

The name of Thanesar or Sthaneshwar of 639 CE. He visited many neighbouring was said to be derived either from the Sthana places such as Giryek and Vihar. During his or abode of Ishwara or Mahadeva, or from the time in Nalanda, he learnt Sanskrit which later conjunction of his names of Sthanu and Ishwara helped him translate Buddhist texts from Pali or from Sthanu and Sar, a “lake” (Cunningham to Chinese. 1871: 331). He later travelled to Paundra Vardhan The Sanskrit name of the country was and then to the eastern and southern parts Srughna which in spoken dialect becomes of the country, he entered Central India once Sughana and Sugh, as it is presently called more via Bharuch by little after the middle of (Cunningham, pg. 345). 640 CE. He traversed Valabhi, Saurashtra and Hwen Thsang entered Central India at then arrived at Ujjain. The descriptions of his Sthaneshwar i.e. Thanesar towards the end travel here after are complicated and difficult to of 635 CE. He travelled extensively through trace. However it is suggested that he returned the Gangetic plains and visited many places to Maheshwar from Khajuraho during the first such as Ahichchhatra, Sankisha, Ayodhya, and half of 641 CE. He returned to Saurashtra and Prayag. His journey in this part of the country then subsequently to Baluchistan. The latter was of specific importance from a historical part of his journey was quite confusing and the point of view since he mentioned contemporary descriptions did not allow scholars to trace his evidences such as remains of stupas, temples, route in sequence. pillars, etc. which form a part of Buddhist religious history. Challenges There were multiple levels of identification due Hwen Thsang reached Nalanda (Fig. 1) to a wide gap of time. Hwen Thsang described sometime during the first half of 637 CE and it as it was during 7th century CE. Even at that continued his later journey only by the beginning

Fig. 1: Route to and around Nalanda

327 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Fig. 2: Multiple identifications of Kapilvastu and Ramgram

Fig. 3: River Aumi – Identified as older course of river Rapti in India

Fig. 4: Mapping in QGIS

328 Xuanzang’s Route through Central India as described by Alexander Cunningham in 1871 time he gave references of the Buddhist period Summary in his descriptions. A comparative analysis The main challenge in this work as mentioned of his writings with other texts was done by earlier, was the exact identification of places Cunningham in 1871. However, Cunningham’s using publicly available digital data online aim was to understand and describe the without any actual visit. It was interesting to Geography of Buddhist period and not that see how the names of places changed over a of Hwen Thsang’s time. Since 1871 till date, period of time but if searched and analysed there have been considerable changes in the thoroughly, they still possess traces to the political geography of India including rural and original one. They sustained this trace either urban development. As a result the landuse- due to traditional or cultural continuity or the landcover pattern has completely changed. geographic characteristic. These have impacted the identity of many The open source GIS application places, their names, their surroundings and the called QGIS (Fig. 4) was used for this exercise. overall look of the area. The application of data overlaying was very In some cases, the textual descriptions of useful and is a ‘must have’ for such projects. places did not conform to the ground surveys In addition to this, the map compilations and undertaken by Cunningham. He handled such functionalities were good, and high resolution, situations by identifying probable errors in multicoloured maps with essential attributes the direction and distance mentioned by the could be created. Chinese traveller. e.g Piloshana being identified as Atranjikhera or Soron. Further work The initial descriptions written by Hwen Thsang, Hwen Thsang mentions visits to Shravasti, their later translations, alterations over a Kapilvastu, and Kushinara. Some places of period of time, interpretation by Cunningham, Buddhist historicity were also claimed to be and then finally the author’s ability to interpret, in Nepal, so those were also identified on the correlate, and identify the place has taken a map (Fig. 2). Identifying river Aumi, places small step to reconstruct the past in the open called Ayuto, Ramgram, Nagara/Kapilvastu, source digital environment. The further aim is Kukkutpad, Hayamukha, and provinces of to map Hwen Thsang’s entire journey in India Gurjara and Valabhi posed challenging to using the same techniques and to elaborate exactly indentify against the present day more on the process of place identification, its landscape. problems and ways to reachsolutions. Aumi (Fig. 3) was identified as an older course of River Rapti in India, also known References as Anoma/Avami. However, Kapilvastu and Cunningham A. 1871. The Ancient Geography of Ramgram were also present in Nepal so those India, I Buddhist Period, London: Teubner were also identified on the map. and Co., 60, Paternoster Row, accessed online at http://www.archive.org/details/ During his later phase in Central India, cu31924023029485 he travelled towards the northeast, for about QGIS: https://www.qgis.org/en/site/about/ 167 miles from Ujjain till he reached present QGIS plugins: https://plugins.qgis.org/plugins/- Khajuraho. It was mentioned as Jajhoti, but the Bing Imagery accessed online temple remains as described by Hwen Thsang and Arabic travellers confirmed the identity of this place.

329 THE PAST AND THE PRESENT OF THE CRAFT OF POTTERY IN ASSAM Sukanya Sharma, Pankaj Singh and Momi Das Dept. of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati [email protected]

Abstract From the Northeastern part of India and especially from Assam, the only pottery type known is the Neolithic Chord marked pottery from Daojali Hading dated to 2.7±0.3 ka (LD1728) (Sharma and Singh 2017).The ‘Ambari ware’ is the next type known dated to 1030 ± 105 C.E. (TF-1019) (Dhavalikar 1973). But in all these archaeological sites there are no sturdy storage jars or prolific occurrence of a particular design or shape. Pottery found is mostly plain. Colours are different shades of red and black. Medium sized globular pots, 20-30cms in height with a diameter of 15-20cms in the mouth are most common in both the Neolithic, Megalithic and Historical period sites. Another feature of this pottery finds is that they are highly fragmented. The handmade and the wheel made tradition existed parallel but certain points of convergence were also marked. The paper attempts to map the development of the craft of pottery in Assam starting from a known past. This was done by using provenance analysis and by using the theory of utilitarianism. The results of the provenance analysis indicated that starting from a known past both the wheel-made and the handmade tradition have not changed. Technique of manufacture, shape, design have remained almost same for the last 3000 yrs. Why has the craft not evolved? For any tradition to evolve it must be relevant to the community, it has to be continuously recreated and transmitted from one generation to another. Did this fail to happen in Assam as the craft has always co-existed or rather competed with the ‘lignic’ or the bamboo, wood and cane crafts?

Introduction or internally beaded rim, dish-on-stand, basin Potsherds, the most common find in any with a projected beaded rim, blunt-carinated archaeological site provides valuable shoulder and flat base, jar-stand, goblet with information about aesthetic and cognitive an elongated base, beaker, lid with a knob capacities of the makers and the users besides in the interior and cylindrical perforated providing vital chronological information. They jar. Similar information is available for the are cultural identity markers. The Chinese Chalcolithic (3000 BCE to 1500BCE) and also Celadon, the Roman Amphora, the Lapita ware the Neolithic of India. From the Northeastern from the ancient Pacific, the Painter Grey ware part of India and especially from Assam, the (PGW), the Chalcolithic pottery, the Harappan only pottery type known is the Neolithic Chord pottery from India identify particular cultural marked pottery from Daojali Hading dated to period. Particular cultural periods have pottery 2.7±0.3 ka (LD1728), . The ‘Ambari ware’ is the of particular shape and design. For instance, next type dated to 1030±105 CE (TF-1019). the Naqada period pottery from Egypt dated But in all these archaeological sites there are to 4000 BCE-3000 BCE has particular designs no sturdy storage jars or prolific occurrence of like the black top pottery, cross-lines pottery a particular design or shape. Pottery found is etc. Likewise the PGW culture in India is mostly plain. Colours are different shades of distinguished by pottery with black paintings red and black. Medium sized globular pots, 20- over the grey ware. The most striking pottery 30cms in height with a diameter of 15-20cms of the Harappa (4000 BCE-1500 BCE) is a in the mouth are most common in both the heavy sturdy ware of superior fabric, pink or Neolithic and the post-neolithic period. The red in colour in the section and on surface. The Daojali Hading pottery was handmade. Though characteristic Harappan types found in the red wheel has been used for manufacturing the ware include the small jar with a small neck, Ambari pottery and the pottery from other beaded rim, globular body and footed base, historical sites of Assam like Sri Surya Pahar, jar with a beaded rim and bulbous body, large Bamuni Hills etc. shape, size and design has storage-jar with thick walls and a Lat rim, small remained the same for the almost the last jar with a flaring rim, dish with a projected rim 3000 yrs. Why has the craft not evolved? and carinated shoulder, a dish with an incurved

Sharma et al. 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 330-342, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 The Past and the Present of the Craft of Pottery in Assam

The paper structure The larger grains are fractured and contain The paper begins by looking at the provenance deposition of ferruginous materials within of the pottery of Assam from different periods the fractures. Numerous rounded to irregular for tracing the development of pottery making deposit are seen and this have a prominent rim technique through the ages. surrounding them. Next, for understanding the evolution In comparison to the handmade Daojali of the craft an ethnographic documentation Hading pottery clay is well levigated in the of the contemporary potter’s community was modern handmade Hira pottery and it gave a undertaken. Using the utilitarian perspective Standard deviation hardness value (HV) (500 the relevance of the craft in the present context gf. Load) of 40.89. Minerals identified in the was quantitatively calculated. Hira clay, using the same techniques are Quartz, Kaolinite, Goethite, Hematite Biotite, Rutile and Provenance of the pottery of Assam from Orthoclase. The modern Hira potters too fire different periods the pots in oxidizing condition. Presence of the The earliest handmade pottery in Assam same type of minerals in the neoltihic Daojali is known from the Neolithic site of Daojali Hading clay and the modern Hira clay means Hading and is dated to 2.7±0.3 ka (LD1728) that the clay used by potters of both the periods that is it is two thousand seven hundred years is same. But the technique of processing the old. The clay is not well levigated in the Daojali clay has improved as is understood from Hading pottery and it showed a Standard the description of the thin section matrices deviation hardness value (HV) (500 gf. Load) of Daojali Hading Neolithic pottery and the of 23.99. Minerals identified by XRD, FTIR and modern Hira handmade pots (Fig. 1). Raman Spectroscopy in the Daojali Hading clay In the Daojali Hading pottery the matrix are quartz, kaolinite, goethite, hematite, biotite is formed by large sub rounded and fractured and hornblende. The clay mineral kaolinite quartz grains floating in a matrix which is is detected in all pottery samples in good composed irregularly and is distributed in amounts which indicate that firing temperature reddish and opaque materials. Mineralogically would have not been exceeded 700 °C. Also, the larger fragments are composed of a this is confirmed by the presence of hematite mixture of fine quartz and clayey materials and anatase in the Neolithic pottery samples. indicating that these particles are derived The presence of hematite also confirmed that from preexisting rock fragments. Whereas, the all potsherds are fired in oxidizing atmosphere. The earliest date of wheel made pottery tradition in Assam comes from Ambari, Guwahati. The material dated was charcoal from the Historical Levels Trench AGXI-2161; layer 3; depth 1.2m The date is 1030±105 A.D (TF-1019). Pottery types reported from the dated layer were kaolin white; (ii) buff; (iii) red; (iv) grey and (v) dark grey to black ware. Minerals identified in the Ambari pottery are Quartz, Kaolinite, Goethite, hematite, biotite, hornblende, orthoclase, K-feldspars (microcline/orthoclase). The matrix shows reddish color and is composed of a fine siliceous matrix together with appreciable amount of sub angular to rounded coarse siliceous quartz particles. Fig. 1: Photomicrograph of Daojali Hading

331 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra matrix of the modern Hira pottery is composed will be undertaken, paid attention to, invested of fine grain micaceous material. There are in, and used. Such decisions occur as a stricks of carbonaceous materials at some consequence of the circumstances and values places. There is a reddish irregular deposit, of a society at any particular time. In the case of few irregular squarish colorless grains with a Assam we see that in no particular time there cloudy appearance which might be weathered was any pressure on the potter’s community feldspar grains. The firing technique in both to improve or innovate. Most technological the periods is same. Also not much change innovations spread or disappear on the basis is noticed in the design and decoration of the of how people respond to such innovations. pots. In Daojali Hading there are 3 types of For any tradition to evolve it must be relevant pottery Cord-impressed, Stamped Dull-Red, to the community, it has to be continuously Plain Brick-Red ware. The modern day potters recreated and transmitted from one generation no longer make the cord-impressed ware but to another. Did this fail to happen in Assam? the stamped dull red ware and the plain brick- red wares are common even now. Thus, we see The Utilitarian Perspective that the craft has not developed technologically Utilitarianism is a Western theory that has a in the last two thousand and seven hundred history dating back to the late 1700s. It has years. influenced the ethical decision-making in Minerals identified in the clay used by the many facets of our lives including state and Kumar potters, who make the modern wheelturn federal laws as well as professional codes of pottery are Quartz, Kaolinite, Goethite, Hematite ethics. The theory of Utilitarianism states that Biotite, Rutile and Orthoclase. The same set of we try and achieve the greatest good for the minerals were identified in the Ambari pottery greatest number, hence maximising utility/ too. overall happiness. Using this theory an attempt is made to understand did pottery making in The matrix is composed of fine brownish Assam ever achieve maximum utility. micaceous material with extensive deposition of black carbonaceous materials. There is minor A documentation to record the present amount of quartz distributed unevenly over the status of the potters was undertaken in matrix. The firing temperature ranges between three districts of Assam, Kamrup, Nagao and 650° to 950° in oxidizing atmosphere. There Golaghat. The methodology used was ground are no painted wares. reconnaissance. We undertook photographic documentation of the products and the Here, we see in the case of wheel made technique of production. But stress was laid pottery too the same type of clay has been used on structured interviews with the craftsmen approximately one thousand years before. and also other non-practicing members of the Changes are only noticed in the technique of potters community of Assam, the Kumars’s and processing the clay. In the Ambari matrix sub- the Hira’s. The Kumar’s use the wheel to make rounded to rounded quartz grains are visible pottery while the Hira’s make it by hand. while in the modern pottery quartz grains are less but more organic remains are present. In all the villages there were few families Firing temperature ranging between 650° who are practicing the craft. It is clear that to 950° in oxidizing atmosphere is true for individual’s rights and responsibilities are potteries of both the periods. Design and valued over community rights and decoration have remained almost same in all responsibilities. As a result by choice people these years. have opted out from practicing the craft and have adopted other means of occupation. An Understanding Our data on annual income clearly projected Individual inventiveness is essential to that the annual income of the groups, the technological innovation. Social and economic practitioners and the non-practitioners are forces strongly influence what technologies almost same.

332 The Past and the Present of the Craft of Pottery in Assam

Fig. 2: A questionnaire for potters

There is demand in the market for Utility? their items but they are not able to meet the Bentham proposed the principle of utility, which demands. We used a questionnaire (Fig. 2) to states that whenever there is a choice between find out the reasons behind not practicing the several options the ethical choice is the craft. Most of the answers can be summarized one that has the best overall outcome for all as a general loss of interest. That is why even involved. Taking the classical definition of utility though it is profitable they are opting out and from philosophy we can say (Harris (2002) doing white-collar jobs or full time agriculture, utility may be associated with happiness or as daily wage labourers in road construction “preference or desire satisfaction” according to sites, forest dept. etc. We started looking the contemporary definition (p. 121). Classical at it from the perspective of ‘occupational utilitarian theory holds that promoting the mobility’ but deeper questions arose with happiness of others is most important, while field-experience. None of the families from the at the same time promoting the satisfaction both the communities ever considered pottery or happiness of the self. Next is happiness for as their primary occupation and according to the self that has no impact on others. Finally, them it was so in the past too. Though they happiness for the self that decreases the are aware that traditionally they are identified satisfaction of others has the least utility. as potters they have always shared their plate with members of the other caste groups. They A Method for Calculating Utility (Table 1) have never lived in exclusive villages and are Harris (2002) has suggested an approach to primarily depended on agriculture as their main quantifying the utility of an act. In this model occupation. Harris suggests assigning values to, first, the This paper raises a query ‘is the utility of number of persons affected by an act. Second, the craft reducing for the potters community values are assigned to units of utility per and also for the surrounding communities who person. Act 1 is “making pots” and act 2 is not are the buyers’? making pots. Numbers of people affected are

333 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Table 1: A Method for Calculating Utility vacant but local panchayats, municipal boards Action Number of Units of utility Total levy taxes on any use of this property. Thus, people affected per person the potters have to pay legal or illegal taxes for Act 1 extracting the clay. This raises the cost of the Making pots 2 100 200 pots which makes the buyers unhappy and also Act 2 the potter is unhappy. The potter thus attempts Not making 2 100 100 to smuggle/steal the clay by unauthorized pots means to avoid paying taxes.” Source: Harris, C. (2002). Applying moral theories. Based upon the act utilitarianism, one Belmont, CA: Wadsworth would calculate the utility of the potters two choices: (a) smuggling/stealing the clay and 2 groups, the makers and the users. In act 1 saving his or her craft (b) not stealing the clay both the groups are happy and the total score and having his or her craft die. The first step is 200 whereas in act 2 only the makers are is the identification of those affected by the happy while the users are not happy for which decision. Three individuals are immediately the score is 100. identified: Potters, buyers, and the tax collector. Harris (2002) explains the distribution of So, based upon Harris’s (2002) format the units of utility as the amount of happiness that calculations are shown in Table 2. does not affect the happiness of others in a If the potter smuggles the clay, as in Act negative way. In the example above, Act 1 has 1, the act will have high utility for both him and 200 total units of utility, whereas Act 2 has only the buyer. The tax collector will experience low 100 units of utility because Act 2 decreases the utility and even possibly be harmed, to the happiness of others. Consequently, the more degree that he is affected by losing money. ethical choice is Act 1. Act 2 results in minimal happiness and Utilitarian theorists have differentiated utility. between two types of utilitarian theory: act Thus the person using act utilitarianism utilitarianism and rule utilitarianism (Harris would choose Act 1; the potter would be acting 2002). Act utilitarianism is based solely on ethically to smuggle the clay and save his or evaluation of the specific circumstance(s). her craft based upon utilitarian theory and the The above example from Harris is consistent greatest good. with act utilitarianism. The determination of Rule utilitarianism would involve a review the more ethical action is based solely on the of general principles surrounding stealing circumstances of the two acts considered. The because Rule utilitarianism is founded on the outcome has little impact on future ethical decisions. What are the future ethical decisions? An Table 2: Example of Calculation of Utility assumed situation can give the answer. This assumed situation is actually constructed from Action Number affected Units of Total utility empirical data. Act 1: Potters 100 100 “In Assam the craft of pottery making is steal clay Buyers 100 100 dying because the raw material for making the Tax collector 1 1 pots is no longer available. The raw material Total: 201 consists of 2 special varieties of clay. The Act 2: do Potters 1 1 sources of clay are large swamps or foothill not steal Buyers 1 1 clay regions in certain pockets of the state. Some Tax collector 100 100 of this have disappeared due to developmental and pays taxes Total: 102 activities like building constructions, road constructions etc. Some of these areas are still Source: Adapted from Harris, C. (2002). Applying moral theories. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth

334 The Past and the Present of the Craft of Pottery in Assam belief that general rules govern ethical behavior. Jeremy Bentham, one of the main Would most people benefit and experience high proponents of utilitarianism calls “the utility if it is okay to steal when the situation community a fictitiousbody which is composed warrants it? An answer to how rule utilitarianism of the individual persons who are considered would interpret the situation may be found in as constituting as it were its members. state and federal laws, which frequently are What is the interest of the members of based upon utilitarian principles. There are no the Kumar and Hira communities of Assam exceptions to laws against stealing. regarding the fact that pottery is their traditional If people do steal under unique occupation”? circumstances such as those described in the potters dilemma, they may receive reduced Traditional Occupation sentences, but their thefts are still considered When tradition permits a community to practice illegal. Under rule utilitarianism it would be a craft as an occupation in a hereditary manner determined to be unethical to steal the clay. So and when they monopolies the practice of the the ethical decision using rule utilitarianism is craft it becomes their traditional occupation. to choose Act 2, not steal the clay. Baidyanath Saraswati, in his book “Pottery This potters of the Kumar and Hira Making Cultures and Indian Civilisation (1978)” communities of the villages under study is going wrote that a potter is one who adheres to the the ethical way (Act 2) for which they are not able following fourfold criteria of the potter caste: to achieve the greatest good for the greatest 1. claiming pottery as a traditional number. Utility of the craft in philosophical occupation terms have reduced for both the potter and the 2. sharing the tradition of origin in common buyer. Under these circumstances is it proper with all those who hold pottery as their to discontinue practicing the craft? traditional calling Harris (2002), in describing rule 3. being regarded as a member of an utilitarianism, stated: “Rules or actions are endogamous group or a collection of right insofar as they promote utility and wrong an endogamous group following such insofar as they promote disutility” (p. 126). occupation and claiming such origin;

Examining rules and concepts for the potters 4. membership is hereditary, arising from community birth alone, bound by common deities, There are diverse definitions of community in common worship, common observances Anthropology but a precise definition of the and rituals, and governed by the caste term has proved elusive. The best of definitions council of potters. argues, communities as symbolic construct and The Kumar and Hira communities of Assam do a contrastive one; it derives from the situational not share their tradition of origin. They are not perception of a boundary which marks off endogamous groups though membership is one social group from another: awareness hereditary. Membership is hereditary, arising of community depends on consciousness from birth but they are not bound by any of boundary. Hence, communities and their common deities, common worship etc. and boundaries exist essentially not as social- neither they are governed by any caste council structural systems and institutions but as worlds of potters. As they do not adhere to this fourfold of meaning in the minds of their members. criterion questions can be raised about their Relations between members represent not a “potters caste status”. E.A. Gait in 1895 had set of mechanical linkages between working published a note on Manufacture of Pottery in parts so much as ‘repositories of meaning’, Assam in which he calls these two groups as and it is these which come to be expressed “class” and denies the presence of professional as a community’s distinctive social discourse caste groups in Assam in comparison to other (Cohen Anthony1985: 98). parts of India.

335 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Field Data Koltas of Jaunsar Bawar, the Kolitas and the Our field data agreed to what Gait had written. Hiras of Assam, the Halbas of Bastar, and During the course of our fieldwork we have not the Uralis of Kerala are examples” (Saraswati come across a single family who for generations 1978). has subsisted by making and selling pottery There is no definite story about the origin only. Agriculture and fishing have been part of of the “Kumars” in Assam. In context of their their subsistence pattern. origin they mainly use the references in Yajur The Hiras have a compact story of their Veda to Damu Kumar who belonged to a origin in Assam while the Kumars share the community created by Brahma, the creator from story of the origin of the potters caste known his own body. The there is ‘Narahari Kumar’in as “Kumbhara, kumhara, kumor etc.” from rest Adi Jamal. In the Darrang Rajbanshabali of India. written by Suryakhori Daivagya it is mentioned The story of origin of the Hiras mention that while rebuilding the Kamakhya temple, the group as a migratory group from Orissa. King Naranarayan used bricks fried in ghee by the Kumars. In this way we find references of “The clay used by the Hira people for Kumars in different ancient text and chronicles. making pots is known as “Hiramati” after the When did this wheel made pottery tradition name of Hira Devi. As regards the mythological begin in Assam is not known till now? They records there is a story that a pilgrim from Orissa refer to themselves as ‘Kalitas’. In our field named Mahendra Mahapatra came with his study during ‘informal discussions’ they refer family to Kamakhya Temple which dates back to themselves as Kalitas but in the census about 500 to 600 BC. He came along with his documentation they have all mentioned their wife Hira Devi and his two sons. Unfortunately caste as ‘Kumars’. There are also some who Mahendra Mahapatra died at Kamakhya call themselves Koch Kumars. after his visit. Hira faced extreme problems for food, shelter and security after losing her In our field documentation it is clear that husband and she could not even go back to her considering pottery as a tradition, the potters home town for many difficulties. One day she are happy to make it. But it is truer of the walked on the bank of the river Brahmaputra Hira’s or the handmade potters. The Kumars along with her two sons in search of food. She or the wheelmade pottery makers are reluctant observed there bright clay near the river bank to continue it even as a tradition. Both the and collected some amount of clay. She tried to groups are exogamous but the Kumar’s often give some shape with the clay and immediately merge with other caste groups, equivalent to she made small earthen pots with this sticky the Kshatriyas or the Vaishyas and are rarely clay and burned the dry pots. Then she sold it visible as a separate caste group in the villages to neighboring people and thus started to earn surveyed. her livelihood. Her sons also learned this craft This potters do not form a specific and assisted her in the work. From that time “caste group” nor a “class group”. They more their descendants are known as the Hiras and agree to the Anthropo-Philosophical definition they spread throughout Assam.” This is orally of community. They are cultivators as well transmitted and not written in any text. as potters. It was and is practiced side by The Hiras and Kumars of Assam are often side with agriculture, fishing or other modern cited as an example of a comparatively large day occupation. No community in Assam is group of people adopting pottery making as depended completely on pot making in the the primary means of their livelihood. “Often a present and maybe it was also not so in the past. particular caste is engaged in this occupation A large investment of men, material and ideas for a pretty long time and when such instances are often required to develop a new technology. repeatedly occur in different regions with the The social system imposes some restrictions same caste/tribes one begins to associate on investment in technology which might have them with the potters caste more readily. The been the case in Assam in the past and we can

336 The Past and the Present of the Craft of Pottery in Assam

produced during this process (Fig. 4 a, b, c, d, e, f). These are now used for ritualistic purposes like the Kumar pot promoting the utility of the pot. Combination of handmade and wheel made technique for manufacturing large pots or flat dishes is common (Sikdar 2015).

Fig. 3: Handmade pot with concentric Rings also see it in the present. The society allowed the craft to develop to the limit of fulfilling the basic needs only. There is a tradition in Assam of using only wheel turn pottery for ritualistic purposes during Fig. 4a: Flat Base of Hira Pottery weddings. This pottery is identified on the basis of the concentric circles (Fig. 3) on the body of the pot which is produced during the process of shaping it in a wheel. As there is a high demand of the Kumar pot during the wedding season the Hira potters have successfully replicated the Kumar pots “with the concentric circles in the body”. The first step in manufacturing a pot begins by making a flat base approximately 15-20 cm in diameter. This they make by flattening the required portion of the dough between their palms. Then they keep flattening it in a circular fashion till they produce a base similar to a quarter dish. It is dried for about Fig. 4b: Base after coiling is done 12 hours or for a night as told by the potters. Next day they prepare the exact base of the pot they decide to make by using a round pebble and a flat wooden beater. The potter places the round base on the pebble and it is beaten anti- clockwise by the beater. It expands in size. The edges are then lifted up to give it a bowl shape for making the lower part of the pot. After the lower part is done, they make coils of clay and by joining the coils in the lower portion the neck and rim part of the pot is made. After this they use a piece of cloth rag and water to polish the pot and make the surface even. The concentric rings replicating the wheel-made pottery are Fig. 4c: Shape of the pot after 2nd or 3rd coiling

337 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

qualities that one can find in a wheel made one. The surface is even and well-polished. The products can be utilized for cooking, storing of liquids and solids, which is similar to wheel made pottery. These pots are kept on fire, temperature ranging between 600 °c and 1200 °c for 4 hours in average per day for roasting rice cakes, making puff rice, steaming rice etc. Long necked pots traditionally used for storing water are always partially wheel made and partially handmade. The neck is made in the wheel and the body made by hand is attached with it (Fig. 5). With the naked eyes it Fig. 4d : Beating with a beater to raise the sides is difficult to make out the difference between the wheel made Kumar pot and the hand-made Hira pot in the market. They look identical and they also can perform the same task. As a result pots made by the Hira’s or the handmade potters dominate the market. The reason behind the disappearance of the wheel-made pots from the market is that only male members of the community can do it. In the past with agricultural activities or fishing or dairy farming it was possible to continue pottery making also. But in contemporary times with white collar jobs or any business of profit it is difficult to continue pottery making as it is Fig. 4e: Completed pots dabbling with mud for long hours of the day. While for the Hiras it has always been a task done by the females. The males only assist them to collect the raw material or to sell the product in the market. In the households with their cooking and cleaning duties the women folk can easily include pottery making. Also they can do it within the house itself, in the kitchen or in the bedroom.

Fig. 4f: Completed pots

The superiority of the wheel-made pottery is an established fact but now in this case open to questions. From the documentary research Fig. 5: Long necked pot partially that we have done at Alipub Hirapara, it is found made in the wheel and partially that their handmade pottery possesses all the by hand

338 The Past and the Present of the Craft of Pottery in Assam

Here we see that the action of the Hira Pottery traditions in Assam have always potters of preparing replicas of the wheel-made existed parallely with the bamboo and wood Kumar pot by hand is right as it has promoted craft tradition in the past as well as in the utility of the product. Again, as wheel using has present. In modern times and as the literary remained a male job and as pottery making records of the historical period says large size is not there primary occupation, wheel-made bamboo storage baskets, with a diameter of pottery production has reduced. Whereas for 1-2 m) are used for bulk storage. Also wooden/ the handmade Hira potters the women of the bamboo cups, gourd pots are commonly found households consider it important to continue in the households besides the use of plantain with the craft as it brings additional income leaves and stem as vessels. Only for the to the household. During our field-study we storage of liquids and certain types of cooking observed it is well-known to the Kumars that clay pots are used. Shallow bowls with or the Hira potters have replicated their pot for without a rim are used for roasting and shallow high demands in the market but they have frying. Large (diameter of 30 cm or above), no qualms about it. Infact in certain cases medium (diameter of 30cm to 20 cm) and our Kumar informants were grateful that they small (diameter of 15cms or below) globular have done so and kept the tradition alive. The pots with flared rims are used for carrying long-term interest of society is best served and storing water and milk or milk products and therefore, the knowledge is allowed to (Fig. 6). be manipulated and survive. This clearly In contemporary times cooking in these indicates that the tradition unlikely has ever clay pots is always done in low flame. Gradually achieved the greatest good for the greatest the temperature is increased to reach the number and the utility score like the present maximum in the final stage of cooking. Thus, must have been always low providing very less none of these pots from the present context are incentive for change. If the pottery from the sturdy or thick bottomed. Pots used for storing archaeologist context in Assam is seen vis-à-vis drinking water also has medium thickness as the pottery from the rest of India this might be the water sources are usually in the vicinity interpreted as ‘cultural stagnation’ or very slow and these pots only cover a distance of few culture change because of the lack of contact meters with maximum load. Also they have to with other cultural regions. But if we look at be discarded after a period (max. 5 yrs) as due it from the perspective of the ‘lignic’ that is to high humidity in the region there is fungal wood, particularly bamboo becoming the more growth in the body of the pot. Besides, this important material for making many artifacts of there are lamps, shallow dishes, bowls and regular use it projects a different story. cups made of clay. The Lignic Lignic is a term coined by Solheim II in 1969 for a period in Southeast Asian prehistory beginning with the early Hoabinhian, at about 42,000 BP. It is hypothesized that during this period wood/bamboo is the most important material for making tools rather then stone. This theory has not been proven, nor even tested archaeologically (Solheim 1970). Existence of such a stage in the prehistory of Northeast India was hypothetically stated based on the observations made on the contemporary Garo society (Sharma 2007). Using the same hypothesis the low utility of the craft of pottery Fig. 6: Large, Medium, small globular pots and a rimless making can be explained. shallow bowl

339 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

In Daojali Hading the pottery was classified according to the thickness of the wall adopting the following scale: (Sharma 1966) 1. Thin ……….. …..Below 3 mm. 2. Medium ……….. 5-8.9 mm. 3. Thick ………..….Above 9 mm. Accordingly, the pottery can be grouped as under: Sl.No. Class Ware Percentage 1 Thin A1, A2, A3 and D 32.5% 2 Medium A1, A2, A4, A5, A6, 55.0% B1, B2 and C 3 Thick A7 12.5%

The present classification shows that the largest majority of the pottery is of medium thickness. Thick and thin wares are rare. This is true for the Ambari Pottery, the modern Hira and Kumar pottery too. This explains the finding of highly fragmented sherds in the archaeological context. The hardness values of pottery from the Daojali Hading, Ambari and the Kumar and Hira pots of Assam in the Moh’s scale is 3, which is low hardness. Fig. 7: Rim sherds from Daojali Hading From the few rim sherds recovered in the Daojali Hading excavation the shape of the rims are 1) plain-rimmed shallow bowl, 2) short neck and cut-turned lip 3) a flared rim with an cut- turned lip (2) a straight rim with a raised coller and (3) a simple and crudely formed straight rim These sherds are also so small that the shapes of the vessels are not clearly definable from them (Fig. 7). The principal shapes reported from Ambari are 1) globular jars with flaring mouth and short neck, 2) flat based goblets, 3)sharp rimmed cups 4) carinated bowls with rusticated bases 5) dish on stand and 6) horn shaped vessel. The principal shapes found in the Kumar and Hira pottery in contemporary Assam are 1) short necked globular jars with flaring mouth of 3 different sizes and 2) carinated bowls 3) plain rimmed shallow bowls (refer Fig. 6). In all the three context Neolithic, historical Fig. 8: Bamboo replica of a flared rim globular clay pot and modern short necked globular jars, bowls with rim and without rim are common. The

340 The Past and the Present of the Craft of Pottery in Assam globular pot with a flared rim has a bamboo jars. For this, they make a circular boundary version too which is used primarily for collecting of clay or brick. It is circular, rectangular or fish during fishing but can be used for storing oval in shape. In the middle of the circle, they other suitable items too (Fig. 8). keep a hole in local term, called ‘Peghali’ for letting the smoke out. Then straws are placed Conclusion on the surface of the oven and then layers of The local environmental condition seems husk, woods, and dry plants are placed. After to have influenced the development of the this, wares are piled and husk is spread in distinctive character of the craft of pottery in between. Again straws are spread to cover up this region. The sturdy storage jars, the thick the wares. In the last stage, the heap is sealed walled cooking pots are all missing from the with clay or mud. Few holes are made at the archaeological context here together with bottom and in rows and fired. Duration of firing paintings and glazes. Mapping the evolution is varied from one to two days. This is the only of the pottery craft in Assam was important for instance of firing pottery using a kiln in Assam. understanding the technological as well as the The antiquity of this technique is not known socio-economic development of the craft. Few but references of mollass from Dhekial sold technological changes have been marked but in these special long necked pots are found in there have been no fundamental innovation or the oral traditions of Assam tracing back to a invention in its 3000 year (approx.) old history historical past. No evidence of any amount of to bring in effective changes. vitrification is known from the archaeological The most wide-spread explanation in pottery of Assam recovered till date. Maybe this evolutionary biology about the fact that life goes is an innovation which happened after 3000 on but evolution does not happen is stabilising years. selection. It suggests that the advantage for a species which is already well adapted to its References environment will be to avoid changing much. It Cohen Anthony. 1985. The Symbolic Construction of Community, London: Routledge. is a type of natural selection that favours the Dhavalikar, M.K., 1973. Archaeology of Gauhati. average individuals in a population because Bulletin of Deccan College Research changes are disadvantageous. Changes are a Institute Pune XXXI-XXXII: 137-149. drawback and stabilising selection will discard Gait, E.A. 1895 Note on the Manufacture of Pottery deviations from the well-functioning norm. A in Assam. London. Journal of the Indian Art similar situation in the history of the pottery and Industry. craft in Assam can be visualized. Change was Hare, R.M. 1982. Ethical theory and utilitarianism, avoided. In Utilitarianism and beyond, A.K. Sen and B. Williams (Eds.), pp. 23-38). New York: From the modern context one exception Cambridge University Press. to this rule was marked. The Kumars of Dhekial Harris, C.E. 2002. Applying moral theories (4th ed.). village, Golaghat district prepare a clay oven Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. for firing the pottery. This pottery shows initial Leary, Denyse O’ 2015. Stasis: Life Goes On but vitrification, which means it is fired in between Evolution Does Not Happen in Evolution 700-800 °C. News and Views http://www.evolutionnews. org/2015/10/stasis_when_lif100011. Dhekial is especially known for the html jaggery or mollas sold in long necked ‘Dhekial Mill, J.S. 1987. Utilitarianism and other essays. Koloh’ or pot. Dhekial was famous for its good New York: Penguin Putnam. quality jaggery from historical times. In the Rosen, F. 2003. Classical utilitarianism from Hume recent years as the sugarcane plantations to Mill. New York: Routledge. have been converted too tea gardens mollas Saraswati, Baidyanath 1978 Pottery Making manufacturing in the area has come down. Cultures and Indian Civilisation. New Delhi: Otherwise this item was traded all over Abhinav Publications. Northeast India in these long necked globular

341 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Sharma, S. 2007. Celts, Flakes and Bifaces, Oxford. Sikdar, M. 2015. Pottery making tradition among BAR the Prajapati community of Gujarat, India. Sharma, T.C. 1966. Prehistoric Archaeology of Eurasian Journal of Anthropology 6(1): Assam – A Study of Neolithic Cultures. 1-14. Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation: University Solheim W.G II. 1970 Northern Thailand. Asian of London. Perspectives 13: 149-153. Sharma, S. and P. Singh 2017. Luminescence Dating of Neolithic Pottery in Northeast India. Current Science 113(3): 492-496.

342 EARLY CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL FORMATIONS IN SOUTH INDIA: THOUGHTS ON THE PROCESSES, DECONSTRUCTION AND MODELS V. Selvakumar Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur 613010 [email protected] Abstract The idea of archaeological and historical research, in the contemporary sense, was introduced to India mainly due to the colonial system. Apart from archaeology, various other academic disciplines too had their beginnings during the colonial period. Many of these disciplines began working on the history and culture of India, since the colonial system felt that generation of knowledge about India could be useful in its project of subjugating India, although some of the individuals associated with the colonial system would have developed interest in the culture and history of India, simply out of curiosity. Most of the interpretations that are offered on the history of India have been based on the ideas of Aryans, Dravidians and civilizations that were developed during the colonial period. The composition and transformation of population groups in India from the prehistoric to early historical period are very crucial for understanding the developments in Indian history and the processes involved in the development appear to be much more complex than what is conceived or imagined by historians, archaeologists and historical linguists. This paper argues that a major section of the populations of South India perhaps moved into this region from a much earlier period. It also highlights the need for decolonizing the practice of archaeology.

Introduction thought in India and its course (Paddayya The idea of archaeological and historical 1990, 2013; Chakrabarti 1997; Lahiri 2012; research, in the contemporary sense, was Pratap 2014; Guha 2015). The development introduced to India mainly due to the colonial of academic courses as part of education system. Apart from archaeology, various other and training, and the formulation of narrowly academic disciplines too had their beginnings structured syllabi for courses in various during the colonial period. Many of these disciplines related to history and heritage, and disciplines began working on the history and the emergence of archaeology as a discipline culture of India, since the colonial system felt focusing mainly on material culture, much that generation of knowledge about India could distanced from history, literature, epigraphy, be useful in its project of subjugating India, iconography, art and architecture or Indology although some of the individuals associated in the Post-Independence era suggest the with the colonial system would have developed academic, socio-political issues involved in interest (and ‘sympathy’) in the culture the development of academic studies on the and history of India, simply out of curiosity. Indian past. However, the strong impact of the colonial We need to deconstruct and decolonize system in knowledge generation during the certain categories and concepts in the practice colonial period cannot be denied (Said 1978; of archaeology, and to look critically into Inden 1986). The notion behind the discipline the extraneous definitions of culture related of anthropology was largely colonial, and the concepts and unilinear evolutionary models colonial system sought to describe the nature of cultural development (Inden 1986). The of various castes and “tribes” in order to control categories such as culture, civilization, Aryan and manage them for the smooth running of and Dravidian need to be revisited and the its machinery (e.g. Thurston and Rangachari early cultural formations of India have to be 1909). The developments of archaeological critically analysed in the light of archaeological, research in theories and methods, even after linguistic and cultural sources. This paper, a the end of the colonial period, too reflect the preliminary attempt to understand the early remnants of colonial thoughts. Several scholars cultural, historical formations in South India, have extensively worked on the beginnings of, presents a brief outline of certain related ideas, and history of archaeology in India, and have which need further work. I am not delving into analysed the development of archaeological linguistic prehistoric studies on India here, and

Selva Kumar 2017, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 343-350, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra the main objective is to raise certain questions “the original population of agricultural rather than offering explanations or answers. settlers was Dravidian speaking, and that the changes associated with the The Research Problem Jorve period coincided with the arrival Historians and archaeologists working on of immigrants from the north, speaking the early cultures of India have attempted to an Indo-Aryan language. This language correlate the living groups of people and the must have been the ancestor of modern groups mentioned in the ancient texts, which Marathi” (Allchin and Allchin 1982: 352, belong to various linguistic families or regional as cited in Southworth 2004). cultures with the archaeologically identified The Malwa culture is identified to have cultures that are emic monoliths constructed similarities with the Neolithic Cultures of out of material cultural characteristics in Andhra-Karnataka region and Southworth specific space-time contexts. Archaeology has (2006) has argued that: always struggled to explain the appearance of “new” archaeological cultures in a particular “The language of the Rigveda, the oldest site or area, and often migration/diffusion was known form of Indo-Aryan, is dateable considered an important cause of changes in to about 1500 BCE at the earliest. the archaeological cultural sequence, although The proposed identification of Marathi such explanations are no longer accepted. speakers with the Jorve culture would However, to explain the development of imply that speakers of Indo-Aryan had cultures in a particular region, the concept of already entered the Deccan at a time migration and diffusions cannot be completely when the composers of the Rigvedic abandoned. The immense cultural diversity, hymns were still located in the Panjab. and regional variations and local traditions in If this were the case, then the assumed Indian history and culture, and their significance passage of the “outer group” languages for understanding Indian history have been through Sindh would have had to begin highlighted by a few researchers (Subbarao at least several centuries earlier, say by 1958; Kosambi 1965). 1800-1700 BCE, and the earliest stage, represented by the more widely shared Scholars have sought to explain the words discussed... above, would need origin of various groups of Indians, viz., Indo- to be placed in the neighbourhood of Aryan, Austro-Asiatic, and Dravidian language 2100-2000 BCE, implying that “outer speaking people, using linguistic (Witzel group” Indo-Aryan speakers entered the 2009), historical, archaeological, literary, and Indus Valley before the end of the Indus anthropological (Kennedy 2003; Lukacs 2013; Civilization.” Gwen Robbins and Walimbe 2016) (including DNA studies) sources. What was the language There are attempts to correlate the Neolithic of the Harappans? Were they Aryans? Were they Cultures of South India (Allchin 1963; Paddayya Dravidians? Various explanations have been 1973, 2002; Nagaraja Rao 1969) and the offered for the origin of the Harappan, Neolithic, dispersal of Dravidian language speaking Chalcolithic, and Megalithic cultural traditions populations (Fuller 2003a, 2003b, 2007, in India (Allchin and Allchin 1982). The cultural 2009). Boivin et al. 2007 argue that: dynamics and emergence of population groups “Our own findings at Sanganakallu- in the prehistoric and early historic periods Kupgal, where the late Neolithic/early Iron have been very complex, and they are much Age transition is well attested, support beyond our comprehension. I present a few of the model of regional continuity (which comments on the correlation of archaeological might be linked to Dravidian linguistic cultures and certain languages here. Coming to continuity: Fuller 2003a). We see, for the population in Peninsular India, Allchin and example, the gradual development of Allchin have argued that in the Deccan region ceramic fabrics, types and styles, leading (Maharashtra) to the emergence of a new ceramic

344 Early Cultural and Historical Formations in South India: Thoughts on the Processes, Deconstruction and Models

repertoire in the Iron Age. There is no researchers, and archaeological evidence is evidence for any abrupt replacement of searched for such a sequence. When there is one group by another.” discussion about the Neolithic cultures of South Kumar and Reddy (2003) argue that: India, other contemporary cultures are ignored or they are treated (or implied) as “inferior”, “Among the most contentious currently less advanced or primitive. We often notice the debated issues is about the people discussion of the Neolithic culture in a ‘spatial who had settled first in the Indian vacuum,’ ignoring other contemporary cultures, subcontinent. It has been suggested since the structures of monolithic, civilization, that the communities affiliated to the and progressive cultures are deeply embedded. Austro-Asiatic linguistic family are Therefore, a lot of thinking is necessary to perhaps the first to settle in India and the dislodge the established structure of cultural palaeoanthropological evidences suggest sequence and ‘cultures’ (e.g. Harappan) in the earliest settlement probably around archaeological research. One of the options 60,000 years BP. Recent speculations, here would be to think of time-based frame based on both traditional genetic markers of cultures, in the context of the conventional and DNA markers, seem to corroborate unilinear sequence. The cultures or cultural the aforesaid view.” landscapes of the first millennium or third As the views presented above suggest there millennium BCE in India or in the sub-regions have been several attempts to understand have to be analysed within a framework. the movement of people and composition of various groups of people in the early historic Neolithic Revolution and Chalcolithic period of India and to understand the diversity “Superiority” in the make-up of populations of India. The The presence of pottery in agriculture, population diversity caused by regional cultural pastoralism, and the use of metal are traces of variations, migrations, and fusions might have advancement, and more importance generally been the reason for the varna and caste system is given to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic of India. However, archaeologists are reluctant cultures. The obsession with the Neolithic to identify caste and its imprint in archaeology culture as representing a phase of revolution (Boivin 2005), although studies on genetic has forced archaeologists to concentrate oriented anthropology have been obsessed with on this culture, and treat this phase as a identifying castes and regional identities in the landmark. The notions behind the concept of formation of populations of India (Bamshad et Neolithic revolution have undergone much al. 2001). transformation (Dyson and Rowland 2007). The idea of Neolithic revolution cannot be Problems of Unilenar Evolutionary Model universally applied, and the processes of Although the problems associated with the cultural development were much more complex Unilinear Model of evolution in understanding than what was imagined by archaeologists, the development of cultures have been and the notions of metal, agriculture and their criticized, this model is deeply entrenched role were more a result of the perceptions of in the mindset of archaeologists and their archaeologists. The primary issue has been the interpretations (Johnson 2010). Unilinear perception of archaeologists as outsiders (etic) model of development and evolutionary to these realities. The interactions between the ideas may not be very useful tools to explain Mesolithic hunter-gatherers and the Neolithic the developments in cultural arenas, where pastoral groups have to be studied in detail. complex processes were involved. Michel The cultural way of life as hunter-gatherers Foucault has challenged the logic behind the continued in the later cultural periods in South unilinear progressive notion (Bunton and India and it is not necessary that the formation Peterson 1997). The sequence of Mesolithic, of a political establishment took place among Neolithic, and Iron Age is often discussed by the pastoral or agricultural communities alone.

345 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Early Tamil texts have references to the diverse movement of people into South India with the groups of hunter-gatherers, pastoralists, and speakers of the Prakrit language? There was agriculturalists who continued to survive to some movement of Prakrit speakers into South the medieval period with some of the hunters India during the terminal Neolithic phase or in involved in cattle lifting activities (Selvakumar the Iron Age. 2014). The Idea of Strata and Horizontal Stages in Cultural Diversity from the Mesolithic and Cultural Development Post-Mesolithic Periods The idea of layer/stratigraphy is deeply From the survey of the microlith sites in embedded in the minds of archaeologists South India, it appears that the Mesolithic and their perception of cultural development. hunter-gatherer communities were among The model of a cake layer sequence has the most important cultural groups to occupy contributed to the understanding of stages the different ecological niches in South India in ‘cultural evolution.’ Although certain during the early Holocene. These groups uniform patterns can be observed in cultural existed in different regions of Andhra Pradesh, development, these cannot be viewed as Karnataka, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu. Mesolithic ‘concrete stages.’ Cultural developments populations were involved in fishing, hunting followed much more complicated patterns, and gathering and may have also been involved which cannot be reduced to simple stages. in horticultural activities in the hilly areas. The emic identities of Mesolithic, Neolithic, One of the issues concerning the peopling of Chalcolithic and Iron Age cultures and South India has been the abundant existence diverse varieties of groups associated with of megalithic burials in every nook and corner these cultures are not easily discernible of South India. To think that the people of the archaeologically. Considering the references in Neolithic Core of South India proliferated in Tamil literature for early historic contexts, we such a large number, and moved to occupy the could understand the diverse identity labels different parts of South India all of a sudden used for people such as Kaanavar (forest after the Neolithic period is improbable. There people), Paanar and fisher-folk. is a probability that the population and cultural diversity was achieved in South India during Harappan Culture and South India the early and mid Holocene, and the hunter- Most possibly, the cultures that developed gatherers could be mainly responsible for this in South India had no direct, significant diversity. I feel that archaeological evidence for relationship with the Harappan culture, the social complexity of hunter-gatherers has although popular perceptions and early to be searched for on the ground. The hunter- theories associated the Dravidian speakers gatherers were also an important component with the Harappan culture. The cultural diversity of the early South Indian population and some in South India points out that the Dravidian of these groups might have transformed into speakers might have moved into South India pastoral or agricultural groups in the early in the Mesolithic period or even before. Was period. M.L.K. Murty’s work has revealed the Neolithic population represented by evidence for the existence of hunter-gatherers the Dravidian speakers who had adopted along with the pastoral communities (1989), as agro-pastraolism as an adaptation to local V.N. Misra’s work has revealed the existence of environmental context? If at all there was hunter-gatherers in the fringes of the Harappan movement of people, it might have been from realm in Rajasthan (Misra 1973). The Neolithic the Chalcolithic or Later Harappan cultures, culture represented just one group or several perhaps a small group, and so the movement groups of people living in South India. Did the of Harappan population to South India might Late Chalcolithic cultures of Andhra Pradesh not have been significant. represent the movement of people from the northern part of India? Can we relate the early

346 Early Cultural and Historical Formations in South India: Thoughts on the Processes, Deconstruction and Models

Iron Age-Early Historical Cultural Early historic Tamil literature is a very Developments clear proof that linguistic variations had The Iron Age cultural remains are widely developed in South India by about the second distributed in South India, and burials are found half of the early first millennium BCE. Therefore in all cultural contexts. The Iron Age population the linguistic similarity in South India must comprised of various groups and most probably have developed from a much earlier period. it included settled agrarians, nomadic pastoral Certain terms related to hills and stones, groups, and hunter-gatherers. The diversity of (mala, male, malai for hill, neeru, neer, neelu population is illustrated by the earliest strata and neer for water) used in the all the Dravidian of Tamil literature. The reason for population languages appear similar. Therefore, it is likely diversity cannot be attributed to mass migration that the main population groups of South India, from the Neolithic Core of South India, although perhaps began to dominate the landscape from migration was one of the factors responsible the Mesolithic period. It is possible that the for the population diversity in the region of Dravidian speaking groups might have moved South India. The abundance of the diverse into this region during the Upper Palaeolithic variety of megalithic burials and cultural or in the post-Upper Palaeolithic phase. materials in South India suggest the movement The diverse development of the Mesolithic of populations with pre-existing populations communities in various parts of South India, contributing to the diversity of groups. and their subsequent migrations contributed to the population diversity in South India and the The idea of Populations, Geographical labels Southern Neolithic populations could be one and Local Dialects group of Dravidian speakers. From the available linguistic variations, The textual and epigraphical records population and their characteristics, suggest that the hunters were a continuing geographical labels and local dialects in South reality in the medieval period. The pastoralists India several native population groups could were specialists and probably the hunters were be identified. The groups of people living in raiding the pastoral groups for cattle, a practice the Western Ghats region of Kerala perhaps that continued in the later period. This kind of belong to several clusters, but one group of cattle raid was very common even during the population could be considered to have settled times of the Pallavas. When the label hunter in the region in the Prehistoric period, probably was applied to certain populations as late as in the Holocene or much earlier. Perhaps, the seventh century CE, it is quite conceivable that long duration of occupation of this population hunters existed during the Neolithic and Iron led to the variations in the nasal character of Age, and some of the burials could very much Malayalam language because of the rainy, belong to the hunters. comparatively cooler environmental context of Kerala and the physical adaptation of Conclusions the people to the local weather conditions. The composition and transformation of Another population group in Southern part population groups in India from the prehistoric of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and some parts of Sri to early historical period are very crucial for Lanka display certain similarities and perhaps understanding the developments in Indian they had an early origin. Some indigenous history and the processes involved in the people of the Western Ghats might represent development appear to be much more another population group. When such diverse complex than what is conceived or imagined population groups exist in the region of by historians, archaeologists, and historical South India, how can one explain that the linguists. The perception of Indo-Aryan, Austro- “Dravidians” migrated from the Indus Valley Asiatic, and Dravidian and the associated civilization region en masse? How did these populations and their migrations are based populations and linguistic variations emerge in on several assumptions, some of which are South India? colonially rooted. There may have been multiple

347 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra waves of migrations of these groups into India material culture of megalithic burials and black that were separated by vast time intervals. An and red ware. external cause for the excessive interest on The cultural sequences and developments the Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, rather than the in the prehistoric context should also be relooked Austro-Asiatic, could be associated with the (Mishra 2010) since the preconceived notions contemporary socio-political interest of these and borrowed models might not be useful in two living linguistic groups. explaining certain local cultural developments. The archaeological research on the later V.N. Misra in fact pointed out that the hunter- prehistoric and early historical periods needs to gatherers of Bagor had connections with the be planned systematically to understand this Harappan and Chalcolithic system of that development. The fusion of three processes time. The notions on the cultural entities of was most possibly responsible for the the Harappans, Aryans, and Dravidians need developments. The first is the development of to be deconstructed and the peopling of India, population groups that were established in this the regional cultural formations in the early region in the early period; the second is related history of India have to be understood, using to the movement of new groups, and the third archaeological, linguistic, textual, and cultural is related to the interactions and relationships traditions. In a sense it is essential that we among these groups. Early researchers have decolonise Indian Archaeology and understand always attributed migration as the main the complex nature of cultural developments, agency of new cultural developments, and and understand the limitations of the unilinear the idea of local communities developing into and evolutionary models, and seek to piece new cultural forms (e.g. Neolithic culture) has together the peopling of India based on not been given due importance. Many of the empirical evidence. My argument here is not to groups which occupied India during the Upper delve into ‘Indianism’ after decolonization, but Palaeolithic and Mesolithic period might have rather consciously work towards understanding contributed to the population diversity in South cultures with the lessons of colonialism and India. It is certain by the time of the mature modernism in the light of native perceptions phase of the Harappan cultures, there existed and understanding. several groups of populations in the Indian subcontinent and their intangible identities References are not clear to us. Archaeologists are forced Allchin, F.R. 1963. Neolithic Cattle Keepers of South categorize cultures based on material cultural India: a Study of the Deccan Ashmounds. similarity, which mask the emic cultural identity Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. of various groups. Allchin, Bridget and F. Raymond Allchin 1982. The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan. The main idea proposed here is Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. that the microlithic hunter-gatherers, who Bamshad, Michael, Toomas Kivisild, W. Scott were dispersed in South India, could have Watkins, Mary E. Dixon, Chris E. Ricker, contributed to the population diversity of the Baskara B. Rao, J. Mastan Naidu, B.V. Iron Age in South India and the descendants Ravi Prasad, P. Govinda Reddy, Arani of the Neolithic stream of South India could Rasanayagam, Surinder S. Papiha, Richard be just one of the population groups during Villems, Alan J. Redd, Michael F. Hammer, Son V. Nguyen, Marion L. Carroll, Mark A. the Iron Age. There is all likelihood that the Batzer and Lynn B. Jorde 2001. Genetic hunter-gatherer population groups adopted the Evidence on the Origins of Indian Caste material cultural elements such as iron, black Populations. Genome Research (2001 and red ware, and other materials that came up June) 11(6): 994–1004.doi: 10.1101/ in this period. What archaeologists refer to as gr.173301. Megalithic culture was not a single, monolithic Boivin, Nicole 2005. Orientalism, ideology and group, but diverse groups occupying several identity. Journal of Social Archaeology 5(2): ecological niches, but displaying identical 225-252.

348 Early Cultural and Historical Formations in South India: Thoughts on the Processes, Deconstruction and Models

Boivin, Nicole, Dorian Fuller, Ravi Korisettar and Inden, Ronald 1986. Orientalist Constructions of Michael Petraglia 2008. First Farmers in India. Modern Asian Studies 20(3): 401- South India: The role of internal processes 446. and external influences in the emergence Johnson, Matthew 2010. Archaeological Theory: An and transformation of South India’s earliest Introduction. Wiley Blackwell. settled societies. Pragdhara 18: 179-199. Korisettar, R, P.C. Venkatasubbaiah and D.Q. Bunton, Robin and Allen Peterson 1997. Fuller 2001. Brahmagiri and Beyond: the Introduction: Foucault’s Medicine, in Archaeology of the Southern Neolithic, in Foucault, Health and Medicine in Robin Indian Archaeology in Retrospect Vol. 1. Bunton and Alan Petersen (Eds.), London, Prehistory: Archaeology of South Asia, S. Rouledge. Settar and R. Korisettar (Eds.) pp. 151- Chakrabarti, D.K. 1997. Colonial Indology 237. New Delhi, Manohar and ICHR. Sociopolitics of the Ancient Indian Past. Kumar, Vikrant and B. Mohan Reddy 2003. Status New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd. of Austro-Asiatic groups in the peopling Dyson, Stephen L. and Robert J. Rowland, Jr. of India: An exploratory study based on 2007. Archaeology and History in Sardinia the available prehistoric, linguistic and from the Stone Age to the Middle Ages. biological evidences. Journal of Bioscience University of Pennsylvania Museum of and 28: 507-522. Archaeology and Anthropology. Kosambi, D.D. 1965. The Culture and Civilisation of Fuller, D.Q. 2003a. An agricultural perspective Ancient India in Historical Outline. London, on Dravidian historical linguistics: Routledge and Kegan Paul. archaeological crop packages, livestock and Lahiri, Nayanjot 2012. Marshalling The Past: Ancient Dravidian crop vocabulary, in Examining the India And Its Modern Histories. Ranikhet, Farming/language Dispersal Hypothesis, Permanent Black. McDonald Institute Monographs P. Lukacs, J. (Ed.) 2013. The People of South Asia: The Bellwood and C. Renfrew (Eds.), pp. 191- Biological Anthropology of India, Pakistan, 214. Cambridge, McDonald Institute for and Nepal. Springer. Archaeological Research. Kennedy, Kenneth A.R. 2003. The Uninvited Fuller, D.Q. 2003b. Indus and Non-Indus agricultural Skeleton at the Archaeological Table: The traditions: local developments and crop Crisis of Paleoanthropology in South Asia in adoptions on the Indian peninsula, in the Twenty-first Century Asian Perspectives S.A. Weber and W.R. Belcher Eds., Indus 42(2): 352-67. Ethnobiology: New Perspectives from the Misra, V.N. 1973. Bagor – a Late Mesolithic Field, pp. 343-396. Lanham, Lexington Settlement in North-West India. World Books. Archaeology 5(1), Colonization (Jun., Fuller, D.Q. 2007. Non-human genetics, Agricultural 1973): 92-110 Origins, and Historical Linguistics, in The Mishra, Sheila 2010. Revising the Indian Palaeolithic Evolution and History of Human Populations Sequence https://sheilamishra.wordpress. in South Asia: Inter-disciplinary Studies com/ in Archaeology, Biological Anthropology, Murty, M.L.K. 1989. Pre-Iron Age agricultural Linguistics and Genetics, Petraglia, M. and settlements in South India: An ecological B. Allchin (Eds.), pp. 393-443. Springer. perspective. Man and Environment 14(1): Fuller, D.Q. 2009. Silence before sedentism and the 65-81. advent of cash-crops: a revised summary Nagaraja Rao, M.S. 1971. Protohistoric Cultures of of early agriculture in South Asia from the Tungabhadra Valley. Dharwad. (1984, plant domestication to the development of New Delhi, Swati Publications). political economies (with an excursus on Paddayya, K. 1973. Investigations into the Neolithic the problem of semantic shift among millets Culture of the Shorapur Doab, South India. and rice), in Linguistics, Archaeology and Leiden, E.J. Brill. the Human Past, T. Osada (Ed.), pp. 147- Paddayya, K. 1990. The New Archaeology and 187. Delhi, Manohar. Aftermath. A View from Outside the Anglo- Guha, Sudeshna 2015. Artefacts of History: American World. Pune, Ravish Publishers. Archaeology, Historiography and Indian Paddayya, K. 2002. The Problem of Ashmounds of Pasts. New Delhi, Sage Publications. Southern Deccan in light of recent research, in K. Paddayya (Ed.), Recent Studies in

349 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

Indian Archaeology, pp. 81-111. New Delhi, version of a paper presented at the VIth Munshiram Manoharlal. Harvard Round Table Conference on South Paddayya, K. 2013. Essays in History of Archaeology. Asian Ethnogenesis, Cambridge, MA (USA), Themes, Institutions and Personalities. on 8 May 2004). New Delhi, Archaeological Survey of India. Southworth, F. 2006. New light on three South Pratap, A. 2014. Indian Archaeology and Asian language families. Mother Tongue Postmodernism: Fashion or Necessity? 11: 124-159. Ancient Asia 5, Art. 2. Subbarao, B. 1958. The Personality of India. Gwen Robbins Schug and Subhash R. Walimbe Baroda, M.S. University of Baroda. 2016a. Companion to South Asia in the Thurston, E. and K. Rangachari 1909. Castes Past. Wiley-Blackwell and Tribes of Southern India. Madras: Said, Edward 1978. Orientalism. New York, Government Press. Pantheon. Witzel, Michael E.J. 2009. Origin and development Selvakumar, V. 2014. Hunters and Hunter- of language in South Asia: Phylogeny versus Gatherers in Historical South India. The epigenetics? Paper presented at Darwin Eastern Anthropologist 67: 3-4: 257-273. and Evolution, mid-year meeting of the Southworth, F. 2004. Prehistoric Implications of Indian Academy of Sciences, Hyderabad, the Dravidian element in the NIA lexicon, India, July 3, 2009. with special attention to Marathi. (revised

350 PROFESSOR V.N. MISRA – LIST OF PUBLICATIONS

1. Misra, V.N. 1959-1960. Palaeolithic 1964 (V.N. Misra and M.S. Mate Eds.), pp. Industry of the Banas, Eastern Rajputana, 57-85. Pune: Deccan College. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay 8. Misra, V.N. 1966. Stone Age Research 34-35: 138-160. in Rajasthan - A Review, in Studies in 2. Misra, V.N. 1960-1961. Palaeolithic Prehistory: Robert Bruce Foote Memorial Culture of Western Rajputana, Bulletin Volume (D. Sen and A.K. Ghosh Eds.), of the Deccan College Research Institute pp. 122-130. Kolkata: Firma K.L. XXI: 86-156. Mukhopadhyaya. 3. Misra, V.N. 1962. Problems of 9. Misra, V.N. 1967. Prehistory and Terminology in Indian Prehistory, Eastern Protohistory, in Review of Indological Anthropologist XV(2): 112-124. Research in Last Seventy-five Years (P.J. 4. Misra, V.N. and Malti Nagar 1963. Two Chinmulgund and V.V. Mirashi Eds.), pp. Stone Age Sites on the River Chambal, 351-425. Pune: Charitrakosh Mandal. Rajasthan, Bulletin of the Deccan College 10. Misra, V.N. 1968a. Middle Stone Age in Research Institute XXII: 156-169. Rajasthan, in La Prehistoire: Problems et 5. Misra, V.N. 1964. Palaeoliths from District Tendances (Francois Bordes and D. de. Udaipur Rajasthan, Journal of the Asiatic Sonneville-Bordes Eds.), pp. 295-302. Society of Bombay 36-37: 55-59. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche 6. Misra, V.N. 1965a. Govindgarh, a Scientifique. Palaeolithic Site in Western Rajasthan, 11. Misra, V.N. 1968b. Late Stone Age in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay Rajasthan, Proceedings of the Rajasthan 38: 205-208. History Congress, Jodhpur Session, 7. Misra, V.N. 1965b. Mesolithic Phase in the pp. 16-22. Jaipur: Rajasthan History Prehistory of India, in Indian Prehistory: Congress.

Professor V.N. Misra List of Publications, in Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra (S.G. Deo, Andre Baptista and Jayendra Joglekar Eds.), pp. 351-358, Pune. ISPQS: www.manandenvironment.org ISBN: 978-81-908330-6-6 Rethinking the Past: A Tribute to Professor V.N. Misra

12. Misra, V.N. 1969. Early Village 23. Misra, V.N. 1973b. Bagor – A Late Communities of the Banas Basin, Mesolithic Settlement in North-West Rajasthan, in Anthropology and India, World Archaeology 5(1): 92-110. Archaeology: Essays in Memory of Verrier 24. Misra, V.N. 1973c. A New Prehistoric Elwin (M.C. Pradhan, R.D. Singh, P.K. Ceramic from Rajasthan, East and West Misra and D.B. Sastry Eds.), pp. 295-310. 23(3-4): 295-305. Mumbai: Oxford University Press. 25. Misra, V.N. and Malti Nagar 1973. Twenty- 13. Misra, V.N. 1970a. Cultural Significance five Years of Indian Prehistory (1947- of Three Copper Arrow-Heads from 1972) – A Review of Research, in Man Rajasthan, India, Journal of Near Eastern and Society (K.S. Mathur and S.C. Varma Studies 29(4): 221-232. Eds.), pp. 1-54. Lucknow: Ethnographic 14. Misra, V.N. 1970b. Evidence for a New and Folk Culture Society. Chalcolithic Culture in South Rajasthan, 26. Misra, V.N. 1974a. Archaeological and Indian Antiquary (Third Series) IV(1-4): Ethnographic Evidence for the Hafting 85-95. and Use of Microliths and Related Tools, 15. Misra, V.N. 1970c. Excavation in Puratattva 7: 3-12. Rajasthan, Quarterly Journal of the Mythic 27. Misra, V.N. 1974b. History and Archaeology Society XVIII(1-4): 9-16. – Need for a New Understanding, Prachya 16. Misra, V.N. 1971a. Two Microlithic Sites in Pratibha 2(1): 8-14. Rajasthan – A Preliminary Investigation, 28. Misra, V.N. 1976a. The Acheulian Industry Eastern Anthropologist XXIV(3): 237- of Rock-shelter III F-23 at Bhimbetka, 288. Central India, Puratattva 8: 13-36. 17. Misra, V.N. 1971b. Two Late Mesolithic 29. Misra, V.N. 1976b. Ecological Adaptations Settlements in Rajasthan - a Brief Review During the Terminal Stone Age in of Investigations, Poona University Journal Western and Central India, in Ecological (Humanities) 35: 59-79. Backgrounds of South Asian Prehistory 18. Misra, V.N. 1971c. Stone Objects from (K.A.R. Kennedy and G. Possehl Eds.), pp. Navdatoli, in Chalcolithic Navdatoli (H.D 28-51. Ithaca: Cornell University. Sankalia, S.B Deo and Z.D Ansari Eds.), 30. Misra, V.N. 1976c. Prehistory and pp. 323-350. Pune: Deccan College. Palaeoenvironment in Rajasthan, in 19. Misra, V.N. 1972a. Burials from Prehistoric Archaeology and Palaeoenvironment Bagor, Rajasthan, in Archaeological in Western India (D.P. Agrawal and B.M. Congress and Seminar Papers (S.B Pande Eds.), pp. 31-54. New Delhi: Deo Ed.), pp. 58-65. Nagpur: Nagpur Concept. University 31. Misra, V.N. 1976d. Evidence of Culture 20. Misra, V.N. 1972b. Evolution of Contact between Terminal Stone Age Palaeolithic Cultures in India, in The Hunter-gatherers and Contemporary Origin of Homo Sapiens (Francois Bordes Farmers, in Archaeological Congress and Ed.), pp. 116-120. Paris: UNESCO. Seminar: 1972 (U.V. Singh Ed.), pp. 115- 21. Misra, V.N. 1972-73. New Light on 121. Kurukshetra: Kurukshetra University. the Mesolithic Period in India from 32. Misra, V.N. and Malti Nagar 1976. Excavations at Bagor in Rajasthan, The Prehistoric Background of Rajasthan, in Researcher XII-XIII: 1-14. Somasekhara Sarma Commemoration 22. Misra, V.N. 1973a. Problems of Palaeo- Volume (R. Subrahmanyam and N. ecology, Palaeo-climate and Chronology Ramesan Eds.), pp. 345-59. Hyderabad: of the Microlithic Cultures of Western Government of Andhra Pradesh. India, in Radiocarbon and Indian 33. Misra, V.N. 1977. Evolution of the Pattern Archaeology (D.P. Agrawal and A. Ghosh of Human Settlement in the Arid and Eds.), pp. 58-72. Mumbai: Tata Institute Semi-arid Region, in Desertification and of Fundamental Research. its Control (P.L. Jaiswal, R. Singh, N.N.

352 V.N. Misra – List of Publications

Chhabra and K. Sundararaman Eds.), 44. Agrawal, D.P., R.V. Krishnamurthy, R.P. pp. 10-24. New Delhi: Indian Council of Dhir, V.N. Misra and S.N. Rajaguru 1980c. Agricultural Research. Quaternary Studies in Rajasthan – 34. Misra, V.N., Y.S. Mathpal and Malti Nagar Preliminary Results, Recent Researches 1977. Bhimbetka Prehistoric man and his in Geology 9: 186-189 Delhi. art in Central India. pp. 1-27. 45. Misra, V.N. 1981. The Prehistoric Rock 35. Misra, V.N. 1978a. Prehistoric Cave art of Art of Bhimbetka, Central India, Journal Bhimbetka, Central India, in Conservation of the National Centre for the Performing of Rock Art (C. Pearson Ed.), pp. 69-70. Arts X(1): 1-16. Canberra: Institute for the Conservation 46. Kennedy, K.A.R., V.N. Misra and C.B. of Cultural Material. Burrow 1981. Dental Mutilations from 36. Misra, V.N. 1978b. Acheulian Industry of Prehistoric India Current Anthropology Rock Shelter IIIF-23 at Bhimbetka, Central 22(3): 285-86. India: A Preliminary Study, Bulletin of the 47. Krishnamurthy, R.V., D.P. Agrawal, Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 1: V.N. Misra and S.N. Rajaguru 1981. 130-173. Palaeoclimatic Inferences from the 37. Misra, V.N. 1978c. Explorations in Ajmer Behaviour of Radiocarbon Dates and Jaipur Districts, Rajasthan, Man and of Carbonates from Sand Dunes of Environment II: 74. Rajasthan, Proceedings of the Indian 38. Misra, V.N. and Y. Mathpal 1979. Rock Art Academy of Sciences 90(2): 155-160. of Bhimbetka Region, Central India, Man 48. Misra, V.N. and Malti Nagar 1981. The and Environment 3: 27-33. Microlithic Industry of Bagor, Rajasthan, in 39. Misra, V.N. 1980. The Acheulian Industry Cultural Contours of India (V.S. Srivastava of Rock-Shelter IIIF-23 at Bhimbetka, Ed.), pp. 6-11. Delhi: Abhinav. Central India – A Preliminary Study, 49. Misra, V.N. 1982. The Evolution of Australian Archaeology 8: 63-106. Blade Element in the Stone Industries 40. Misra, V.N., S.N. Rajaguru, R.J. Wasson, G. of Bhimbetka, Central India, in Indian Singh and D.P. Agrawal 1979-80. Further Archaeology: New Perspectives (R.K. Light on Lower Palaeolithic Occupation Sharma Ed.), pp. 7-13. Delhi: Agam. and Palaeoenvironment in Semi-arid 50. Misra, V.N. 1982. Bagor: the Zone of Rajasthan. Puratattva 11: 11-18. Archaeological Setting, in Bagor and 41. Misra, V.N., S.N. Rajaguru, D.P. Agrawal, Tilwara: Late Mesolithic Cultures of P.K. Thomas, Z. Husain and P.S. Datta Northwest India. I: The Human Skeletal 1980. Prehistory and Palaeoenvironment Remains (J.R. Lukacs, V.N. Misra and of Jayal, Western Rajasthan, Man and K.A.R. Kennedy Eds.), pp. 9-26. Pune: Environment 4: 19-31. Deccan College. 42. Agrawal, D.P., P.S. Datta, Zahid Hussain, 51. Misra, V.N. and S.N. Rajaguru 1982. R.V. Krishnamurthy, V.N. Misra, S.N. Environment during the Quaternary Rajaguru and P.K. Thomas 1980a. Period in Western India. Proceedings of Palaeoclimate, Stratigraphy and the Workshop on Problems of Deserts Prehistory in North and West Rajasthan, in India. pp. 129-140. Jaipur: Geological Proceedings of the Indian Academy of Survey of India. Sciences 89(1): 51-66. 52. Misra, V.N., S.N. Rajaguru, D.R. Raju, H. 43. Agrawal, D.P., R.P Dhir, R.V. Krishnamurthy, Raghavan and C. Gaillard 1982. Acheulian V.N. Misra, S.C. Nanda and S.N. Occupation and Evolving Landscape Rajaguru 1980b. Multiple Evidence for around Didwana in the Thar Desert, India, Climatic Change in Rajasthan, in Arid Man and Environment 6: 72-86. Zone Research and Development (H.S. 53. Gaillard, C., D.R. Raju, V.N. Misra and S.N. Mann Ed.), pp. 1-18. Jodhpur: Scientific Rajaguru 1983. Acheulian Occupation Publishers. at Singi Talav in the Thar Desert: a

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Preliminary Report on 1982 Excavation, 63. Misra, V.N. and M.L.K. Murty 1986. Man and Environment 7: 112-130. Cultural Adaptations in India during 54. Agrawal, D.P., S.K. Gupta, V.N. Misra, R.K. Terminal Plesitocene and Early Holocene Pant, S.K. Tandon and A.B. Vora 1983. A Times, in The Pleistocene Perspectives National Grid for Environmental Research Vol. 2. pp. 1-36. Southampton: World and Planning, Man and Environment 7: Archaeological Congress. 78-86. 64. Hema, R., D.R. Raju, S.N. Rajaguru, V.N. 55. Wasson, R.J., S.N. Rajaguru, D.P. Agrawal, Misra and V.G. Parashar 1986. A Note V.N. Misra, R.P. Dhir, A.K. Singhvi and K. on the Mineralogical Study of some Sand Kameswara Rao 1983. Geomorphology, Dunes from the Thar Desert, Bulletin of Late Quaternary Stratigraphy and the Deccan College Research Institute Palaeoclimatology of the Thar Dunefield, 45: 35-46. Zeitschrift fur Geomorphologie (N.F.) 45: 65. Gaillard, C., D.R. Raju, V.N. Misra and S.N. 117-151. Rajaguru 1986. Handaxe Assemblages 56. Misra, V.N. 1984. Climate as a Factor in from the Didwana Region, Thar Desert, the Rise and Fall of Harappan Civilisation: India: A Metrical Analysis, Proceedings of Evidences from Rajasthan and Beyond, in the Prehistoric Society 52: 189-214. Frontiers of the Indus Civilisation (B.B. Lal 66. Misra, V.N. 1987a. Evolution of the and S.P. Gupta Eds.), pp. 461-489. New Landscape and Human Adaptation in Delhi: Books and Books. the Thar Desert. Presidential Address, 57. Misra, V.N. and S.N. Rajaguru 1984. Anthropology and Archaeology Section Evolution of Environment and Human of Indian Science Congress, Bangalore, Settlement in the Thar Desert, India: A Proceedings of the 74th Indian Science Review of the Evidence, Proceedings of Congress Part II: 1-24. the Indo-US Workshop on the Arid Zone 67. Misra, V.N. 1987b. Middle Pleistocene Research, pp. 1-17. Jodhpur: Central Arid Adaptations in India, in Pleistocene Zone Research Institute. Old World: Regional Perspectives (Olga 58. Misra, V.N. 1985a. The Acheulian Soffer Ed.), pp. 99-114. New York: Plenum Succession at Bhimbetka, Central India, Press. in Recent Advances in Indo-Pacific 68. Misra, V.N. and S.N. Rajaguru 1987. Prehistory (V.N. Misra and P. Bellwood History of Environment and Man in the Eds.), pp. 35-47. New Delhi: Oxford-IBH. Thar Desert, Indologica Jaipurensia I: 17- 59. Misra, V.N. 1985b. Microlithic Industries 31. in India, in Recent Advances in Indo- 69. Misra, V.N. 1988. Significance of Pacific Prehistory (V.N. Misra and P. Vertebrate Remains from Archaeological Bellwood Eds.), pp. 111-122. New Delhi: sites in the Arid and Semi-Arid Zones Oxford-IBH. of Northwest India, in Ecophysiology 60. Gaillard, C, V.N. Misra, S.N. Rajaguru, D.R. of Desert Vertebrates (P.K. Ghosh and Raju and H. Raghavan 1985. Acheulian Ishwar Prakash Eds.), pp. 35-57. Jodhpur: Occupation at Singi Talav in the Thar Scientific Publishers. Desert: a Preliminary Report on the 1981 70. Misra, V.N. and S.N. Rajaguru 1988. Excavation, Bulletin of the Deccan College History of Environment and Man in the Research Institute 44: 141-152. Thar Desert, Journal of Ecological Society 61. Misra, V.N. 1986. Bhimbetka: Reflections I: 7-16. of Life in Cave Art. Science Age 4(6): 17-26. 71. Misra, V.N., S.N. Rajaguru and Hema 62. Misra, V.N. and S.N. Rajaguru 1986. Raghavan 1988. Late Middle Pleistocene Environnement et Culture de l’Homme Environment and Acheulian Culture Prehistorique dans le Desert du Thar, around Didwana, Rajasthan, Proceedings Rajasthan, Inde. L’Anthropologie 90(3): of the Indian National Science Academy 407-437. 54A(3): 425-438.

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72. Raghavan, Hema, S.N. Rajaguru and Archaeology I: Subjects (A. Ghosh Ed.), V.N. Misra 1989. Radiometric Dating of pp. 279-284. New Delhi: Munshiram a Quaternary Dune Section, Didwana, Manoharlal. Rajasthan, Man and Environment 13: 19- 83. Malti Nagar and Misra, V.N. 1989. 22. Hunter-gatherers in an Agrarian Setting: 73. Misra, V.N. 1989a. Stone Age India: The nineteenth Century Situation in the An Ecological Perspective, Man and Ganga Plains, Man and Environment 13: Environment 15(1): 17-64. 65-78. 74. Misra, V.N. 1989b. Mesolithic Cultures, 84. Misra, V.N. and Suman Pandya 1989. in Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology I: Mesolithic Occupation around Dhansura, Subjects (A. Ghosh Ed.), pp. 37-43. New District Sabarkantha, Gujarat, Man and Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Environment 14(1): 123-128. 75. Misra, V.N. 1989c. Banas Culture, in 85. Misra, V.N. and S.N. Rajaguru 1989. Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology I: Palaeoenvironment and Prehistory of the Subjects (A. Ghosh Ed.), pp. 96-98. New Thar Desert, Rajasthan, India, in South Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Asian Archaeology 1985 (Karen Frifelt 76. Misra, V.N. 1989d. Desert, in and Per Sorensen Eds.), pp. 296-320. Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology I: Copenhagen: Scandinavian Institute of Subjects (A. Ghosh Ed.), pp. 197-201. Asian Studies. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. 86. d’ Errico, Francesco, Claire Gaillard and 77. Misra, V.N. 1989e. Ecology and V.N. Misra 1989. Collection of Non- Settlement Pattern, in Encyclopaedia of Utilitarian Objects by Homo erectus in Indian Archaeology I: Subjects (A. Ghosh India, in Hominidae: Proceedings of the Ed.), pp. 285-287. New Delhi: Munshiram Second International Congress of Human Manoharlal. Palaeontology (Giacomo Giacobini Ed.), 78. Misra, V.N. 1989f. Bagor, in Encyclopaedia pp. 237-239. Milan: Jaca Books. of Indian Archaeology II: A Gazetteer of 87. Misra, V.N. 1990a. Palaeolithic Phase in Explored and Excavated Sites (A. Ghosh India, Ancient Ceylon 7(2): 101-149. Ed.), pp. 34-37. New Delhi: Munshiram 88. Misra, V.N. 1990b. Prehistoric Cultural Manoharlal. Stages in the Middle Son Valley, The 79. Misra, V.N. 1989g. Bhimbetka, in Indian Historical Review XIV(1-2): 252- Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology II: 262. A Gazetteer of Explored and Excavated 89. Misra, V.N. 1990c. The Van Vagris - “Lost” Sites (A. Ghosh Ed.), pp. 69-73. New Hunters of the Thar Desert, Rajasthan, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Man and Environment XV(2): 89-108. 80. Misra, V.N. 1989h. Human Adaptations to 90. Gaillard, C, V.N. Misra and M.L.K. Murty the Changing Landscape of the Indian Arid 1990. Comparative Study of Three Series Zone During the Quaternary Period, in Old of Handaxes - One from Rajasthan and Problems and New Perspectives in the Two from Andhra Pradesh, Bulletin of the Archaeology of South Asia (J.M. Kenoyer Deccan College Research Institute 49: Ed.), II: 3-20. Wisconsin Archaeological 137-144. Reports. Madison: University of Wisconsin- 91. Nagar, Malti and V.N. Misra 1990. The Madison. Kanjars - A Hunting-Gathering Community 81. Misra, V.N. 1989i. Van Vagris: Nomadic of the Ganga Valley, Uttar Pradesh, Man Hunters of Western Rajasthan, in and Environment XV(2): 71-88. Changing Perspectives of Anthropology in 92. Misra, V.N., S.N. Rajaguru, R.K. Ganjoo India (S.C. Tiwari Ed.), pp. 285-311. New and R. Korisettar 1990a. Geoarchaeology Delhi: Today and Tomorrow’s. of the Palaeolithic Site at Samnapur in 82. Misra, V.N. and Yashodhar Mathpal 1989. the Central Narmada Valley, Man and Rock Art, in Encyclopaedia of Indian Environment 15(1): 107-116.

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93. Misra, V.N., S.N. Rajaguru, R.K. Eds.), pp. 435-452. New Delhi and Jaipur: Ganjoo and R. Korisettar 1990b. Rawat Publishers. Further Research in the Prehistory and 103. Nagar, Malti and V.N. Misra 1994. Quaternary Geology of the Narmada Survival of the Hunting-gathering Valley, in Adaptation and Other Essays Tradition in the Ganga Plains and Central (N.C. Ghosh and S. Chakrabarti Eds.), pp. India, in Living Traditions: Studies in the 53-59. Shantiniketan: Visva-Bharati. Ethnoarchaeology of South Asia (Bridget 94. Misra V.N. 1991. Hasmukh Dhirajlal Allchin Ed.), pp. 169-192. New Delhi: Sankalia 1908-1989, Asian Perspectives Oxford and IBH. 30(2): 171-175. 104. Misra, V.N. 1995a. Evolution of 95. Misra, V.N. 1992a. Archaeology and Environment and Culture in the Rajasthan Tribes, in Thar Desert in Rajasthan: Land, Desert during the Late Quaternary, in Man and Environment (A.K. Singhvi and Ancient Peoples and Landscapes (Eileen Amal Kar Eds.) pp. 85-94. Bangalore: Johnson Ed.), pp. 77-103. Lubbock, Texas: Geological Survey of India. Texas Tech University Press. 96. Misra, V.N. 1992b. Research on the Indus 105. Misra, V.N. 1995b. Geoarchaeology Civilization: A Brief Review, The Eastern of the Thar Desert, Northwest India, Anthropologist 45(1-2): 1-19. in Quaternary Environments and 97. Alam, M.S. and V.N. Misra 1992. Geoarchaeology of India: Essays in Quantitative Composition and Functional Honour of Professor S.N. Rajaguru (S. Aspect of the Palaeolithic Assemblages of Wadia, R. Korisettar and V.S. Kale Eds.), Rock Sheleter IIIF-23 at Bhimbetka. Man pp. 210-230. Bangalore: Geological and Environment XVII(2): 21-34. Society of India. 98. Nagar, Malti and V.N. Misra 1993. The 106. Misra, V.N. 1995c. Indus Civilization Pardhis: A Hunting-Gathering Community and the Rigvedic Sarasvati, Second of Central and Western India, Man and International Congress Proceedings, pp. Environment XVIII(1): 115-140. 125-142. Mumbai: H.R. Cama Oriental 99. Misra, V.N., V.S. Shinde, R.K. Mohanty Institute. and Lalit Pandey 1993. Terracotta Bull 107. Misra, V.N., Vasant Shinde, R.K. Mohanty, Figurines from Marmi: A Chalcolithic Kurush Dalal, Anup Mishra, Lalit Pandey Settlement in Chitorgarh District, and Jeevan Kharakwal 1995. Excavations Rajasthan, Man and Environment XVIII(2): at Balathal: Their Contribution to the 149-152. Chalcolithic and Iron Age Cultures of 100. Misra, V.N. 1994a. Patterns of Human Mewar, Rajasthan, Man and Environment Adaptation in the Semi-arid and Arid Zone 20(1): 57-80. of Rajasthan, in Living Traditions: Studies 108. Misra, V.N. 1995. A Missing Link: Traces in the Ethnoarchaeology of South Asia of Indian culture at new-found Rajasthan (Bridget Allchin Ed.), pp. 101-124. New site. Frontline July 1995 (popular article). Delhi: Oxford and IBH. 109. Misra, V.N. 1996a. Lost Saraswati: the 101. Misra, V.N. 1994b. Indus Civilization and Cradle of Harappan Civilization, Manthan the Rigvedic Sarasvati, in South Asian XV-4-XVI-1: 98-116. Archaeology 1993 II (Asko Parpola and 110. Misra V.N. 1996b. Mesolithic India: History Petteri Koskikallio Eds.), pp. 511-525. and Current Status, in The Prehistory Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia. of Asia and Oceania (G.E. Afanasev, S. 102. Rajaguru SN, Ganjoo RK, and Misra VN. Cleuziou, J.R. Lukacs and M. Tosi Eds.), 1994c. A Fresh Look at the Quaternary pp. 321-328. ABACO Edizioni. Lithostratigraphy of a Part of the Central 111. Misra, V.N. and S.N. Rajaguru 1996. Narmada Valley, Narsinghpur District, Palaeoenvironment and Prehistory of M.P., in India Geomorphological Diversity the Thar Desert, Rajasthan, India, in (K.R. Dikshit, V.S. Kale, and M.N. Kaul Facets of a Marwar Historian: Aspects of

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India’s Social and Economic History (B.L. 120. Misra, V.N. 2001b. Prehistoric Human Bhadani and Dwijendra Tripathi Eds.), pp. Colonization of India, Journal of 99-133. Jaipur: Publication Scheme. Biosciences 26(4): 491-531. 112. Misra, V.N. 1997. Early Man and His 121. Misra, V.N. 2001c. The Role of the Rigvedic Environment in Central India, Journal of Sarasvati in the Rise, Growth and Decline the Palaeontological Society of India 42: of the Indus Civilization, Annals of the 1-18. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 113. Misra, V.N. 1997. Balathal: A Chalcolithic LXXXII: 165-191. Settlement in Mewar, Rajasthan, 122. Misra, V.N. 2002a. The Mesolithic Age in India: Results of First Three Seasons India, in Indian Archaeology in Retrospect, Excavations. South Asian Archaeology, I: Prehistory (S. Settar and Ravi Korisettar South Asian Studies 13: 251-273. Eds.), pp. 111-125. New Delhi: ICHR and 114. Misra, V.N., V. Shinde, R.K. Mohanty, Lalit Manohar. Pandey and Jeevan Kharakwal 1997. 123. Misra, V.N. 2002b. Excavations of Human Excavations at Balathal, District Udaipur, Burials, in Biological Anthropology Rajasthan (1995-97), with Special of Human Skeletal Remains from Reference to Chalcolithic Architecture, Bhimbetka, Central India (K.A.R. Kennedy, Man and Environment 22(2): 35-59. J.R. Lukacs and V.N. Misra Eds.), pp. 7-26. 115. Misra, V.N., S.N. Rajaguru, R.J. Wasson, Pune: Indian society for Prehistoric and G. Singh and D.P. Agrawal 1997. Further Quaternary Studies. Light on Lower Palaeolithic Occupation 124. Misra, V.N. 2002c. Mesolithic Culture and Palaeoenvironment in Semi-Arid in India, in Mesolithic India (V.D. Misra Zone of Rajasthan, in Indian Prehistory and J.N. Pal Eds.), pp. 1-66. Allahabad: 1980 (V.D. Misra and J.N. Pal Eds.), University of Allahabad. pp. 51-60. Allahabad: University of 125. Misra, V.N. and R.K. Mohanty 2002. A rare Allahabad. Chalcolithic pottery cache from Balathal, 116. Misra, V.N. and Malti Nagar 1997. From Rajasthan, Man and Environment 26(2): Tribe to Caste: An Ethnoarchaeological 67-74. Perspective, in From Tribe to Caste (Dev 126. Kanungo, A.K. and V.N. Misra 2003- Nathan Ed.), pp. 136-166. Shimla: Indian 2004. Excavation at Kopia: A Preliminary Institute of Advanced Study. Report, Purattava 34: 116-126. 117. Nagar, Malti and V.N. Misra 1998. Hunter- 127. Misra, V.N. 2004. Contribution of Gatherers in Ganga Plains, in Perspectives Anthropology and Archaeology to in Tribal Development: Focus on Uttar Understanding the Evolution of Indian Pradesh (H.S. Saksena, B.R.K. Shukla, Society, The Eastern Anthropologist P.K. Tewari and P.N. Sharma Eds.), pp. 57(1): 1- 27. 141-147. Lucknow: Ethnographic and 128. Misra, V.N. 2005. Archaeology of Pakistan Folk Culture Society. and North and Central India During 118. Misra, V.N. 1999. Pottery, in Chemistry Fourth-First Millennia B.C. and Its Bearing and Chemical Techniques in India on the Dispersal of Indo-Aryans, in A (B.V. Subbarayappa Ed.), pp. 223- Discourse on Indo-European Languages 244. New Delhi: Centre for Studies in and Culture (D.N. Tripathi Ed.), pp. 175- Civilizations. 189. New Delhi: ICHR. 119. Misra, V.N. 2001a. Archaeological 129. Misra, V.N. 2005. Radiocarbon Evidence of Early Modern Human Chronology of Balathal, District Udaipur, Occupation in South Asia, in Humanity Rajasthan. Man and Environment XXX(1): from African Naissance to coming 54-60. Millennia (P.V. Tobias, M.A. Raath, J. 130. Gwen Robbins, Veena Mushrif, V.N. Moggi-Cecchi and G.A. Doyle Eds.), pp. Misra, R.K. Mohanty and V.S. Shinde. 223-230. Firenze: Ferenze. 2006. Biographies of the Skeleton:

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Pathological conditions at Balathal. Man Books and Environment XXXI (2): 50-65. Misra, V N. and M.S. Mate (Eds.) 1965. Indian 131. Misra, V.N. 2006. A Gazetteer of Prehistory: 1964. Poona: Deccan College. Archaeological sites in Rajasthan (from Misra, V.N. 1967. Pre and Protohistory of the Palaeolithic to Early Historic). Man and Berach Basin, South Rajasthan. Poona: Environment XXXI(1): 48-96. Deccan College. 132. Misra, V.N. 2009. Evolution of Society and Lukacs, J.R., V.N. Misra and KA.R. Kennedy Culture in Rajasthan, in Recent Research 1982. Bagor and Tilwara: Late Mesolithic Trends in South Asian Archaeology (K. Cultures of Northwest India. Vol. I: The Paddayya, P.P. Joglekar, K.K. Basa and Human Skeletal Remains. Poona: Deccan College. Reshma Sawant Eds.), pp. 103-120. Misra, V.N., Y. Mathpal and Malti Nagar 1977. Pune: Deccan College. Prehistoric Man and His Art at Bhimbetka, 133. Gwen Robbins, V. Mushrif Tripathy, V. N. Central India. Pune: Sakal Press. Misra, R. K. Mohanty, V. S. Shinde, Kelsey Misra, V.N. and Peter Bellwood (Eds.) 1985. M. Gray. 2009. Malcolm D. Schug4Ancient Recent Advances in Indo-Pacific Skeletal Evidence for Leprosy in India Prehistory. Delhi: Oxford-IBH. (2000 B.C.) PLoS One 4(5): 1-8. Misra, V.N. (Translated into Marathi by 134. Singhvi A.K., M.A.J. Williams, S.N. P.P. Joglekar) 2001. Vishnu Shridhar Rajaguru, V.N. Misra, S. Chawla, S. Stokes, Wakankar. Pune: Bharatiya Itihas N. Chauhan, T. Francis, R.K. Ganjoo, G.S. Sankalan Samiti. Humphreys 2010. A 200 ka record of K.A.R. Kennedy, J,R. Lucacs and V.N. Misra climatic change and dune activity in the 2002. The Biological Anthropology of Thar Desert, India. Quaternary Science Human Skeletal Remains from Bhimbetka, Reviews 29: 3095-3105. Central India. ISPQS Monograph No. 2. 135. Misra V.N. 2014. An Overview of V.N. Misra and M.D. Kajale (Eds.) 2003. Acheulian Culture in the Thar Desert and Introduction of African crops into South at Bhimbetka, Central India, in Recent Asia. ISPQS Monograph No. 3. Advances in Acheulian Culture Studies in Misra, V.N. 2007. Rajasthan Prehistoric and India (K.Paddayya and S.G. Deo Eds.), pp. Early Historic Foundation. New Delhi: 47-56. Aryan book International. 136. Misra V.N. 2015. The Institution of Nakhtaura in Socio-ethnological Perspective, Manav Darpan 2: 30-34.

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