A Letter from the Governor of Emar to the Governor of Suḫu Concerning a River Ordeal

Yoram Cohen (Tel Aviv University)

The tablet published here for the first time is a letter 4 gar kur uruI-mar-ma sent by the governor of the Land of Emar, Talmi-Šarruma, 5 a-na ka-ša ˹u˺ é-ka to the governor of the Land of Suḫu, Nabunnu.1 It is 6 ki-ib-‹sà›-ti-ka ù tal-la-ka-ti-ka concerned with a river ordeal that takes place in the land 7 dan-niš lu-ú šul-mu of Suḫu, in all likelihood – at Id, or Ḫīt.2 The letter con- 8 dingir.meš ša kur ˹Ḫat˺-ti tains a total of thirty lines inscribed on the obverse, 9 nap-šá-ti-ka pap.meš reverse, upper edge and left edge of the tablet. The 10 um-ma-a a-na mNa-bu-ni-ma obverse is dedicated to the greetings and salutations; the rest of the tablet deals with a case to be decided at Reverse the river ordeal. The case is about a dispute between 11 mA-ḫi-ma-lik ù mKA-d˹en˺? two people, presumably from Emar. Because of the very 12 a-na dḪur-ša-an nature of the epistolary genre the details regarding the 13 il-la-ku-ni-ku di.ku5-šu-nu case are rather opaque. The full understanding of the 14 a-ka-na mZu-Aš-tar-ti contents of the letter is further hampered by the damaged 15 a-na mA-ḫi-ma-lik a-ka-na iq-ta-bi condition of some of the lines of the reverse. Nonethe- 16 ma-a sag ul-tu kur Aš-šur less, the tablet sheds light on the political conditions in 17 a-na i-‹‹mu››-˹ma˺?-ra-e?/ú? the Middle Euphrates region during the Late Bronze Age 18 na-ša-ta ˹qí ˺-i-bi i-iḫ-pi-ka and offers some additional information regarding the 19 arad-ia iq-ta-bi legal procedures of the river ordeal. 20 ma-a mMa-zi-ia lugal 21 6 ma.na.meš kù.babbar.meš Obverse 22 a-na na-da!-ni iq-ba-ku-mi 1 a-na mNa-bu-ni gar kur Sú-uḫ 2 qí-bi-ma Upper Edge 3 um-ma mTal-mi-dlugal-ma 23 mA-ḫi-ma-lik a-ka-na 24 iq-ta-bi ma-a lugal 25 mMa-zi-ia a-na ka-ša 26 ul id-di-na-ni 1 This letter was first mentioned by Bassetti (1996), who only quoted (incorrectly) its first line. This editio princeps is based on five black and white photographs of the tablet (observe, reverse, both edges Left Edge ? and upper edge); the present location of the tablet is unknown. The 27 e-nen-na di.ku5-šú-nu a-mur copies supplied here are based on these photographs. In spite of the 28 a-na dḪur-ša-an li-li-ku obvious drawbacks of not being able to see the actual tablet, I have 29 man-nu ša i-za-ka-a ṭup!-pa-šu!? decided because of the importance of this source, to make it available in all due haste. Hence, my treatment of the letter should be considered 30 šu-ṭù-ur šu-bi-la preliminary and brief. My thanks are extended to Jean-Marie Durand, Daniel Schwemer, and Ran Zadok for their many comments and sug- gestions; naturally, all responsibility for the contents expressed herewith Obverse (1) (2) lies with me. Abbreviations: Emar = Arnaud (1985-1987); CAD = To Nabunnu, governor of the Land of Suḫu, speak! Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (1956-2010), Chicago, Illinois; CHD = (3) Thus Talmi-Šarruma, governor of the Land of Emar. Chicago Hittite Dictionary (1989-) Chicago, Illinois; RE = Beckman (7) May it be very well (5) for you ˹and˺ your house, (6) your (1996); RS = field numbers of tablets from Ras-Shamra/Ugarit. (8) 2 It is recognized that the ordeal in Babylonia took place at Id; see ways and your goings. May the gods of the Land (9) (10) Durand (1988: 521-22); van Soldt (2003); for the history of Id/Ḫīt, see of Ḫatti, protect your life. Thus (Talmi-Šarruma) to Zadok (2014). Nabunnu:

Journal Asiatique 303.2 (2015): 175-180 doi: 10.2143/JA.303.2.3120199

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Reverse (a Neo-Assyrian letter, quoted in CAD/K: 338); and Lack- (11) Aḫi-malik and KA-d˹EN˺? (13) are arriving to you enbacher (1991, no. 47), RS 34.142:7-8:…ki-i[b-si] / ù (12) in order to (undertake) the river ordeal. (13) Their case is tal-la-ak-ti ša b[e-li-ia], ‘the appro[ach] and way of [my] (14) as follows. Zu-Aštarti (15) spoke to Aḫi-malik as follows: l[ord].’ The sequence tal-la-ka-ti-ka stands for tallakātika, (18) ‘You brought (16) a slave from the Land of Aššur (17) to a plural form of tallaktu (CAD/T: 97-99), hence, ‘your the Emarite(s). But my order over-ruled you!’ (19) He said traffic, goings, ways.’ The last two signs of this line con- ‘(this is) my servant! (20) Maziya the king (22) imposed upon tinue on the reverse of the tablet meeting line 17. you (21) 6 minas of silver (22) in order to release (the slave).’ 8. The surface of the signs following kur is flacked, hence only traces remain. The first sign is ‘pa’ and the Upper Edge following sign ‘ti’, with its final left-facing wedge badly (23) Aḫi-malik (24) said as follows: ‘King (25-26) Maziya pressed on the edge of the tablet. The reading of the line refused to hand me over to you.’ is therefore dingir.meš ša kur ˹Ḫat˺-ti, ‘the gods of the Land of Ḫatti’. Left Edge (27) Now examine their case. (28) May they proceed to Reverse undertake the river ordeal. (29-30) Whoever is acquitted, 11. The private name following Aḫi-mālik reads inform and send me his? tablet!. mKA-d˹X˺; possibly read d˹en˺ for Baʽal or d˹kur˺ (less likely) for Dagan. Cf. possibly Emar 536:21: KA-i-li; and Textual Commentary contemporary names such as Pû-Baʽal or Pû-Adad(iškur) (if KA is read as pû); see Schwemer (2001: 508). Obverse 13. The Sumerogram di.ku5 is to be understood here 1. I have advocated in the past that in this letter the as ‘case’ and not as ‘judge’. Compare Emar 33:34-35: signs ‘gar’ and ‘kur’ should be read šakin māt, ‘governor ù di.ku5 an-na-a a-na pa-ni lugal i-šak-ka-nu, ‘they will of the country of GN’, and not ša māt, ‘from the country present this case in front of the king.’ For additional of GN’ (Cohen 2013a). The contents of the letter leave examples from elsewhere, see CAD/D: 153ff. no doubt that this reading is correct. Hence, the individual 16. sag, ‘head’, is understood here as ‘slave’. Nabunnu cannot be identified with Nabunnu of Emar 26, 17. This line is heavily damaged and moreover as suggested inter alia by Singer (2011: 397, n. 37). For the signs are tightly written because of the spillover of gar = šaknu, ‘governor’, a writing convention typical of two signs from line 6 of the obverse. The signs are as Nuzi, Middle Assyrian and Middle Babylonian sources, follows: a-na i-mu-˹ma˺?-ra-e? or -ú?. This is to be under- see CAD/Š/I: 180ff.; and Jakob (2003: 131-40, e.g., stood as an attempt to write a nisbe form such as Ima­ p. 138): gar kur uruAš-šur, ‘governor of the Land of rayê/û ‘an Emarite’; cf. RE 19:7: I-ma-ra-ia ša uruI-mar; Assur.’ Note that the Land of Suḫu is written with the Cancik-Kirchbaum 1996, no. 13:10: [ku]rI-ma-ra-ia-ú ‘zu’ sign, i.e., sú (cf. rev. 14), and not with ‘su’, as per (Middle Assyrian documents); and Tsukimoto 1992, Bassetti (1996). The same writing is found in Emar no. 46:6, 10 and 12: dam-ka I-ma-ra-i-ti, ‘your Emarite 32:25 (kur Súsic!-ḫi), a Syro-Hittite testament and Emar wife’ and RE 97:23: geme-ši I-mar-a-i-ta ‘her Emarite 263:19 and 22 (kur Sú-ú-ḫi), a Syro-Hittite letter. The slave-girl’ (respectively, a Syro-Hittite document and a geographical name is written in Assyrian sources with Syrian document, probably from Emar). ‘su’; see Nashef (1982: 235-36). 18. The line is heavily damaged. The form na-ša-ta 4. The writing of the name of the city with ‘i’ (I-mar) is taken as našâta (← našû), ‘you carried (active here)’. rather than the regular writing with ‘e’ (E-mar), as is The next word, badly broken, is read as ˹qí˺-i-bi ← qību usually found in documents originating from Emar ‘decree, order’. It is the subject of the verb ḫepû: qībī (in both the Syrian and Syro-Hittite scribal traditions), is iḫpīka ‘my order broke you, defeated you’. common to Middle Assyrian sources and is the typical 20. The name is to be read as Ma-Zi-ia. Compare Old Babylonian spelling of the city’s name; see Groneberg Pruzsinszky (2003: 88 and 251). (1980: 72-73); Nashef (1982: 137); Faist (2001: 135- 21. The numeral six is written in an unorthodox man- 37). However, such spelling is also attested in conserva- ner. tive ritual and cultic texts from the city; e.g., Emar 22. Amend ša for da in order to give nadāni. 373:133′ ([a]na diškur en I-mar); Emar 378:25 (diškur en I-ma-ar). Left Edge 6. The emendation to kib‹sā›tika, ‘your steps, advance- 27. The verbal form at the end of the first line of the ment’ (plural of kibsu), is clear because of its pairing with left edge is barely visible from the photograph, hence the the next word. Compare: ki-ib-si-ka tal-lak.meš-ka…ludam- reading is not secure. miqū, ‘May your access and activities be successful…’ 29. Possibly read ṭup-pa-šu! or ṭup-pa-‹‹ta?››.

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Synopsis Historical Considerations The governor of Emar, Talmi-Šarruma, writes to It is clear from the opening salutations of the letter that Nabunnu, the governor of the Land of Suḫu regarding two the speaker is a Hittite, for otherwise the gods of the Land Emarites, Aḫi-malik and KA-d˹en˺?, who were sent to the of Ḫatti would not have been evoked. Hence, since the river ordeal, presumably at Id. He relates the following letter is concerned with Emar, its terminus post quem is case to Nabunnu. Aḫi-malik brought a slave to the Emar- Šuppiluliuma’s conquest of the region, i.e., circa 1340 BC. ites from the Land of Aššur. Zu-Aštarti, perhaps in an Who is Talmi-Šarruma? His identity is not obvious, official capacity, ruled that the slave belongs to him all the more so since he is not mentioned in documents (or even that Aḫi-malik was his slave). Furthermore, from Emar (apart from one source, RE 83, allegedly from Zu-Aštarti continues to say, Mazia the king imposed a Emar; see below). Hence, we should search for him fine(?) of six mina of silver on Aḫi-malik. Aḫi-malik reit- ­elsewhere. It can suggested that he be identified with Tal- erates and says that King Mazia did not deliver him to the mi-Šarruma, son of Prince Telepinu, who was installed hands of Zu-Aštarti. Nabunnu is required to inform Tal- as the viceroy of Halab in Muršili’s 9th year.7 Although mi-Šarruma by message the fate of whoever is acquitted this suggestion can be appealing, it is not without its at the river ordeal, presumably Aḫi-malik and KA-d˹en˺?, problems. First of all, Talmi-Šarruma was king of Halab, perhaps functioning there as the surrogate of Zu-Aštarti. and not the governor of the Land of Emar. Secondly, it is not at all secure that Talmi-Šarruma’s domain indeed 8 Discussion included Emar. The city was certainly under the control of Carchemish from the times of Muršili II and the vice- Formal Features roy Šaḫurunuwa, a contemporary of Muršili II, around The letter is written in a script usually defined as the beginning of the 13th century. As a solution to these Assyro-Mittanian,3 although it also exhibits some two points, one can suggest that Talmi-Šarruma served non-typical signs to this inventory. The sign ‘li’ appears in the capacity of the governor when he was still a junior, in its older form, which is typical of the Middle Assyrian just prior to his installment as king of Halab. Such an script. Indeed, on the whole, the signs employed in the explanation would also clarify why his operations were letter appear very similar to Middle Assyrian signs.4 How- not recorded in the sources at our disposal from Emar. ever, the way of writing the signs across the tablet, as well He wrote the letter somewhat prior to the full deployment as the tablet’s shape, preclude it from being a Middle of Hittite officials in the city, which started at around the Assyrian letter. It is rather obvious that the letter is not mid-13th century.9 written in the script traditions common to Emar: it is writ- Another option is to identify the Talmi-Šarruma of the ten in neither the Syrian tradition nor the Syro-Hittite tra- letter with […]-Šarruma, son of Šarri-Kušuḫ, the viceroy dition. Note the writing of the ‘aḫ’ sign (l. 1) different than of Carchemish.10 This figure, whose name remains ḪI+RI (The Syro-Hittite scribal tradition). incomplete, is usually considered as the Hurrian name A few sign-values in the letter can be considered of the heir of Šarri-Kušuḫ in Carchemish, Šaḫurunuwa innovative or more modern. Note: niš (l. 7, dan-niš; usu- (and see above).11 In which case one would assume two ally in this period níš; and cf. l. 29 man-nu); šul (l. 7, Talmi-Šarruma-s: [Talmi]-Šarruma, aka Šaḫurunuwa, šul-mu); and nap (l. 9, nap-šá-ti-ka). Noteworthy is the usage of šá (l. 9 nap-šá-ti-ka). Such a usage can be con- 7 sidered an innovation common to the post-Amarna for Talmi-Šarruma, see van den Hout (2013). The name Talmi- 5 Šarruma is only attested in Hittite sources. The element -Šarruma was period, although it is attested somewhat before. certainly common among the Hittites, including officials who held key The opening salutations of the letter can be compared positions at Emar (e.g., Kili-Šarruma) or Ugarit (e.g., Tagi-Šarruma). to some letters that were sent from the Middle Euphrates Note, however, that the element -Šarruma is found in names attested region and recovered at Ugarit, notably RS 34.142, in Alalakh, Ugarit (in both cuneiform and alphabetic scripts, among 6 ­citizens of the city), and Emar (among non-Hittite, presumably local RS 92.2006, and RS 92.2017. However, in spite of the citizens). For Alalakh: von Dassow (2008: 324); Ugarit: Gröndahl similar salutations, the script of the present letter is dif- (1967: 250); Emar: Pruzsinszky (2003: 225, 235). ferent than the one found in the Middle Euphrates corre- 8 Such an impression may be gained from the historical introduc- spondence recovered at Ugarit. tion of the Treaty between Muwattalli and Talmi-Šarruma; Beckman (1999, no. 14); Devechhi (2010). However, as Singer (forthcoming) explains, it is far from certain that Halab regained control over the 3 See Schwemer (1998: 17-39). Land of Aštata, whose capital city is usually thought to have been 4 Compare with the sign-lists provided by Cancik-Kirschbaum (1996: Emar; see also d’Alfonso (2007). 73-87); Jakob (2009: 27-40); and somewhat less so Maul (2005: 83-92). 9 See d’Alfonso (2007). 5 According to von Soden & Röllig (1976: 64), šá as a syllabic 10 This person is mentioned in the Annals of Muršili; Goetze (1933: value can be seen in Nuzi and Alalakh. 124-25); del Monte (1993: 96). 6 Lackenbacher (1991: 101-104); Arnaud (2001: 261-63). 11 See recently Klengel (2008).

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son of Šarri-Kušuḫ, and Talmi-Šarruma, son of Telepinu. surrogate at the river ordeal. In other words, he was sup- Although this requires us to assume two contemporary posed to undergo the ordeal instead of Zu-Aštarti. Talmi-Šarruma-s, it does help to explain who is the Talmi- Although it is not specified that the two came from Šarruma of the letter in front of us: it is Šaḫurunuwa in Emar, it is very likely, hence they travelled several hun- his capacity of the governor of Emar, before he was dred kilometers to reach their destination, probably at Id. appointed as viceroy of Carchemish. That should not come as a great surprise. In the Old In regards to Talmi-Šarruma’s title – although it is ­Babylonian period, it is known that the river ordeal at Id not found in Emar, it was in use at Ugarit (borne by the drew people from as far as Elam.16 The city of Emar is Hittite official Tagḫulinu for example) and seems to have also mentioned as one of the places from which individuals also been recognized by the Assyrians (when borne by were sent to the river ordeal.17 the official Tagi-Šarruma; wr. ša-kín kur).12 The name Aḫi-malik is common enough in Emar. Is it possible to find Talmi-Šarruma in other sources? It can be associated with four people of some impor- In a letter allegedly from Emar, RE 83, a Talmi-Šarruma tance: a scribe, a ḫazannu, and a member of the family (without any title) writes to his ‘brother’, a certain Arad- of the ‘Second Dynasty’, all dated to the Syrian scribal dingir.meš (Abdi/Arad-ilī?) about horses. If the two tradition period of the city; and Aḫi-malik, the last ‘over- ­Talmi-Šarruma-s are the same person, it is clear that the seer of the land’, active in the last years of the city.18 one writing RE 83 was not a merchant active in Emar, An identification of Aḫi-malik of the letter with either of but rather the governor of the land. Note that RE 83 them cannot be made and is hardly likely for the reasons ­displays Middle Assyrian grammatical forms, which sug- given above. gests that like the letter under consideration here, it too The other individual involved in the case was Zu-Aštarti. was not written at Emar but elsewhere.13 This is a common name in Emar. There are a few notable Moving on to discuss the addressee of the letter, individuals bearing this name. One of the Emar ‘Second Nabunnu, we can say that in his official role as a governor Dynasty’ kings was called Zu-Aštarti. And there were he probably held the jurisdiction over Id, at the southern two scribes called Zu-Aštarti – one who was active in the border of Suḫu, where the river ordeal was presumably Syrian scribal tradition and the other in the Syro-Hittite held.14 The identity of Nabunnu, governor of the Land of scribal tradition; the Syro-Hittite scribe Zu-Aštarti had Suḫu, is not known from other sources. An un-named gov- a Hittite hieroglyphic seal and may have worked at ernor of Suḫu is mentioned in an Emar letter (Emar 263).15 the service of the Hittite administration. A Zu-Aštarti However, since the letter is dated to a late period in the was also a member of the prominent Zu-Bala family.19 history of the city (the generation of Baʽal-malik the None of the afore mentioned can be identified with the diviner), it is unlikely that the governor of Emar 263 is to Zu-Aštarti of our letter. be identified with the governor Nabunnu of the present Taking part in the dispute over the possession of the letter, given the considerations elaborated upon above. slave from Aššur is a king named Maziya. The name (wr. The person Nabunnu mentioned in the debt note Emar 26 Ma-zi-ia) according to its ending is a hypocoristic form. (again dated to the late period in Emar) is for certain not It is known from Emar and is possibly a shortened form to be identified with the governor of Suḫu (as was stated of Mazi-Teššub, a Hurrian name. However, a shortened above, under the commentary to obv. 1). form of Maṣi-DN can also be thought of, in which case it Two people were sent down the Euphrates to the Land will be a Semitic name.20 Since Talmi-Šarruma outlines of Suḫu to undergo the river ordeal. They were Aḫi- the legal case as it happened from his point of view, when malik and KA-d˹EN˺ (Pû-Baʽal?). It is not clear what stationed as the governor of Emar, it is likely that Maziya KA-d˹en˺’s role was, but perhaps he served as Zu-Aštarti’s was the king of Emar. As all versed in Emar studies know, there is no known king or royal figure bearing 12 Singer (2003). Usually the title šakin māti is not supplemented anything even resembling such a name. Was Maziya a with a geographical name. However, in the Ugarit documentation, some- newly appointed king of the city following the Hittite times one finds šakin māt uruUgarit or šakin māt Amurri (e.g., Fales conquest? And if so, where is he to be placed in the 1984); see CAD/S: 76-77. sequence of rulers? Without entering thoroughly into the 13 The name of the sender of RE 83 was previously read incor- rectly, and now should be rendered as Talmi-Šarruma, following Durand (2012); see also Cohen (2013a). Durand raised the possibility that he should be identified with Talmi-Šarruma the Hittite viceroy, 16 durand (1988, no. 255). which finds now more support with the publication of our letter. 17 durand (1988, no. 256). 14 for a summary of our state of knowledge about Suḫu, see Beau- 18 details found in Cohen (2009). lieu (2012) to which one should add Na’aman (2007). 19 details found in Cohen (2009). 15 for the letter Emar 263 and the identification of the governor of 20 Pruzsinszky (2003: 88 and 251). None of the individuals named Suḫu mentioned within, see Cohen (2012); Durand and Marti (2005); either Mazi-Teššub or Maṣi-DN stand out as particular candidates to be Singer (2011: 397). identified with Maziya of the letter.

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Obverse Reverse

Upper Edge Left Edge

debate regarding the chronology of Emar, if it is accepted resort to the river ordeal required? Since the resort to that Maziya was indeed king at Emar, in my opinion, he the river-ordeal was not the legal practice in areas under is to be placed after the so-called ‘Second Dynasty’. Hittite control, a careful assumption may state that this Because Maziya is not attested in Syrian scribal tradition case happened before the Hittites intervened more fully sources from Emar, this supports the claim that when the in the juridical matters of the city, at which stage the Hittites conquered Emar the so-called ‘Second Dynasty’ recourse to the ordeal was abandoned. Secondly, Aḫi- came to its end (which is when the Syrian tradition more malik brought a slave from the Land of Aššur to Emar. or less ends).21 One can imagine that at this point Maziya The consequences of this was, as far as can be under- —a local Emarite—was installed as king by the new rul- stood, the confiscation of the slave and the imposition of ers of the Emar. Later he was replaced and a host of a very heavy fine.22 Was this fine a result of a Hittite Hittite officials in close collaboration of the Zu-Bala embargo on all things Assyrian during and following family ruled the city (as the Syro-Hittite scribal tradition Šuppiluliuma’s conquest of Syria and the establishment starts to flourish). of the vassal state of Hanigalbat? Some final points can be raised once the whole doc- At this stage, a fuller treatment of this letter is required ument is seen in its proper context. First, why was the in order to understand its contents better and gain an appreciation of its wider political and social implications.

21 See Cohen (2013b) with previous literature. Briefly it can be said that this letter strengthens the view that the Syrian and Syro-Hittite data hardly overlap, if indeed at all, but this obviously requires addi- 22 for an Assyrian maid in Emar, see Westenholz 2000, no. 20; for tional discussion. Emar-Aššur trade relations, see Faist 2001.

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