Rolf Künnemann The Road to Freedom
A Textbook on Human Rights
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The Road to Freedom
Copyright: Rolf Künnemann
FIAN International P.O.Box 10 22 43 69012 Heidelberg www.fian.org
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Preface
Dear human rights trainee, dear human rights trainer,
This book is about freedom - the absence of oppression. And about human rights - the safeguards against oppression.
“The Road to Freedom” is a textbook for courses of civil society organisations, colleges and universities, advanced adult education. It could also be useful for staff in 1national and international states authorities, as it deals with the most basic duties of their institutions.
The purpose of this book is to give human rights educators a tool for teaching - and human rights students a source for learning - along with study material to be freely adapted or easily copied.
You will know a lot about human rights. You may have already used human rights in your political or legal work. After all, human rights have become a crucial political concept. Why then should you study this textbook?
Human rights have often been referred to in political parlance, but all too often merely in a rhetorical sense or in a biased and reductionist manner or with oppressive states championing as human rights promoters and defenders. There is a risk of human rights being misused for foreign policy interests or as a vehicle for the demands (justified or not) of specific privileged pressure groups.
The task of this textbook is to return from the booming rhetorics to the simple meaning of human rights in order to strengthen them as tools for vulnerable groups and their supporters to address and combat the worst forms of oppression. It is a sad fact that human rights today are still a far cry from the minds of many oppressed people. For human rights education this means to return to the basic concepts of human rights.
Besides returning to the basic function of human rights as weapons against oppression, there is yet another reason why I want to invite you to study this textbook and use it in your human rights education: I feel it is necessary to start from scratch when teaching human rights, and to present a systematic and balanced treatment. Human rights have been distorted. Some people have tried to reduce them to certain civil rights, others turned them into expressions of moral disgust about physical atrocities. The UN General Assembly and many others have kept reminding us of the indivisibility and interdependence of economic, social, cultural, civil and political human rights. In practise, however, not much more has happened in the UN or other intergovernmental organizations that would really take economic and social rights serious as human rights.
Indivisibility can only be put into practise by starting human rights education with coherent concepts applicable to all fields of human rights: The basic concepts of political rights, for example, should not differ from those principles used in economic
FIAN International 3 g32e The Road to Freedom or social rights. Spelling out basic concepts must not be seen as an unnecessary abstraction. Coherent concepts are an inevitable step to liberate the full potential of human rights. It makes no sense to somehow add on economic, social and cultural rights through simplistic theories borrowed from the development paradigm. Human rights altogether (including civil human rights) have to be taught from the beginning in a way that makes indivisibility obvious. This has been attempted in part I, The Basic Concepts of Human Rights.
Only once this elementary stage has been mastered can there be any meaningful focus on a specific field of human rights like civil or political human rights or economic, social or cultural human rights. Part II deals with the 16 Groups of Human Rights as they are codified in the International Bill.
Human rights are meant to be used. For this matter we deal in part III with the question how to use human rights. Part IV provides tools for human rights training.
I hope that you, dear human rights trainer and trainee, will find this textbook both a source of inspiration and a weapon in the struggle on the road to freedom.
Heidelberg, September, 2004 – Rolf Künnemann
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How to use this book
This book is meant for studying and teaching. The target groups range from university students in law or political science to NGO activists, from developmental workers and the human rights communities to the practitioners in the political parties and in the labour unions.
In the beginning you will find our emphasis on concepts somewhat unusual. I think greater clarity on human rights will reward you for your discipline in working your way through Parts I and II. This clarity can only grow out of careful use of concepts and terminology. The glossary at the end of the book will be a helpful point of reference.
The text is interspersed with concepts for review, questions for discussion and faqs (frequently asked questions). Some questions for discussion are mere exercises: repetition or application of the concepts learned. Others are merely supposed to trigger an open ended discussion. Sometimes, however, questions deal with material that could have gone into the text, but didn’t. They carry a * and hints or even replies can be found in chapter 17. The faqs should also be seen as "questions for discussion": The replies given in the book should be discussed in the course. Please take your time to work through both the faqs and the questions for discussion until you feel at ease with the concepts. At the end of the book there will be forms for quizzes on the specific chapters and subjects. Model answers for these quizzes are provided as well.
Another useful tool in the back of the book are the proposals for curricula (chapter 15) with suggestions how to present this material in course work. For advanced students the material can be dealt with in a one semester course (14 two-hour sessions). Normally, however, ample time should be given for discussion so that a one year course (28 two-hour lessons) would be most appropriate. The textbook can also used for "crash courses on human rights" or to hold workshops only on specific topics like indivisibility, full realisation, economic human rights, or international obligations.
Acknowledgment:
This book is a thoroughly revised version of my earlier textbook “Food and Freedom”. My gratitude in the context of the first version for the contributions of Ranjit Nayak and Angelika Weber and the editorial assistance of Emma Ernfors extends to this new book as well. Thanks go to Nora Walls for her editorial work for “The Road to Freedom”. The revised version gained a lot from the feedback on the earlier one, in particular by Marie Ganier-Raymond and Renate Schüssler and from comments of Priscilla Claeys. They are not to be blamed for what has become of their suggestions. I have greatly benefitted from my experience working with FIAN International. The views expressed, however, are my own and are not to be attributed to FIAN International.
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Table of Contents Page
Part I The Basic Concepts of Human Rights 11
1. Freedom versus Oppression 12
1.1 Freedom: The role of the new state 12 1.2 Cases to consider: Learning to identify a violation when you see it 14
2. The Human Standards 19
2.1 The three key elements of a human right 19 2.2 Each human right refers to a human standard 22 2.3 Indivisibility, interdependence and universality 24 2.4 Oppression and the human standards 27 2.5 Violation of rights or deprivation of standards 28 2.6 Crimes: Corporations, landlords and other third parties 29 2.7 Lax language - elegance or confusion 32
3. Obligations of States and States’ Authorities 33
3.1 The nature of states' obligations 33 3.2 Obligation to respect 35 3.3 Obligation to protect 36 3.4 Obligation to fulfil 38 3.5 Obligations of authorities and institutions 40 3.6 External obligations 43 3.7 International obligations 45
4. Towards the Full Realization of Human Rights 49
4.1 Implementation and enforcement 49 4.2 Justiciability 50 4.3 Realization 52 4.4 Non-discrimination and sustainability 54 4.5 Ethics and human rights 56
Part II The 16 Groups of Human Rights 59
5. Economic Rights 63
5.1 The right to work 63 5.2 The right to just conditions of work 65
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6. Social Rights 69
6.1 The rights to an adequate standard of living and to social security 69 6.2. The right to health 73 6.3 The rights of families, mothers and children 74
7. Cultural Rights 76
7.1 The right to participate in cultural life 76 7.2 The right to education 77 7.3 The rights of minorities 77
8. Civil Rights 80
8.1 The rights to life and personal security 80 8.2. The right to a fair trial 81 8.3 The rights of prisoners 83
9. Political Rights 85
9.1 The right to participation in political life 85 9.2 The right to freedom of opinion 86 9.3 The right to freedom of association 87 9.4 The right to freedom of peaceful assembly 88 9.5 The right to liberty of movement 88
Part III How to Use Human Rights 91
10. Empowering Victims and Their Support Groups 92
10.1 Human rights don't struggle for self-interest but for justice 93 10.2 Human rights identify and challenge oppression 93 10.3 Human rights struggle for democracy 94 10.4 Human rights are not negotiable 94
11. Building Alliances 96
11.1 Human rights unite the diversity of involved groups on a joint platform 96 11.2 The strength of value abstinence 96 11.3 International networking 98
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12. Using the Instruments of International Human Rights Law 99
12.1 The International Bill of Human Rights 100 12.2 Intergovernmental bodies concerned with promotion and monitoring 102 12.3 How can NGOs participate in the UN human rights system 105
13. Using Mechanisms of Domestic Human Rights Law 109
13.1 Relating domestic law to human rights 109 13.2 Determining failures in enforcement 110 13.3 Addressing gaps in implementation 110 13.4 Applying international human rights law in domestic courts 110
Part IV Tools for Human Rights Training 113
14. Glossary of Human Rights Terms and Concepts 114
15. Curricula for Workshops and Training Courses 120
15.1 Units for basic human rights education 120 15.2 Suggestions for human rights education and training 123
16. Quizzes for Human Rights 126
17. Answers to Questions for Discussion 134
Annex The International Bill of Human Rights 139
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Part I – The Basic Concepts of Human Rights Part I
Basic Concepts of Human Rights
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 1
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1. Freedom versus Oppression
1.1 Freedom: The Role of the New State?
Human rights are essentially about “freedom” and “the state”. The state is a “system of governance”. This includes the nation state, but also other elements such as municipalities, federal states, national and international states authorities. Strictly speaking, international authorities (intergovernmental organisations) belong to the community of (nation) states, which in itself shows signs of a “system of governance”.
Freedom is an even more complicated term than state: A simplistic - and somewhat individualistic - definition of my freedom is “the possibility of doing what I want”. It is then understood that persons who happen to want something else would insist on their own freedom - and if this (for whatever reason) does not happen, I should feel free to “just do it”. This concept of freedom grounds behaviour on struggle rather than mutual respect and concern: If person A wants to bring about situation X and person B wants to prevent situation X, than A and B cannot have freedom at the same time. Moreover, if B cannot insist on her own freedom (because B will be born in 20 years from now, or is old, poor, or less aggressive), then A will have his way, at the expense of B’s and society’s wellbeing.
Such a concept of freedom fits the ideology of the “free market”: Through free markets the “invisible hand” magically brings about the best of all worlds. Liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation feed global big business with ever new markets and resources. When this implies destroying people’s livelihoods, police and military are required: The “invisible hand” of the market needs the visible fist of a state, whose main concern is to defend the interests of capital in search for quick profit. Therefore the invisible hand (and the visible fist) have to be propagated as prerequisites for freedom and democracy. This may be unfortunate, but we can rest assured: Freedom will in future trickle down eventually, if we let money have its way. Such an ideology of “money’s freedom” turns freedom upside down - and into a justification of oppression.
The original understanding of freedom can be restored by recalling that in ancient and medieval times “freedom” meant for a person not to be owned by a lord or community. Being “free” included the liberty of movement, the choice of spouse, and having property. Freedom was lost as a result of a crime, of selling oneself, of high debt or defeat in war. A man enjoyed freedom, when he was not a slave, servant or dependent. Women were in general not considered free. In ancient Greek democracy, freedom (and being a native of the community) was the prerequisite for participating as a full member of society. The same is true for ancient peasant societies. Here it also meant feeding oneself on one’s own land. Bonded (non-free) people were either captives of a conquered city/people or persons so highly indebted to another member of the same community/people that the complete labour capacity (and even the childrens’ labour) was owned by the “master” to whom the debt was owed. In the European middle ages, people who had to provide a certain amount of labour to the feudal lord were also considered bonded: Free people paid their dues to the lord in cash or kind. To sum up: Freedom has meant the absence of oppression, and included
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Part I – The Basic Concepts of Human Rights in particular, the ownership of property and the participation in the political affairs of the community/state. This is a far cry from a rich person’s “doing what I want”.
Human rights embodies the visions of oppressed people - and their longing for freedom. Many freedom struggles - of slaves, of marginalized peasants or of women - were carried to break the shackles of oppression both in antiquity, the middle ages, and early modern times. Human rights as a concept entered the centre stage of history first in the context of the American War of Independence and the French Revolution during the last quarter of the 18th century. Human rights provided the foundation for a new concept of state: The state as an agent for freedom.
The human rights movement has seen the state mostly as a destroyer of freedom rather than an agent for freedom. Ironically this reinforces the negative state image constantly promoted by neo-liberals and business media who (in times of severe crisis of their economic model) have reason to fear the state as an agent for freedom of the victims. During the past two decades the human rights movement has realised these shortcomings and started to develop a more sophisticated approach to the different fields of human rights (economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights) and to different types of states obligations. This new approach gives the movement both more coherence and more political weight in its struggle for freedom. Human rights defenders will always address states with critical voices - but not in order to reduce state activities and leave more room for oppression by unaccountable corporations or a rich oligarchy who want to separate themselves from the people. No, the true purpose of criticism is to construct a new type of state owned by the people and finally fulfilling the promise of the state as a an agent of freedom.
The first step on this road to freedom is a better understanding of oppression: Freedom does not mean the absence of state, but the absence of oppression.
Questions for Discussion
1.1 Describe key elements of states and the community of states. 1.2 What is wrong with understanding freedom as “the possibility of doing what I want”? 1.3 Describe the ideology of “money’s freedom”. Can you relate this to current debates about economic policy? 1.4 Why are human rights sometimes misunderstood as “anti-state”? 1.5 How can the state become an agent for freedom? 1.6 Why do we have to learn about oppression in order to understand freedom?
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1.2 Cases to consider: Learning to identify a violation when you see it
Here is a discussion of five human rights cases. You should not try at this point to fully understand the analysis of these cases and their technicalities. They will be referred to in the future. As a point of introduction, however, they may give you an idea of what we will be dealing with.
Case 1: Torture and maltreatment of Turkish detainee by German police
Torture is the deliberate infliction of great pain in order to punish people, to extract information from them or to make them confess. Torture is a severe crime against human rights. If torture is applied by state authorities like the police, prison staff or the armed forces, it is a violation of human rights.
Ahmet D., a Turkish Citizen, was detained in October 1995 by German police in front of a disco in the German city of Hamm. Eye witnesses report that his hands were tied on his back before he was pushed in the back seat of the police car. While he had to sit in the back of the police car he was brutally beaten in the face by two policemen. He reported that due to these beatings that he was unable to leave the police car when it arrived in the police station. A medical investigation revealed that some of his facial bones had been fractured. Later on he had to go through two facial surgeries.
A recent study "Police and Foreigners" commissioned by the German states revealed a pattern of cases of torture in German police custody. In many cases the victims were foreigners. The UN Human Rights Committee criticized the lack of independent mechanisms to investigate such incidents.
Case 2: US "personal responsibility and work reconciliation act" of 1996: Right to food for the poor abolished in US law
For over 60 years, The US government had been committed to secure the basic necessities of life for its poor. Specific welfare programs had considerably reduced the suffering of America's poor and hungry.
On August 22,1996, President Clinton signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Reconciliation Act of 1996. The Act had disastrous consequences for the millions of people in America struggling to feed themselves and their children.
The law eliminated America's 60-year commitment to social welfare, cutting over $60 billion from the social services budget, and decentralized the system, giving individual states great leeway in overhauling their welfare programs. The decentralization left the states, many of which were already cash-strapped, fiscally responsible for programs which they cannot afford. In California, officials expected to have to spend an additional $10.7 billion providing aid to those who are denied assistance under the new law. In New York City alone, the additional cost to local
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Part I – The Basic Concepts of Human Rights government was estimated at 720 millions. In many cases, local governments were thus forced to scale back benefits even further than federal mandates require.
The legislation was designed to force long time welfare recipients to find employment: After two years beneficiaries must have found work. Otherwise social welfare payments are stopped. This has been problematic because not enough proper jobs exist to absorb the millions who are pushed off the welfare rolls. People have no choice but to accept all kinds of jobs. The San Francisco Chronicle reports that "job prospects for those most likely to be on welfare, single mothers with no high school diploma and little work experience, are about as grim as the average worker faced during the Great Depression" of the 1930's. Flooding the job market with millions of new workers created a vast pool and serve to further depress the wages of the working poor, the majority of whom currently do not earn a living wage.
The law abolished the legal right to an adequate standard of living by limiting social welfare payments to a maximum of five years during one's life time.
Some of the most drastic cuts in the law applied to the food stamp programme and other hunger prevention programs plunging hundreds of thousands of children into poverty. The US has never ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which has been signed by 134 other states. Ratifying states are duty-bound to fulfil the right to food of all parts of the population. During the World Food Summit held in Rome in November 1996, the head of the US delegation, Ms. Melinda Kimble openly stated that the US could not support language about the right to food since the welfare reform would then be in violation of international law.
Case 3: European beef dumping destroys livelihoods of nomadic people in Burkina Faso
In the Sahelian states of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger some 4 million people live by raising cattle and selling it to farmers further south or in the cities. This group of nomads is extremely vulnerable. Life expectancy is below 50 years. The nomadic tribes depend on the functioning of cattle and beef trade for survival. Within a few years, however, their market for beef almost collapsed.
From 1984 to 1990 the EC increased its share on the West African beef market from 18 percent to 44 percent, by undercutting the price of the local producers with EC subsidies: In Ivory Cost, for example, West African beef sold in 1991 for 2.75$ per kilo, whereas frozen beef from the EC would have had to be sold at 3.75$ by EC producers just to cover their costs.
Thanks to EC export subsidies, however, the EC beef was dumped at 2.10$, while many nomadic producers were unable to sell their cattle and hence lost their livelihood. Their vulnerability was turned into deprivation by an international violation of the right to feed oneself.
The EC subsidies were necessary for the depriving act to come about. The EC was therefore involved not in a breach of a protection-bound obligation, as would have
FIAN International 15 g32e The Road to Freedom been the case by conniving with the beef producers or assisting them by a policy of non-intervention. Instead a respect-bound obligation was breached, depriving the Sahel nomads of their access to food.
After a campaign of several NGOs in West Africa and Europe, including FIAN, the EC reduced its subsidies for beef dumping in West Africa considerably, thereby alleviating the situation of the nomads. The EC subsidies were transferred instead - to beef dumping in Eastern Europe. In the field of international agricultural trade such dumping of agricultural surplusses on markets displacing vulnerable Southern producers violates the right to feed oneself.
Case 4: Failure to enforce Agrarian Reform: Massacre of Eldorado do Carajás, Federal State of Pará, Brazil
According to the Brazilian government there are 16 million rural poor half of them suffering hunger and malnutrition. The main reason for rural poverty in Brazil is landlessness. Brazil has vast stretches of idle lands (concentrated in the hands of the rich) and sufficient resources to carry out an agrarian reform and overcome landlessness. Large landholdings of 1000 ha and more) control 53 percent of agricultural land, almost one half of it is not cultivated.
Given the lack of alternative employment, agrarian reform is the only measure which would allow the rural poor to feed themselves in the foreseeable future. As there is no lack of resources for an agrarian reform, the human right to food obliges the Brazilian government to carry out agrarian reform as quickly as possible.
The National Agrarian Reform Plan was designed in 1985 to resettle 1,4 million landless rural families. The Brazilian government failed to overcome the (sometimes violent) opposition of large landowners and resettled only a small fraction of this target. Instead the state colluded in many ways with the landlords: From 1985 to 1996 there were 969 assassinations of rural workers, and more than 820 assassination attempts and 2400 death threats against rural workers. Very few of the killers were convicted. Instead, the military police quite often co-operated with the operation of the landlords private armies.
One of the most brutal massacres of landless peasants was perpetrated by the military police forces of the State of Pará took place on the 17th of April 1996. Some 1500 landless peasants had started a peaceful march on the road PA-150 to Belém, the capital of Pará. These peasants were part of 3000 landless families peacefully occupying the Macaxeira estate of Curianópolis since March. In Belém the peasants wanted to demand the overdue implementation of the agrarian reform by way of expropriation and redistribution of the estate. After two days of marching, tired and hungry, the landless were confronted by the military police who opened fire on the landless peasants, killing 19 and wounding some 50 more, including women and children. The autopsy revealed that at last 12 persons were executed through short distance shots in the head. According to recent information, the massacre had even been planned and financially supported by big landlords of the region who wanted to get rid of the landless peasants leaders. One of the landlords involved declared
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Part I – The Basic Concepts of Human Rights afterwards that a big amount of money had been collected for the realisation of the massacre. National newspapers quoted the disappointment of some military police commanders because “not all leaders had been killed”. It was the Governor of Pará, Mr Almir Gabriel, who gave orders to dislodge the peasants from the road and apparently allowed the use of violence.
The military investigation team immediately introduced a number of obstacles to prevent the gathering of evidence against the responsible military police officers: The dead bodies were displaced, the victims were not asked to identify the officers involved, the behaviour of the officers was not individualized, and no securing of evidence took place. Moreover, only some 13 peasants and 45 police officers were heard.
Case 5: Semarsot wildlife sanctuary threatens tribal people in Surguja District, Madhya Pradesh, India
There are some 70 million tribal and indigenous people in India. They are commonly known as Adivasis and constitute about 8 per cent of the Indian population. They are one of the most vulnerable sections of Indian society in terms of economic, social and cultural rights. It is mainly the Adivasi population of India that has been falling victim to large-scale displacement as a result of development projects including the construction of dams, mines, industries, and wildlife sanctuaries during the past decades.
For centuries the Adivasis have been living in harmony with the forests and wildlife, whereas most joint projects of the Indian government and the World Bank have had devastating effects on the natural habitats. Wildlife sanctuaries are quite often nothing but a resource for a profitable tourist industry - to the detriment of the indigenous populations, the wildlife and the forests.
The state of Madhya Pradesh in central India, with its Adivasi population of about 15 million, has vast forest tracts rich in wildlife. The state is already covered by a large number of wildlife sanctuaries and national parks. At present, there are plans to establish another such project called Semarsot Wildlife Sanctuary in Surguja District bordering Bihar, the neighbouring state in the east. People were notified for the first time in 1986 that land would be acquired for this project. Due to strong local protests the project was not pursued further - until October 1996. On October 28, 1996, a second notification was issued saying that 43,036.16 hectares of land will be acquired for the Semarsot Wildlife Sanctuary. This would directly affect 51 villages and result in the displacement of 35,000 people, 85 per cent of them Adivasis. More than half of the affected population belongs to the Korwa and Korku Adivasi communities who are already struggling for their survival. Other communities living in the area are the Kherwar, the Nagesia and the Cherwa. The proposed wildlife sanctuary violates the right to feed oneself of 5,333 tribal or Adivasi families, who will be dispossessed of their traditional lands and resources without any realistic perspective for proper resettlement, and will therefore face hunger and malnutrition.
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After the second notification in October 1996, people once again organised themselves in protest. They formed a movement called the "Jan Sangharsh Samiti" consisting of numerous local committees, held meetings in different places and submitted a memorandum signed by 7,000 people on 3 December 1996. On 19 December, a massive demonstration of 29,000 people was held at the district town of Ambikapur. On 30 January 1997, representatives of the tribal people met the Chief Minister of the state, without, however, obtaining any tangible result. As a next step, the Samiti organised hunger strikes, demonstrations and ultimately started a non-co- operation movement against the Forest Department. Instead of listening to the people, the government and other vested interests are now trying to suppress the movement. After a mass gathering on 10 June 1997, at Dhorkhana, on their way back from the meeting, a group of twelve leaders of the movement was attacked and badly beaten up by miscreants with support of forest guards. In spite of severe injuries suffered by them, doctors refused to give them medical assistance in the hospital to which they had been taken. In fact, they were kept unattended for 18 hours, and then were taken to the district town, where they had to go through the same experience.
A spontaneous protest gathering against this incident was attended by 3,000 people on 12 June 1997. 67 Adivasi delegates submitted memorandums to the Superintendent of Police, the Collector of Surguja District, the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, and to the Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission in New Delhi, to demand an investigation of the incident.
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2. The Human Standards
The following chapter introduces the elements for a definition of human rights: From human principles to human standards, and from these standards via the states obligations to human rights eventually enforced by law.
These elements – the principles, standards, obligations, justiciability and legal implementation will all be explained in the course of the next 3 chapters – until the definition of human rights should be clear. The following diagramme may serve as a “road map”:
Freedom as absence of oppression ⇓ Oppression as pushing or keeping people below human standards ⇓ Human rights 1: Human standards ⇓ Human rights 2: States’ obligations to respect, protect, fulfil human standards ⇓ Human rights 3: States’ duty to meet obligations justiciably ⇓ Implementation and Realization ⇓ Freedom
2.1 The three key elements of a human right
A right is a relation that involves duties (or obligations) and benefits. It exists between two entities - a beneficiary and an obligations-holder. The relation is defined by the “normative content” of the right: The claim which the beneficiary has on the obligation-holder and the obligations which the obligation-holder has to carry out in order to meet the beneficiary's claim. Your check on 1000 € drawn on a bank B, for example, can be seen as a right with you as the beneficiary, B as the obligation-holder, 1000 € as the normative content on which you have a claim, and the obligation of B to provide you with 1000 € cash as the obligation-holders obligation.
Rights may exist as inter-personal relations or as relations between the states, between different groups and any other partners. Rights may be embodied in very different moral and legal forms ranging from oral cultural norms to elaborate and codified laws legislated in a parliamentary democracy or enshrined in a state’s constitution or ratified in international law. Rights and law need to be distinguished: Law may give rise to rights and vice versa: Law is a rule established by states legislatures or constitutions. Most types of law carry sanctions in case of breach. Rights may also be moral (and not meant to be legally enforced). Rights can therefore exist prior to the state - not so law.
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The body of norms established by a right was introduced as its normative content. This content consists of two elements: The claim and the obligations of the obligation- holder related to this claim.
A violation of a right is by definition an act or omission by the obligation-holder breaching an obligation implied by this right.
With this general background we can now start defining human rights:
A human right is a relation between the person and the state, or more specifically: between vulnerable persons and groups (as beneficiaries) and the state or community of states (as obligation-holders). This relationship constitutes a right with the following three key elements: The normative content, the primary norms (or behavioural norms) and the secondary norms (or judicial norms).
The normative content describes a certain quality of life, which is the starting point for all further norm-giving. It is normative in the sense that all further norms contained in a human right refer to it and have to be measured against it. The normative content standardizes this quality of life in a way that the primary norms can operate on it. It is therefore also called “the human standard”. Primary norms for human rights are the states obligations to respect, protect and fulfil the quality of life described in the normative content and standardized sufficiently to give some precision to primary norms: While primary norms operate on the normative content, secondary norms operate on primary norms: They describe legal guarantees and procedures for victims to make states meet their (primary) obligations and set judicial standards like rehabilitation and compensation, non-repetition and satisfaction.
In other words, a human right contains as its first element, its normative content, the related “human standard” recognized by the right. For the right to adequate food, access to adequate food is the human standard, and includes definitions about the adequacy of food and the access to it.The human standard (key element 1) will be discussed in the present chapter 2.
The second element of a human right is the states obligation to respect, protect and fulfil the human standard for everybody. These behavioural norms for states are the primary norms emanating from the normative content. This key element 2 will be discussed in chapter 3.
The third key element of a human right ( is the states’ duty to respect, protect and fulfil the human standard justiciably. In a nutshell, justiciability means the secondary norm that the state has to establish means and ways so that people can bring violations before a court and find remedy.This key element 3 will be dealt with in section 4.2.
There are different classes of human rights depending on the sphere of life in which the related human standard is situated. Human rights may, for instance, be classified into political, civil, economic, social and cultural rights etc.. Human Rights are the media for the vulnerable to satisfy their basic needs, for example, their basic needs to food, clothing or housing, or other basic human standards like freedom from slavery or the guarantee of a fair trial.
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