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EJTS, Vol. 2, No.1 EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF TRANSFORMATION STUDIES 2014 Vol. 2, No. 1 Ukraine 2014 – a te st of national spirit Guest editor Prof. Tetyana Nagornyak Donetsk National University, Ukraine © by Europe Our House, Tbilisi e-ISSN 2298-0997 Editor -in-Chief Tamar Gamkrelidze Europe Our House , Tbilisi , Georgia [email protected] Co-editors Prof . Arkadiusz Modrzejewski Dr. Tatiana Tökölyová University of Gdansk , Poland University College of International and [email protected] Public Affairs in Bratislava , Slovakia [email protected] Copy editor Magda Warzocha, MA Medi cal University of Gdansk, Poland EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Prof. Jakub Potulski, University of Gdansk, Poland – Chairperson Prof. Tadeusz Dmochowski, University of Gdansk, Poland Prof. Marwan Al-Absi, University of Constantine the Philosopher in Nitra, Slovakia Prof. Slavomír Gálik, University of ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia Prof. Stefan Ewertowski, University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, Poland Prof. Wojciech Forysinski, Eastern Mediterranean University, Famangusta, Northern Cyprus Prof. Branislav Fridrich, Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia Prof. Danuta Karnowska, Nicola Copernicus University in Torun, Poland Prof. Anatoliy Kruglashov, Chernivtsi National University, Ukraine Prof. Dušan Leška, Comenius University in Bratisla va, Slovakia Prof. Malkhaz Matsaberidze, Ivane Javakashvili Tbilisi State University Prof. Ruizan Mekvabidze, Gori State Teaching University, Georgia Prof. Lucia Mokrá, Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia Prof. Tatiana Papiashvili, Black See Unive rsity in Tbilisi, Georgia Prof. Andras Bozoki, Central European University in Budapest, Hungary Prof. Tereza-Brînduşa Palade, National University of Political and Public Administration in Bucharest, Romania Prof. Dana Petranová, University of ss. Cyril an d Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia Prof. Elif Çolakoğlu, Atatürk University in Erzurum, Turkey Prof. Petr Jemelka, Masaryk University in Brno, Czech Republic Prof. Hana Pravdová, University of ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia Prof. Josef Dolista, C EVRO Institut College in Prague, Czech Republic Prof. Valeriu Mosneaga, Moldova State University in Chişinău, Republic of Moldova Prof. Alex Skovikov, Moscow University for the Humanities, Russia Prof. Andrei Taranu, National University of Political Scienc e and Public Administration in Bucharest, Romania Prof. Tetyana Nagornyak, Donetsk National University, Ukraine Dr. Antonio Momoc, University of Bucharest, Romania Dr. Przemysław Sieradzan, University of Gdansk, Poland Dr. Justyna Schulz, University of Br emen, Germany Dr. Sabína Gáliková Tolnaiová, University of Constantine the Philosopher in Nitra, Slovakia CONTENTS Tetyana Nagornyak Ukraine 2014. Why Maydan rebelled ? (4) Galyna Kuts Postcommunist Ukraine: from Maydan to Maydan (10) Anatoliy Kruglashov Ethnopolitics of Ukraine: Challenges and C hances (17) Iryna Demisheva & Anastasiya Kolomoyets Construction of Reality in the Context of Signing the Agreement about Regulation of the Crisis in Ukraine on 21 February 2014 (25) Olga Kokorska & Valentin Kokorsky Legitimacy of Power and Trust in Transforming Ukrainian S ociety (39) Vira Yaroshenko The Role of Moral Default in Political Nation Forming Process in Ukraine (end of 2013 – beginning of 2014 years) (47) Sergii Bondarenko Eurointegration Policy Crisis in the Donetsk Area: Information Aspect (57) Olena Taranenko Mythologization of the Metaphor ‘the door to Europe open for Ukraine’ in the Modern European Political and Media Ddiscourse (67 ) Mikołaj Szelest Russian -Ukrainian Information War in the Context of EuroMaydan (75) Wojciech Forysinski Ukraine v s. the Russian Federation: Challenges Ahead and Implications for International Law (86) FOR EWOR D Ukraine 2014. Why Maydan rebelled? Tetyana Nagornyak Donetsk National University, Ukraine Having gained independence in 1991 as a result of the dissolution of the USSR, Ukraine became a sovereign state with a long history of state establishment. The sources of Ukrainian statehood date back to Kievan Rus, Kingdom of Galicia- Volhynia, Cossak Republic, Zaporizhian Host, West Ukrainian People’s Republic, etc. For some citizens Declaration of Independence of Ukraine on 24 August 1991 was an act of justice that they had fought and died for. For others it was a political “gift” which they did not know how to treat. The Constitution of Ukraine declares it a democratic and law-based state, but social practices show a totally different reality. During two decades of independence the key accents of Ukrainian socio- political discourse were made on the issue of democratic transit and its institutional basis modernization. According to the theory of social-political cycle processes, the period of Ukraine’s independence has two full cycles 9-13 years each (scheme by Y.Yakovets). Every cycle is characterized by a conflict escalation between the state and society by similar criteria. Each of the two cycles ends with mass social protests against double standards of state power (society’s total disapproval of mismatch between what was declared to happen and what was really happening). The first cycle of Ukraine’s independence development (1991-2004) finished with the Orange revolution and victory of the opposition at the Presidential elections. The second cycle (2004) finished with the Maydan and early Presidential elections. These processes boosted the development of Ukrainian folk mind. The society gradually became a political entity. In fact, every cycle formed the grounds for the conflict between society and the state power, along with society’s self-organizing (not for ethnical, but for political nation and state affiliation). The main grounds are: • Formalized pluralism Parliamentary elections 1994 launched mass formation of political parties. In times of economic crisis and lack of a mature political culture, pro-president parties (SDPU, People’s Democratic Party, Party of Greens of Ukraine, Labour Party Ukraine) played key roles in Ukraine within the first decade of independence. They were formed to fit the exact political persons and were aimed at executing President’s will at the parliament and locally. Left and left-of-center political parties (CPU, SPU, PSPU) enjoyed priority in South-East regions and often exchanged their principles for “political privileges” (e.g. “package voting” in December 2004). Right political parties (Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, Ukrainian People’s Party, People’s Movement of Ukraine) had no stable electoral address, did not aim at becoming all-Ukrainian and promoted nationalist ideas, at that time excepted by Western Ukraine only. The period after the Presidential elections 1999, when all L. Kuchma’s main opponents were destroyed (V.Chornovil, P.Lazarenko), was a period of bifurcation of democracy building. This was the time when right and right-of- center parties picked up momentum, held “Ukraine, Rebel!” protest action, roused 4 the people, transforming atomized party system (1994-2002) into a pluralistic one (2002-2010). After V. Yuschenko’s coming into power multi-party system was in pluralistic phase – opposition between “the white-blue” and “the orange” in different configurations lasted until the Presidential elections 2010 and ended with an actual monopoly of Party of Regions in Ukraine’s party environment 2010. The Party of Regions program definitely declared Ukraine’s Eurontegration line, but the President refused to sign the UE-Ukraine Association Agreement on Eastern Partnership Summit on 28-29 November 2014. This resulted in the start of Euromaydan first in Western regions and then all over Ukraine. • President’s legitimacy crisis and principles of government institutes formation. All Presidential elections in Ukraine were closely monitored by “external observers”. Neither of those who became the President was an independent player and, that is why, could not make any sovereign decisions due to being controlled by the election campaigns “investors” represented by Ukrainian big businesses and interested international actors (Presidents and special services of other states and international associations). Financial and political growth inside the country was the achievement of the two cycles of independence. This encouraged the formation of tycoon-clan political regime in Ukraine allowing Ukrainian tycoons to get deputy immunity. Presidential and local government elections 2010 boosted strengthening of “the Donetsk” top-down operation in the capital and locally. TSN referring to Korespondent ( http://ru.tsn.ua/ukrayina/po-urovnyu-kumovstva-vo-vlasti- yanukovich-prevzoshel-yuschenko.html ) states that by the nepotism level in politics Yanukovich by far surpassed V. Yuschenko. At the beginning of 2011 the notion of “the family” (the President and his palace guard) appears in vocabulary of Ukrainians’, along with an anecdote in which the phrase “I come from Donetsk” sounds like a threat and asserting serious claims. The revenge of the Party of Regions (after the failure in 2004) was wide-ranging. At the beginning of 2011 Ukraine has already been transformed into a pyramid with a single managing center where the “loyalty to the party leader” and “party expediency” was the main criteria for joining the team of the new president. Migration of “the Donetsk” to Kyiv along with democracy indicators in 2011 deprived Donetsk of the status of a multi- million city and became another reason for misunderstanding between Western and Eastern Ukraine. By the end of 2013 75 per
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