Synagogue Objects Related to Charity on Shabbat: Shnoder-Signs and Shnoder-Books in the Hungarian Lands

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Article Synagogue Objects Related to Charity on Shabbat: Shnoder-Signs and Shnoder-Books in the Hungarian Lands

Viktória Bányai 1,2,* and Szonja Ráhel Komoróczy 3,* 1 Institute for Minority Studies, Centre for Social Sciences, H-1097 Budapest, Hungary 2 Department of Assyriology and Hebrew Studies, Eötvös Loránd University, H-1053 Budapest, Hungary 3 Jewish Theological Seminary, University of Jewish Studies, 1084 Budapest, Hungary * Correspondence: [email protected] (V.B.); [email protected] (S.R.K.)

Received: 6 March 2020; Accepted: 18 May 2020; Published: 21 May 2020

Abstract: In Ashkenazi Jewish communities, it is customary to promise a donation to charitable causes after being called up to the Torah on Shabbat and on holidays—there is even a Yiddish term for it: shnodern. In our article, we will look at various synagogue objects related to this type of charity, focusing on Hungarian lands. First, we will look at signs and plaques, aﬃxed to the bimah, which mention possible purposes for the charity. Second, since it is forbidden to make a note of, let alone fulﬁll the promise of a charitable donation on Shabbat, we will look at objects that show ways that these donations were recorded.

Keywords: charity; bimah; Torah-reading; shnoder-book; Hungary

1. Introduction Being called up to the Torah is considered a special honor, as are other activities performed around the Torah scroll. In some historical periods and in certain regions and communities, it became the custom to auction the honors received around the Torah, and in others, to offer a charitable donation as an expression of gratitude for them. This latter is often done in the framework of the Misheberakh (‘May He, who blesses’) prayer recited on behalf of the person called up to the Torah. In Hungarian Jewish usage, there is a term for this specific type of charitable donation: snóderolni (‘to donate’) and snóder (‘donation’)—which is derived from the Yiddish shnodern, and in Yiddish from a phrase in that Mi she-berakh (pronounced also fused: misheberakh) prayer: she-noder, ‘one who donates’. The present article looks at two types of objects used in synagogues related to this type of charity. As opposed to many other Judaica, these two types of objects do not have names in common or in scholarly usage—we will use the terms ‘shnoder-sign’ and ‘shnoder-book’ for them. By ‘shnoder-signs’ we mean permanent structures, affixed to the bimah, which contain signs that refer to this act of charity connected to the reading of the Torah. In the interwar years, the Hungarian term adománytábla (donation sign) occasionally appears in certain communal regulations, probably referring to such shnoder-signs, but this term seems to have been more ephemeral than the objects themselves.It did not appear in any other context or period in Hungarian, and there is definitely no equivalent to it either in English or in Hebrew. We use the term ‘shnoder-book’ for objects that served to record these charity offerings, whether they had the actual form of a book or not. We have not found ‘shnoder-signs’ or the description of similar items anywhere in scholarly literature. In contrast, ‘shnoder-books’ do appear in some museum or auction catalogs, in archival inventories or bibliographies, but by a variety of names: ‘deposit-book of pledges’, ‘offertory book’, ‘donation deposit book’, ‘ledger of pledges’, ‘community ledger’. The lack of a common name for these objects is in part due to the ephemeral nature of their use. Benefactors as well as recipients of charitable donations are subject to regular change.

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The ephemeral use of these objects also explains why they are not among the widely known items in Judaica collections. Their material and design were typically less elaborate and less durable, and they were thus less likely to be considered collectibles. Some shnoder-books did get preserved, mainly ones in book form, which, as archival material, had a similar fate as communal records and pinkasim (minute books). One can assume, though, that many others, and especially those that used less permanent solutions to the problem of recording donations, were lost and forgotten. In the case of signs affixed to the bimah, several have survived, but there are even more cases where their existence (or the lack of it) can be seen in archival photos only, as the synagogue interiors, if not the synagogues themselves, were destroyed during the Second World War or thereafter. The perspective and quality of the photos often make it impossible to discern the exact description on the signs themselves. Due to the limited number of objects available, our current paper does not aim to give an overall picture of these items. This paper introduces them to the research of synagogue objects and rituals and promotes the preservation of these objects in situ or in museum collections. Besides describing the various possible forms of these objects, we look at the historical and Jewish religious considerations that led to their development and defined their use. Since there is no unified terminology, these are probably more informative for readers than descriptions and can form the basis of further research looking at the art historical aspects of these works. Our research focuses on the objects surviving in synagogues or found in archival photographs from the Hungarian Lands. The largest collection of photos of synagogue interiors in historical Hungary is available online in the Hungarian Jewish Museum and Archives.1 Moreover, to double-check our findings and to perform comparative analyses, we tried to collect data from a wider geographic region. Apart from the literature on synagogues, we researched the photoarchives of five larger collections: The Center for Jewish Art, Jerusalem; the Museum of Jewish People at Beit Hatefutsot Museum, Tel Aviv; the Jewish Museum in Prague; YIVO Archives and Library Collections and the Jewish Historical Museum, Amsterdam.

2. Fixtures and Signs on the Bimah

2 In the Shulh. an Arukh, there is a comment regarding the recital of the Shema Yisrael prayer according to which “things that are written should not be recited by heart.”3 By its literal meaning, this refers to Biblical texts, but it is often applied to prayers and blessings as well, especially in the case of those blessings that are recited in public, and that might not be known by heart by every member of the community, in order not to humiliate them. Among the blessings recited by laypeople in public are the ones of the Torah-reading: The person called up to the Torah has to recite a blessing before and after the reading of his portion. There is a gloss of Moses Isserles4 to the rules of the blessings for the Torah 5 reading in the Shulh. an Arukh, according to which the person called up to the Torah should look to the side while reciting the blessings, to show that they are not written in the Torah. This rule is further elaborated on by the Magen Avraham.6 It was recorded about Ezekiel Landau7 that for the blessings of the Torah reading, he always had the sign with the blessings in front of him in order not to humiliate 8 those who did not know it by heart. And there is a similar tradition known regarding the H. atam Sofer as well.9

1 http://collections.milev.hu/collections/show/11 (accessed on 12 November 2019). 2 16th century Jewish code of law. 3 Shulh. an Arukh, OH 49. 4 Moses Isserless (1530–1572), rabbi in Krakow. 5 ReMA to Shulh. an Arukh, OH 139.4. 6 Abraham Gombiner (ca. 1635–1682) Polish rabbi; Magen Avraham, 139:6. 7 Ezekiel Landau (1713–1793), rabbi in Prague. 8 Chaim Bloch heard it from his master, Shalom Mordekhai ha-Cohen Schwadron. (We express our thanks to Tamás Turán for this detail). 9 Moshe Schreiber/Sofer (1762–1839), rabbi in Pressburg (Bratislava, Slovakia). Arts 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 23

Arts 2020, 9, 63 3 of 23 front of him in order not to humiliate those who did not know it by heart.8 And there is a similar tradition known regarding the Ḥatam Sofer as well.9 HavingHaving the the blessings blessings ready onon thethebimah bimahseems seems to to be be a practical a practical solution solution for fulfilling for fulfilling these rulings.these rulings.It is, indeed, It is, indeed, common common in many synagoguesin many synagogues around the around world tothe use world a separate to use sheet a separate of paper sheet or a piece of paperof cardboard or a piece with of cardboard these blessings with these written blessings on it—but written these on areit—but mobile these and are ephemeral mobile and objects ephemeral which objectswould which only rarelywould enter only Judaicararely enter collections. Judaica collections. TheThe authority authority of of Isserles Isserles and and the the MagenMagen Avraham Avraham onon religious religious law law and and ritual ritual practice practice in in the the Ashkenazi world in general, and especially the influence of Ezekiel Landau and the Ḥatam Sofer in Ashkenazi world in general, and especially the influence of Ezekiel Landau and the H. atam Sofer in CentralCentral Europe, Europe, might might explain explain the the fact fact that that it itis isin in this this region region that that such such signs signs eventually eventually came came to to be be affixedaffixed to to the the bimahbimah, and, and so so bimahbimah-signs-signs with with the the blessings blessings became became common common synagogue synagogue fixtures fixtures here here andand not not elsewhere.elsewhere. They They are commonare common mainly mainly in the broader in the territory broader of theterritory former Austro-Hungarianof the former Austro-HungarianMonarchy, including Monarchy, also regions including somewhat also regions further tosomewhat the east, likefurther the to historical the east, territory like the ofhistorical Moldova. territory of Moldova. There are examples of such fixtures from Iași (Romania) to Prague (the Czech There are examples of such fixtures from Ias, i (Romania) to Prague (the Czech Republic), from Beregszász Republic),(Берегoве from, Ukraine) Beregszász to Eisenstadt (Берегове (Austria),, Ukraine) from Cracowto Eisenstadt (Krakó w,(Aus Poland)tria), tofrom Bezd Cracowán (Безд (Kraków,aн, Serbia). Poland)They were, to Bezdán however, (Бездан not common, Serbia). either Theyfurther were, however, to the west, not in common German territories,either further10 or to to the the west, northeast in German(Kravtsov territories, and Levin10 or 2017 to the). northeast (Kravtsov and Levin 2017). ThereThere are are some some examples examples for for signs signs affixed affixed to to the the bimahbimah alsoalso in in historical historical Volhynia, Volhynia, for for example example inin Dubno Dubno (Д ( Д у ́бн o, но Ukraine), Ukraine) and and in in Kremenets Kremenets (Кременець (Кременець, Ukraine),, Ukraine), but but instead instead of of the the text text of of the theblessings, blessings, these these signs signs contain contai an Biblical a Biblical quotation quotation reminding reminding the personthe person at the at Torah the Torah of the of custom the customof donating of donating to charity, to charity, and especially and especially fulfilling fulfilling one’s charitable one’s charitable commitments: commitments: “It is better “It is that better you thatshould you notshould vow not than vow that than you shouldthat you vow should and notvow pay” and (Eccles. not pay” 5:4). (Eccles.11 So these 5:4).11 signs So these are not signs related are to notthe related ritual ofto Torahthe ritual reading, of Torah but reading, to the custom but to of the donating custom toof charitydonating in relationto charity to in it. relation to it. InIn the the territory territory ofof historicalhistorical Hungary Hungary (current (current Hungary, Hungary, Slovakia, Slovakia, certain certain communities communities of Western of WesternUkraine, Ukraine, Romania, Romania, Northern Northern Serbia and Serbia Northern and Croatia),Northern the Croatia), fixtures the on thefixturesbimah onwith the the bimah blessings with of thethe blessings Torah reading of the are Torah especially reading interesting.They are especially very interesting.They often not only very contain often the not blessings, only contain but also the call blessings,attention but to the also custom call attention of charitable to the donations custom byof namingcharitable various donations societies, by naming organizations, various or societies, traditional organizations,charitable causes—those or traditional which charitable were the causes—tho suggested recipientsse which ofwere the the shnoder-donations suggested recipients in that of specific the shnoder-donationscommunity. Outside in that of historical specific Hungary,community. such Ou shnoder-signstside of historical are extremely Hungary, rare, such even shnoder-signs in territories arewhere extremely fixtures rare, with even the blessingsin territories would where otherwise fixtures have with been the common.blessings Somewould of otherwise the exceptions have includebeen common.the synagogue Some inof Vatra the Dorneiexceptions (Romania), include12 thethe Jeruzal synagogueémská synagoguein Vatra Dornei in Prague (Romania), (Czech Republic),12 the Jeruzalémskáand the synagogue synagogue in Rychnov in Prague nad (Czech Knˇežnou(Czech Republic), and Republic). the synagogue13 in Rychnov nad Kněžnou (CzechOn Republic). some of13 the shnoder-signs, there is another type of charity-related inscription. As in the case of otherOn some synagogue of the shnoder-signs, furniture and objects,there is theanother shnoder-signs type of charity-related themselves were inscription. typically As donations in the case too, ofand other there synagogue often is an furniture inscription and on objects, them—just the s likehnoder-signs on a parokhet themselves(curtain that were covers typically the Torah donations Ark) or too,a ner and tamid there(eternal often is light)—with an inscription the on donor, them—just the manufacturer, like on a parokhet the date (curtain of the donation,that covers or the the Torah person Ark)in whose or a ner memory tamid (eternal the object light)—with was donated. the donor, The inscription the manufacturer, can be in the Hebrew, date of in the Hungarian, donation, or the both. personFor example, in whose the memory wooden the frame object of the was shnoder-sign donated. The that inscription entered the can collection be in Hebrew, of the Hungarian in Hungarian, Jewish orMuseum both. For as aexample, donation the of thewooden Jewish frame community of the ofsh Bezdannoder-sign names that the entered donor andthe thecollection manufacturer. of the14 HungarianThe elaborately Jewish decoratedMuseum as cast a donation iron shnoder-sign of the Jewish in community the Kazinczy of streetBezdan Orthodox names the synagogue donor and in 14 theBudapest manufacturer. gives the nameThe elaborately of the manufacturer decorated and cast the iron date shnoder-sign as 1921, in Hebrew. in the InKazinczy the offices street of the Budapest Jewish Community’srabbinate, there is a wooden shnoder-sign—unfortunately, of unknown 8 provenance—with Chaim Bloch heard anit from inscription his master, that Shalom includes Mordek the namehai ha-Cohen of the donor Schwadron. in Hebrew, (We express the family our thanks members to Tamás Turán for this detail). 9 Moshe Schreiber/Sofer (1762–1839), rabbi in Pressburg (Bratislava, Slovakia). 10 10 TheThe interior interior of mostmost synagogues synagogues in Germanin German lands lands was destroyed, was destroyed, so the only so availablethe onlysources available are photossources made are atphotos the turn madeof the at 19–20thcenturies, the turn of the see19–20thcen (Hammer-Schenkturies, see 1981 (Hammer-Schenk). 1981). 11 11 TheThe authors authors express their their special special thanks than toks Sergey to Sergey Kravtsov Kravtsov and Vladimir and Vladimir Levin for calling Levin our for attention calling toour these attention synagogues. to 12 theseThe Centersynagogues. for Jewish Art, Jerusalem, obj. ID: 11872. 13 Archive photo from 1942, Jewish Museum in Prague. 12 The Center for Jewish Art, Jerusalem, obj. ID: 11872. 14 In the museum catalogue of Miksa Weisz, item nr. II. C/4. (Weisz 1915, p. 420) According to the description, this sign 13 Archivecontains photo the charity from purposes 1942, Jewish of Tzedakah Museum(‘charity’) in Prague. and H. evra Kadisha (‘Burial Society’) next to the blessing to be recited for 14 Inthe the emperor. museum The catalogue object cannot of Miksa be found Weisz, in the item collection. nr. II. C/4.(Weisz 1915, p. 420) According to the description, this sign contains the charity purposes of Tzedakah (‘charity’) and Ḥevra Kadisha (‘Burial Society’) next to the blessing to be recited for the emperor. The object cannot be found in the collection.

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Orthodox synagogue in Budapest gives the name of the manufacturer and the date as 1921, in Hebrew.Arts 2020, 9 , 63In the offices of the Budapest Jewish Community’s rabbinate, there is a wooden4 of 23 shnoder-sign—unfortunately, of unknown provenance—with an inscription that includes the name of the donor in Hebrew, the family members in whose memory it was donated in Hungarian: “in memoryin whose of memory the members it was donated of the Klár, in Hungarian: Kleinmann “in, and memory Szinaj of families, the members who of died the Klmartyrár, Kleinmann, death in 15 1944and Szinaj–1945”, families, and the who date died of donation martyr death as 1949 in 1944–1945”,(Figure 1).15and the date of donation as 1949 (Figure1).

Figure 1. ShnoderShnoder-sign-sign in in the the offices oﬃces of the Budapest Jewish Community’s rabbinate, unknown provenance, 1949 (photo(photo by the authors, 2018).

The sh shnoder-signsnoder-signs are particularly interesting because because they they seem seem to to be be unique to to the area of historical Hungary,Hungary, andand because because the the various various possible possible charitable charitable causes causes on themon them provide provide an insight an insight into intocommunity community lifeat life the at given the given place place and time.and time.

3. The The Typical Typical Forms o off Shnoder Shnoder-Signs-Signs There is a large variety in the way the charitable causes causes appear appear on on the the shnoder shnoder-signs:-signs: I Inn quality, quality, in material, as well as in stylestyle andand form.form. The The simplest simplest version version of of these shnoder shnoder-signs-signs is when the blessings appear in the middle of the sign, and the charitable causes appear on the same surface and within the same frame, either underneath underneath,, or on the two sides of the blessings blessings—whether—whether on paper or 16 on metal, whether printed or hand-writtenhand-written (Figure2 2).). 16 The most common form of the shnoder-signs is somewhat more complicated and elaborate, with the blessings and the charitable causes in diﬀerent frames: In one frame the blessings, and in a separate frame or frames—on each side, above, or below the blessings—the charitable causes. The speciﬁc material and design of these signs vary depending on the wealth of the community, and the number of separate frames probably on the size of the community. An elaborate and pretty widespread version of this type of shnoder-sign is a form where the charitable causes appear in a semi-circle or an arch around the blessings (Figure3). 17

15 We would like to express our thanks to Rabbi Zoltán Radnóti for calling our attention to this sign. 16 Further examples of this type are: Tzelem (Deutschkreutz, Austria), Gy˝orsziget,Karcag, Pressburg (Bratislava, Slovakia) orthodox shtibl, Nagyszeben (Sibiu, Romania), Szeged old synagogue. 17 Further examples of this type include: Dés (Dej, Romania), Koprovinica (Croatia), Miskolc Pálóczy street, Tata, Zsámbék, 15 WeDebrecen would Pá likesti street. to express our thanks to Rabbi Zoltán Radnóti for calling our attention to this sign. 16 Further examples of this type are: Tzelem (Deutschkreutz, Austria), Győrsziget, Karcag, Pressburg (Bratislava, Slovakia) orthodox shtibl, Nagyszeben (Sibiu, Romania), Szeged old synagogue.

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(a) (b)

Figure 2. ((aa)) Nagykőrös Nagyk˝orös(photo (photo by by the the authors, authors, 2017) 2017),, (b ()b Sopron) Sopron (photo (photo by byAndrás Andr Büchlerás Büchler,, 2019) 2019),, (c) (Budapestc) Budapest Visegrádi Visegrá diStreet Street (p (photohoto by by Gábor Gábor Balázs, Balázs, 2018), 2018), (d (d) )VVárpalotaárpalota (Hungarian (Hungarian Jewish Jewish Museum andand Archives,Archives, inv.inv. no.no. F00.165). Used with permissions.permissions.

The most common form of the shnoder-signs is somewhat more complicated and elaborate, with the blessings and the charitable causes in different frames: In one frame the blessings, and in a separate frame or frames—on each side, above, or below the blessings—the charitable causes. The specific material and design of these signs vary depending on the wealth of the community, and the number of separate frames probably on the size of the community. An elaborate and pretty widespread version of this type of shnoder-sign is a form where the charitable causes appear in a semi-circle or an arch around the blessings (Figure 3).17

17 Further examples of this type include: Dés (Dej, Romania), Koprovinica (Croatia), Miskolc Pálóczy street, Tata, Zsámbék, Debrecen Pásti street.

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(a) (b)

Figure 3. 3.Examples Examples of ofshnoder-signs shnoder-signs in the in form the of form an arch. of an (a ) arch.Kiskunf (aé) legyhKiskunfélegyháza,áza, Orthodox synagogue, Orthodox 1962synagogue, (Hungarian 1962 Jewish(Hungarian Museum Jewish and Museum Archives, and inv. no.Archives, F66.184), inv. (b no.) Baia F66.184) Mare,, today (b) Baia Romania Mare, (phototoday byRomania the authors, (photo 2016), by the (c )authors, Synagogue 2016) in, Orczy(c) Synagogue House, Budapest, in Orczy ca.House, 1910 Budapest, (Hungarian ca. Orthodox 1910 (Hungarian Israelite ArchivesOrthodox and Israelite Library), Archives (d) Csongr and Library)ád (Hungarian, (d) Csongrád Jewish Museum(Hungarian and Jewish Archives, Museum inv. no. and 70.97). Archives, Used withinv. no. permissions. 70.97). Used with permissions.

In some cases, several charitable causes appear withinwithin thethe samesame frame.frame. In others, each one has a separate frame—and frame—and the the signs signs within within these these frames frames may maybe either be either permanent permanent or interchangeable. or interchangeable. Having interchangeableHaving interchangeable signs for individual signs for charitable individual causes charitable was more causes typical was for more larger typical communities for larger that typicallycommunities had a that larger typically number had of charitable a larger organizationsnumber of charitable (Figure4 ). organizations18 Some archival (Figure photos 4).18 attest Some to alternative,archival photos more attest ephemeral to alternative, solutions to more the need ephemeral to change solutions or append to the items need to the to changeshnoder-signs—for or append example,items to thewith shnoder slips of- papersigns— orfor notes example, affixed with to it—whether slips of paper to change or notes the suggested affixed to charitable it—whether causes, to tochange offer temporary the suggested possibilities, charitable or causes,to add the to phonetic offer temporary transliteration possibilities, to the blessings. or to add19 the phonetic transliterationThe most modernto the blessings. form of19 shnoder-signs is a frame in the form of the two stone tablets—and the frameThe of thismost form modern seems form to be of already shnoder serial-produced,-signs is a frame so in these the form shnoder-signs of the two are stone not tablets unique— anymore.and the Theframe only of di thisfference form is seems in the tocharitable be already causes serial listed-produced, on the sign, so or these in whether shnoder the-signs blessings are not appear unique on oneanymore. tablet The and only the charitable difference causes is in the on charitable the other, causes or they listed are equally on the dividedsign, or in between whether the the two blessings tablets (Figureappear 5on). 20 one tablet and the charitable causes on the other, or they are equally divided between the two tablets (Figure 5).20

18 Further examples of this type include: Debrecen status quo synagogue, Budapest Thököly street, Marosvásárhely (Târgu Mures, , Romania). 19 For example Pressburg orthodox shtibl and Budapest Thököly street. 20 Further example of this type was in the Neolog synagogue in Érsekújvár (Nové Zámky, Slovakia).

18 Further examples of this type include: Debrecen status quo synagogue, Budapest Thököly street, Marosvásárhely (Târgu Mureș, Romania). 19 For example Pressburg orthodox shtibl and Budapest Thököly street. 20 Further example of this type was in the Neolog synagogue in Érsekújvár (Nové Zámky, Slovakia).

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(c) (c) Figure 4. Examples of interchangeable signs. (a) Miskolc Kazinczy street (photo by the authors, FigureFigure 4. Examples 4. Examples of interchangeableof interchangeable signs. signs. (a )( Miskolca) Miskolc Kazinczy Kazinczy street street (photo (photo by the by theauthors, authors, 2016), 2016), (b) Orthodox synagogue, Prešov, today Slovakia (Jewish Museum in Prešov, Austerlitz’s (b)2016) Orthodox, (b) Orthodox synagogue, synagogue, Prešov, today Prešov, Slovakia today Slovakia (Jewish (Jewish Museum Museum in Prešov, in Prešov, Austerlitz’s Austerlitz’s Album), Album), (c) Nyíregyháza (photo by Péter Somos, 2017). Used with permissions. (c)Album) Nyíregyh, (cá) zaNyíregyháza (photo by P(péhototer Somos, by Péter 2017). Somos, Used 2017). with Used permissions. with permissions.

(a) (b) (a) (b)

(c) (c) Figure 5. Examples of shnoder-signs in the form of the two stone tablets. (a) Budapest Hegedűs street Figure 5. Examples of shnoder-signs in the form of the two stone tablets. (a) Budapest Hegedűs street Figure(zsinagogak.hu, 5. Examples 2015 of shnoder-signs. No copyright ininfringement the form of is the intended two stone), (b)tablets. Győr (p (hotoa) Budapest by the authors, Heged˝usstreet 2016), (zsinagogak.hu, 2015. No copyright infringement is intended), (b) Győr (photo by the authors, 2016), (zsinagogak.hu,(c) Budapest Bethlen 2015. Nosquare copyright (photo infringementby László Schäffer, is intended), 2007. Used (b) with Gy˝or(photo permission by). the authors, 2016), (c) Budapest Bethlen square (photo by László Schäffer, 2007. Used with permission). (c) Budapest Bethlen square (photo by László Schäﬀer, 2007. Used with permission).

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Arts 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 23 4. Charitable Causes on Shnoder-Signs 4. Charitable Causes on Shnoder-Signs There is diversity among communities and synagogues in the number and combination of There is diversity among communities and synagogues in the number and combination of charitable causes oﬀered on the shnoder-signs. The number of suggested causes varies from three charitable causes offered on the shnoder-signs. The number of suggested causes varies from three (typically in smaller communities on the countryside) to 20 in certain synagogues in Budapest (typically in smaller communities on the countryside) to 20 in certain synagogues in Budapest (e.g., (e.g., Heged˝us street) (Figure6). The most common causes are traditional charitable funds, community Hegedűs street) (Figure 6). The most common causes are traditional charitable funds, community organizations, and employees: Tzedakah (charity, here in the sense of general charity), Hevra Kadisha organizations, and employees: Tzedakah (charity, here in the sense of general charity), .Ḥevra Kadisha (burial society), Talmud Torah (educational system), the women’s association, prayer leaders, hospitals. (burial society), Talmud Torah (educational system), the women’s association, prayer leaders, In accordance with general practice, there were often actual associations behind these charitable funds. hospitals. In accordance with general practice, there were often actual associations behind these In these cases, these associations had their own budgets, funds for which were collected through charitable funds. In these cases, these associations had their own budgets, funds for which were membership fees, regular fundraising events, occasional donations, and contributions, and each collected through membership fees, regular fundraising events, occasional donations, and association could raise funds in accordance with its own internal regulations. If an association had contributions, and each association could raise funds in accordance with its own internal its own synagogue or prayer services, the shnoder-money in that synagogue obviously went to regulations. If an association had its own synagogue or prayer services, the shnoder-money in that the association itself. There was no need for a shnoder-sign. However, in community synagogues, synagogue obviously went to the association itself. There was no need for a shnoder-sign. However, with several possible charitable causes and related associations, the rights and opportunities of a in community synagogues, with several possible charitable causes and related associations, the speciﬁc association to raise funds were typically regulated by the community’s leadership in the rights and opportunities of a specific association to raise funds were typically regulated by the community’s statutes. community’s leadership in the community’s statutes.

Figure 6. ShnoderShnoder-sign-sign from the Jewish Museum in Prešov. UsedUsed withwith permission.permission.

Based on on a versea verse in the in Torahthe Torah (Deut. (Deut. 15:11), 15:11), rabbinic rabbinic literature literature attempts attempts to give general to give guidelines general regardingguidelines theregarding preferred the orderpreferred of charitable order of charitable donations—such donations as— thesuch precedence as the precedence of one’s relativesof one’s overrelatives others, over of others, the poor of the in one’s poor cityin one’s over city the over poor the elsewhere, poor elsewhere, etc.21However, etc.21However, these rulings these rulings cannot alwayscannot be always applied be to applied the speciﬁc to charitable the specific organizations charitable in organizations every community. in every The inscriptions community. on The the shnoder-signs,inscriptions on the the choice, shnoder as- wellsigns, as the their choice physical, as appearancewell as their and physical order, thusappearance reﬂect theand community’s order, thus preferencesreflect the andcommunity changes’s therein—as preferences can and be seen changes in the therein following—as two can examples: be seen i Then the old following synagogue two of Szegedexamples: and T thehe old Status synagogue Quo Ante of synagogueSzeged and of the Debrecen. Status Quo Ante synagogue of Debrecen. InIn thethe oldold synagoguesynagogue ofof SzegedSzeged (built(built inin 1843),1843), thethe shnoder-signshnoder-sign is knownknown from archivalarchival photosphotos only.2222 OnOn it, it, one one can can see see the the blessings blessings inscribed inscribed in marble, in marble, and and above above them, them, in the in same the same marble marble sign, sign,there thereare six are charitable six charitable causes causes listed listedin two in columns, two columns, in the infollowing the following order: Ẓ order:edakah,Z. Ḥedakah,evra Kadisha,H. evra Kadisha,Talmud TalmudTorah, Aniyei Torah, AniyeiIrenu (the Irenu poor(the poor of our of our city), city), HakhnasatHakhnasat Kalah Kalah (providing(providing dowries dowries for for poor brides),andbrides),and ParokhetParokhet (Figure(Figure7 7).). Ḥ The H. evraevra KadishaKadishaof of SzegedSzeged was was founded founded in in 1787, 1787, two two years years after after the the community community itself itself (Löw (Löw and Kleinand Klein 1887 1887,, p. 19). p. 19). Its Its prominent prominent place place on on the the shnoder-sign, shnoder-sign, right right after after general general charity,charity, isis notnot onlyonly due to its being the oldest association in the city but also to the fact that it was the most important one in Jewish religious and communal life. The specific rights of the Ḥevra Kadisha in the synagogue

21 See for example Sifrei Deut. 116, Rambam: Mishnei Torah, Matanot aniyim 7:13 and 10:16, Shulh. an Arukh YD 251:3, etc. 22 21 HungarianSee for example Jewish MuseumSifrei Deut. and Archives,116, Rambam: inv. no. Mishnei 00.166. Torah, Matanot aniyim 7:13 and 10:16, Shulḥan Arukh YD 251:3, etc. 22 Hungarian Jewish Museum and Archives, inv. no. 00.166.

Arts 2020, 9, 63 9 of 23

Artsdue 20 to20 its, 9, x being FOR PEER the oldestREVIEW association in the city but also to the fact that it was the most important9 of 23 one in Jewish religious and communal life. The specific rights of the Hevra Kadisha in the synagogue changed over time, but its right to collect funds during Torah reading. always remained guaranteed changed over time, but its right to collect funds during Torah reading always remained guaranteed by by community statutes. The Aniyei Irenu was a local charity fund founded by the community community statutes. The Aniyei Irenu was a local charity fund founded by the community leadership leadership in 1837, before this synagogue was built. In the previous synagogue, the statutes allowed in 1837, before this synagogue was built. In the previous synagogue, the statutes allowed the use of a the use of a mobile charity box and made it possible that “donations be made for this purpose on the mobile charity box and made it possible that “donations be made for this purpose on the occasion occasion of the Torah reading” (Löw and Kulinyi 1885, p. 260). The Hakhnasat Kalah fund was of the Torah reading” (Löw and Kulinyi 1885, p. 260). The Hakhnasat Kalah fund was established in established in 1865 to support the marriage of girls in poverty, and it became one of the approved 1865 to support the marriage of girls in poverty, and it became one of the approved charitable causes charitable causes in the synagogue that year. However, not all associations automatically became in the synagogue that year. However, not all associations automatically became possible options for possible options for synagogue donations. The women’s association of Szeged, for example, was synagogue donations. The women’s association of Szeged, for example, was established in 1835, before established in 1835, before the Aniyei Irenu or the Hakhnasat Kalah funds, but it did not become one of the Aniyei Irenu or the Hakhnasat Kalah funds, but it did not become one of the possible charitable the possible charitable causes during Torah reading until the 1870s.Therefore, its name was not causes during Torah reading until the 1870s.Therefore, its name was not inscribed in the marble inscribed in the marble (Löw and Kulinyi 1885, pp. 302, 309). It does, however, appear as one of two (ibid, pp. 302, 309). It does, however, appear as one of two other charitable causes, which were other charitable causes, which were added to the wooden frame of the shnoder-sign, which is most added to the wooden frame of the shnoder-sign, which is most probably younger than the marble probably younger than the marble shoder-sign itself. However, the Bikur Ḥolim association (for shoder-sign itself. However, the Bikur Holim association (for visiting and helping the sick), which was visiting and helping the sick), which was. established even earlier, in 1821, did not even make it onto established even earlier, in 1821, did not even make it onto the wooden frame (ibid, p. 260). The second the wooden frame (Löw and Kulinyi 1885, p. 260). The second cause mentioned on the frame is the cause mentioned on the frame is the construction of a new synagogue building—which clearly shows construction of a new synagogue building—which clearly shows that the community leaders gave that the community leaders gave priority to raising funds for a larger building for the fast-growing priority to raising funds for a larger building for the fast-growing community. The appearance of community. The appearance of certain charitable causes on the shnoder-sign in Szeged, and especially certain charitable causes on the shnoder-sign in Szeged, and especially their order, thus reflect the their order, thus reflect the date when the specific funds were established and the time when they date when the specific funds were established and the time when they became recognized by the became recognized by the community. community.

Figure 7. Interior of the Old Synagogue in Szeged (Hungarian Jewish Museum and Archives, inv. no. Figure 7. Interior of the Old Synagogue in Szeged (Hungarian Jewish Museum and Archives, inv. no. F00.166. Used with permission). F00.166. Used with permission).

There are are other other cases, cases, similar similar to that to that of the of building the building of a new of synagogue a new synagogue in Szeged, in where Szeged, temporary where temporarylocal charitable local causes charitable appear causes on the appear shnoder-sign, on the shnoder for example,-sign, for the example, building ofthe a building new mikvah of a(ritual new mikvahbath) in (ritual Nagyszeben bath) (Sibiu, in Nagyszeben Romania), (Sibiu, or the writing Romania), ofa or new the Torah writing scroll of in a Ny newíregyh Toraháza. scroll in Nyíregyháza.The shnoder-sign in the Status Quo Ante synagogue of Debrecen (1910) has an ornate metal arch withThe a sign shnoder in the- middlesign in withthe Status the blessings, Quo Ante and synagogue underneath of the Debrecen blessings (1910) is a metal has an frame ornate with metal nine arch with a sign in the middle with the blessings, and underneath the blessings is a metal frame with nine slots and separate plaques in each slot with various possible beneficiaries. The plaques visible now are in Hebrew and/or Hungarian. They have been made in various designs, which suggests that

Arts 2020, 9, 63 10 of 23 slots and separate plaques in each slot with various possible beneficiaries. The plaques visible now are inArts Hebrew 2020, 9, x and FOR/or PEER Hungarian. REVIEW They have been made in various designs, which suggests that they10 wereof 23 not made at the same time. The plaque for the Hevra Kadisha is different from the others. It is the only they were not made at the same time. The plaque. for the Ḥevra Kadisha is different from the others. It permanent, metal plaque—which corresponds to the permanent, established right of the association to is the only permanent, metal plaque—which corresponds to the permanent, established right of the collect funds in the synagogue “in the course of Torah reading and the Misheberakh”(DIH 1899, p. 16). association to collect funds in the synagogue “in the course of Torah reading and the Misheberakh” The other plaques offer associations or specific events and goals, such as “High Holiday expenses” (DIH 1899, p. 16). The other plaques offer associations or specific events and goals, such as “High (Figure8). Holiday expenses” (Figure 8).

Figure 8. Shnoder-signShnoder-sign in the Status Quo Ante Synagogue of DebrecenDebrecen (photo(photo byby thethe authors,authors, 2015).2015).

TheThe synagogue synagogue regulations regulations of of the the community community of Debrecen of Debrecen from fromthe end the of end the nineteenth of the nineteenth century statedcentury explicitly stated explicitly that the first that three the first people three called people up tocalled the Torah up to could the Torah offer charitycould offer only charity for the purposeonly for oftheZ. edakah purpose, meaning of Ẓedakah the, general meaning charity the general fund of charity the community, fund of the and community, then from the and fourth then onwards from the alsofourth to theonwardsH. evra also Kadisha to theand Ḥevra the schoolKadisha (ibid, and p.the 17). school Beginning (DIH 1899, with p. the 17). fourth Beginning person, with charity the fourth could goperson, to other charity causes could as well, go to but other then causes the Tzedakah as well,-fund but then was the entitled Tzedakah to half-fund the was sum. entitled The structure to half the of thesum. shnoder-sign The structure in of the the synagogue shnoder- echoessign in thethe specificsynagogue local echoes regulations. the specific The signlocal for regulations.Z. edakah is The the largest,sign for and Ẓedakah it is located is the centrally, largest, and which it reflects is located the privileges centrally, of which the Z . edakah reflects-fund. the privileges The signs for of the the HẒ. edakahevra Kadisha-fund. andThethe signs school for arethe theḤevra next Kadisha in size and and the prominence, school are again the innext accordance in size and with prominence, the special regulationsagain in accordance regarding with them. the The special format regulations and location regarding of the six them. other The charitable format causesand location (high holydays,of the six canteen,other charitable poor, seudah causes shlishit (high(the holydays, third meal canteen, on Shabbat), poor, women’sseudah shlishit association (the third and cantor) meal on around Shabbat), the Zwomen’s. edakah-sign association reflect their and subordinate cantor) around status. the Ẓedakah-sign reflect their subordinate status. TheThe Zionist Zionist weekly weekly paper paper ZsidZsidóó Szemle (Jewish(Jewish Review) Review) reported in October October 1920 1920 that that fifty fifty membersmembers ofof thethe JewishJewish communitycommunity ofof DebrecenDebrecen askedasked thethe communitycommunity leadershipleadership forfor permissionpermission toto oofferffer charitable charitable donations donations during during the the Torah Torah reading reading to the to Jewish the Jewish National National Fund (KKL: FundKeren (KKL: Kayemet Keren le-YisraelKayemet ).le- TheirYisrael request). Their wasrequest rejected was onrejected the grounds on the thatgrounds the Jewish that the National Jewish FundNational was Fund neither was a charitableneither a charitable organization, organization, nor did it nor fulfill did cultural it fulfill purposes,cultural purposes, and “its goaland “its is to goal strengthen is to strengthen the Zionist the movement,Zionist movement, which is alienwhich to the is sentiments alien to of the the sentiments Jews in Debrecen.” of the23 JewsZionist in historiography Debrecen.” 23 connects Zionist thehistoriography appearance ofconnects the KKL the as appearance one of the possible of the KKL options as one for synagogueof the possible donations options to Theodorfor synagogue Herzl personallydonations to(Berkowitz Theodor 1996 Herzl, p. personally 172). Herzl’s (Berkowitz aim was 1996, to replace p. 172). the Herzl’s traditional aim was forms to replace of support the fortraditional Jews in forms the Holy of support Land and for Jews to channel in the theseHoly Land funds and to theto channel KKL. In these Hungary, funds Neolto theóg, KKL. Status In QuoHungary, Ante, Neológ, and Orthodox Status Quo communities Ante, and typicallyOrthodox opposed communities Zionism typically until opposed the Holocaust—albeit Zionism until forthe Holocaust—albeit for different ideological reasons—and accordingly, the KKL generally did not appear as a charitable option on shnoder-signs in synagogues. There are, however, some 24 23exceptions“Mi a Zsid—ó possiNemzetibly Alap? from A after debreceni the hitközsHolocaust.ég vezet˝os égének okulására.” Zsidó Szemle, 22 October 1920, p. 6.

23 “Mi a Zsidó Nemzeti Alap? A debreceni hitközség vezetőségének okulására.” Zsidó Szemle, 22 October 1920, p. 6. 24 For example, Miskolc Kazinczy street orthodox synagogue, Budapest Thököly street Neológ synagogue and Kolozsvár (Cluj, Romania).

Arts 2020, 9, 63 11 of 23 different ideological reasons—and accordingly, the KKL generally did not appear as a charitable option on shnoder-signs in synagogues. There are, however, some exceptions—possibly from after the Holocaust.24 Nonetheless, the traditional funds to support the Holy Land do appear on many shnoder-signs in orthodox synagogues. It was, in fact, an established custom from the medieval period onwards to collect funds in the Diaspora to support Jewish life in the Holy Land, and there was an ongoing debate about whether the poor in one’s own city had precedence over those in the Holy Land. Interestingly, the term used for funds to be sent to the Holy Land was not uniform. In the western parts of the Hungarian Lands, the term that appears on shnoder-signs is Aniyei Erez. Yisrael (the poor of the Holy Land),25 whereas in the eastern parts and in Transylvania, it is Rabbi Meir Baal ha-Nes.26 The term Aniyei Erez. Yisrael is more general, and this is the one that was common in rabbinic literature. Naming funds intended for the Holy Land after Rabbi Meir Baal ha-Nes originates in a Talmudic legend about him and his miracles,27 and it became especially widespread in the late nineteenth century in Eastern Europe, and predominantly so in Hasidic circles. According to Samuel Kohn, this custom spread in the Hungarian Lands as an influence of Hasidism, and charitable donations for this purpose were connected to the anticipation of miraculous wonders (Kohn 1899, p. 18). However, whatever name the communities used for these funds, the money was collected and sent to the Holy Land centrally. This is illustrated by the case of the rabbi in Hej˝ocsaba,Jonathan Alexandersohn, in the 1830s. He wanted to use the money from the R. Meir Baal ha-Nes funds for the education of poor or orphaned children, but the H. atam Sofer of Pressburg, who was responsible for collecting and sending the funds to the Holy Land, intervened and strictly forbade him to do so (ibid, p. 18). There are certain shnoder-signs that are obviously documents of a given historical and political era. For example, on the shnoder-sign in the Miskolc Kazinczy street synagogue (see Figure4 above) there are twelve possible beneficiaries on the plaques in the wooden frames, and their names appear in Hebrew and in Hungarian. In the case of an orthodox synagogue in Miskolc, in the North-Eastern part of Hungary, already the use of Hungarian on the bimah indicates a rather late date, as orthodox communities in this region tended to be cautious about linguistic assimilation. The fact that the KKL appears among the charitable causes suggests a date later than the Holocaust. However, the most obvious indication of an immediate post-Holocaust date is the Malbish Arumim (“clothing the naked”), one of the common charitable organizations, which is translated into Hungarian as “clothing the deportees.” The fixture itself probably dates from before the war, but the plaques were obviously replaced after the reestablishment of the community in 1945. The wooden shnoder-sign held in the offices of the Budapest Jewish Community’s rabbinate (see Figure1) dates from 1949. There are six slots on it, but not all of them have the name of a charitable in them. When it was made, the artisan probably had a traditional charity structure in mind, but after the Communist takeover, the autonomous associations ceased to exist. They were all nationalized, as were educational and social welfare institutions, and thus the place of specific charitable organizations remained empty.

5. The Appearance (and Eventual Disappearance) of Shnoder-Signs Other than for the few exceptions already mentioned, it is very rare for the shnoder-signs to have an inscription with the date when the sign itself was donated. Therefore, it is hard to know when exactly they were made, and thus it is also hard to establish when shnoder-signs appeared and how they became widespread. There are, however, several factors that suggest the dates of the shnoder-signs. As seen above, in certain instances the date of a shnoder-sign can be established based

24 For example, Miskolc Kazinczy street orthodox synagogue, Budapest Thököly street Neológ synagogue and Kolozsvár (Cluj, Romania). 25 For example, Budapest Kazinczy street, Budapest Visegrádi street, Pressburg (Bratislava, Slovakia) orthodox shtibl. 26 For example, Nyíregyháza, Dés (Dej, Romania) and Nagybánya (Baia Mare, Romania). 27 bT Avodah Zarah 18a. Arts 2020, 9, 63 12 of 23 on the dates when societies mentioned on it were established—and in the cases both of Szeged and of Debrecen, these dates suggest that the shnoder-signs were made in the late nineteenth or the early twentieth century. In some instances, it is the material and the design of the shnoder-signs that help us date them, and especially so if the synagogue interior is of another style. For example, the interior of Arts 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 23 the synagogue in Lovasberény is baroque (built in the late 1790s, redesigned in the 1820s, destroyed in 1947), and on the bimah, there is a strikingly diﬀerent shnoder-sign: An elaborate secessionist iron destroyed in 1947), and on the bimah, there is a strikingly different shnoder-sign: An elaborate arch—which was obviously inserted at the beginning of the twentieth century (Figure9). There are secessionist iron arch—which was obviously inserted at the beginning of the twentieth century also historical and sociological factors that suggest that shnoder-signs developed in the late nineteenth (Figure 9). There are also historical and sociological factors that suggest that shnoder-signs and became widespread in the early twentieth century. developed in the late nineteenth and became widespread in the early twentieth century.

Figure 9. Interior of the synagogue in Lovasberény (Hungarian Jewish Museum and Archives, inv. Figure 9. Interior of the synagogue in Lovasberény (Hungarian Jewish Museum and Archives, inv. no. no. F00.125. Used with permission). F00.125. Used with permission).

In 1916 Bertalan Kohlbach,Kohlbach, a rabbi with interest in ethnography, describeddescribed a shnoder-signshnoder-sign that got into the collection of the Hungarian Jewish Museum just a few years after after it it was was founded founded in in 1909. 1909. He added the explanation that the needs of the modern era led to the establishmentestablishment of many new charitable associations, and “the community provides guidelines to the benefactors” with this fixture ﬁxture on the bimah (Kohlbach 1916,, pp.pp. 243 243–44).–44). The The dual dual monarchy monarchy—the—the period period between between 1868 1868 and and World World War I inI inAustro-Hungary—did Austro-Hungary—did indeed indeed bring bringabout theabout appearance the appearance of a larger of number a larger of organizations number of andorganizations associations and in associations the Jewish, as in well the asJewish the non-Jewish,, as well as world,the non with-Jewish a very, world, broad with range a ofvery functions. broad Therange need of functions. to publicize The and need present to publicize the various and present options the for various donations options might for have donations been amight reason have for thebeen development a reason for of the such development shnoder-signs. of such Especially shnoder since,-signs. in thisEspecially period, since Jews, inin urbanthis period, environments Jews in tendedurban toenvironments be less connected tended to Jewish to be communal less connected life and to to Jewishbe more communal secularized, life and and those to who be visited more thesecularized, synagogue and on those rare occasionswho visited or the for highsynagogue holidays on onlyrare mightoccasions have or actually for high needed holidays the only reminders might andhave guidance. actually needed On the otherthe reminders hand, as seenand guidance. in the cases On of the Szeged other and hand, Debrecen, as seen the in the shnoder-signs cases of Szeged were notand aDebrecen, way to simply the shnoder publicize-signs charitable were not causes, a way but to simply rather, topublicize legitimize charitable some of causes, them. Thisbut rather, need for to legitimizationlegitimize some also of explainsthem. This why need there for are legit shnoder-signsimization also in smallerexplains communities why there are with shnoder just two-signs to four in charitablesmaller communities causes on them, with whichjust two deﬁnitely to four charitable is a number causes that could on them, have which been remembereddefinitely is a as number well.28 that couldAnother have explanation been remembered for the appearance as well.28 of shnoder-signs is a change in synagogue customs in the nineteenthAnother century. explanation Up until for then,the appearance the general of custom shnoder was-signs to auctionis a change certain in synagogue honors in synagoguecustoms in the nineteenth century. Up until then, the general custom was to auction certain honors in synagogue life, among them the honor of being called to the Torah.29 According to data collected by

28RonFor S. example,Kleinman Héth (Kleinmanárs (Lipany, Szlov 2010;ákia), Kle Nagyk˝orös,Jinman 2014),ánoshalma. in the majority of Russia and of the territories of Poland, this custom was dropped in the early nineteenth century, possibly in accordance with a prohibition attributed to the Gaon of Vilna.30 In German territories, the custom was gradually discontinued in the middle of the nineteenth century, first, in communities known for introducing

28 For example, Héthárs (Lipany, Szlovákia), Nagykőrös, Jánoshalma. 29 In Judaica collections, there are occasionally objects related to such auctions—mainly signs lifted during the process. A discussion of these would be beyond the scope of the present paper. 30 See for example (Hoffman 1997, p. 33; Robinson 2008, p. 35).

Arts 2020, 9, 63 13 of 23 life, among them the honor of being called to the Torah.29 According to data collected by Ron S. Kleinman (Kleinman 2010; Kleinman 2014), in the majority of Russia and of the territories of Poland, this custom was dropped in the early nineteenth century, possibly in accordance with a prohibition attributed to the Gaon of Vilna.30 In German territories, the custom was gradually discontinued in the middle of the nineteenth century, first, in communities known for introducing liturgical reforms of all kinds, but eventually, in orthodox communities as well (Kessler 2007, p. 143). In Hungary, when the great synagogue in Pest on Dohány street was inaugurated in 1859, the honor of doing duties around the Torah was still auctioned.31 As seen in community and Hevra Kadisha regulations, the custom was discontinued in Szeged in 1870 (Löw and Kulinyi 1885, p. 71; Löw and Klein 1887, p. 283), and eventually it disappeared in Neológ communities all around the country by the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The arguments in favor of discontinuing the custom of auctioning included maintaining the dignity of synagogue services, avoiding awkward debates, preventing undeserving people from buying the honors, and circumventing situations that might cause outrage in external observers. The donations that used to be collected from the auction came to be replaced by donations offered during the Misheberakh prayer, and thus shnoder-signs started appearing in synagogues. Orthodox communities often preserved a double system, where certain honors around the Torah were sold,32 but there were also spontaneous donations during the Misheberakh prayer—and thus eventually, shnoder-signs appeared there as well. In contrast, in Hasidic environments, if there are fixtures on the bimah at all, they typically contain the blessings only and do not name any possible charitable causes.33 In fact, the custom of shnoder-donations did not become common in Hasidic communities. Thus, yet another plausible explanation for the appearance of shnoder-signs is that they demonstrate a certain type of order and legitimacy as opposed to the spontaneity and perceived disorder of Hasidic communities—which fits into the atmosphere of the denominational tensions of the period. After the Communist takeover in 1948/1949, when the various independent associations and organizations ceased to exist, the shnoder-boards lost their function in synagogues of all denominations, and the knowledge of their original use faded fast from communal memory. Not having a name, and not having a function, many of the shnoder-signs remained unnoticed by worshippers. In some synagogues, only the empty frames survived, the original charitable causes disappeared or were removed, never to be replaced.34 In others—for example in Eperjes (Prešov, Slovakia)—the original frames survived, but received a new function: The names of the 12 months were inserted into the 11 frames (Figure 10), and yet others disappeared during renovations—lacking a name, a function, or any communal consciousness.

29 In Judaica collections, there are occasionally objects related to such auctions—mainly signs lifted during the process. A discussion of these would be beyond the scope of the present paper. 30 See for example (Hoﬀman 1997, p. 33; Robinson 2008, p. 35). 31 See for example the depiction of the ﬁrst Shavuot service there in 1860, in the collection of the Hungarian Jewish Museum and Archive, available online: http://collections.milev.hu/items/show/32131 (accessed on 1 December 2019). 32 See for example H. evra Kadisha regulations of Balassagyarmat (from 1930, National Archives of Hungary, Nógrád County Archives) and Vác (from 1941, National Archives of Hungary, Pest County Archives). The same double system is recalled by an Orthodox interviewee from Putnok: (Czingel 2018, p. 71). 33 For example, Máramarossziget (Sighetu Marmat, iei, Romania) or Huszt (Hust, Ukraine). 34 See for example Marosvásárhely (Târgu Mures, , Romania). Arts 2020, 9, 63 14 of 23 Arts 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 23

(a) (b)

(c)

Figure 10. ExamplesExamples of of empty empty frames frames and and a frame with a new function. ( (aa))T Târguârgu Mureș,Mures, , today Romania (collection (collection of of Centropa.org, Centropa.org, Julia Julia Scheiner, Scheiner, 1950’s. 1950’s Used. Used with with permission), permission (b)), Debrecen (b) Debrecen Pásti Pástistreet street (photo (p byhoto the by authors, the authors, 2015), 2015) (c) Prešov,, (c) Prešov, today today Slovakia Slovakia (photo (p byhoto the by authors, the authors, 2008). 2008).

6. Keeping Keeping Track Track of Promises Made on ShabbatShabbat and on Holidays Donations offered offered on Shabbat or holidays cannot be paid on site, nor can the promise be written down, since according to the regulations prohibiting certain activities on Shabbat and holidays, it is forbidden both both to to touch touch money money and and to to write. Therefore, Therefore, in in order order to to keep keep a a record record of of the the promises, promises, and to make sure that these promises can be claimed during the week afterwards, a solution had to be found that did not violate Shabbat regulations. This This solution solution had had to to record record at at least two kind kindss of information: T Thehe name of the benefactor and the amount of the donation. In the case case of an an auction, auction, or in the the case case when when a synagogue a synagogue belongs belongs to a to specific a specific society, society, these two these kinds two of kinds information of information are sufficient. are sufficient.However, inHowever, the case ofin communitiesthe case of communities with more than with one m possibleore than charitableone possible cause, charitable also the cause, purpose also of the purpose donation of has the to donation be recorded. has to In be the recorded. case of theIn the shnoder-books case of the shnoder described-books below, described it is not below, always it isobvious not always which obvious type of which donations type theyof donations were used they to record.were used to record. There are a number of techniques known to have been used by Jewish communities around the world to solve the problem of recording charitable donations on Shabbat, and the variety itself is of great interest. Neither scholarlyscholarly literatureliterature on on this this subject subject nor nor a suitablea suitable amount amount of of data data is availableis availabl fore forconclusions conclusions to be to drawnbe drawn with with regard regard to how to how widespread widespread each each practice practice was was in terms in terms of geography of geography and and time. 35 It was presumably the exact needs and inventive spirit particular to any given community that determined which solution was used. Memorizing all information related to

35 There is scholarly description of but a few objects, for example Emile Schrijver’s description of Hs. Ros 295: (Schrijver 1993, pp. 57–58). See also (Roche 2016).

Arts 2020, 9, 63 15 of 23 time.35 It was presumably the exact needs and inventive spirit particular to any given community that determined which solution was used. Memorizing all information related to charitable donations is also an option, and there have always been communities that trust the memory and reliability of the benefactors. Other communities decided to use a form of exogram,36 and the reason for this is most probably not just the limitation of human memory. As also suggested in the case of shnoder-boards, that presenting the possible charitable donations in the physical space of the synagogue might have been a result of the need for order, for a transparent system, and modern esthetic needs. One widespread way in which donations could be recorded without violating the laws of Shabbat was the use of a container which has a number of envelopes or pockets, with the names of the members of the community, the beneﬁciaries, or the given occasion written on them. There had to be many small slips of paper in this container, with the important variables of the donation marked on them, with those missing from the envelopes or pockets each placed in separate little packs. Then, during the Torah reading, the variables of the donation are inserted in the appropriate envelope, pocket, or box. The simplest form of this technique is when the little slips of paper are placed between the pages of a book, in which case, each benefactor has a separate page. All shnoder-books known from the territory of historical Hungary from before the Holocaust used one form or another of the paper slip technique: Pockets, drawers, cuts, or pages. Due to the ephemeral quality of the material used for these items, the intensive use they are put to, and their minimal spiritual signiﬁcance, such objects have rarely survived. Two objects are known to have survived from the nineteenth century (from Pápa and from Eperjes (Prešov, Slovakia)), two from the interwar years (from Debrecen and Balassagyarmat), and one from the post-Holocaust period (Budapest, Kazinczy street). There are further objects known from personal memoirs, community regulations—but the objects themselves have perished.

6.1. Pápa One of the most exceptional Jewish items in the collection of the Museum of Ethnography in Budapest is a leather-bound book from Pápa, acquired by the museum in 1913: The Oﬀertory Book of the 37 Bikur H. olim Society of the Holy Community of Pápa, may the Almighty preserve it, from the year 1829. The Bikur H. olim was one of the common societies in traditional Jewish communities to support and visit the sick. According to its own Yiddish title, the book from Pápa is an aynlegbukh (cf. German Einlegbuch), which is descriptive of the method applied: ‘an insert-book.’ The book contains 14 leaves, and there are ﬁve rows of four pockets glued on both sides of each leaf, that is, there are 20 pockets on each page, and 500 pockets altogether on 25 pages. On the pockets, there are names of men: The names of potential benefactors to the Bikur H. olim Society, written in Hebrew quadrate characters. The names appear in alphabetical order, with some pockets left empty after each letter of the alphabet, presumably counting on potential new members in the future. The pages of the book are turned in accordance with the direction of Hebrew script, from right to left. Four hundred twenty-three of the 500 pockets have names on them. When in use, little slips of paper were inserted in the pockets, containing promised donations by the individual to the Society (Figure 11).

35 There is scholarly description of but a few objects, for example Emile Schrijver’s description of Hs. Ros 295: (Schrijver 1993, pp. 57–58). See also (Roche 2016). 36 We use the term ‘exogram’ (external symbolic storage) in the sense introduced by Donald(1991). 37 Aynlegbukh der Khevra Bikur H. olim de-kak Papa, yagen aleha Hashem, 598 li-frat katan. The book was acquired by the Museum from Gyula Grünbaum in 1913, inv. no. 101.318. See (Bányai and Komoróczy 2017, pp. 61–66). Arts 2020, 9, 63 16 of 23 Arts 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 16 of 23

Figure 11. The Offertory Book of the Bikur Ḥolim Society of the Holy Community of Pápa, 1829 Figure 11. The Oﬀertory Book of the Bikur H. olim Society of the Holy Community of Pápa, 1829 (Museum of(Museum Ethnography, of Ethnography, Budapest, inv.Budapest, no. 101.318. inv. no. Used 101.318 with. Used permission). with permission).

This book was recycled from another book. In its second use, after every five, five, six leaves, four to six were cut out. The remaining leaves leaves in in the book were then glued together, thus creating the 14 leaves. The The pockets pockets themselves themselves were were made made from the cut-out cut-out pages. pages. Folded in, the paper pockets measure 60 × 5555 mm mm (2.35(2.35 × 2.12.1 inches). inches). Their Their bottom bottom and and side side edges edges were were folded folded in and in andused usedto glue to × × gluethe pockets the pockets to the to the pages. pages. The The restoration restoration work work revealed revealed that that,, in in some some cases cases,, the the pockets were readdressed, withwith the the new new name name written written on on a piece a piece of paperof paper glued glued ontop ontop of the of original. the original. In other In cases,other namescases, names were simply were simply crossed crossed out and out overwritten and overwritten to update to update them, and them, names and alsonames were also added were lateradded to emptylater to pockets, empty pockets their later, their addition later canaddition be presumed can be presumed from the di fromfference the indifference letter types in andletter the types different and inkthe different or graphite ink used. or graphite On seven used. pockets, On seven in additionpockets, in to addition the names, to the there names are also, there remarks are also regarding remarks certainregarding amounts certain these amounts individuals these individuals still owed, still written owed, in German written in with German Hebrew with cursive Hebrew characters: cursive “40characters: remaining”, “40 remaining”, “pending: 70”, “pending: “borrowed 70”, 40,“borrowed which now 40, which A. Löwenstein now A. Löwenstein has”. has”. In the course of restoration, little slips of paper were found i inn fivefive of the pockets, one or two in each. These have inscriptions in German Hebrew cursive characters, mentioning various amounts of wine: 2 Halbe Wein (ca. 1.68 1.68 L L,, that is 35 ounces of wine), 1 Seitel Wein (ca.(ca. 0.35 L,L, that is 12 ounces of wine).These paper paper slips slips probably probably remained remained in the in pockets the pockets as remnants as remnants of previous of previous offers of donations, offers of sodonations, offers other so offers than moneyother than could money also becould made also to be the made Society. to the Society.

6.2. Eperjes/Prešov Eperjes/Prešov The other other shnoder-book shnoder-book from from the the nineteenth nineteenth century century was was also preservedalso preserved in a museum: in a museum: The Jewish The MuseumJewish Museum of Prešov, of founded Prešov, infounded 1928. It in was 1928. considered It was considered to be one of to the be more one significant of the more objects significant of the collectionobjects of the from collection early on from (Inv. early no. 1474-III-759).When on (Inv. no. 1474-III the-759).When museum issuedthe museum a collection issued of a 12collection postcards of in12 1929,postcards this wasin 1929, one this of the was items—along one of the items with— manyalong mezuzahwith manycases, mezuzah and itcases, was onand the it was museum’s on the informationmuseum’s information board (Švantnerov board (Švantnerováá 2019, pp. 2019, 11–39, pp figs.. 11– 939, and fig 11).s. 9 and Its use11). wasIts use similar was similar to that to of that the shnoder-bookof the shnoder of-book Pápa, of exceptPápa, except that in that this in one, this the one individual, the individual members members of the of community the community each had each a littlehad a compartment little compartment glued toglued a thin to wooden a thin wooden board, with board, lids with that couldlids that be openedcould be or opened closed. or There closed. are fiveThere rows are offive 12 rows compartments—altogether of 12 compartments—altogether 60 compartments. 60 compartments. On their On lids, their there lids are, there names are of names men. Someof men. of Some the names of the were names glued were over glued or corrected, over or corrected, as the membership as the membership of the community of the community changed. Thechanged. names The were names written were with written a quill with and a black quill ink,and withblack Latin ink, scriptwith Latin characters, script incharacters, the Hungarian in the Hungarian order of names: First the family name, and then the first name, often abbreviated. Due to the later corrections, the alphabetical order is not consistent (Figure 12).

Arts 2020, 9, 63 17 of 23 order of names: First the family name, and then the first name, often abbreviated. Due to the later corrections,Arts 2020, 9, x FOR the PEER alphabetical REVIEW order is not consistent (Figure 12). 17 of 23 This shnoder-book was in use since 1846, and the original names in it include the founders This shnoder-book was in use since 1846, and the original names in it include the founders of of the Jewish community in Eperjes as as well as the founders of the first communal institutions: the Jewish community in Eperjes as as well as the founders of the first communal institutions: Leó Leó Holländer, Leó Schäfer, Móric Schiff, Ignác Klein, József Spiegel, Markus Barkan (Lányi and Holländer, Leó Schäfer, Móric Schiff, Ignác Klein, József Spiegel, Markus Barkan (Lányi and Propperné 1933, p. 160).38 The number of Jewish inhabitants in Eperjes grew rapidly in the following Popperné 1933, p. 160).38 The number of Jewish inhabitants in Eperjes grew rapidly in the following decades. While in 1851, there were 170 Jews there, in 1880, there were already 1221 (Jelinek 2007, decades. While in 1851, there were 170 Jews there, in 1880, there were already 1221 (Jelinek 2007, p. p. 485). This object could not accommodate such rapid growth in the number of male members—and 485). This object could not accommodate such rapid growth in the number of male members—and potential benefactors—in the community. Due to the small number of compartments, in the 1860s, potential benefactors—in the community. Due to the small number of compartments, in the 1860s, the community probably had to look for other solutions to register charitable donations on Shabbat. the community probably had to look for other solutions to register charitable donations on Shabbat.

Figure 12. Shnoder-bookShnoder-book ofof thethe JewishJewish communitycommunity in in Prešov, Prešov, today today Slovakia, Slovakia, 1846 1846 (Jewish (Jewish Museum Museum of Prešov,of Prešov, inv. inv. no. no. 1474-III-759. 1474-III-759 Used. Used with with permission). permission).

6.3. Debrecen There isis a a thin thin piece piece of of cardboard cardboard used used for a for similar a similar purpose purpose exhibited exhibited in the in yeshiva the yeshiva and rabbi’s and houserabbi’s in house Mád, in renovated Mád, renovated and converted and converted into a museum into a recently museum (in recently 2016) by (in the 2016) Uniﬁed by the Hungarian Unified JewishHungarian Community Jewish Community (EMIH/Chabad (EMIH/Chabad of Hungary). of Hungary). The item was The originally item was usedoriginally in the used Orthodox in the synagogueOrthodox synagogue of Debrecen of Debrecen in the interwar in the yearsinterwar and years came and to Mcameád from to Mád the from private the collection private collection of Zsolt Heller,of Zsolt president Heller, president of the Foundation of the Foundation for the Jewish for the Temple Jewish andTemple Cemetery and Cemetery of Debrecen. of Debrecen. There are There two piecesare two of pieces cardboard of cardboard in the exhibit, in the exhibit, but judging but judging by the Roman by the Roman numerals numerals on their on upper their rightupper corner, right therecorner, probably there probably were more, were and more, the smalland the holes small found holes on found the left on edge the left of the edge boards of the suggest boards that suggest they werethat they bound were together bound like together a book. like There a book. are There several are small several pockets small on pockets each board, on each with board, the order with thatthe peopleorder that are calledpeople up are to called the Torah up to written the Torah on them written (Kohen, on them Levi, etc.).(Kohen, The Levi, name etc.). of the The benefactor name of andthe thebenefactor amount and of the the donation amount wereof the inserted donation in were these inserted pockets onin smallthese pockets slips of paper.on small Today, slips the of itempaper. is exhibitedToday, the as item an alijat is exhibitedábla (board as an for alijatábla honors of(board the Torah), for honors and apparently,of the Torah), back and in apparently its day, it was, back used in underits day the, it namewas usedsnódert underálca ( sntheóder name-tray). snódertálca However, (snóder it is not-tray). clear However, whether the it objectis not wasclear used whether to record the theobject results was of used the sale to record or auctioning the results of the of honors the sale or spontaneous or auctioning donations. of the honors or spontaneous donations.

386.4.The Balassagyarmat object is described in great detail in (Lányi and Propperné 1933, p. 160). Its function is known, but it does not have a name. The four paragraphs of its description do not name the object, but rather only describe it as a “unique structure,” and “cleverBalassagyarmat creation.” used to be a community with approximately 2000 members. In one of the smaller prayer houses of the community, today known as the “small synagogue,”, there is a shnoder-book from the interwar years as an exhibition item. Similar to the shnoder-book from

38 The object is described in great detail in (Lányi and Popperné 1933, p. 160). Its function is known, but it does not have a name. The four paragraphs of its description do not name the object, but rather only describe it as a “unique structure,” and “clever creation.”

Arts 2020, 9, 63 18 of 23

6.4. Balassagyarmat Balassagyarmat used to be a community with approximately 2000 members. In one of the smaller prayer houses of the community, today known as the “small synagogue,”, there is a shnoder-book from the interwar years as an exhibition item. Similar to the shnoder-book from Debrecen, it is between a book and a tray. Instead of the names of the potential beneficiaries, it has their seat number on each compartment—which then did not need to be corrected and updated to keep up with the fluctuating community membership. In a smaller synagogue, it was easy to remember and follow where people sat. Above each seat number, there was a small cut, and the little triangular slips of paper with the sums could be inserted in these slots. These slips of paper were held in pockets on the opposite page, arranged according to the sum they represented. Each pocket said what the amount was on the slips of paper held in that pocket. This book can be dated according to the currency on the slips of paper: It uses peng˝o and fillér—the currency used in Hungary between 1928 and the Holocaust.39

7. Sources Regarding the Use of Shnoder-Books Based on memoirs, accounts, and personal interviews, it is obvious that shnoder-books were in use in other communities as well, but the objects themselves did not survive, and the descriptions are often not pedantically detailed. In the regulations of the Hevra Kadisha in Szeged written in 1800, there is an obvious reference to the use of a book similar to the shnoder-book of Pápa: “Offers of donation in the synagogue are to be inserted (einlegen) in the book reserved for this purpose” (Löw and Klein 1887, p. 27)—the object itself, however, is not known. From Dunaszerdahely (Dunajská Streda, Slovakia), the memoir of Ferenc Kornfeld also describes the use of a shnoder-book: “[ ... ] those who were called up to the Torah in those days would always give a donation, but these donations could not be written in the records on Shabbat, so there was this book with little envelopes glued into it, each bearing a name. There were small slips of paper with possible amounts written on them, and these paper slips would be inserted into the envelopes until the person redeemed them. We found this book, and I could establish that there were two hundred and thirty-seven men attending the synagogue immediately after1945” (Bacskai 2004, p. 177). This technique is essentially identical to that used by the offertory book of Pápa: Every potential donor, meaning all adult male members of the community, had a pocket in the book, the names appearing in the order of the Hebrew alphabet. In the course of reading the Torah, when the donation was announced, a paper slip with the previously specified amount of the donation was inserted in the relevant pocket. For this specific type of donation, he even uses the Hungarian verb snóderol. In the orthodox community of Jánoshalma, according to the memories of R. Herman Schmelzer, before the Holocaust, they used to have a simple book as a shnoder-book. There was a name on each page, and there were little slips of paper written in advance, and those papers were placed between the pages on Shabbat and on holidays. The local teacher was responsible for keeping track, and therefore, he sat close to the bimah to make sure he heard all donations accurately.40 In Gy˝orthey used a similar system in the 1950s, everyone had a separate page, and the pre-written little slips were placed between the pages.41 One of the basic accessories of all shnoder-books is a box or several envelopes where the little slips of paper were kept in order. The obvious reason for such boxes or envelopes is practical: The many slips of paper with various information on them have to be organized in order to make the use of the shnoder-book fast and smooth. Nevertheless, there are also halakhic reasons: One of the categories of work prohibited on Shabbat is borer (sorting), and sorting the slips, or taking the relevant one out

39 Homepage of the exhibition available online: www.balassagyarmatizsidosag.hu/en/galeria/jewish-museum (accessed on 12 November 2019). 40 Imre (Herman) Schmelzer, retired rabbi in St. Gallen, Switzerland, personal conversation, 2018. 41 Tibor Villányi, personal conversation, 2017. Arts 2020, 9, 63 19 of 23 of a mixture might fall into this category, also, moving the slips of paper with amounts of money on them might fall into the category of mukz. eh (here: Items that are not allowed to be moved on Shabbat) (ArtsRoth 20 201981, 9, x, FOR pp. PEER 166–67) REVIEW. Therefore, accompanying the shnoder-books, there often used to be19 littleof 23 boxes with separate compartments where the slips were sorted by category or value. For example, value. For example, there are two such boxes that can be locked in the collection of the Jewish there are two such boxes that can be locked in the collection of the Jewish Museum of Prešov.42 Museum of Prešov.42 There are two further such boxes in the orthodox community in Budapest on Kazinczy street: There are two further such boxes in the orthodox community in Budapest on Kazinczy street: In In the winter synagogue and in the Shas Hevra prayer room. In the winter synagogue, after World the winter synagogue and in the Shas Ḥevra. prayer room. In the winter synagogue, after World War War II they used a shnoder-book with an alphabetical register, with nine names on each page and II they used a shnoder-book with an alphabetical register, with nine names on each page and two two small slots below each name. To accompany this, there are small triangular slips of paper in small slots below each name. To accompany this, there are small triangular slips of paper in a a separate wooden box. These papers show possible amounts, occasions, and beneﬁciaries of the separate wooden box. These papers show possible amounts, occasions, and beneficiaries of the donations. These small triangular slips of paper were slipped in the slots under the names to record donations. These small triangular slips of paper were slipped in the slots under the names to record the donations. The book and the box are still in the collection of the community, though no longer the donations. The book and the box are still in the collection of the community, though no longer in in use. The box of the Shas Hevra prayer room was used on its own, without any book: The box had use. The box of the Shas Ḥevra. prayer room was used on its own, without any book: The box had little little slips of paper with names, sums, and the order of donations (e.g., third, sixth), and the charity slips of paper with names, sums, and the order of donations (e.g., third, sixth), and the charity donations were registered by grouping these slips of paper together (Raj and Szelényi 2002, p. 33) donations were registered by grouping these slips of paper together (Raj and Szelényi 2002, p. 33) (Figure 13). The slips of paper with the order of people called up to the Torah—just as in the case of the (Figure 13). The slips of paper with the order of people called up to the Torah—just as in the case of shnoder-book of Debrecen—indicate that this item was used for auctioning or selling the honors, and the shnoder-book of Debrecen—indicate that this item was used for auctioning or selling the honors, not for spontaneous donations. and not for spontaneous donations.

Figure 13. The box of the Shas Ḥevra prayer room, Budapest Kazinczy Street (photo by the authors, Figure 13. The box of the Shas H. evra prayer room, Budapest Kazinczy Street (photo by the authors, 2015). 2015). It is customary to give donations in symbolic amounts—for example, some multiple of eighteen It is customary to give donations in symbolic amounts—for example, some multiple of eighteen (eighteen being the numerical value of the Hebrew word h. ay, which means ‘living’, ‘the One that is(eighteen eternally being live’). the Often, numerical the sums value do of notthe Hebrew appear inword the currencyḥay, which of means the country ‘living’, at ‘the the One time—and that is thus,eternally it could live’). be Often, avoided the to sums talk do about not actualappear sums in the of currency money on of Shabbat.the country In theat the Habsburg time—and Monarchy, thus, it thecould common be avoided offer ofto “Chaj-Zall” talk about (18actual Kreutzer) sums of does money not represent on Shabbat. the actualIn the currency,Habsburg it meantMonarchy, different the amountscommon offer in di ffoferent “Chaj communities-Zall” (18 Kreutzer) and periods does not (Roth represent 1981, p. the 166). actual In currency the archives, it meant of the different Jewish Communityamounts in of different Pécs, there communities is a collection and of periods small slips (Roth of paper 1981, with p. 166). sums In on the them archives in Hebrew, of the and Jewish over one-thirdCommunity of themof Pécs, contain there theis a termcollection “Chaj-Zall.” of small There slips isof nopaper shnoder-book with sums toon accompany them in Hebrew, these slips and ofover paper, one-third and soof itthem is impossible contain the to term tell “Chaj what- communityZall.” There theyis no comeshnoder from—and-book to accompany there are several these well-establishedslips of paper, and communities so it is impossible in the region, to tell what such ascommunity Bonyhád andthey Moh comeács, from whose—and archival there are material several is well-established communities in the region, such as Bonyhád and Mohács, whose archival material is now held in Pécs (Figure 14).43 As recalled by an interviewee, in the interwar years in the community in Sátoraljaújhely, the expressions ‘tózend micve, cvajtózend micve, etc.’ were used, 42 We would like to express our thanks to Zsuzsanna Toronyi, who called our attention to these two objects in that collection. rather than indicate the currency.44

42 We would like to express our thanks to Zsuzsanna Toronyi, who called our attention to these two objects in that collection. 43 We would like to express our thanks to János Hábel for calling our attention to these slips of paper. 44 Gyula Markovics, personal conversation, 2014.

Arts 2020, 9, 63 20 of 23

now held in Pécs (Figure 14).43 As recalled by an interviewee, in the interwar years in the community in Sátoraljaújhely, the expressions ‘tózend micve, cvajtózend micve, etc.’ were used, rather than indicate the currency.44 Arts 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 20 of 23

Figure 14.Figure Slips 14. ofSlips paper of paper in the in the archives archives ofof the the Jewish Jewish Community Communi of Pétycs of (photo Pécs by ( Jpánoshoto H ábybel, János 2017. Hábel, 2017. UsedUsed with with permission permission).). Techniques from after the Holocaust Techniques from after the Holocaust As already seen, the shnoder-signs lost their function soon after the Holocaust. In Hungary, the size As alreadyof the surviving seen, the communities, shnoder- assigns well aslost the their change function in social soon and political after the structures, Holocaust. especially In Hungary, after the size of thethe surviving Communist communities, takeover in 1948–1949, as well led as to the the changechange of in the social customs, and the political dynamics, structures, and purposes especially after the Communist takeover in 1948–1949, led to the change of the customs, the dynamics, and 45 purposes43 ofWe charitable would like to expressdonations. our thanks As to Jpartános H ofábel this for calling process, our attention the exogram to these slips oftechniques paper. changed as well. One of the44 Gyulamethod Markovics,s that personal became conversation, common 2014. in Hungarian communities in the mid-twentieth century was to print uniform slips of paper for shnoder-donations, with various sums on it, with cuts in it between the sums. The benefactor then had to fold in the sum he wanted to donate (Figure 15).46 These were mass-printed slips of paper, single-use only. In Debrecen, they were mailed to the

Arts 2020, 9, 63 21 of 23 of charitable donations. As part of this process, the exogram techniques changed as well.45 One of the methods that became common in Hungarian communities in the mid-twentieth century was to print uniform slips of paper for shnoder-donations, with various sums on it, with cuts in it between the sums. The benefactor then had to fold in the sum he wanted to donate (Figure 15).46 These were mass-printed slips of paper, single-use only. In Debrecen, they were mailed to the congregants before mazkir (the memorial services on certain holidays), probably also to urge attendance. They then had to bring the slips of paper with them to the synagogue.47 We have data on the use of similar slips from Budapest and Jánoshalma as well.48 Another parallel custom was for the congregants to write their names and the donation details onto slips of paper, and hand it over to those in charge during the Torah service. This custom had its halakhic problems: The slips of paper would have to be written by the congregants before the Shabbat or the holiday, and there were difficulties also regarding the carrying of these slips of paper to the synagogue—accordingly, this custom was more typical in communities where religious observance was more lax. In any case, these slips of paper were even more ephemeral than any of the previous solutions to recording charitable donations, and they hardly had any chance to survive. The shnoder-signs, as well as the shnoder-books, developed as a result of the needs arising from ritual practice and social circumstances. Shnoder-signs developed in the very specific geographical region of historical Hungary, and in the very specific time period of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its emergence reflects the changes that some of the Jewish communities of Hungary underwent in this period, i.e., urbanization, secularization, and the divisions, according to various religious movements. As soon as the local practice and the social and political atmosphere changed after the World War II, there was no use for them anymore, they fell into oblivion. The use of shnoder-books spans a significantly larger time-period, as well as geographic area, since they were known in most of Western Ashkenaz, but they disappeared due to the ephemeral nature of their use, and eventually their use, too, faded due to changing community structures and modernity. Neither one of these objects is part of mainstream discussions of synagogue customs, interiors, fixtures, and accessories. Examining these two sets of objects highlights the usefulness of the approach of focusing on the use of space and physical objects during the ritual events in a synagogue. Taking a closer look at the schnoder signs of the synagogue in Debrecen and Szeged has also shed light on how minutely the physical appearance and material properties of these objects reflect the regulations in place at the given time and location. Researching the written sources of particular communities and regions and connecting them with their surviving objects can yield whole new considerations to the research of synagogues.

45 The system with laces, which used to be widespread in Holland and in England, seems not to have been common in Hungary. For that system, see Amsterdam (HS. Ros. 295), London Jewish Museum (C 1993.5: Great Synagogue Oﬀertory Book), Braginsky Collection 379 (Shnoder Book of Jewish Community of Tilburg, Netherlands). 46 For traditional uses of this technique, see Jewish Museum in Prague. Rychnov nad Knˇežnou,JMP.COLL/P2017/0110. Available online: collections.jewishmuseum.cz/index.php/Detail/Object/Show/object_id/442133# (accessed on 1 December 2019), and Amsterdam, Jewish Historical Museum, no. MB00724—in the book, every member has a special page, and their donation is marked by folding the corner of that prayer. Moreover, another interviewee mentions this technique witnessed in the interwar period in Hungary, but not for recording donations, but for making a list of secondary school attending boys absent from the Saturday prayer by the dayyan (Práger 2019, p. 287). 47 We would like to express our thanks to Dr. Gergely Hidas for sharing these slips from his family heritage. 48 We would like to express our thanks to Rabbi Imre (Herman) Schmelzer, retired rabbi in St. Gallen, Switzerland for this information. Arts 2020, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 21 of 23 congregants before mazkir (the memorial services on certain holidays), probably also to urge attendance. They then had to bring the slips of paper with them to the synagogue.47 We have data on the use of similar slips from Budapest and Jánoshalma as well.48 Another parallel custom was for the congregants to write their names and the donation details onto slips of paper, and hand it over to those in charge during the Torah service. This custom had its halakhic problems: The slips of paper would have to be written by the congregants before the Shabbat or the holiday, and there were difficulties also regarding the carrying of these slips of paper to the synagogue—accordingly, this custom was more typical in communities where religious observance was more lax. In any case, Artsthese2020 slips, 9, 63 of paper were even more ephemeral than any of the previous solutions to recording22 of 23 charitable donations, and they hardly had any chance to survive.

Figure 15.15. Mass-printedMass-printed slips of paper for donations from the post-Holocaustpost-Holocaust period (photo(photo by the authors, 2018).

Author Contributions: Both authors have participated fully and cooperatively in the conception and development of this research, in addition, they have also jointly contributed to the writing of the article. V.B. has edited the photo-documentation and made the final revision of the manuscript. All authors have read and agreed to the published47 We would version like ofto theexpress manuscript. our thanks to Dr. Gergely Hidas for sharing these slips from his family heritage. 48 Funding: We wouldThis research like to expressreceived our no external thanks funding.to Rabbi Imre (Herman) Schmelzer, retired rabbi in St. Gallen, Switzerland for this information. Acknowledgments: The authors became interested in this topic, and started collecting material during Jewish Studies field trips organized yearly, by the Jewish Studies departments of ELTE and CEU. The outlines of this article were first presented at the conference of the Hungarian Hebrew Studies Society on 29 January 2019. We have benefited greatly from the constructive comments and suggestions we received from fellow panelists. In addition, we would like to express our thanks to R. Dov Levy (Budapest) and R. Zsolt Balla (Leipzig) for information shared with us and used in this article. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. Arts 2020, 9, 63 23 of 23

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