Bridging two worlds. Tracing merchants from the Holy Roman Empire in High Medieval Sigtuna.

Roslund, Mats

Published in: Zwischen Fjorden und Steppe. Festschrift für Johan Callmer zum 65. Geburtstag.

2010

Link to publication

Citation for published version (APA): Roslund, M. (2010). Bridging two worlds. Tracing merchants from the Holy Roman Empire in High Medieval Sigtuna. In C. Theune, F. Biermann, R. Struwe, & G. H. Jeute (Eds.), Zwischen Fjorden und Steppe. Festschrift für Johan Callmer zum 65. Geburtstag. (pp. 239-250). Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH.

Total number of authors: 1

General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal

Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

LUND UNIVERSITY

PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Zwischen Fjorden und Steppe

FESTSCHRIFT FÜR JOHAN CALLMER ZUM 65. GEBURTSTAG INTERNATIONALE ARCHÄOLOGIE Studia honoraria - Band 31

Begründet von Claus Dobiat und Klaus Leidorf

Herausgegeben von Claus Dobiat, Peter Ettel und Friederike Fless Zwischen Fjorden und Steppe

FESTSCHRIFT FÜR JOHAN CALLMER ZUM 65. GEBURTSTAG

herausgegeben von Claudia Theune, Felix Biermann, Ruth Struwe und Gerson H. Jeute

Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH . Rahden/Westf. 2010 525 Seiten mit 289 Abbildungen, 2 Tafeln und 16 Tabellen

Gedruckt mit finanzieller Unterstützung des Fördervereins für Ur- und Frühgeschichte an der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin e.V. und der Archäologischen Gesellschaft Berlin und Brandenburg e.V. sowie Claudia Theune, Felix Biermann, Ruth Struwe, Gerson H. Jeute als Herausgeber und René Bräunig

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Zwischen Fjorden und Steppe ; Festschrift für Johan Callmer zum 65. Geburtstag / hrsg. von Claudia Theune ... . Rahden/Westf.: Leidorf, 2010 (Internationale Archäologie : Studia honoraria ; Bd. 31) ISBN 978-3-89646-550-4

Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

Alle Rechte vorbehalten © 2010

Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH Geschäftsführer: Dr. Bert Wiegel Stellerloh 65 . D-32369 Rahden/Westf. Tel.: +49/(0)5771/ 9510-74 Fax: +49/(0)5771/ 9510-75 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.vml.de

ISBN 978-3-89646-550-4 ISSN 1433-4194

Kein Teil des Buches darf in irgendeiner Form (Druck, Fotokopie, CD-ROM, DVD, Internet oder einem anderen Verfahren) ohne schriftliche Genehmigung des Verlages Marie Leidorf GmbH reproduziert werden oder unter Verwendung elektronischer Systeme verarbeitet, vervielfältigt oder verbreitet werden.

Umschlagentwurf: Claudia Theune, Wien Titelvignette: Umzeichnung Torben Stupp, Berlin [Stier von Lossow, Brandenburg] Redaktion: Claudia Theune, Wien; Felix Biermann, Greifswald; Ruth Struwe, Berlin und Gerson H. Jeute, Mainz Satz, Layout und Bildnachbearbeitung: Thomas Pertlwieser, Wien Für die Einholung der Reproduktionsrechte zeichnen die Autorinnen und Autoren selbst verantwortlich. Druck und Produktion: DSC-Heinz J. Bevermann KG, Fleethweg 1, D-49196 Bad Laer

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Inhaltsverzeichnis ...... 7 Vorwort der Herausgeber ...... 11 Editors‘ preface ...... 13

Schriftenverzeichnis von Johan Callmer / Bibliography of Johan Callmer …..…………...... 15

Dem Jubilar

Claudia Theune Johan Callmer zum 65. Geburtstag …………………………………………………..……...... 21 Johan Callmer on the occasion of his 65th Birthday ……………………………………...... 25

Achim Leube „Wohl unter den drei Kronen ließ sich‘s gemächlich wohnen“. Ein Gruß an Johan Callmer aus „Südschweden“ …………………………………………...... 29

Methodisches

Ines Beilke-Voigt Methodische Überlegungen zu bronze-/früheisenzeitlichen Zentralorten mit Bezug auf den Burgwall von Lossow bei Frankfurt (Oder) …………………………...... 41

Ulrich Müller Zentrale Orte und Netzwerke. Zwei Konzepte zur Beschreibung von Zentralität .………...... 57

Axel Pollex Akkulturation – Gegenakkulturation ………………………………………………………...... 69

Ruth Struwe „Small tools“. Zur Periodisierung der Urgeschichte Australiens ..…………….…………...... 79

Transformationen in Antike und Mittelalter

René Bräunig Neue Grabsitten, neue Identität? Auf der Suche nach den Wurzeln der älterkaiserzeitlichen germanischen Körpergrabsitte …………………………………...... 87

Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska Remarques sur la transformation des structures de l’antiquité tardive en Pannonie à travers l’exemple de Keszthely-Fenékpuszta ……………………..………...... 99 8

Bertil Helgesson Stability, Christianity and Chaos. Some remarks on written sources, Scania and the 9th century AD ...... 113

Gerson H. Jeute Conquérant or traînard? The development of milling in High Medieval Europe …...……...... 121

Tina L. Thurston Tracing the political geography of early Denmark through integrated archaeological and geochemical survey ...... 135

Armin Volkmann Indizien einer ökologischen Krise? Geoarchäologische Untersuchungen zur Völkerwanderungszeit (4.-8. Jh.) an der unteren Oder ………………………………...... 147

Handwerk und Produktion

Markolf Brumlich Slawische Eisenverhüttung in der Niederlausitz. Die Funde von Groß Radden, Landkreis Oberspree-Lausitz ..…………………………...... 159

Menno Dijkstra, Yvette Sablerolles, Julian Henderson A traveller‘s tale. Merovingian glass bead production at Rijnsburg, the Netherlands ...... 175

Birgitta Hårdh Beak-shaped brooches and Merovingian Period metal handicraft ...... 201

Handel, Austausch, Beziehungen

Eva Becker The Silver Tree of Karakorum ...... 211

Torbjörn Brorsson Ceramics and interaction. Contacts between different groups in the Baltic region during the Early Viking Age ...... 217

Michel Kazanski Les Hunugours et le commerce de fourrure en Europe orientale au VIème siècle …..……...... 225

Mats Roslund Bridging two worlds. Tracing merchants from the Holy Roman Empire in High Medieval Sigtuna ...... 239

Jens Schneeweiß Eine Heiligenfi bel aus Vietze-Höhbeck, Lkr. Lüchow-Dannenberg, an der Ostgrenze des Fränkischen Reiches .………………………………………………...... 251 9

Status und Objekte

Fedir Androshchuk The Gift to Men and the Gift to the Gods: Weapon sacrifi ces and the circulation of swords in Viking Age society ...... 263

Heidemarie Eilbracht Ich bin, was ich trage? Bemerkungen zur Funktion und Deutung wikingischer Fibeln …...... 277

Raiko Krauß Zur Akkumulation von Prestigegütern im Westschwarzmeerraum während des 5. Jahrtausends v. Chr ………………………………………………………...... 289

Lars Larsson Residences burning ………………………………………………………………………...... 301

Alexander Schäfer T- und Y-förmige Gegenstände aus Geweih und deren Funktion …...... 307

Torben Sode, Claus Feveile, Ulrich Schnell An investigation on segmented, metal-foiled glass beads and blown, mirrored glass beads from Ribe, Denmark ...... 319

Berta Stjernquist Glass as an expression of contact, prosperity and status ...... 329

Status und Bestattung

Marek Dulinicz †, Tomasz Kordala Die Gräber mit Steinkränzen in Masowien vor einhundert Jahren und heute. Begräbnissitten aus der frühen Piastenzeit ………..……………………………...... 333

Ingrid Gustin Of rods and roles. Three women in Birka’s chamber graves ...... 343

Jörg Kleemann Mehr als ein Mythos – Bemerkungen zum Gräberfeld von Malbork-Wielbark ……………...... 355

Nikolaj Kuzmin Die aktuellen Probleme der Forschung der Kulturen der skythischen Epoche und der Hunnenzeit in Südsibirien (Grabdenkmäler des Minusinsker Beckens) …………...... 375

Michael Meyer Prähistorische Kampfplätze ……………………………………………………………...... 409

Ulf Stammwitz Geschlechtsspezifi sche Aspekte und historische Bedeutung der Nordhügelgrablege von Jelling ………………………………………………………...... 423 10

Burg, Stadt, Kirche

Tanya Armbrüster Stadtentstehung in mittelalterlichen Grenzräumen. Das Beispiel Zehdenick (Havel) ……...... 435

Katrin Frey, Felix Biermann Der Neustädtische Markt in Brandenburg an der Havel im Spiegel seiner mittelalterlichen Funde ……………………………………………………………...... 447

Holger Grönwald Praktische Mittelalter- und Neuzeitarchäologie. Die Untersuchungen im Franziskanerkloster Gransee und neue Ansichten des alten Klosters ………………...... 461

Christian Matthes Die Stadtburg von Hettstedt – eine bautechnisch außergewöhnliche gotische Kastellburg ...... 477

Uwe Michas Ein neues Suburbium am Burgwall in Berlin-Spandau. Erste Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 2005 bis 2007 auf Berlins größtem Bodendenkmal ...... 489

Gunnar Möller St. Peter und Paul – die verschollene vierte Stadtkirche von Stralsund ………………...... 497

Eric Müller Bemerkungen zu einigen Buntmetallfundenaus dem ehemaligen Zisterzienserkloster Buch, Lkr. Döbeln, Sachsen …………………...... 509

Jes Wienberg Romanesque round church towers in Scandinavia ………………………………………...... 515

Anschriften der Autorinnen und Autoren / Adresses of the authors …………………...... 523 Bridging Two Worlds Tracing merchants from the Holy Roman Empire in High Medieval Sigtuna

Mats Roslund Lund

On the Frisian coast everyday life in town after its establishment ca. 980 Even if a scholar does not want to accept the formative (Roslund 1997; 2007). A large amount and diversity of role she or he is taking in relation to students, the char- artefacts from Rus’ are present already in the second acter of teaching will be important for future interests. phase of the town’s existence from the year 1000 and When Johan Callmer invited us, third semester students, onwards. These connections were strong until growing on a trip along the coast of the North Sea in 1981, he confl icts between the Svear and Novgorod strained the opened up a European perspective in archaeology. After relations from the late 12th century. Even if Rus’ domi- a week in Wilhelmshaven, Groningen and on several nated the political and economic structure until the mid Terpen and Langwurten in the lowlands, Europe’s com- 13th century, we also must try to study the re-emerging mon histories were revealed to us. This is very typical interests from the Holy Roman Empire and the West of of Johan, to invite you on a trip through space and time. the Baltic Sea. This is important if we shall be able to Along the way, whether on the road or in a comfortable get a better understanding about these contacts when couch he shares his knowledge and is always ready to they increase in the late 12th century. learn something new. It is with this trip to the North Sea From the point of view of the Roman Catholic Church, coast and his work on interregional contacts between the Lake Mälaren region was not drawn into a Euro- East and West I want to begin my contribution. Johan’s pean cultural sphere until the end of the 11th century work stands out as pan-European, embracing Western, (Blomkvist 2005). It was a land of opportunities for Eastern and Central Europe. This trait is very unusual, gaining lost souls and rich tributes, seen through the as most scholars have their tradition in either geograph- eyes of the bishops of Bremen. As we shall see in this ical “camp”. As an answer to his demand that we must article, visitors and politically induced economic rela- include the whole of Europe in our work, I will focus tions started much earlier, after a hiatus following af- on 11th to 13th century Sigtuna in Sweden, a node in the ter Birkas decline in the 960’s. I would like to argue network between East and West. that the archaeological sources give us evidence for the Inspired by Johan Callmer’s article “Archaeological presence of north-western Continental guests shortly sources for the presence of Frisian agents of trade in after the year 1000. Individuals or small groups arrived Northern Europe ca. AD 700–900”, I will try to ex- in Sigtuna. The main carriers seem to have been Scan- tend the chronological and theoretical perspective into dinavians to around the year 1100, but assessing the the High Middle Ages (Callmer 1998). In his article, evidence critically, they found Continental partners. he thoroughly investigates the possibility that Frisians The actors during this time cannot be considered as lived in Scandinavian centres of exchange. Archaeo- a “Kaufmannhanse”, in a pre-hanseatic sense. In the logically, personal belongings such as combs are the debate on German infl uence in the Baltic Sea before strongest evidence for this. Being a phenomenon of the the Hansa, an emphasis has been laid on the organisa- 8th and 9th centuries, the Frisians seem to vanish from tion of German speaking visitors. Considering the way the Scandinavian scene with the waning of Birka. From exchange was performed in the 11th century, temporary this point onwards, the German speaking Continental agreements between individuals and minor groups was contacts are hard to discern in the material culture. One a common way of solving the overshadowing problem group of artefacts is indeed a sign of interaction. From of risk and trust (Müller-Boysen 1990). Even without the middle of the 10th century, a stream of minted sil- written evidence, I would like to suggest that such ar- ver from rich Ottonian mines sieved into Scandinavia. rangements between Svear and merchants from the However, the problem with goods of wealth is that it is Holy Roman Empire led to their presence in Sigtuna, diffi cult to assess to which degree it defi nes personal as seen in the material culture. presence. To fi nd out if, and to what extent, visitors The issues raised are as follows. When did guests from from the Holy Roman Empire managed to travel to the Holy Roman Empire come to Sigtuna? What kind Sigtuna in the 11th to 13th centuries, more sources and of material culture did they bring with them? What ef- a theoretical approach on social identities expressed in fect does the interpretation of the artefacts have on a the material culture are needed. historical level? My aim with this article is to enhance the study of Western visitors in a town strongly infl uenced by Rus’ The Frisian guild politics and culture. The eastern route passed through Two rune stones in Sigtuna seem to stand as evidence the Gulf of Finland already from the late 8th century. for a Western presence since they tell us about a Fri- Sigtuna continued this tradition as we can see in the sian guild in Sigtuna with men named Torkel, Torbjörn, 240

Fig. 1. Enamelled cross brooches. a – Sf nr 2656, unknown context, according to continental datings ca 950 to 1050; b – Professorn 1 nr 12360, 1st half of the 11th century; c – Professorn 1 nr 12409, 1st quarter of the 11th century; d – Sigtuna 99 nr 10263, unknown context, according to continental datings ca 950 to 1050. Scale 1:1. Drawings by Jacques Vincent.

Slode and Albod as followers.1 However, we must take states that the Frisian guild in Sigtuna should be seen into consideration what “Frisian” meant in this tem- as a common interest group among the Svear (Radtke poral context, as the defi nition of the ethnic term “Fri- 2002, 391 footnote 25). Their aim could have been the sian” is no longer clear when we reach the 11th century Frisian coast, but they could also have travelled to Sch- (Callmer 1998, 470; Lebecq 1998, 71). They could leswig to meet their partner. The stones in Sigtuna ante- be residents in any town along the Rhine, since Fri- date two others, one in Södermanland (Sö 16) and one sians traded and lived in diasporas from the North Sea in Uppland (U 1048) from the second half of the 11th coast up to Strasbourg and Basel. They were also well- century, mentioning “Haithabu” as port of call.4 Ob- known residents in English towns as well as in Danish viously, it was a well known place for people around Schleswig. This implies that the guilds’ members, if Lake Mälaren by then. If Albod was a man from Saxo- they were Frisians, could come from other parts of the ny or Franconia, he joined the northerners there, where Holy Roman Empire or towns outside it. What makes a Saxons community lived since the 10th century. the interpretation even more diffi cult is the uncertainty if the name Albod is Frisian. A Saxon, Franconian as Minor objects and personal presence well as Scandinavian provenance has been suggested.2 After this deconstruction of a Frisian presence one “Frisian” has also been used as a synonym for a mer- could ask if there are any material signs of German chant dealing in long-distance trade. speaking visitors in Sigtuna. It is the portable material A renewed interest for the dating of the stones Torbjörn culture from this part of Europe we now are about to carved is of importance. On linguistic grounds, they have study. To answer the question how intense the contacts earlier been dated to the late 11th century. In a thorough were and who maintained them, we have to turn to a stylistic re-interpretation, Ann-Sofi e Gräslund has certi- wider scope of material sources. By adding a diverse fi ed that they belong to the period ca 1010 to 1050.3 set of artefacts in Sigtuna coming from our area under How shall we understand the social relations expressed study, a better basis for the next step of interpretation in the guild? In the emerging 11th century, guilds were can be taken; what the presence signify historically.5 social constructs outside the bonds of bloodlines to The artefacts are few, but varied. In this survey, I have support individual actors when higher authorities did not included the coins of German origin found in Sig- not manage to do it. Wrapped in a Christian package, tuna. The reason is that the last decades’ fi ndings have merchants organised themselves to protect their lives not yet been properly assembled in a corpus, and that and property on perilous voyages, as the well-known former collections already are well known through oth- example from Tiel in 1020 indicates (Oexle 1989). er texts.6 Minted silver is also circulated among many Torbjörn, Torkel and Slode were guild brothers, but 4 Albod could be their félag, a partner in trade, outside The name “Haithabu” is used instead of “Schleswig” in Scandi- navian sources from the 11th and 12th centuries. In Knytlinga saga, the group and not living in Sigtuna. Christian Radtke “Haithabu” is used well into the 12th century after it was abandoned in favour of the new town on the Schlei (Knytlinge Saga 1977, 37, 1 Identity number U 379 and U 391. 51 f., 112, 118, 120 f., 126, 133, 142 f., 162, 167). 2 Ahlsson 1988, 11 f.; Düwel 1987, 338; Lebecq 1983, 259; Radtke 5 It is not possible to give a full description of the artefacts in the 2002, 391. present format of a short article. A brief description of each item fol- 3 Von Friesen 1913; Gräslund 2006, 128; classed in her typology as lows the illustrations. For western glass, see Henricson 2006. Pr 1–Pr 2. 6 Hatz 1974; Jonsson 1990; 2002; Radtke 2002, 381 ff. 241

Cologne merchants had their anchorage at Dowgate. It is possible that consumption of wine from the Em- pire was an urban phenomenon also in late 11th century Sigtuna, where also Byzantine wine was imported in amphorae through Rus’ (Roslund 1997). To ascertain evidence for personal presence in urban centres during the High Middle Ages, pottery for cook- ing is better than exotic table wares. The main argu- ment is that regional traditions are confi rmed in the everyday use of known forms.8 Potters are inclined to stick to a format, picked up from their parents or master since childhood, becoming a part of their cul- tural identity. In Sigtuna, the local tradition was the simple late Viking Age domestic forms, supplemented by local Baltic ware and imported Slavic vessels from Rus’. We fi nd few sherds of “weiche Grauware” in the form of globular cooking vessels around 1100 (Ros- lund 2007, 406 ff.).9 “Kugeltöpfe” were produced in a clearly defi ned area in Frisia and Saxony. The tradition stretched out between east of the Rhine to Elbe in a Fig. 2. Enamelled cross brooch. Humlegården nr 992 southwest-northeast direction and between the Frisian from unknown context. According to continental coastline and down to a line drawn between Mainz and datings ca 950 to 1050. Scale 2:1. Erfurt in the south, of course with regional variations Photo by the author. (Reich Salier 1992, 20 Kt. 1). It was also maintained in Schleswig with surrounding landscape in Schleswig- Holstein. After the German expansion to Lübeck in people in the Baltic during the 11th century. Thus, it mid-12th century, it spread further east along the Baltic would be diffi cult to argue that Ottonian and Salian coast. coins indicate personal presence. Coins from rich sil- There are few German cooking-pots before the end of ver mines in the Harz Mountains boosted long distance the 12th century in Sigtuna. In the third quarter of that trade as means of exchange, but cannot solely be taken century, however, we see an increase of “harte Grau- as remains of merchants. For that, other simpler things ware” in great amounts (Roslund 1995, 2 Fig. 1). It can be much better. was brought in together with a typical set of vessels Artefacts ended up outside their original place of pro- of the period ca 1180 to 1250. Pingsdorf, Paffrath, An- duction by social reasons. People used artefacts to denne, early stoneware, Flemish jugs, Splashed ware stress and emphasise their social identities. By doing and London ware accompanied the simpler hard fi red so, they recreated the image of themselves and com- “Kugeltöpfe”. municated it to others. Therefore, we have to consider the meanings of things when using “imports” as signs Brooches of foreign presence and infl uence. Pottery has a dif- Few artefacts can be said to have a distinct social and ferent functional and symbolic place in the world than ethnic connection. Urban centres like Sigtuna were of- jewellery. This must be paid attention to when inter- ten inhabited by a blend of foreign visitors. Even the preting the artefacts from the Holy Roman Empire. local population was keen on taking up foreign infl u- ences, and thus creating an urban life style, different Ceramic vessels from the surrounding agrarian settlements. Neverthe- Pottery is often the most common group of artefact used less, there are certain regional traits that indicate social to indicate trade and exchange. In Sigtuna, Pingsdorf visualisation of the Self in everyday life. Scandinavians ware is as usual found in late 12th and early 13th cen- more often wore penannular brooches to fasten their tury deposits. However, some sherds from red painted cloaks and shirts during the 11th century. Therefore, the beakers occur already from the last quarter of the 11th Ottonian and Salian brooches found in Sigtuna from century (Roslund 1995, 8 Fig. 8). This very early pres- that period are newcomers, set in a new social context. ence from a production area close to Cologne coincides Whether they were used by Scandinavians or not is dif- with similar consumption patterns in London, Bergen and Schleswig.7 Wine trading merchants were common 8 It is not possible to discuss the vast literature on cultural identities visitors there, and for the case of London we know that here. Arguments for a correspondence between cultural identity and pottery, see Roslund 2007, 139 ff. 9 Among 10 594 sherds of low-fi red cooking pots, only 13 were 7 Vince 1988, 242; Lüdtke 1985, 61; Meyer 1996, 191; Huffman “weiche Grauware” found in 11th century contexts with a slight fo- 1998, 12 ff. cus in the decades around the year 1100. 242

Fig. 3. Enamelled brooches with animal decoration. a – Professorn 1 nr 12200, 1st quarter of the 11th century; b – Fjärrvärmegrävningen 1991–1992 nr 19 from unknown context, according to continental datings ca 950 to 1050; c – Trädgårdsmästaren 9 and 10 nr 8624, 3rd quarter of the 11th century. Scale 1:1. Drawings by Jacques Vincent.

fi cult to asses, but their origin is undisputed. Germany since the 19th century.10 Until the last three In Sigtuna, there is a rising fi gure of fi bulas of different decades they have been thought to come from the design, in bronze, brass or pewter. Those enamelled are south-eastern part of the Empire. This was however made in champlevé/“Grubenemail” technique. Firstly, caused by their mode of deposition (Giesler 1989, fi ve round “Kreuzemailscheibenfi beln”, in Germany 231). The information was drawn from grave fi nds in dated to the 2nd half of the 10th and 1st half of the 11th Slovenia and Austria, where they were found in great- century shall be mentioned (Fig. 1, Fig. 2). Those found er numbers. With several discoveries made after the in dated contexts in Sigtuna are from the 11th century. 1960’s, this has been altered.11 Today it is obvious that At least four of them can be of the “Frauenhof”- or the spread is defi nitely within the whole of the Em- “Gardelshausen” type and one is of a small 11th cen- pire as a material expression of political and cultural tury variety. Secondly, we have three “Emailscheiben- dominion. During the period when the Sigtuna objects fi beln mit Tierornamentik” (Fig. 3). One with an eagle, were lost in the ground, a concentration is clearly seen “Adlerfi bel”, was found in a context dated to the 1st in Friesland, Saxony and Franconia. Mainz has been quarter of the 11th century. Two others carry four-foot- pointed out as one possible place for production, the ed animals looking backwards. One is still undated; the town being positioned at the cross roads between the other has an Agnus Dei motive with a distinct cross in southern and northern distribution pattern (Schulze- the background, dated to the 3rd quarter of the 11th cen- Dörrlamm 1992, 108 f.). tury. Thirdly, there are two “Buckelfi beln” among the The social attribution of the Sigtuna fi nds is of qual- brooches (Fig 4). One is a very simple type of thin sheet ity level 3 according to Spiong.12 This is the most fre- metal, also found in Lund, with rounded centre and ra- quent group in late 10th- early 11th century Germany, diating punched lines. In Sigtuna, it is dated to the 3rd indicating that the visitors came from the middle level quarter of the 11th century. The other is more elaborate, of society. moulded and designed with two beaded rows around the convex centre where a thin enamelled cross can be Rock crystal brooches seen. It is the earliest dated fi bula of all, from a context A brooch with an elliptical rock crystal cabochon can deposited in the 1st decade of the century. The fourth be seen in the permanent exhibition in Sigtuna (Fig. 7). group of fi bulas has a more uncertain provenance (Fig. The crystal itself is 24 mm long and has a ridge along 5, Fig. 6). No direct analogies have been found in pub- the centre.13 It is set in silver and encircled by a row of lications, but the style and technique indicate a Ger- square beads. On top of the setting can be seen three man origin. All three of them are round and have set glass beads. The fi rst is very corroded, probably made 10 Giesler 1978; 1989; Frick 1992/93; Wamers 1994; Spiong 2000; in pewter or other white metal with one central bead. Krabath 2001. The two others are in bronze alloy, one with a central 11 Spiong 2000, 110 ff.; see also distribution according to contexts bead, the other with one in the middle surrounded by pp. 290 ff. Kt. 11–15. 12 four additional beads. All three are found in early 12th Spiong 2000, 119: ”Qualitätsvollere Serienproduktion”. 13 Several other rock crystal gems polished the same way found in century contexts. Sigtuna may have had the same function. For instance Professorn 4 Enamelled brooches have been studied by scholars in nr 1356 and nr 5724. 243

Fig. 4. Brooches with raised centre. a – Trädgårdsmäs- Fig. 5. Brooches with set glass beads. taren square A1:5b, 3rd quarter of the 11th century; a – Trädgårdsmästaren 9 and 10 nr 27500, 1st quarter b – Professorn 1 nr 14620, 1st quarter of the 11th of the 12th century; b – Trädgårdsmästaren 9 and 10 century. Compare with Wamers 1994, 117 Abb. 73, nr 24182, 1st quarter of the 12th C. Scale 1:1. 213. Scale 1:1. Drawings by Jacques Vince Drawings by Jacques Vincent.

small round moulded beads on top of each other. On end of the 11th- and beginning of the 12th century, in- the lower part is a mounted ring, used to attach a chain. cluding those found in Sigtuna. This was most probably fastened to a similar brooch on the other shoulder of the wearer. The object is undated, Gold fi nger ring but analogies can be found in the vicinity. One gold fi nger ring has been discovered in deposits A similar brooch was found in an inhumation grave from the 2nd quarter of the 13th century. It is a “Steig- in Valsta, 10 kilometers southeast of Sigtuna. It was bügelring” adorned with a small amethyst or sapphire buried together with the deceased around the year (Fig. 8). These rings are claimed to be found in bish- 1100, but was brought out of context when robbers dug ops’ graves (Schulze-Dörrlamm 1992, 84). One very into the mound at a later occasion (Andersson 1997, similar to the Sigtuna example was found with Arch- 366; 367 fi g. 5b). It is unusual to fi nd foreign artefacts bishop Bezelin Alebrand in Bremen cathedral, buried outside Sigtuna during the 11th and 12th centuries, so before 1043. However, the type has a chronological the individual in the mound must have been close to centre of gravity in the 12th century. The ring in Sigtuna royal power or had contacts of his own on the Con- had probably been preserved and in use for some time tinent. When he died around the year 1100, he may- before it was lost. be displayed a personal relationship with individuals from the Empire. His use of foreign jewellery shows Gold and cloisonné enamel stud the problem with simple ethnic affi liations to such ar- A very small stud, or “button“, found in contexts dated tefacts. to the 2nd to 4th quarter of the 12th century is a piece Three other examples for dating shall be mentioned of exquisite goldsmith production. It is only 8 mm in (Reich Salier 1992, 151 f.). One is from Dörby, Öland width, made of gold and enamel in cloisonné tech- in Sweden. It was found in a hoard dated to ca 1100. nique (Fig. 9). The main body is in dark green, with The other two are of greater interest as they too come a four-petalled fl ower or cross in the centre. The cross from graves. They were found in Masku, Humikkala, is diametrically positioned with arms in white/red and Finland in female inhumation graves dated to the late sky-blue enamel. On the reverse, a small oblique hole 11th and early 12th century. These rock crystal brooches is visible, probably remains of a construction to keep it have probably been brought in from the Empire in the in its place. This is a high-class piece of workmanship, 244

Fig. 6. Brooch with fi ve set glass beads. Fig. 7. Rock crystal brooch. Kyrkolunden 8 nr 171 Trädgårdsmästaren 6725, 1st to 3rd quarter of the 12th from unknown context. Probably late 11th to early 12th century. Not to scale. Photo by the author. century. Drawing by Jacques Vincent. similar to studs found on the Towneley brooch at the the Lower Rhine and Elbe, displaying their affi lia- British Museum or the eagle-peacock brooch from em- tion to a guild and religious piety (ibid., 220; Roslund press Agnes treasure in Mainz (ibid., 12 Taf. 4,1; 117 2009). Taf. 9,1). Singular studs can also be seen fi tted in rings (Reich Salier 1992, 443 Vitrine 8,17; 8,18). Porphyry tiles for portable altars The Sigtuna cloisonné piece could be used on secu- A group of seven tiles of green porphyry and one of lar as well as ecclesiastical objects, such as rings, serpentine can defi nitely be placed within the realm of brooches or objects of devotion. For the arguments in the Church (Tesch 2007a). Their function is evidently this text, it is the provenance that is important. For the as covers for holy relics in altars and as magnifi cent large eagle-peacock brooch in the treasure of empress stones for portable altars of the High Middle Ages. In Agnes, a Byzantine or Italian workshop has been sug- Sigtuna they are used from ca 1050 to 1200 and found gested (Schulze-Dörrlamm 1992, 107). It is most likely in secular contexts close to hall buildings were peo- a Mediterranean large brooch or fi nger ring that has ple gathered on social occasions. It has therefore been come through the Empire with a visitor for private use suggested that portable altars were in use with fami- or to adorn a local Sigtuna woman. lies, before the churches were built. Green porphyry was quarried in Greece, but those found in Sigtuna Alsengems came from robber trenches in the vicinity of Cologne Two other unusual artefacts of blue glass paste have or Aachen. In the ruins of the Roman or Carolingian been uncovered during the last years in Sigtuna (Fig. period, people rescued, refi ned and sold these attrac- 10; Roslund 2009). These alsengems can be said to un- tive stones for religious use. Some of them reached the derline a connection towards the Lower Rhine and Fri- halls in Sigtuna. sian coast. They are both of Schulze-Dörrlamm’s Type II, showing two individuals holding hands, found in Knife sheath decorations deposits dated to the years just around 1100 (Schulze- The ethnic interpretation of knife sheath mountings is Dörrlamm 1990). a much discussed topic in German archaeology.14 The One-fi gured alsengems of Type I can be seen on eccle- main contradiction has been if there are specifi c “Ger- siastical objects of devotion between the Lower Rhine man” and “West Slav” types. Even if the ethnic affi li- and Elbe. However, Type II with two individuals are ation for some types cannot be ascertained, there are also found in secular contexts, outside the main area. technical differences that also can be seen in two types Type III displays three human fi gures, being Caspar, found in Sigtuna. Firstly, we have thin copper alloy Melchior and Balthazar, and was sold as pilgrim badg- mountings with embossed decoration, punched from es. They became very popular after the acquisition of the backside. They are quadrants in a variety of forms. the relics of the Magi from Milan 1164, and were wide- This type has its greatest extension in the West Slav ly distributed in Saxony, Frisia and Denmark. regions east of the Elbe and will not be discussed here Type II preceded the pilgrim badges and could have (Krabath 2001, 79 Kt. 16 Var. 2, 3, 4). functioned as similar signs for protection. They may have been worn by merchants from the region between 14 See Krabath 2001, 68 ff. for a survey on the discussion. 245

can be signs of personal presence. Especially simple and common things like the knife sheath decorations have a distinct regional character. Luxury items are more diffi cult to consider as ethnic idioms. Before I draw any conclusions from the archaeological record, a short survey on German infl uence in the Baltic Sea basin must be presented.

“Germans” in the Baltic Sea – new fuel for an old debate In historical syntheses about towns evolving after the Viking Age, Sigtuna still has to fi nd its place. Interna- Fig. 8. Gold fi nger ring with set amethyst or sapphire. tional surveys traditionally refer to Gotland and Rus’ in Professorn 1 nr 807, 2nd quarter of the 13th century. the 11th to 13th centuries, but to understand the complex Drawing by Jacques Vincent. Baltic network it is essential to consider the fi ndings in mainland Sweden. Sigtuna is one of few sites that offer the possibility to re-write the history of the early The other type is made of bronze, moulded and with High Middle Ages. This is due to well preserved de- punched, incised or fi led decoration (Fig. 11). The posits and a large amount of identifi able structures and items found are designed as reclining animals with artefacts. Through archaeology, it is possible to sketch their heads turned towards their rear or simple rectan- a nuanced picture formerly based solely on written gles with narrow width. They are all found in contexts sources. With a background in the artefactual evidence dated from the mid 12th to mid 13th centuries. This cor- we can answer the fi rst two questions asked in the be- responds well with the suggested chronology in Ger- ginning of this text. It is clear that artefacts from the many. The two types have somewhat different distri- Holy Roman Empire end up in Sigtuna just after the bution in the core area (Krabath 2001, 75 Kt. 15 Var. turn of the Millennium. Personal belongings, as well as 1; 81 Kt. 18 Var. 22). Rectangular, narrow mountings religious artefacts, stand out in variety, if not in quan- are scattered between the Rhine and Oder. Animals, tity. Why are these artefacts important? Returning to looking back towards their rear, seem to accumulate in my last question I will shortly discuss what effect the Thuringia and south Lower Saxony. objects have on a historical level. In the debate about German infl uence in the Baltic Sea Knife shaft with runes during the High Middle Ages, an assessment of the As a last example of contacts with the Empire I would written sources has created a view of a very late inter- draw attention to an antler knife shaft with a runic in- ference by merchants of the Empire.16 Hugo Yrwing scription, unfortunately from undated deposits.15 One argued that German-speaking visitors did not travel to simple sentence is carved into it, “Liku a knif”, i. e. Gotland and into the Baltic Sea on a regular basis un- “Likko owns the knife” (Gustavson et al. 1990, 39 ff. til the 2nd half of the 12th century (Yrwing 1940, 111 Fig. 12). According to Scandinavian tradition, indi- ff.; 138 ff.; 1989). Before that, trade was conducted by viduals often put her or his name on their few personal merchants from Schleswig, acting as intermediaries belongings. In this case, the owner could have a Frisian for partners from Westfalia, Lower Saxony and Frisia. origin, since the name is suggested to be of West Ger- According to him, individuals from these regions were manic origin. not properly present until the fi rst founding of Lübeck by Adolf of Schauenburg in 1143 and the succeed- Starting with a deconstruction of a Frisian guild and ing expansion by Henry the Lion in 1158. However, ending with a Frisisan visitor, this survey only gives a Gotlandic traders signed a treaty with emperor Lothar hint of the artefacts hidden in the museum warehouse III in 1134, granting them access to towns in Saxony. in Sigtuna. Even if the objects described above are cer- Such agreements could have been mutual and guar- tainly from the Holy Roman Empire, it is not simple to antee Saxon merchants rights on Gotland (Kattinger understand the reasons for their appearance outside the 1999, 45 f.; Blomkvist 2005, 437 footnote 147). Steps core area. There are many possibilities, including lost towards closer interaction were taken with the Artlen- belongings of foreign guests or remains of their traded burg Privilege in 1161 and the presence of a German commodities. It could as well be Scandinavians acquir- “gilda communis” in Visby, founding a church 1190. A ing the objects when visiting the Continent. However, last and vital change took place when German speak- if we accept the hypothesis that socially structured be- ing residents in Visby acquired rights to St Mary and haviour and sense of belonging was expressed in the used it as their parish church from 1225. material culture, the jewellery and everyday pottery 16 Yrwing 1940; 1989; Blomkvist 2005, 415 ff. for a presentation of 15 The block Trädgårdsmästaren 9 and 10, fi nds nr 3627. the debate. 246

Fig. 9. Gold and cloisonné stud. Trädgårdsmästaren Fig. 10. Alsengems. a – Professorn 1 nr 4168, 9 and 10 nr 3035, 2nd to 4th quarter of the 12th century. ca 1100; b – Professorn 1 nr 4334, ca 1100. Not to scale. Photo by the author. Not to scale. Photo by the author.

Yrwing concentrated on Gotlandic and German inter- tremely well with 95 %. Among them, Goslar (Otto- action based on texts. If we on the other hand use writ- Adelheid-Pfennige) stands out with 40 %, but mints ten records to study economic transactions between the in Cologne, Mainz, Worms and Strassbourg are also Svear and visitors from the Empire, we only have one represented. The remaining content is six English, one source (Kattinger 1999, 109 ff.). The fi rst expression Bohemian and one Italian coin. The conclusions drawn of common interests was between Knut Eriksson and from this treasure are many, but the issue here is to Henry the Lion in a treaty signed sometimes in the in- point out the mixture of issues. The coins seem to be terval 1167 to 1180, referred to in a later trade treaty brought together from different mints, thus implying between Lübeck and Birger Jarl in 1252. In the time- several transactions. If the treasure was collected on span between the rune stones ordered by the Svea guild one occasion and with partners from a specifi c town in brothers and the late 12th century, there is silence. Can Germany, it would have been less diverse. Instead, the the hiatus be fi lled in by archaeology? content could have been collected along the way, in a If the coins from the Empire are taken into considera- place where traders met. tion, we fi nd strong evidence for transactions between The hypothesis is strengthened by several archaeologi- the regions. Through Gert Hatz work on 85 000 Ger- cal and written records, analysed by Christian Radtke. man coins found in Sweden, ca 60 000 give informa- His study on the coins and scale-weights found in tion about their provenance. His analysis show that 21 Schleswig fi ts in well with the observations in Sigtuna. 000 came from Saxony, 18 200 from Lower Lorraine, He convincingly argues for Schleswig’s position as a 9500 from Franconia, 3100 from Upper Lorraine, 2400 “Klammer” in the crossroad between one system based from Swabia and 1800 from Bavaria (Hatz 1974; 1987, on minted silver and a Baltic system based on weight 89). More than 70 % of the minted silver came from (Radtke 2002, 415). It was in such a place merchants the regions Saxony and Lower Lorraine. Regional dif- negotiated both commodities with silver and identities ferences can be seen over time. In the massive import with jewellery, ceramics and other things. However, of German coins from ca 990, half of them are Otto- Radtke based his hypothesis on written evidence when Adelheid-Pfennige struck in Lower Saxony. Another he states that: “Bis auf einige Sachsen in Roskilde and major group is from east Frisia. Entering the 11th cen- Lund in der ersten Hälfte der 1130er Jahre fehlen alle tury, Saxony and mints along the Rhine dominate the gesicherten Nachweise für die Anwesenheit von Deut- import with a Frisian element. This division has been schen in der Ostsee vor etwa 1160” (ibid. 413). In my certifi ed in studies succeeding Hatz’ work (Jonsson opinion, based on archaeological sources, there are 2002; Radtke 2002, 381 ff. with ref.). traces of such a presence to be seen. Such a pattern, emerging from Sweden as a whole, can The bulk of artefacts found in Sigtuna could originate be verifi ed locally through a treasure found in Sigtu- from Schleswig, the pivotal point of trade between the na in the year 2000 (Jonsson 2004). In a house, dated East and West, but others besides Danes, Gotlanders to the 2nd quarter of the 11th century (the treasure has or Svear could have brought them there. When Adam a t. p. q. 1027), 156 coins were found together. This of Bremen wrote about Saxons in Schleswig in the 3rd treasure is interesting as it contains a mix of several quarter of the 11th century, he observed a 100-year-old issues from the Empire. German coins dominate ex- community. We also might suggest a more active role 247

Tiel – auch die konnten ihre eigenen Schiffe ja nicht mitbringen, gingen sie nicht auf Umlandsfahrt, hatten jedoch immerhin Seefahrtserfahrung – zusammen mit denen von Gotland den Zwischenhandel besorgt”. With the new fi ndings from Sigtuna we can enter this discus- sion and try to formulate a new hypothesis.

On the bridge between worlds To sum up the artefactual evidence of visitors from the Holy Roman Empire, it is possible to suggest as fol- lows. In the fi rst decades of the 11th century and after ca 20 years of its existence, Sigtuna had regained a network worthy its predecessor Birka. It was primarily based on Rus’ contacts, but the town also had western visitors. The fi rst dated object is a round buckle fi bula with a thin enamelled cross from the fi rst quarter of the 11th century. Several round fi bulas dated to the fi rst half of the 11th century are the fi rst signs of these relations. Two of them were even found together inside a house dated to 1010–1020.17 Enamelled brooches were worn mainly in the core of the Empire, and when found out- side it the new tradition signalled Otonian and Salian dominion. They are of simple quality, worn by people of ordinary social status. Portable altars must be seen as remains of an early Fig. 11. Knife sheath mountings. Christianisation in Sigtuna. Altars were used for say- rd th a – Professorn 1 nr 3738, 3 quarter of the 12 ing Mass, so we must deduce from their presence that nd century; b – Trädgårdsmästaren 9 and 10 nr 2340, 2 priests stayed in Sigtuna periodically at least from the th th to 4 quarter of the 12 century; c – Trädgårdsmästaren middle of the 11th century. Some of them must have nd th 9 and 10 nr 16380, 2 quarter of the 13 century; been from the bishopric of Bremen, as the Church es- st d – Trädgårdsmästaren 9 and 10 nr 16946, 1 quarter of tablished a diocese in Sigtuna by 1060. Clerics travelled th the 13 century. Scale 1:1. Drawings by Jacques Vincent. with servants, of no interest to the chronicle writers. By the end of the century, a stone church fi lled the needs of the young congregation (Tesch 2007b, 101 ff.). If this of the inland Continental traders in Alt-Lübeck and is correct, stonemasons and professional builders must Wolin. By then, Saxon communities are present in have lived in town regularly. An Agnus Dei brooch dat- these towns (Leciejewicz 1987, 76). Somewhat later in ed to the 3rd quarter of the century carries a Christian the 2nd quarter of the 12th century we fi nd Saxon artisan message and a simple copper buckle is also dated to and traders in the Danish towns of Roskilde and Lund this period. (Radtke 2002, 392). Based on the reciprocal content of The most common artefact being used as a sign of per- treaties in the Middle Ages, there may have been Sax- sonal presence is the pottery. A taste for wine brought ons visiting Gotland already by 1134. These few and from Byzantium over Rus’ was equalled by vintages fl imsy sources can indicate that Frisians and Saxons from the Rhine, drunk in Pingsdorf beakers in the 3rd organised temporary trade agreements with Scandina- quarter of the 11th century and into the next. A small vians even before the “Kaufmannhanse” sailed north. amount of everyday pottery, i. e. low fi red “Kugeltöp- An unambiguous positive response to the question if fe”, indicate foreign guests in the same period. The Saxons and Frisians came to Sigtuna or not cannot be bulk of cooking vessels retrieved from deposits are given. Among scholars studying Continental trade on Slavic inspired Baltic ware, as well as local Scandina- Sweden we can fi nd advocates for both opinions. From vian types and proper Rus’ imports. I interpret the few a numismatic point of view, Kenneth Jonsson can see low fi red “Kugeltöpfe” as a sign of a very socially lim- Frisian traders on the shores of Lake Mälaren already ited group of visitors from the West, in contrast to the in the middle of the 11th century (Jonsson 2002). On diverse Scandinavian and Rus’ population in Sigtuna, the other hand, a statement with a negative conclusion which contained all levels in society. is heard from Christian Radtke (2002), who writes that From the very beginning based on clerics and a few “[n]ach dem Quelleneindruck haben Schleswiger See- merchants, the presence increases just around the year leute – nicht Sachsen, nicht Westfalen und sogar nicht 1100. A group of brooches with set glass beads are Ostfalen, und, wie ich meine, auch nicht die Leute von Rhein, die Kölner und die Friesen aus Utrecht und 17 Professorn 1, fi nds nr 12200 and 12409. 248

from the beginning of the century. dicate that Sigtuna had contacts with Continental ac- A rock crystal brooch is dated to around 1100 by simi- tors without royal Danish interference through the two lar fi nds from the vicinity as well as from Finland. The centuries under study. alsengems can be the fi rst sign of organised traders The artefacts from the Lower Rhine, Frisian coast and from the Empire. Men carried the badges for comfort South West Baltic most probably came with clerics and on perilous voyages. They could also express their merchants to Sigtuna. They were dependent guests ac- social identity as merchants organised in a guild with cepted by local powerful families because their skills transport of wine to Sigtuna as one of their assign- and commodities were needed to enhance the status of ments. the local nobility. Silver was brought in from the begin- A qualitative as well as quantitative change occurred in ning and made exchange simpler. Thus, even if Sigtuna the second half of the 12th century. The mutual agree- was rooted in a royal initiative it quickly became an ment between Henry the Lion on one side and Knut important place for transactions also outside the circles Eriksson on the other started an infl ux of better organ- of the king and wealthy landowners. To level oneself ised newcomers. After the trade relations were settled, above others in society was an important incitement to visitors brought with them lead glazed pitchers of An- acquire exotic and sumptuous commodities. Merchants denne type, Paffrath bowls and cups, Pingsdorf cups organised themselves in guilds and created bonds on and pitchers and “Kugeltöpfe” (“harte Grauware”) in their own social level to make the annual contacts fl uid greater amounts. There are also knife sheath decora- and predictable. Stability and trust being the most im- tions of German and West Slavic tradition found in de- portant assets in trading, local friends were sought and posits from the late 12th to early 13th century. A golden gained without direct royal interference. fi nger ring was lost in the fi rst half of the 13th century, The German speaking visitors persisted to go on their similar to others in German bishops’ graves. northbound trips in the centuries to come. Their well The distribution of the artefacts under study, show that documented infl uence in Stockholm during the 13th and they were used in an area covered by the Lower Rhine, 14th centuries shows that the City Council had to regu- Saxony and Frisian between the estuaries of Maas and late the amount of German members to secure a local Elbe. Since towns were havens for merchants from majority. Their precursors had since long fathomed the many regions, they could have come from Cologne, waters of the archipelago of lake Mälaren where they Soest, Deventer, Tiel, Lüneburg, Bardowiek, and found a haven in Sigtuna. This town was a node in a Bremen. For instance, Frisians are mentioned in Hild- wider network, bridging two worlds of East and West, esheim, Braunschweig, Magdeburg, Goslar and Erfurt just as Johan always have done. in the 10th and 11th centuries, far away from the coast (Lebecq 1983, 232 f. Fig. 51). If we turn to the im- portant crossroads where the Continental traders met Abstract the Baltic Sea, towns are much rarer. The only urban The last decades of the 10th century saw an upheaval in centres that existed before Lübeck were Schleswig and interregional contacts that shattered old arrangements. Alt-Lübeck. So, either the merchants travelled in félag Some of the nodes in the network were abandoned. with Scandinavians, or used people in Schleswig and Sigtuna seems to be established in the wake of Birka’s Alt-Lübeck as intermediaries. If the treaty between demise, but it took two or three decades before for- emperor Lothar III and the Gotlanders from 1134 was eign guests found their way on a regular basis. With the reciprocal, it is possible to suggest that Saxons and Fri- structural pre-millennium re-arrangement, negotiations sians engaged in trading in the Baltic Sea with Scandi- with both Continental northwestern Europe and the navian partners. Even if the visitors were not organised West Slavs seem to be put aside. Instead, the contacts in a “Kaufmannhanse”, it is diffi cult to accept Baltic with Rus’ were strengthened as the fur trade gained Sea trade so water tight that no Saxon or Frisian went more attention. As many syntheses have been based in félag with Scandinavians to Sigtuna, just because solely on written sources or numismatic evidence, the there are no written records saying so. interpretations have been biased. In a theoretical and The origin of some of the artefacts has been interpreted methodological perspective, focus on individual sourc- in another way than in this article. Since enamelled es can lead to contradictive interpretations. Taking sev- brooches also are known from Danish contexts, they eral different artefacts into the analysis, it is possible to have been used as a proof of Danish political infl u- discuss anew when the Continental visitors themselves ence over Sigtuna in the 11th century (Duzcko 1995, came into the Baltic Sea basin. Scandinavians sailing 648). The Danish fi nds are widely dispersed and in my to Schleswig and Alt-Lübeck maintained regular trade opinion say more about foreign visitors than royal su- contacts. An investigation on secular jewellery and premacy. Schleswig was certainly a Danish town in the sacred objects however indicate that individual actors Middle Ages, but held a special relation vis-à-vis the from northwestern Continental Europe visited Sigtuna Danish kings. Legislation and protection was negoti- from the 1st quarter of the 11th century. Signs of German ated between peers, but the merchants themselves took speaking visitors on a larger scale cannot be seen until everyday action. The amount and diversity of fi nds in- the transition into the 12th century. 249

Zusammenfassung Belegen fußen, sind die Interpretationen nicht überzeu- Die letzten Jahrzehnte des 10. Jhs. erlebten Umwäl- gend. Aus theoretischer und methodischer Sicht führt zungen in den interregionalen Kontakten, die die al- das Heranziehen einer einzigen Quelle zu sich wider- ten Verhältnisse erschütterten. Einige Verknüpfungen sprechenden Deutungen. Wenn mehrere unterschiedli- im Netzwerk wurden gelöst. Sigtuna hat sich etabliert che Belege in eine Analyse einbezogen werden, kann – wohl ausgelöst von Birkas Untergang; aber es hat es zu einer erneuten Diskussion darüber führen, wann zwei bis drei Jahrzehnte gedauert, bevor fremde Gäs- die kontinentalen Besucher in den Ostseeraum kamen. te auf regulärer Basis damit zurechtkamen. Mit der Nach Schleswig und Alt-Lübeck segelnde Skandina- strukturellen Neuordnung in der Zeit vor der Jahrtau- vier hielten reguläre Handelskontakte aufrecht. Eine sendwende verloren anscheinend Beziehungen sowohl Untersuchung des säkularen Schmucks und geheiligter mit dem kontinentalen Nordwesteuropa als auch mit Objekte zeigen jedoch, dass individuelle Akteure vom den Westslawen an Bedeutung. Stattdessen wurden nordwestlichen Kontinentaleuropa Sigtuna vom ers- die Kontakte mit der Rus verstärkt, da der Pelzhandel ten Viertel des 11. Jhs. an aufsuchten. Anzeichen für mehr an Aufmerksamkeit gewann. Da viele Synthesen deutschsprachige Besucher im größeren Umfang sind allein auf schriftlichen Quellen oder numismatischen erst nach dem Übergang ins 12. Jh. erkennbar.

References

Ahlsson 1988 Gräslund 2006 L.-E. Ahlsson, Albod. Stud. Anthroponymica Scandinavica 6 (Upp- A.-S. Gräslund, Dating the Swedish Viking-Age rune stones on sty- sala 1988) 11-12. listic grounds. In: M. Stoklund/M. Lerche Nielsen/B. Holmberg/G. Fellows-Jensen (eds.), Runes and their secrets. Studies in runology Andersson 1997 (Copenhagen 2006) 117-139. G. Andersson, A struggle for control. Refl ections on the change of religion in a rural context in the Eastern Mälaren Valley. In: H. Gustavson et al. 1990 Andersson/P. Carelli/L. Ersgård (eds.), Visions of the Past. Trends H. Gustavson et al., Runfynd 1988. Fornvännen 85, 1990, 23-42. and Traditions in Swedish Medieval Archaeology. Lund Stud. Medi- Hatz 1974 eval Arch. 19 (Stockholm 1997) 353-372. G. Hatz, Handel und Verkehr zwischen dem Deutschen Reich und Schweden in der späten Wikingerzeit: Die deutschen Münzen des 10. Blomkvist 2005 und 11. Jahrhunderts in Schweden (Lund 1974). N. Blomkvist, The discovery of the Baltic. The reception of a Catho- lic world-system in the European North (AD 1075–1225) (Leiden Hatz 1987 2005). G. Hatz, Der Handel in der späten Wikingerzeit zwischen Nordeu- ropa (insbesondere Schweden) und dem Deutschen Reich nach nu- Callmer 1998 mismatischen Quellen. In: K. Düwel/H. Jankuhn/H. Siems/D. Timpe J. Callmer, Archaeological sources for the presence of Frisian agents (eds.), Untersuchungen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und frühge- of trade in Northern Europe ca. AD 700–900. In: A. Wesse (ed.), Stu- schichtlichen Zeit in Mittel- und Nordeuropa. Teil IV. Der Handel dien zur Archäologie des Ostseeraumes von der Eisenzeit zum Mit- der Karolinger- und Wikingerzeit (Göttingen 1987) 86-112. telalter [Festschr. M. Müller-Wille] (Neumünster 1998) 469-481. Henricson 2006 Duzcko 1995 L. G. Henricson, Hålglas i Sigtuna- 300-tal till 1900-tal. Situne Dei. W. Duzcko, Kungar, thegnar, tegnebyar, juveler och silverskatter. Årsskrift för Sigtunaforskning (Sigtuna 2006) 37-53. Tor 27/2, 1995, 625-662. Huffman 1998 Düwel 1987 J. P. Huffman, Family, commerce and religion in London and Co- K. Düwel, Handel und Verkehr der Wikingerzeit nach dem Zeugnis logne. Anglo-German emigrants, c. 1000–c. 1300 (Cambridge der Runeninschriften. In: K. Düwel/H. Jankuhn/H. Siems/D. Timpe 1998). (eds.), Untersuchungen zu Handel und Verkehr in vor- und frühge- schichtlicher Zeit in Mittel- und Nordeuropa. Teil IV. Der Handel der Jonsson 1990 Karolinger- und Wikingerzeit (Göttingen 1987) 313-357. K. Jonsson, The import of German and English coins to Denmark and Sweden c. 920-990. Commentationes de nummis saeculorum Frick 1994 IX–XI in Suecia repertis. N. S. 6 (Stockholm 1990) 139-143. H.-J. Frick, Karolingisch-ottonische Scheibenfi beln des nördlichen Formenkreises. Offa 49/50, 1992/93, 243-463. Jonsson 2002 K. Jonsson, The numismatic evidence for Frisian trade in Sweden von Friesen 1913 in the late Viking Age. In: R. Kiersnowski (ed.), Moneta mediæva- O. von Friesen, Upplands runstenar. En allmänfattlig översikt (Upp- lis : studia numizmatyczne i historyczne ofi arowane Profesorowi sala 1913). Stanisáawowi Suchodolskiemu w 65. RocznicĊ urodzin (Warszawa 2002) 233-244. Giesler 1978 J. Giesler, Zu einer Gruppe mittelalterlicher Emailscheibenfi beln. Jonsson 2004 Zeitschr. Arch. Mittelalter 6, 1978, 57-72. K. Jonsson, Fynd. Kv. Professorn 1, Sigtuna, Uppland. Myntstudier 5, 2004, 14-16. Giesler 1989 RGA II 7 s.v. Ottonischer Emailschmuck 230-240 (J. Giesler). Kattinger 1999 D. Kattinger, Die Gotländische Genossenschaft. Der frühansisch- 250

gotländische Handel in Nord- und Westeuropa (Köln, Weimar, Wien Roslund 2007 1999). M. Roslund, Guests in the house. Cultural transmission between Slavs and Scandinavians 900 to 1300 AD. The Northern World 33 Knytlinge Saga 1977 (Leiden 2007). Knytlinge Saga. Knud den Store, Knud den Hellige deres mænd, deres slægt (København 1977). Roslund 2009 M. Roslund, Varuutbyte och social identitet- alsengemmer som em- Krabath 2001 blematisk stil. In: M. Mogren/M. Roslund/B. Sundnér/J. Wienberg S. Krabath, Die hoch- und spätmittelalterlichen Buntmetallfunde (eds.), Triangulering. Historisk arkeologi vidgar fälten. Lund Stud. nördlich der Alpen. Eine archäologisch-kunsthistorische Untersu- Hist. Arch. 11 (Lund 2009). chung zu ihrer Herstellungstechnik, funktionalen und zeitlichen Be- stimmung (Rahden/Westf. 2001). Schulze-Dörrlamm 1990 M. Schulze-Dörrlamm, Bemerkungen zu Alter und Funktion der Lebecq 1983 Alsengemmen. Arch. Korrbl. 20, 1990, 215-226. S. Lebecq, Marchands et navigateurs Frisons du Haut Moyen Age (Lille 1983). Schulze-Dörrlamm 1992 Lebecq 1998 M. Schulze-Dörrlamm, Der Mainzer Schatz der Kaiserin Agnes aus RGA II 10, 69-80 s.v. Friesenhandel (S. Lebecq). dem mittleren 11. Jahrhundert (Sigmaringen 1992).

Leciejewicz 1987 Spiong 2000 L. Leciejewicz, Sachsen in den slawischen Ostseestädten im 10.–12. S. Spiong, Fibeln und Gewandnadeln des 8. bis 12. Jahrhunderts in Jahrhundert. Zeitschr. Arch. 21, 1987, 75-81. Zentraleuropa. Eine archäologische Betrachtung ausgewählter Klei- dungsbestandteile als Indikatoren menschlicher Identität. Zeitschr. Lüdtke 1985 Arch. Mittelalter, Beih. 12 (Bonn 2000). H. Lüdtke, Die mittelalterliche Keramik von Schleswig. Ausgrabung Schild 1971-1975. Ausgrab. Schleswig. Ber. u. Stud. 4 (Neumünster Tesch 2007a 1985). S. Tesch, Tidigmedeltida sepulkralstenar i Sigtuna –heliga stenar från Köln för såväl hallkult som mässa i stenkyrka. Situne Dei 2007, Meyer 1996 45-68. J. Meyer, Die Keramik des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts aus der Hafen- siedlung Schleswigs (Magisterarbeit Christian Albrechts-Universität Tesch 2007b Kiel 1996). S. Tesch, Sigtuna- det maktpolitiska och sakrala stadsrummet under sen vikingatid och tidig medeltid (c: a 980-1200). In: A. Perlinge Müller-Boysen 1990 (ed.), Människors rum och människors möten. Kulturhistoriska sk- C. Müller-Boysen, Kaufmannschutz und Handelsrecht im frühmit- isser. (Stockholm 2007) 71-121. telalterlichen Nordeuropa (Neumünster 1990). Vince 1988 Oexle 1989 A Vince, The date and frequency of German imports in the city of O. G. Oexle, Die Kaufmannsgilde von Tiel. In: H. Jankuhn/E. Ebel London from the 10th to 15th centuries. In: D. R. M. Gaimster/M. (eds.), Untersuchungen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und früh- Redknap/H.-H. Wegner (eds.), Zur Keramik des Mittelalters und der geschichtlichen Zeit in Mittel- und Nordeuropa. Teil IV. (Göttingen beginnenden Neuzeit im Rheinland. BAR Internat. Ser. 440 (Oxford 1989) 173-196. 1988) 141-142.

Radtke 2002 Wamers 1994 C. Radtke, Schleswig im vorlübischen Geld- und Warenverkehr E. Wamers, Die frühmittelalterlichen Lesefunde aus der Löhrstrasse zwischen westlichem Kontinent und Ostseeraum. In: K. Brandt/M. (Baustelle Hilton II) in Mainz. Mainzer arch. Schr. 1 (Mainz 1994). Müller-Wille/C. Radtke (eds.), Haithabu und die frühe Stadtentwick- lung im nördlichen Europa (Neumünster 2002) 379-429. Yrwing 1940 H Yrwing, Gotland under äldre medeltid (Lund 1940). Reich Salier 1992 Das Reich der Salier 1024–1125: Katalog zur Ausstellung des Landes Yrwing 1989 Rheinland-Pfalz (Sigmaringen 1992) H. Yrwing, En marinarkeolog om den tidiga frisisk-tyska Östersjöhan- deln. Fornvännen 84, 1989, 150-158. Roslund 1995 M. Roslund, Internrapport: Dateringsanalys av den högmedeltida keramiken från kvarteret Trädgårdsmästaren 9 och 10, Sigtuna, Up- pland (Unpubl. report 1995).

Roslund 1997 M. Roslund, Crumbs from the rich mans’ table – Byzantine artefacts in Lund and Sigtuna ca 980–1250. In: H. Andersson/P. Carelli/L. Ersgård (eds.), Visions of the Past. Trends and Traditions in Swedish Medieval Archaeology. Lund Stud. Medieval Arch. 19 (Stockholm 1997) 239-297. Anschriften der Autorinnen und Autoren

Fedir Androshchuk Claus Feveile Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies Curator, Den Antikvariske Samling Stockholm University Overdammen 10-12 Wallenberglaboratoriet DK-6760 Ribe S-10691 Stockholm [email protected] [email protected] Katrin Frey Tanya Armbrüster Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität Greifswald ABA - Arbeitsgemeinschaft Baugrund-Archäologie Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Schirmer & Bräunig GbR Hans-Fallada-Str. 1 Wandlitzstraße 37 D-17487 Greifswald D-10318 Berlin [email protected] [email protected] Holger Grönwald Eva Becker Institut für Archäologische Wissenschaften Wilhelmshavener Str. 32 Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg D-10551 Berlin Abteilung Frühgeschichtliche Archäologie und [email protected] Archäologie des Mittelalters Belfortstraße 22 Ines Beilke-Voigt D-79085 Freiburg Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected] Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Hausvogteiplatz 5-7 Ingrid Gustin D-10117 Berlin Lunnarp 301 [email protected] S-24010 Dalby [email protected] Felix Biermann Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität Greifswald Birgitta Hårdh Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Lund University Hans-Fallada-Str. 1 Department of Archaeology and Ancient History D-17487 Greifswald Sandgatan 1 [email protected] S-22350 Lund [email protected] René Bräunig ABA - Arbeitsgemeinschaft Baugrund-Archäologie Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska Schirmer & Bräunig GbR Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Wandlitzstraße 37 Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas D-10318 Berlin Grimmaische Str. 13-15 [email protected] D-04109 Leipzig [email protected] Torbjörn Brorsson Ceramic Studies Bertil Helgesson Vadensjövägen 150 Sydsvensk Arkeologi AB S-26191 Landskrona Box 134 [email protected] S-29122 Kristianstad [email protected] Markolf Brumlich Freie Universität Berlin Julian Henderson Institut für Prähistorische Archäologie Department of Archaeology Altensteinstr 15 University of Nottingham D-14195 Berlin University Park [email protected] GB–Nottingham NG7 2RD [email protected] Menno Dijkstra Leerstoelgroep Amsterdams Archeologisch Centrum Gerson H. Jeute Turfdraagsterpad 9 Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum NL-1012 XT Amsterdam Ernst-Ludwig-Platz 2 [email protected] D-55116 Mainz [email protected] Marek Dulinicz (†) Michel Kazanski Heidemarie Eilbracht CNRS, Monde byzantin Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Collège de France Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte 52, rue du Cardinal Lemoine Hausvogteiplatz 5-7 F-75231 Paris cedex 05 D-10117 Berlin [email protected] [email protected] 524

Jörg Kleemann Ulrich Müller Kuglerstraße 3 Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte D-10436 Berlin Christian-Albrechts-Universität Kiel [email protected] D-24098 Kiel [email protected] Tomasz Kordala Muzeum Mazowieckie w Páocku Alex Pollex ulica Tumska 8 Freie Universität Berlin Pl-09-402 Páock Institut für Prähistorische Archäologie [email protected] Altensteinstraße 15 D-14195 Berlin Raiko Krauß [email protected] Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und Archäologie des Mittelalters der Eberhard Karls-Universität Mats Roslund Schloß Hohentübingen Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Burgsteige 11 Box 117 D-72070 Tübingen S-22100 Lund [email protected] [email protected]

Nikolaj Kuzmin Yvette Sablerolles Colmarer Weg 14 Department of Archaeology D-14169 Berlin University of Nottingham [email protected] University Park GB-Nottingham NG7 2RD Lars Larsson [email protected] Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Lund University Alexander Schäfer Box 117 Viktoriastr. 3 S-22100 Lund D-12105 Berlin [email protected] [email protected]

Achim Leube Jens Schneeweiß Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Georg-August-Universität Göttingen Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Seminar für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Hausvogteiplatz 5-7 Nikolausberger Weg 15 D-10117 Berlin D-37073 Göttingen [email protected] jschnee@uni-göttingen.de

Christian Matthes Ulrich Schnell Lenbachstraße 1 Skovsmindevej 12 D-10245 Berlin Øster Alling [email protected] Dk-8963 Auning [email protected] Michael Meyer Freie Universität Berlin Torsten Søde Institut für Prähistorische Archäologie Højstrupvej 71 Altensteinstraße 15 DK-2700 Brønshøj D-14195 Berlin [email protected] [email protected] Ulf Stammwitz Uwe Michas Hansestadt Lübeck Landesdenkmalamt Berlin Bereich Archäologie und Denkmalpfl ege Klosterstraße 47 Braunstraße 21 D-10179 Berlin D-23552 Lübeck [email protected] [email protected]

Gunnar Möller Berta Stjernquist Hansestadt Stralsund Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Untere Denkmalschutzbehörde Lund University Badenstraße 17 Box 117 D-18439 Stralsund S-22100 Lund [email protected] Ruth Struwe Eric Müller Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Pfännerhöhe 14 Lehrstuhl für Ur- und Frühgeschichte D-06110 Halle (Saale) Hausvogteiplatz 5-7 [email protected] D-10117 Berlin [email protected] 525

Claudia Theune Armin Volkmann Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Institut für Archäologische Wissenschaften Universität Wien Abt. Vor- und Frühgeschichte Franz-Klein-Gasse 1 Grüneburgplatz 1, Fach 134 A-1190 Wien D-60323 Frankfurt am Main [email protected] [email protected]

Tina L. Thurston Jes Wienberg Department of Anthropology Department of Archaeology and Ancient History University at Buffalo Lund University State University of New York Box 117 380 MFAC, Ellicott Complex S-22100 Lund USA-Buffalo NY 14261-0026 [email protected] [email protected]