DISABILITY, SEXUALITY AND SOCIOSEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS IN WOMEN'S EVERYDAY LIFE

By Gisela Helmius

Abstract: This article draws on a qualitative study in Sweden in which 21 women from three generations, with congenital physical , were interviewed about their daily life. Using a social constructionist perspective on both and sexuality, this paper focuses on sexuality and sociosexual relationships as part of these women's everyday life. Data indicate that disabled women in younger generations might accumulate experiences of sexuality differently from women in older generations. But regardless of generation, the most common pattern is that these women recount their teenage years as an unhappy period in terms of exclusion from sociosexual relationships. One conclusion drawn is that issues of autonomy, independence and personal assistants in these women's everyday life are brought to a head when they are related to private sexual life. Also, there is still a way to go as regards integration and enabling interventions in the field of women, disability and sexuality.

Introduction the material allows the illustration of This paper draws on data from a each woman's situation as she qualitative study of the everyday life of retrospectively perceives it throughout disabled women from three various periods of her life. generations, and highlights sexuality In feminist scholarly literature and sociosexual relationships. The it's argued that concepts and methods study had an explorative character and for studying women's situation must be aimed at highlighting the lives of taken from studies of the everyday life women with congenital disabilities in of women (see Smith, 1987) and terms of a lifespan perspective.1 Munford (1995) states. Data utilized consist of transcribed interviews with 21 women "...that the experiences of on their collected life experience. In women with disabilities must be this perspective the interviews do not understood in the context of project a "real reality". Instead, they factors such as their economic provide a version of reality that the positions, their culture and women have chosen to share at the time ethnicity, their sexuality, their of the interview. The selective use of

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geographical locations and mobility disabled were interviewed lifestyle opportunities." (p 29). about their daily life.2 Qualitative methods were used While work, job-market and with in-depth interviews that took on education are important areas of the form of informal talks. The focus interest in literature and research on was not on disabilities as such. Some women and disabilities, another area of women chose to start the interview by interest can be labelled sexuality in its discussing their inability to function broadest sense (Helmius, 1993). This "normally", other women by talking includes sexuality's culturally-based about their current life situation, and aspects, such as how, when, where, others by relating to the most important why, and with whom. It also touches events in their lives. The interviews upon attitudes towards the body, what lasted from one to just over three hours is considered beautiful, and women as and usually took place in the women's potential wives, mothers, and lovers. homes. An interview guide was used to On the one hand, the needs and rights ensure that certain aspects of their lives of disabled women to be treated and were included in all the interviews. recognized as sexual beings and The interviews were taped with potential mothers have been permission of the participants and were emphasized, on the other hand the transcribed in their entirety. Only vulnerability of these women and the minor stylistic editing was done that risk that they could be taken advantage did not change the content of the of and sexually abused has been interviews. The citations selected in foregrounded. (See Deegan & Brooks, this paper have been translated from 1985; Browne, Connors & Stern, 1985; Swedish into English. Rather than to Saxton & Howe, 1987; Fine & Asch, translate word by word, the striving has 1988; Oien, 1988; Senn, 1989; been to keep the meaning of the Lonsdale, 1990). Sexuality as an aspect personal accounts intact. of everyday life is, however, a Using snowball sampling, a neglected theme in research on women conscious effort was made to ensure and disabilities. that participants came from a wide range of backgrounds. Interviewees The study included single and married women, Within the frames of the research cohabiting women, women active in project "Women, disability and disability organisations, women outside everyday life" conducted 1995-1997 at these organisations, women with the Department of Sociology at children and women without, women Uppsala University, Sweden, 21 with careers and women working in the women from three generations, born home, women employed in private businesses and the service sectors,

SJDR- Volume 1, No. 1, -1999 51 GISELA HELMIUS women from rural areas, women who the disability occurs plays a role in how grew up in institutions and women who the women experience it and the did not. Even if the disability was consequences for their own self-image highly visible in all these women, a and daily life. (Odgers, 1989). sliding scale from serious to relatively Based on her own experience mild disability was represented. and research, Susan Wendell (1996) The overall aim of the project maintains that a woman who acquires a was to examine gender and disabilities disability as an adult is placed in a in their social context. The choice of situation in which she must redefine methods was inspired by the social her whole life and reorganize her entire constructionist perspective and the existence in relation to having a relativism associated with the disability different physical condition. It takes concept. time to understand that the primary problem is not the adjustment to the Congenital and acquired disabilities injury or disability, but rather that her Bibliographic data indicate that day to day life must be restructured to physical disabilities are the most accommodate her new condition. To common model used in research and come to this realisation is a long literature on women and disabilities process requiring time, says Wendell. (Helmius, 1993). Moreover, using This type of adjustment problem congenital disabilities provides a does not exist for women with consistency of material. congenital disabilities. A girl born with Biographically, there is a a disability is treated as disabled by her considerable difference between surrounding and socialized primarily in disabilities that are congenital and terms of the disability. But she is also those that are acquired. Women who primarily socialized as a disabled child acquire their disability know what it is rather than as a girl with an impairment like to live as a woman without a (Lewin, 1987). disability. For these women the disability disrupts the non-disabled role The generation model in the Swedish and self-image that each of them was context primarily socialized into. In a study The generation model allows the among disabled women in gynecologic capture of changes in the socialisation health care, women disabled after process in different time periods, with menarche were less satisfied with similarities and differences, and shedding counselling about issues such as of light on the manifestations and contraception and sexuality than those reinterpretations of prevailing attitudes disabled before menarche or born to women and disability. The women disabled (Beckman, Gittler, Barzansky studied all grew up in Sweden, but & Beckman, 1989). Thus the age when

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during the times of different disability middle generation, and six women aged policies. 18-33 years from the youngest The oldest generation grew up generation were interviewed. Most of during a period when both the general them reside in mid-Sweden. social-political "safety net" and, more specifically, services for the disabled Sexuality as a social construct were non-existent in Swedish society. Sexuality as a social construct At this time disabled persons had no follows the same social constructionist legal right to education. If they did tradition that views disability and the receive any education, it was either at disability concept as culturally the regular school without any special determined. From that point of support or at institutions/boarding departure, sexuality is developed in the schools. The education provided at the interaction between the individual and latter was explicitly vocational in society, and in accordance with current nature and the schooling was based on gender systems. Human beings are the limited labour market open to born with the same basic ability of women at the time. experiencing sexual lust and drives. The post-war middle generation Physiological mechanisms such as grew up as the Swedish welfare state lubrication, erection, and orgasm are was beginning to form. The increased present in the body at birth, but their affluencing and expanding social importance and the value connected welfare system helped form these with the physical reactions are women's lives. They belong to the determined by the culture and generation of women who were the surroundings. The individual learns first to gain entrance to the labour through the socialisation process to market. view her or his own culturally The youngest generation is the constructed sexuality as the "normal" first generation of disabled women in and often as the "natural" sexuality Sweden who early in life enjoyed the (Gagnon & Simon, 1973). benefits of specific political In this perspective, the sexual programmes and reforms for the perspective becomes clear for the disabled. They have not been forced to individual during adolescence. A go to special institutions for education person becomes conscious of the and vocational training. This generation differences between sexual and non- of disabled women had the legal right sexual behaviors, actions and to education which was often integrated situations. Young people's thoughts are into the regular classes. continually centred on sex. How Eight women aged 57-73 years sexuality feels is a central question for from the oldest generation, seven young people. Sexuality is private and women aged 37-53 years from the establishing one's own sex life can be a

SJDR - Volume 1, No. 1, -1999 53 GISELA HELMIUS step in becoming independent from "But it was always like that. They parents, in creating one's own self- would keep certain things from image and identity. An individual me since I wouldn't be able to do becomes someone, at least in the eyes it myself. That way I wouldn't of the person who offers love to that risk failing." person (Lewin & Helmius, 1983; Helmius, 1990). Overprotection and the The circumstances surrounding prevailing restrictive sexual morality this type of identity development for girls combine to make adolescence appear to be different for women and a problematic development phase for men. Sexual norms and morals are and women born disabled. At the same time probably have always been more as the child is in need of different restrictive for girls and women than for forms of help and the parents are the boys and men. Girls have been most natural providers, the child is "protected" from the dangers of expected to liberate herself from her sexuality through problem oriented parents and create a life on her own. sexual education instead of being Sonja, from the youngest generation, encouraged to learn about themselves provides a retrospective picture of the as sexual beings and see their sexuality complexity in a disabled young as an opportunity and a resource. woman's liberation process:

Protection and alternatives "It was like this. My best friend The literature and public opinion was a year older than me and often discuss the relationship between she had a boyfriend when she disabled children and adolescents and was 18 years old and I was 17. their parents in terms of overprotection Then suddenly she moved away (See e.g. Barron, 1997a, pp 85-92). from home because her parents This means that parents attempt to didn't accept her boyfriend. Then create a protected setting when caring I started nagging at my mother for their child that stops the child from all the time. I was a rebellious taking her own initiative and learning teenager but the only thing I to care for herself and her daily needs. could do was nag. I couldn't run By fear young women may be trapped away from home and I couldn't in their parental homes (Hendey & run out and be out all night, and, Pascall, 1998). And by fear they may you know, I had to use the be subject to a sexually disabling transport service and I was socialisation process (Lewin, 1987). checked all the time and so on. I Mary3 from the oldest generation in the mean, that's how it was. The only study, states in the interview: thing I could do was stamp my feet and leave the room in my

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or roller and slam creates some practical difficulties. the door behind me. You know My body's quite stiff and I guess how it is. I can see it so clearly we aren't imaginative enough to now. I was very rebellious. But it get it right. It would be pretty was really a matter of needing embarrassing to need to request practical help. You know, washing assistance in a situation like my hair, taking a shower, help that." getting dressed, help tying my shoes, making breakfast, you Womanhood and sociosexual know, everything you can relationships normally do as a child and In her interview, Maya in the teenager, you know. I needed oldest generation tells that she married help with all those things. So I when she was about 20 years old, had started protesting against it all." two children, and divorced when she was in her 50's. At 67 she says with a As Karin Barren (1997a) in her laugh, "Sexuality has passed me by research on adolescents with physical without me noticing it." Sonja, in the impairments asserts, the meanings of youngest generation, relates her independence and autonomy do not sexuality however to prevailing norms primarily refer to the individual being of marriage and companionship: capable of doing certain things such as cleaning and cooking in her own "/ think that I am normal. I got household, or taking care of her married when I was 22. There's personal hygiene. The main point of the nothing odd with that. People terms is instead that the person can have always done that. Either exert influence in her everyday life and you've been a little younger or a that she is supplied with the resources little older, but it's normal. Or to make her own choices. it's the same with managing on This study supports the idea that my own, that's a part of being issues of autonomy and independence normal and having a in the field of women and disability are relationship is proof that you're brought to a head when they are related normal or anything like that." to sexuality and individual private sexual life. The concept that sexual Stina, from the youngest normality exists risks making women generation, tells about her and her with impairments sexually disabled. It husband's situation: narrows the opportunities for the women to experiment sexually, with or "Steve is an extensor spastic and without access to a personal assistant. I'm a flexor spastic, and this Women who grow up with a disability

SJDR - Volume 1, No. 1, -1999 55 GISELA HELMIUS risk getting caught in a desexualizing Sally, from the youngest socialisation process to a greater degree generation in the study, is severely than women who acquire a disability as disabled. She grew up in a adults (Macdougall & Morin, 1979; dysfunctional family and did not Lewin, 1987). Their interaction with receive much encouragement from her their surroundings are colored by social family: attitudes to both disability and sexuality. It is not a given fact that "That time with my mother in the disabled girls and boys are included in countryside when I was 13, I the same sexual socialisation process as asked her what it was like to their peers without disabilities. sleep with someone. She just said Therapy, habilitation and rehabilitation it wasn't anything for me to think deal with mainly practical things such about." as prostheses and how to use a wheelchair. Time is spent training and As part of her attempt to break visiting the hospital and physical away from her parents, Sally chose not therapist. Sexuality is pushed into the to attend the integrated school. Instead, background or the vague future. The she moved to the state boarding school literature points to deficiencies in for disabled adolescents. sexual education for adolescents growing up with a , "But it wasn't to study. I wanted and studies show that students who to have fun and have a good have grown up sensory-impaired have time. I could decide when I less of an understanding of sexuality wanted to go to bed, and no one than non-disabled students (see was watching over me. Sure Welbourne, Lifschitz, Hanan & Green, there were rules, but I didn't pay 1983; Baugh 1984; Stevens, Steele, much attention to them. And I Jutai, Kalnins, Bortolussi & Biggar, drank incredible amounts. It's 1996). amazing I didn't die. Maybe my teenage revolt was much more Differences as an asset exaggerated." One aspect of disabled women's everyday life that is only slightly In the freedom she achieved by touched upon in the literature can be living in an institution, Sally used her noticed in the interviews. This is the disability to make contact with disability as an asset in a society potential partners among non-disabled created for non-disabled persons, boys and men: which, as Sally recounts, can be used to satisfy a personal curiosity towards "/ know what I did. I've always sexuality. used my disability. You need help

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with this or that or can you move time we were together, I didn't that or can you help me go over dare to even cough once, so I there or to the restroom, or not, remember it wasn't very easy. those kind of things, maybe help But the first time didn't go so me over to the bed, or, so that well, but after that it went better. they would be placed in that Sex was actually the only thing position so that something could that worked for us. Otherwise we happen. I used that all the time, didn 't get along so well at all." if I think back on it, it was pretty fun because I really thought Sally's way of describing her about it and planned it. It was first time, her approach to how she gets actually pretty smart. I made sexual experiences, and her own role in sure I used that which others saw this learning process, are hardly as negative or somehow marked by a view of sexuality as an incapable." expression for romantic love or a view of women as passive objects. It is more At the time of the interview, instrumental in nature in a way that is Sally is married and has two children. traditionally reserved for describing Contrary to Maya in the oldest how men view sex. She transcends the generation, sex has always been a constraints of traditional gender roles in dynamic dimension of Sally's life. She terms of sexuality and sociosexual describes the first time she had sex this relationships. way: Sally grew up in a home where she had not been encouraged to "Well, I was curious. Luckily, I develop as a sexual being and with a had a fellow who I had met and severe disability that defined her in he was also very curious. I was many respects. In spite of this, she lucky when I think about it that it found security in her state of being was with him since he was, how different. She rarely felt scared or do you say, interested in making vulnerable in sexual relationships with it good for me. And I don't think men although she would not have been that's very common among guys. able to extract herself from a situation He wasn't very experienced, but without the help of others. The strength he had a lot of imagination. And she felt in being different, unique in her that was good for me. Cause if own and her partners' eyes, and being you're both shy and disabled, forced to verbalize her wishes provided then it's not easy to take the her with security and authority in initiative, physically I mean. So sexual partnerships. At the same time, you have to say what you want. If she was frightened and insecure when I remember right from the first she had to rely on her mother's help on

SJDR - Volume 1, No. 1, -1999 57 GISELA HELMIUS a daily basis or when she had to be out "-Did you ever ask someone out in town after dark. on a date? -Yes, but I got rejected. They said that they Looking back at their youth liked me a lot, but the problem is The older the women are at the that the boys look at each other time of the interview, the more and they can't go out with experience they have to compare with someone who is handicapped." and relate to. The oldest ones have been able to reinterpret and reanalyze The interviews indicate that the experiences from their youth during women were treated by their peers as different phases of their lives, while the siblings and friends while growing up, youngest ones more recently have left even if under difficult conditions. their teens. But regardless of "...I've had siblings to deal with" generation, a common theme in the (Laila). "I was with the boys and interviews is the experience of the climbed in the trees and used my bow teenage years as a difficult, unhappy, and arrow" (Malin). "That's when I and trying period, not unlike a personal started to get teased, but I also had tragedy. It is portrayed in this manner learned to give as good as I got" by a number of interviewees. Malin (Mary). They were active in a contact from the oldest generation declares: network where sexuality and disability were secondary attributes and of minor "Never again a teenager! If I importance. Long hospital stays and was able to relive my life, I don't time-consuming habilitation program- think I'd want to relive my mes could at times change the character teenage years again." of their daily lives, but they did not threaten the girls' group affiliation. And Lisa from the middle generation Mary in the oldest generation spent says: long periods at the hospital for surgical procedures, but her group of friends "It was bad when I was a was always there: teenager and in my twenties. Everyone else started working and getting boyfriends and "Yes, they could get a whack if moving away from home. And they weren't nice. But you see, I me? Poor little me? It was a grew up in a little neighbour- difficult time." hood. There was a big gang all about the same age. There were seven or eight of us born in 1937 While Sofia from the youngest or 38 and we stayed together all generation recounts her teenage the time." experiences in the following way:

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Lisa reflects over how little she want that. I was probably mainly understood about her own disability scared. I've noticed lately as I've growing up: gotten older that when things like that have happened, I've "/ still haven't quite understood. usually run away. I'm not scared I haven't seen myself as a of things in general, but in this traditional disabled person if case I have been. I'd rather just there is any such thing. When I leave." (Molly). lived at home I had my sister who was two years older than me Adolescence is perhaps the most and she took me everywhere. critical period of a person's Wherever she was, I was. developmental process. In addition to a Basically I haven't had a group biologically based inner restlessness, of friends who are disabled. I the girl or boy also has to deal with an haven't felt very different from outer social insecurity. The young others, not as much as perhaps I person is supposed to break away from should have." her parents, find her identity, and incorporate sexuality into her But during adolescence, personality. Results from studies childhood friends risk splitting: concerning this developmental phase, from the clinical and psychological "/ was a scout and we were out perspectives (Lagerheim, 1990) as well every spring and there wasn't as within the social sciences (Jarkman, anyone there who took any 1996), show that during this period notice of something being wrong. young disabled women come to That's how it was. But then of understand that they actually are course my friends starting going "different" physically from their peers. out and dancing. That's what you Their own impairment becomes evident did when you were around 16. for them and they are weighed down by Then, then I wasn't with them yet another aspect to deal with on what any more, that's when I started Barron (1997b) has called "the bumpy being in the scouts instead cause road to womanhood". that was better for me than going out and dancing. /"Didn't you Disability, sexuality and socialisation want to go out?"/ No, no. Oh, Culture determines sexuality's no. I don't think so, no I didn't. I social acceptance in terms of when, wanted to, I assumed that I'd just where, how, why, and with whom and be a wallflower that no one adolescent sexual socialisation involves would want to dance with and I'd learning to attach social meanings to just sit there all night. I didn't private sexual activities. In the light of

SJDR - Volume 1, No. 1, -1999 59 GISELA HELMIUS social constructionist theory, including "It was like heaven! I had my the view on disability and sexuality as own key. For the first time in my culturally determined, disabled women life. Could do my own cooking. I in younger generations might have made many mistakes, but it was accumulated experiences of sexuality freedom. Unbelievable!" differently from women in older generations. Society changes, as do Empowered by her relationship attitudes towards disability, sexuality and her position as a married woman and gender, and the studied women's and a traditional housewife, she internalization of sexuality into gradually became curious about her everyday life has taken place in sexuality and her powers to attract men different societal contexts. in a societal context adapted to non- disabled persons. Some years later she Historically sexuality has been married a non-disabled man: tied to reproduction, with reproduction socially accepted within marriage. "He was passion, when Maya and Malin in the oldest everything was carried to generation grew up when women extremes. And he made me live. according to prevailing norms With him I recognized that sex is depended on marriage and men for a great pleasure. That I could their living. But women born mobility function." disabled were hardly attractive on the local marriage market. Maya and Malin In the interviews from the transcended traditional gender roles youngest generation, sexuality is when their disability became the handled as an unequivocal aspect of driving force for acquiring an education women's lives in general, most often in and a career. Later, marriage and terms of relationships, marriage and motherhood did not prevent them from motherhood. These women grew up giving priority to their work outside the with , counselling and home. In her interview, Maya says with contraceptives easily available and with a laugh that she never paid much a permissive view on adolescent attention to sexuality. sexuality. Unfortunately, because Linda in the middle generation sexual morality has always been more grew up in an institution where girls restrictive when it comes to girls and and boys had few opportunities to meet women than boys and men, girls in private. There she became acquainted growing up are not supplied with with a boy, and when they were encouragement, support and possibilities engaged to be married they left the from the adult society to get to know institution to live in a flat of their own: sexuality as a resource and themselves as sexual beings. Non-disabled

60 SJDR - Volume 1, No. 1, -1999 DISABILITY, SEXUAUTY AND SOCIOSEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS IN WOMEN'S EVERYDAY LIFE adolescents are however able to and reproductive freedom from the spontaneously and in step with perspective of disabled women. individual maturation incorporate This article has aimed at sensuality and sexuality into everyday shedding light on sexuality and life. In interaction with peers they learn sociosexual relationships as part of what adults do not teach them about disabled women's everyday life. In sexuality. To the best of their ability conclusion, three characteristics should they put into practice internalized be pointed out. sociosexual norms and ideas together First, the women studied with peers who are in the same regardless of generation most often situation and in the same stage of recount their teenage years as a sociosexual development (See e.g. difficult, an unhappy, and a trying Helmius, 1990). period in terms of exclusion from But a person born blind cannot sociosexual relationships. Second, there determine at a glance if a "where" is is a greater awareness of sexuality as an socially acceptable and a person whose unequivocal aspect of disabled body does not look like "everyone women's lives among the women in the else's" is not obviously the right "with youngest generation than those in the whom" (Helmius, 1991). Incorporating oldest. Third, issues of autonomy, sexuality into one's own everyday life independence and personal assistance is not a self-evident possibility for a in disabled women's everyday life are young woman who is not able to move brought to a head when they are related around on her own or without attracting to sexuality and private sexual life. unwanted attention. Certain circumstances can help some succeed in making sexuality and Conclusion a sexual dimension part of private life, Sexuality has been an important despite all odds and with considerable part of the feminist agenda. At the effort on the part of the individual. As a same time disabled women's situation teenager one woman in the youngest has been overlooked both in the generation consciously used the severe women's movement and the disability to satisfy her curiousity about development of feminist theory (See her own sexuality, and she felt self Morris,1991; Begum, 1992; Wendell, assertiveness and security in the fact 1996; Kallianes & Rubenfeld, 1997; that the disability made her unique for Segal, 1998). Kallianes and Rubenfeld her sexual partners. Yet, there is still a (1997) also argue that neither women's way to go as regards integration and movement nor the disability rights enabling interventions in the field of movement has given enough attention women, disability and sexuality. to issues such as sexuality, mothering

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Notes: Disability-Virgin Territory. A Reasoned 1The project was financed by Swedish Bibliography]. Centre for Handicap Council for Social Research and Swedish Research at Uppsala University, Uppsala Council for Work Life Research. Helmius G (1991). Adolescent Sexual Joy, 2 For a more detailed account see Helmius Physical Dependency and the Adult World's 1999. Troubled Concern. Paper presented at 6th 3 All names in the interviews are fictitious. congress of International Federation for Hydrocephalus and Spina Bifida, Aug. 14- References: 18, Stockholm. Barron K (1997a). Disability and Gender. Helmius G (1990). Mogen för sex?! Det sexuellt Autonomy as an Indication of Adulthood. restriktiviserande samhället och ungdomars Uppsala University, Uppsala. heterosexuella glädje [Mature enough for Barron K (1997b). The bumpy road to sex?! The Sexually Restricting Society and womanhood. Disability & Society 12: 223- Adolescent Heterosexual Joy]. Uppsala 239. University, Uppsala. (With an English Baugh RJ (1984). Sexuality Education for the summery) Visually and Hearing Impaired Child in the Hendey N & Pascall G (1998). Independent Regular Classroom. The Journal of School Living: gender, violence and the threat of Health 54: 407-409. violence. Disability & Society 13: 415-427. Beckman CRB, Gittler M, Barzansky, BM & Jarkman K (1996). Ett liv att leva. Om familjer, Beckman CA (1989). Gynecologic Health funktionshinder och vardagens villkor [A Care of Women With Disabilities. Obstetrics life to live. On families, disabilities and & Gynecology 74: 75-79. everyday life conditions]. Carlssons, Begum N (1992). Disabled Women and the Stockholm. Feminist Agenda. Feminist Review 40: 70- Kallianes V, Rubenfeld P (1997). Disabled 84. Women and Reproductive Rights. Disability Browne SE, Connors D & Stern N (1985). With & Society 12: 203-221. the Power of Each Breath: A Disabled Lagerheim B (1990). Att utvecklas med Women's Anthology. Pittsburg, Cleis Press. handikapp [Developing with a disability]. Deegan MJ, Brooks NA, ed. (1985). Women Almqvist & Wiksell, Stockholm. and Disability: The Double Handicap. New Lewin B & Helmius G (1983). Ungdom och Brunnswick, NJ, Transaction. Sexualitet; En sociologisk Studie av Fine M, Asch A, ed. (1988). Women with ungdomars sexuella föreställningar och Disabilities: Essays in Psychology, Culture, erfarenheter [Youth and Sexuality; a and Politics. Philadelphia, Temple sociological study of young people's sexual University Press. conceptions and experiences]. Uppsala Gagnon JH, Simon W (1973). Sexual Conduct; University Press, Uppsala. The Social Sources of . Lewin B (1987). Att se sexualiteten. Om sexuell Aldine Publishing Company, Chicago. socialisation, förhållningssätt och sexuella Helmius G (1999). Handikapp och kön: Arbete erfarenheter bland människor med medfödda och sexualitet i kvinnors vardag [Disability funktionshinder [Perceiving Sexuality. and gender: Work and sexuality in women's Sexual socialisation, attitudes and sexual everyday life]. In Tideman M, ed. experience among young people with Handikapp synsätt-principer-perspektiv congenital disabilities]. Uppsala University [Handicap attitudes-principles-perspectives]. Press, Uppsala. Johansson & Skyttmo Förlag AB, Lonsdale S (1990). Women and Disability. The Stockholm. Experience of Physical Disability Among Helmius G (1993). Kvinnor och handikapp- Women. The Macmillan Press Ltd, London. Jungfrulig forskningsmark [Women and

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Macdougall JC & Morin S (1979). Sexual Stevens SE, Steele CA, Jutai JW, Kalnins IV, Attitudes and Self-Reported Behavior of Bortolussi JA & Biggar WD (1996). Congenitally Disabled Adults. Canadian Adolescents with physical disabilities: Some Journal of Behavioural Science 11: 190-204. psychological aspects of health. Journal of Morris J (1991). Pride Against Prejudice. Adolescent Health 19: 157-164. Transforming Attitudes to Disability. The Welbourne A, Lifschitz S, Hanan S & Green R Women's Press Ltd, London. (1983). A Comparison of the Sexual Munford R (1995). A position of marginalisation Learning Experiences of Visually Impaired or inclusion? The experiences of women and Sighted Women. Journal of Visual with disabilities. New Zealand Journal of Impairment & Blindness 11: 256-259. 1: 29-59. Wendell S (1996). The Rejected Body. Feminist Odgers S (1979). Five Types of Men Disabled Philosophical Reflections on Disability. Women Should Avoid. Accent on Living 24: Routledge, New York/ London. 72-76. Öien K, ed. (1988). Kvinne-eller bare Saxton M & Howe F, ed. (1987). With Wings. funksjonshemmet [Woman-or just disabled]. An Anthology of Literature by Women with Friundervisningens Forlag, Oslo. Disabilities. Virago Press, London. Segal L (1998). Only the literal: the contradictions of anti-pornography The Author: Gisela Helmius, PhD in feminism. Sexualities 1: 43-62. sociology, research-leader at the FoU-Unit, Senn CY (1989). Vulnerable. Sexual Abuse and Stockholm County Aids Prevention People with an Intellectual handicap. The G. Programme. For many years affiliated to the Allan Roeher Institute, Downsview, Ontario. Projects for Research on Human Sexuality at 3rd printing. the Department of Sociology, Uppsala Smith D (1987). The Everyday World As University. Problematic. A Feminist Sociology. Northeastern University Press, Boston.

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