1 2 h xr ane eoaa a rpista eogdt h rnia oboccupant. tomb principal the to belonged that trophies war as femora painted extra Sahag the on Drawing (Sahag 60-61). practices 1969: (Caso Aztec painted of and accounts cut were individuals, nine over-represented the were of femora any yet found, were individuals nine (Rub least at of remains The 900). eevd aur 00 cetd ac 00 eie:1 ac 2010 March 11 Revised: 2010; March 1 Accepted: 2010; January 6 Received: tefwscntutdadfis sdmc ale,drn h aeCascpro ( period Classic Late the during chamber earlier, much subterranean the used the first 1520), to and (AD pertained constructed conquest was objects, Spanish itself the metal to 1932). including prior (Caso contents, just Americas period, elaborate the Postclassic tomb’s in the found ever of tombs most furnished Although richly most the of one discovered hnAfnoCs xaae ob7a ot Alb Monte at 7 Tomb excavated Caso Alfonso When Introduction Feinman M. Gary implications Fortress its and the at femur missing The ancestors Keywords: ANTIQUITY Eal [email protected]) (Email: Eal fimnfilmsu.r;lnicholas@fieldmuseum.org) gfeinman@fieldmuseum.org; (Email: eateto nhoooy-40,Suhr liosUiest,Crodl,I 20,USA 62901, IL Carbondale, University, Illinois Southern 4502, - Anthropology of Department eateto nhoooy h il uem 40S aeSoeDie hcg,I 00-46 USA 60605-2496, IL Chicago, Drive, Shore Lake S. 1400 Museum, Field The Anthropology, of Department ´ nd aBrol 99.Treo h ua eoa hc emnl i o eogto belong not did seemingly which femora, human the of Three 1969). Borbolla la de ın 4(00:18–11http://antiquity.ac.uk/ant/084/ant0841089.htm 1089–1101 (2010): 84 eio aaa lsi eid aoe,Atc aa uil ak iul relics, ritual, rank, burial, Maya, Aztec, Zapotec, period, Classic , , 1 id .Nicholas M. Linda , n22;Adro ibe15-2,Cs interpreted Caso 1950-82), Dibble & Anderson 2.22; un ´ 1089 te otnnswl n uho au here. value in of much relics find of will cult continents the other and worship ancestor ing study- readers Archaeological trophies. used war be as also could bones the large the with where contrasts Aztec, function This low relatively rank. of social families emblem by used ancestral be an could as and conclude acted They femur the resealed. that interment removed the carefully been and Classic had Fortress, femur Mitla excavated the the where newly at burial a Zapotec period of use , in making burials from extracting thighbone of the practice the explore authors The 1 n nteVle fOxc,Mxc,he Mexico, Oaxaca, of Valley the in an, ´ ide .Baker C. Lindsey & 2 c D600- AD . un’s ´

Research The missing femur at the Mitla Fortress and its implications

Decades later in the eastern (Tlacolula) arm of the Valley of Oaxaca, another Late Classic period tomb (Tomb 6) was excavated at (Rabin 1970; Lind 2003; Lind & Urcid 2010). The bone assemblage inside the tomb was scattered and incomplete, with only three of 12 femora present for the six individuals who were interred (Lind & Urcid 1983, 2010: 174-6). The subterranean tomb, which was associated with a palatial residence, was adorned by modelled friezes that displayed the faces of marital pairs, who have been viewed as a sequence of local rulers, probably buried in the tomb. Two male figures in the friezes carry femora that have been interpreted as symbols of office legitimising noble descent from their immediate forebears (Rabin 1970; Lind & Urcid 1983, 2010: 153-62; Miller 1995; Marcus 2006: 225-6). These two interpretations outline distinct practices for obtaining femora, one through the sacrifice of war captives, whose bones were then used as trophies, and the other involving the removal and curation of bones taken from the interments of honoured or venerated ancestors. Both customs illustrate the symbolic significance associated with human bone in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica. Yet does the evidence associated with these elaborate burials sustain two different explanations? Given the clear importance of the principal individual interred in Tomb 7 (Marcus 1983), is it possible that data accrued since Caso’s discovery now make the interpretation advanced for Lambityeco a better fit for Tomb 7 than Caso’s reliance on an Aztec analogy, especially since the most common war trophies were defleshed heads and not femora (e.g. Berryman 2007: 380)? In this paper we present findings from a recent excavation at the Mitla Fortress, in the Tlacolula arm of the Valley of Oaxaca (near Lambityeco), which yielded new evidence relevant to the two alternative interpretations of curated human femora (Figure 1). At the fortress, we excavated an extended burial that was complete except for one missing femur. The bone was clearly retrieved well after initial interment, probably by a descendant. The context of the burial at the fortress in conjunction with the depictions of femora at Lambityeco lead us to question Caso’s interpretation for the presence of the painted femora in Tomb 7 and to propose that those were also symbols of legitimacy associated with venerated ancestors of the interred rather than war trophies.

Theimportanceoffemora A common belief across pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica was that an individual’s power – good or bad – was concentrated in the femur or thighbone (Klein 2002; Marcus 2006). The earliest example of curated femora accompanying an elaborate burial context dates to c.AD 100 at Chiapa de Corzo, where two sets of worked human femora were recovered with an individual in Tomb 1 (Agrinier 1960). In a much later Terminal Classic burial at Ek Balam in the northern Maya lowlands, the interred ruler held a human femur on which a carved glyph identifies the physical bone as belonging to a specific individual, thought to be the ruler’s father (Grube et al. 2003; Fitzsimmons 2009: 169). In art, human femora are also placed in the hands of powerful lords. For example, Stela 1 at Aguas Calientes illustrates an elaborately adorned ruler with a carved human femur in his left hand (Morley 1937: pl. 50, 99). Beyond the Maya region at Terminal Classic Cacaxtla,

1090 eepatsdi r-ipncMsaeia u vdnilcalnei odcd which decide to dynastic is of challenge femora symbols evidential employ Our revered symbolically Mesoamerica. as and pre-Hispanic wielded (postmortem) in and practised secure were to figures interval) means genealogical an both key (after Clearly, retrieved continuity. of were practices, burials femora funerary former, the later the including from In rituals, warriors. in victorious following used with were obtained and associated were cadavers trophies fresh war of latter, butchering the the In femora. Winning Mesoamerican pre-Hispanic (von of warriors fallen elaborate of or funerals grooves the instruments for 2002). notched these Klein of accompaniment of 1959; use musical key series provide A 2005). a to McVicker with was 2002; Klein decorated 1959; during Winning were killed (von enemies carvings and or victims 2005) sacrificial were (Pereira dispatched drumsticks recently battle and of Rattles bones 2005). the (Pereira from instruments fashioned musical into worked while were spouses femora their of safety new 2002). the their (Klein for for war foe prayed protection at wives vanquished provided away warriors’ were femora a the they that where from was home femur belief at The the kept Aztec valour. owners, of and military Victorious (Sahag possession of being trophies sign The status). war a well 1950-82). as or was them Dibble the kept rank & and with Anderson high captives sacrificed associated 222; of of rituals femora exclusively the and removed (not warriors sacrifice, warriors human of war, commemoration to directly more iue1 a fOxc,soigtepae etoe in mentioned places the text. showing Oaxaca, the of Map 1. Figure farylwmnwsmsigiscaimadbt eoa(Lee femora both and cranium its missing was woman royal a of hs xmlspoietodsic utmr ahasfrtepoueetaduse and procurement the for pathways customary distinct two provide examples These human 1300-1520), (AD period Postclassic Late the during Mexico west and central In relates femora human for process retrieval the of context the Aztec, the for contrast, In ayM Feinman M. Gary 1091 h ihyacmaidLt lsi tomb Classic Late accompanied Per richly El the at Likewise, interred. the of descendants the by legitimacy of symbols as wielded been have later may burial this from distinct removed femora a The Tikal. 85 at of lineage Burial ruling beginning in the found represent has male may the (1967) that Haviland excavationargued 84). was of 1988: time that the (Welsh 85) at (Burial femora tomb missing a in ( was interred individual ruler This 107). important before 1991: (Jones an decades 75) of few death Late a the expansion the underwent major Tikal During of a centre region. the Maya Preclassic, excavated the been have in extracted been have dots red figure XII). with pl. splashed 1993: elite (Foncerrada femur attired a mural ornately carrying polychrome an famous features a , in eea otxsfo hc eoamay femora which from contexts Several tal. et tal et 2004). . u-Waka, ´ c .AD un ´

Research The missing femur at the Mitla Fortress and its implications set of customs best aligns with each archaeological case. For example, regarding the Cacaxtla murals, the femur has been interpreted as coming from a slain captive (Miller 2007: 180), in part because the murals illustrate a military battle. Yet we have no independent information to establish that the femur was actually procured in that manner, especially as it is part of the adornment for a victorious lord whose accomplishments are displayed in the mural to promote his legitimacy and power. We now turn to a discussion of Lambityeco, where we can interweave dual streams of data – from carved tomb fac¸ades and missing thighbones – to support the use of human femora as curated heirlooms and symbols of authority.

Lambityeco By the Middle Classic period (c. AD 500), Monte Alban´ had long been the political and demographic centre of the Valley of Oaxaca. Although the city monopolised the display of writing in civic-ceremonial settings until that time (Marcus 1989, 1992, 2006), there are relatively few depictions of leaders to accompany the written media. By the Late Classic, as Monte Alban´ began to lose power, the city no longer maintained a monopoly on written texts, and art depicting powerful individuals began to appear at second-tier sites across the region, including Lambityeco. Emphasis was placed on personal biography and the bilateral ancestry of high-status individuals as exemplified by genealogical registers (Marcus 1992, 2006; Urcid 1992, 2003; Urcid et al. 1994; Masson & Orr 1998). The scenes have been recorded at Monte Alban,´ but also possibly at as many as a dozen other valley sites. Through time, local rulers and settlements began to assert greater autonomy. By the end of the Classic period, the reins of political power had partly diffused from Monte Alban´ (Winter 2001: 297). With the shift of political influence away from Monte Alban´ and the vesting of some of that power in local nobles, there was a rise of ruling lineages in Tlacolula. One of those lineages is portrayed in a series of friezes associated with Tomb 6 at Lambityeco (Figure 2). A ruling couple is portrayed as two faces, modelled in lime plaster, which were placed in the fac¸ade above the tomb’s entrance (Rabin 1970: fig. 18). Other generations of marital pairs are shown in two modelled friezes that flank the tomb, one to the south and one to the north (Marcus 2006: 225-6; Lind & Urcid 2010: 157-62). The male in each frieze brandishes a human femur, probably from his father, his most immediate male ancestor, in a display that asserts hereditary rights and dynastic continuity (Marcus 2006: 226; Lind & Urcid 2010: 157-62). The remains of six individuals were recovered from the two chambers of the Lambityeco tomb, yet nine of 12 femora were missing (Lind & Urcid 1983: 81). Only the last interred individual, a female, was complete, with both thighbones. The remains of the other five skeletons, thought to be her husband and his parents and grandparents, were fragmentary and disturbed by subsequent re-entering of the tomb as each individual was interred (Lind & Urcid 1983, 2010: 175-7). Based on their size and robustness, the missing femora were almost certainly extracted intentionally. Many bones in addition to the femora were not accounted for, especially small hand and foot bones, which are not as durable (Lind & Urcid 2010: 175-77). The drawing of the burials (Lind 2003: fig. 7) shows only one extended, complete individual; the remains of the other individuals were scattered and partial, making

1092 uigecvtoso eieta erc tteMtaFrrs,1k ato Lambityeco, But of east context. heirloom. donor 12km curated a Fortress, a such Mitla documented the as and at use uncovered terrace we subsequent residential a a for of on removed evidence excavations was clear during provide femur individual’s not does specific tombs a the in remains human uil1 tteMtaFortress Mitla the at 13 Burial opportunity the increasing Middleton (e.g. times, lost numerous or established reused crushed tombs, be and Lambityeco be to opened the bones cannot been in for interred have this individuals to yet of appear number 171-82), they large 2010: the Urcid of Because & definitively. (Lind post-interment extracted & (Lind tomb each individuals. articulated from extended, the femora (Paddock no among two 2 and Tomb two yet For are in complete, 1). interments more remains tab. 1983: multiple were human Urcid 3) those The & removed. in 2 were elements (Tombs femora missing Lambityeco the at how tombs and elaborate when other femur. exactly human a clear holding figure less male it a showing Lambityeco, at 7 Tomb above frieze south The 2. Figure osrce ntehl’ umt nteae ae nlsdb h uedfniewalls. defensive huge was the architecture by Public enclosed 2004). later area Nicholas the & in (Feinman summit, hill’s 3) the the (Figure residential on hill a of constructed was the slopes history the Fortress of on Mitla occupational terraces ridgetops the flattened the artificially and periods across Postclassic in spread and houses late of Classic hundreds location added the with defensible community, of were a most just walls than for huge more stone and for was site, known The site best the garrison. hill, is the military fortress the of the or summit in Although the Mitla, ring Oaxaca. of that west of walls Valley 2km stone approximately the hill of rocky end steep eastern a extreme on situated is Fortress Mitla The h otsrihfradepaainfrteLmiyc ob sta h eoawere femora the that is tombs Lambityeco the for explanation straightforward most The ayM Feinman M. Gary 1093 tal et tal et 98 g 6,temprvaspldbones piled reveals map the 16), fig. 1968: . 98.Tesaeo rsraino the of preservation of state The 1998). . tal. et oo context donor nwhich in

Research The missing femur at the Mitla Fortress and its implications

Figure 3. The Mitla Fortress. Public architecture is concentrated on the hill’s summit, with residential terraces dispersed across the lower ridgetops and slopes.

In the spring of 2009, we excavated one residential terrace at the fortress (Terrace 56; T56 on Figure 3) that is situated below the defensive walls at the top of the hill (Feinman & Nicholas 2009). We exposed a sequence of four superimposed house floors that were occupied from the middle/late part of the Classic period to the Early Postclassic (c.AD 500-1200). In association with the domestic remains on the terrace we uncovered 16 burial contexts that included 22 individuals. The placement of burials in domestic contexts, especially under house floors and in patios, was a common practice in pre-Hispanic Oaxaca (e.g. Winter 1974).

1094 tl riuae ntecretaaoia oiin niaigta h eu a removed was femur the that indicating position, anatomical correct the femur. in right the articulated was still few missing near a bone still for large was Except only mandible the vertebrae. however, The cervical bones, 6). articulated disturbed foot (Figure and several been past hand removed above had the directly was we skull in position, body Once and reopened The expected 5). skeleton. initially body its (Figure the was upper of place burial the rest the of the although when out found complete, we clearly and bricks, all broken articulated the bones, mostly Right all small fragments condition. and skull other good layer other upper in few and this still maxilla a individual’s were as the and of well bricks disturbed part The as been found grave. we not the bricks had of broken of layer cist the cover a above the original with the of covered formed sides was have the burial to lining the appear of that top bricks The adobe a context house. broken the in mortuary of room remodelling formal subsequent corner the most north-east the the bricks, of adobe occupation. (Fig- floor earliest house of the the (earliest) with constructed lowest under associated the cist buried of was burial occupation the individual rectangular during This or 4). start the ure at interred was who iue4 h aletrsdneo erc 6a il Fortress. Mitla at 56 Terrace on residence earliest The 4. Figure h nielf e n otadtelwrpr ftergtlgwr elpeevdand preserved well were leg right the of part lower the and foot and leg left entire The during disturbed and reopened been had it that clear became it burial, the excavated we As age, of years 44-50 of adult an 13, number was terrace the on burial male earliest The ayM Feinman M. Gary 1095 tal. et

Research The missing femur at the Mitla Fortress and its implications

Figure 5. Top layer of Burial 13.

Figure 6. Bottom layer of Burial 13. after some postmortem interval, after decomposition was complete (Figure 7). The upper body was more disturbed than the lower body. Consequently, the people who opened the grave probably knew the general location of the subfloor burial but not how the body was laid out or precisely where the femur was; this implies a degree of generational lag between the initial interment and the reopening of the grave. At the same time, the completeness of

1096 fahg-ttsfml eg aae tE amlo[Feinman Palmillo El at residence palaces the or (e.g. palace family a not high-status small, was a 56 Terrace of on house place. excavated its minimally the in was remains, made material burial was the offering as new disrespect a of no and occupations, act removal found femur’s an We later the as residents. with during terrace’s removed disturbed culture the was of femur material associations the in with that familial location, continuity indications the same the in exact and continuity the suggests in plan, also house floor the basic opening of those rebuilding same actions that was The these the view femur descendants. All the body. his the with the were consistent where above cist individual, above fill the interred cist, fill this the to the the for added reverence in in then a back left was indicate placed were plate ceramic were fragments small burial skull A the other removed. house covered and rebuilt carefully once maxilla the was that under the piece resealed bricks and broken was adobe the cist broken and the cist, The before appears the floor. legs It of lower 8). individual’s (Figure reopening tibia the the left left above was during the placed it half to reopening; of next in the placed made broken to been was have prior had jar to broken bowl The already The bowl. have position. a may original it its and in so jar burnt, a was vessels, and ceramic paste at large coarse two explicitly were directed offerings was grave grave initial the revisit to effort femur. the the that of indicates extraction burial the the of rest the femur. right his missing male adult an of burial Extended 7. Figure frsdniltrae tteMtaFrrs,wt te uecvtd oetctrae to strings terraces longest domestic the (unexcavated) of other one with of Fortress, middle Mitla the the in at situated terraces was residential it of Yet 1974). (Winter is Alb status residence Monte lower the at excavated Architecturally been (Feinman 2010]). Palmillo have El that Urcid houses & commoner [Lind to similar Lambityeco or 1983], [Flannery ae ntesalsz n h aueo h oetcacietr n h associated the and architecture domestic the of nature the and size small the on Based the in Included removed. was femur the after burial the up close to taken was care Some tal et 02.Telc fafra obpoie ute niainof indication further provides tomb formal a of lack The 2002). . ayM Feinman M. Gary 1097 tal. et tal et 08,MneAlb Monte 2008], . n(itr17)and 1974) (Winter an ´ an ´

Research The missing femur at the Mitla Fortress and its implications

Figure 8. Reconstructed ceramic bowl from Burial 13. both the east and west. At the front edge of Terrace 56, a huge bedrock boulder provided a great lookout or vantage in three directions. We suspect that the sequences of houses on this terrace may have been associated with the residence of the head of a ward or neighbourhood. Burial 13 was the earliest adult male interment on the terrace and the most formal mortuary context that was associated with its occupation. Although this individual was not a ruler or of unequivocally high status, he may have been a founding member of a household group that continued to occupy this rather central location over time; as such his descendants retrieved his femur as a physical manifestation of ancestry.

Implications for Tomb 7 at Monte Alban´ How does this new information affect the interpretation of the extra femora that were recovered inside Tomb 7 at Monte Alban?´ We now have evidence that a femur was removed from an important burial in the absence of any indications of conflict. The care with which the femur was removed is more consistent with a curated heirloom than a military trophy. At Monte Alban,´ the principal individual buried in Tomb 7 was clearly an important person (Caso 1969; Rub´ın de la Borbolla 1969; Marcus 1983; Hamann 1997), who was accompanied by more than 500 exotic items, including: gold pectorals, beads and lip plugs; objects of jade, turquoise and obsidian; bowls of silver and rock crystal; a trophy skull covered with turquoise mosaic and a series of intricately carved bones (Caso 1969). The scenes on the bones record details of genealogy and historical events, such as marriage, conquest and royal

1098 npwradlclrln aiiswr trigt xr rae uooy ntevalley, the In long autonomy. were that greater formations Alb exert corporate Monte to more at the starting practised from were changing families were strategies ruling organisational local and power in ihlna ecn n eiiayocre tatm hnMneAlb Monte when time a at occurred associated legitimacy Oaxaca Classic and Late descent in lineal femora or of with organisational role different these symbolic the with that The significant for associated contexts. perhaps were documented is politico-economic femora It as Oaxaca. regarding descent, of practices Valley lineal the contrasting in two of Classic Late symbols the from as and removed Maya femora wielded Classic the and for with burials, described ancestors from as deceased bones protection, the long for retrieved bones means the other to The or appealing Aztec. battle the and after home, right with at captives associated them sacrificed was displaying or path vanquished death, One of thighbone processes. the distinct taking two victors least warfare; at through community. curated local and their procured of lineage confines a the effort and/or an least in at head individual femur in his neighbourhood The removed status a have their rulers. may establish been Classic They to to descendants. have Late limited his may the by Mitla practice revered Fortress in was a the least who the founder, been at (at at have femora excavated femur of not his residence removal may missing the the Oaxaca) so Yet of and status. Valley context, high period a such of not those was Fortress or rulers with exclusively to process Lambityeco. the death for the for hypothesised after which earlier support well was material in cist that provides context removal Burial burial finding femur donor This context. his of femur. clear burial reopened right primary individual’s a carefully when the a person of know extract of important to documentation part an impossible provides were of was Fortress they descendants it Mitla if so the or well, removed at were as 13 femora missing and were the were Oaxaca skeletons how bones in Individual or other contexts, preserved. burial and poorly were other complete burials in not those missing Mesoamerica, as in recorded elsewhere been have femora Although Conclusion Sahag on drawing trophies, Balam). These Ek war friezes. for as Lambityeco described the (as in death represented at ancestors scenes him revered with the of interred like femora then rule, the were to heirlooms carried right individual who his This recipient’ of Oaxaca. ‘femur symbols Postclassic a as in represent rule to of appear trappings would principal 1983), (Marcus descent fOxc,cniut nti rdto noteltrPscascpro em a oelikely more far Valley seems the period in Postclassic analogy. period later Aztec Caso’s the Classic than into Late today tradition the this during in used Tomb continuity were of Oaxaca, femora status of way exalted the the and Given the figure with postmortem. central associated thighbones 7’s practices human of of set curation alternative and an both to retrieval analogy-based at point his Lambityeco femora and missing Oaxaca, Fortress the period Mitla and Classic the friezes from Lambityeco evidence The reconsideration. with requires and suggestion years 70 than more after eoawr yblclyipratbd at npeHsai eomrc htwere that Mesoamerica pre-Hispanic in parts body important symbolically were Femora associated activity an considered been largely has femora human of curation Such femora painted and cut the of interpretation (1969) Caso’s discovered, was 7 Tomb When nt oeecuinr rcie,bsdo esnlntok (e.g. networks personal on based practices, exclusionary more to an ´ ayM Feinman M. Gary nsAtceape a esnbeifrne Today, inference. reasonable a was example, Aztec un’s ´ 1099 tal. et nwsdeclining was an ´

Research The missing femur at the Mitla Fortress and its implications

Blanton et al. 1996; Feinman 1999). Personal and lineal networks were also important for the Classic Maya. In contrast, the use of femora as war trophies, recorded for the Aztec, is not related to lineal descent or the legitimacy of specific heirs; rather their activities employed human femora in more domestic and society-focused practices, such as musical performances at funerals and domestic rituals enacted by wives to bring their warrior husbands home safely. Such customs crosscut wide spheres of society and were not restricted to those aiming to legitimate their individual status. Based on these differences in broader societal context, the Tomb 7 femora too would seem to be heirlooms associated with political legitimacy rather than military trophies. Acknowledgements Our research at the Mitla Fortress would not have been possible without the help and support of the Instituto Nacional de Antropolog´ıa e Historia, the Centro Regional de Oaxaca (INAH), the Field Museum and the municipal and communal land-holding authorities of . We also thank all the members of our field and laboratory crews, several anonymous reviewers, Jill Seagard and Dr Joyce Marcus, all of whom made important contributions to this work. We dedicate this paper to the people of Mitla.

References – 2009. La Fortaleza de Mitla: una perspectiva domestica´ de los periodos Clasico´ y Posclasico´ en el AGRINIER, P. 1960. The carved human femurs from Tomb valle de Oaxaca. Final technical report of the 2009 1, Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas, Mexico (Papers of the field season prepared for the Instituto Nacional de New World Archaeological Foundation 6). Orinda Antropolog´ıa e Historia, Mexico. (CA): New World Archaeological Foundation. FEINMAN, G.M., L.M. NICHOLAS &H.R.HAINES. ANDERSON, A.J.O. & C.E. DIBBLE. 1950-82. Florentine 2002. Houses on a hill: Classic period life at El codex: general history of the things of New Spain Palmillo, Oaxaca, Mexico. Latin American Antiquity (School of American Research Monograph 14). 13: 251–77. Santa Fe (NM): School of American Research and University of Utah. FEINMAN, G.M., L.M. NICHOLAS &E.F.MAHER. 2008. Domestic offerings at El Palmillo: implications for BERRYMAN, C.A. 2007. Captive sacrifice and trophy community organization. Ancient Mesoamerica 19: taking among the ancient Maya: an evaluation of 175–94. the bioarchaeological evidence and its sociopolitical implications, in R.J. Chacon & D.H. Dye (ed.) The FITZSIMMONS, J.L. 2009. Death and the Classic Maya taking and displaying of human body parts as trophies kings. Austin (TX): University of Texas Press. by Amerindians: 377–99. New York: Springer. FLANNERY, K.V. 1983. The legacy of the early urban period: an ethnohistoric approach to Monte Alban’s´ BLANTON, R.E., G.M. FEINMAN, S.A. KOWALEWSKI & temples, residences, and royal tombs, in K.V. P. N . P EREGRINE. 1996. A dual-processual theory for the evolution of Mesoamerican civilization. Current Flannery & J. Marcus (ed.) The cloud people: Anthropology 37: 1–14. divergent evolution of the Zapotec and civilizations: 132–6. New York: Academic Press. CASO, A. 1932. Monte Alban:´ richest archaeological find in America. National Geographic 62: 487–512. FONCERRADA DE MOLINA, M. 1993. Cacaxtla: la iconograf´ıa de los olmeca-xicalanca.Mexico: –1969. El tesoro de Monte Alban´ . Mexico: Instituto Universidad Nacional Autonoma´ de Mexico.´ Nacional de Antropolog´ıa e Historia. GRUBE, N., A. LACADENA &S.MARTIN. 2003. Chichen FEINMAN, G.M. 1999. The changing structure of Itza and Ek Balam: Terminal Classic inscriptions macroregional Mesoamerica: the Classic-Postclassic from Yucatan, in N. Grube (ed.) Notebook for the transition in the Valley of Oaxaca, in P.N. Kardulias 27th Maya Hieroglyphic Forum at Texas: 2–25. (ed.) World-systems theory in practice: 53–62. Austin (TX): University of Texas Press. Lanham (MD): Rowman & Littlefield. HAMANN, B. 1997. Weaving and the iconography of FEINMAN,G.M.&L.M.NICHOLAS. 2004. Hilltop prestige: the royal gender symbolism of Lord 5 terrace sites of Oaxaca, Mexico: intensive surface Flower’s/Lady 4 Rabbit’s family, in C. Claassen & survey at Guirun,´ El Palmillo and the Mitla Fortress R.A. Joyce (ed.) Women in prehistory: North America (Fieldiana: Anthropology, new series, 37). Chicago and Mesoamerica: 153–72. Philadelphia (PA): (IL): Field Museum of Natural History. University of Pennsylvania Press.

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