Growth and Revitalization in Peterborough ON: Myth Or Reality?

Growth and Revitalization in Peterborough ON: Myth or Reality?

A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences

TRENT UNIVERSITY Peterborough, Ontario, Canada © Copyright by Kaitlin Brillinger, 2016 Canadian Studies and Indigenous Studies M.A. Graduate Program January 2017

Abstract

Growth and Revitalization in Peterborough, ON: Myth or Reality?

Kaitlin Brillinger

The Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) are two pieces of legislature passed by the Government of Ontario to help govern and limit urban sprawl in major cities across Ontario through to 2041. These policies are framed around the development and maintenance of large-scale cities. While there are some provisions within these policies for mid-sized cities that are part of the Greater Golden Horseshoe (GGH), there are few resources, case studies, and models for successful revitalization, and intensification in mid-sized cities. The goal of this thesis is to answer questions related to planning and development in Peterborough, Ontario and to assess its progress as it relates to Places to Grow (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe

(2006) guidelines. Through the use of library research, policy document analysis, interviews with key stakeholders, and GIS analysis, I identify both strategies and challenges related to development and growth in Peterborough, ON. I conclude that the policies are proving to be initially favorable in their results, however it is not without significant challenge to Planners and stakeholders in Peterborough,

ON. Finally, I suggest further research take place in order to further assess the effectiveness of these policies in other mid-sized cities in Ontario, as well as to measure the success of the policies closer towards the 2041 deadline.

KEYWORDS

Peterborough, Ontario, growth, revitalization, Smart Growth, planning, strategies, policy, GIS

Acknowledgements

Firstly, I would like to thank the City Planners, Ward Councilors, and other community stakeholders who so generously provided their time, feedback, and support to this project. Thank you to Fleming College, and the entire GIS faculty. To each of you – your guidance, expertise, and motivation to succeed in my research and GIS has been most invaluable to me. Finally, to anyone that has endured my endless discussions of planning in Peterborough, the Growth Plan for the Greater

Golden Horseshoe, and any random streams of thought as I formulated my ideas – thank you.

I would also like to thank my friends and family for their support, motivation, and almost daily reminders (especially towards the end), that I can do this and that I have come so far to give up. Thank you to my Mom, whose attention to detail helped in the many rounds of revisions and editing. Special thanks go to my husband, Wayne. Without your sacrifice and support, none of this would have ever been possible. We did it!

Many thanks go to Professor Heather Nicol and Professor Roger Picton for their direction, support, time, and patience. This thesis would not have been possible without you. Also, thank you to

Cathy Schoel for all your administration help and wisdom.

Finally, I would like to thank the Frost Centre for Canadian Studies and Indigenous Studies, and

Graduate Studies at Trent University for its funding support.

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Table of Contents Abstract ...... ii Acknowledgements ...... iii List of Figures ...... vii List of Tables ...... viii Chapter 1- Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Purpose of Study and Research Objectives ...... 2 1.3 Organization of Thesis ...... 6 Chapter 2- Literature Review ...... 9 2.1 Introduction ...... 9 2.2 Revitalization and (Re)Development ...... 10 2.3 Regional Policy Initiatives – Smart Growth Planning ...... 14 2.4 Strategies for Revitalization ...... 18 Cultural Strategies ...... 19 Economic Strategies for Development ...... 23 2.5 Where does this leave us? ...... 26 2.6 Methods ...... 28 Review of Primary and Secondary Sources ...... 29 Policy Documents ...... 30 Interviews ...... 32 Geographic Information Systems (GIS) Tools ...... 34 Chapter 3 – Provincial Document Analysis ...... 36 3.1 Planning Act ...... 37 3.2 Places to Grow Act ...... 40 3.3 Provincial Policy Statement ...... 44 3.4 Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe ...... 46 3.5 Assessing the Provincial Policy Documents ...... 51 3.6 Summary ...... 55 Chapter 4 - Municipal Document Analysis ...... 57 4.1 Peterborough Official Plan ...... 58 4.2 Central Area Master Plan ...... 63

4.3 The Role of Official and Master Plans in GGH Growth Strategies ...... 65 4.4 Planning Peterborough to 2031: How the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe will affect the City of Peterborough ...... 69 4.5 Little Lake Master Plan ...... 77 4.6 Plan It Peterborough, Peterborough’s Official Plan Review ...... 82 4.7 City of Peterborough Municipal Cultural Plan ...... 85 4.8 Miscellaneous Documents ...... 88 Organization Letters ...... 89 Planning Committee Reports ...... 92 Downtown Economic Analysis ...... 95 4.9 Summary ...... 98 Chapter 5 – Assessing Peterborough’s Planning Response: Conversations with Policy Makers and Stakeholders and Evidence from GIS Analysis ...... 100 5.1 Defining Growth ...... 100 5.2 Strategies for Urban Revitalization ...... 102 Community Vision...... 105 Social and Cultural Planning ...... 106 Capital Project Strategies ...... 107 Other Strategies...... 109 Summary ...... 110 5.3 Peterborough’s Development Challenges...... 111 Distance from GTA ...... 111 Highway 407 Expansion ...... 113 Local Infrastructure and Landscape ...... 114 Financial Factors ...... 115 Downtown Barriers ...... 117 Other Challenges ...... 120 Summary ...... 121 5.4 Geographic Information Systems and Planning ...... 122 Chapter 6 – Where does this leave us? ...... 128 8.1 Conclusions...... 128 8.2 Recommendations for further research ...... 135

Bibliography ...... 137 Appendix ...... 144 Item 1: Research Introduction Letter ...... 144 Item 2: Interview Consent Form...... 145 Item 3: Interview Guide – Planners ...... 147 Item 4: Interview Guide – Organizations ...... 149 Item 5: Interview Guide – Ontario Growth Secretariat (MOI) ...... 151 Item 6: Interview Guide – Follow-up Questions ...... 154

List of Figures

Figure 1: Greater Golden Horseshoe...... 42 Figure 2: Northern Ontario Growth Plan Area (Schedule 1) ...... 43 Figure 3: Inner and Outer Ring Municipalities in the GGH ...... 48 Figure 4: Shopping Nodes in Peterborough, ON ...... 59 Figure 5: Schedule I of the Peterborough Official Plan ...... 61 Figure 6: Schedule J from the Central Area Master Plan, Peterborough, ON ...... 64 Figure 7: Urban Growth Centre (UGC), Peterborough, ON ...... 66 Figure 8: Built Boundary, Peterborough, ON …………………………………………………………………………………………66 Figure 9: Designated Greenfield Area (DGA), Peterborough, ON ...... 67 Figure 10: Strategies for development and policy amendments ...... 68 Figure 11: Peterborough, ON in relation to the rest of the GGH ...... 70 Figure 12: Growth zones in Peterborough, ON ...... 74 Figure 13: Little Lake development areas ...... 79 Figure 14: Peterborough in relation to the rest of the GGH ...... 112 Figure 15: Classification Table ...... 124 Figure 16: 4-3-2 band combination showing built areas, 2002 ...... 125 Figure 17: 4-3-2 band combination showing built areas, 2013 ...... 125 Figure 18: Area where development was non-existent near Trent University, 2002 ...... 127 Figure 19: Area of development near Trent University, 2013……………………………………………………………….127 Figure 20: Jackson Creek prior to development, 2002……………………………………………………………………….…127 Figure 21: Jackson Creek after development, 2013………………………………………………………………………………127

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List of Tables

Table 1: Overview of Provincial and Municipal Policy Documents ...... 31 Table 2: Examples of interview questions ...... 34 Table 3: Percentage of population aged 65+, 2006 ...... 71 Table 4: Summary of Municipal Documents ...... 99 Table 5: Summary of development themes discussed during interviews ...... 110 Table 6: Summary of development challenges discussed during interviews ...... 122 Table 7: Summary of Provincial and Municipal planning documents ...... 131 Table 8: Municipal documents themes as they relate to the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) ...... 132 Table 9: Summary of sub-themes discussed during interviews ...... 134

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Chapter 1- Introduction 1.1 Introduction

Peterborough, Ontario was once a bustling industrial and manufacturing hub in Ontario, with industries such as lumber, General Electric, and Quaker Oats (now PepsiCo). Today it can no longer boast such a major industrial presence. With the decline of industry and manufacturing in the mid-20th century, Peterborough began looking for ways to reinvent itself.

This was done through expansion and development of its service and commercial sectors. It was through this dual expansion effort that Peterborough’s demographic and economic standing grew significantly during the 1960s and 70s, although a period of stagnation in the 1980s and early 1990s followed. During the boom, growth occurred not just in population size, but also in the extent of land developed for residential, commercial and institutional purposes. In the period after the 1990s, growth rates grew steadily, and development continued to occur in an outward fashion.

In recent years, however, there has been a renewed focus on the use of local planning practice and provincial support to help curb urban sprawl, create better environmental protection standards, and to both intensify and revitalize existing built areas before continuing growth outwards. The Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe (2006) are two Provincial Acts that lay the foundation for development, planning, and growth in Ontario and the Greater Golden Horseshoe, respectively. In addition to laying the framework, which will be discussed in more detail in this thesis, these two legislative frameworks have also placed the focus on the creation of vibrant downtowns. It is through these acts that Peterborough has begun the process to amend previous planning practices in

favour of those that will benefit not just the character of today’s local community, but also for

future generations to come.

The goal of this thesis is to answer questions related to planning and development in

Peterborough, Ontario and to assess its progress as it relates to Places to Grow (2005) and the

Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) guidelines. These questions asked include: what strategies are being implemented to support and further Smart Growth planning and development; how is Peterborough doing in fulfilling its goals and target requirements; and how will Peterborough’s experience fit within the broader understanding of Smart Growth?

1.2 Purpose of Study and Research Objectives

This thesis will explore ‘Smart Growth Planning’ in Peterborough, Ontario. It asks what strategies are being implemented to support and further Smart Growth planning, both economically and culturally. It also questions how Peterborough’s experience will fit within the broader understanding of Smart Growth and its application in Ontario. Smart Growth planning, a sometimes controversial planning strategy that has received mixed opinions in the planning community, promotes intensification development strategies that encourage walkable, vibrant cities, as well as strategies to encourage and promote the curbing of urban sprawl and the protection of farm and green spaces (Bunce, 2004).

Researchers have studied Canada’s urban places from many different perspectives and disciplinary backgrounds, focusing on issues such as economics, sustainability and development initiatives, among others. Most recently the focus of research has shifted towards analyzing the successes and failures of ‘Smart Growth’ strategies in cities. In Ontario, such so-called Smart

Growth strategies have been implemented to foster and accommodate increased growth in cities and surrounding suburban areas. In 2005 the Province of Ontario, for example, introduced

the Places to Grow Act to promote and encourage sustainable development and intensification

practices within cities. Its ultimate goal was to mitigate urban sprawl (Bunce, 2004).

Shortly after the Places to Grow Act was implemented, Ontario’s Smart Growth Plan

(2006) was introduced. This plan required municipalities within the Greater Golden Horseshoe in Ontario to develop Smart Growth strategies and plans to fit within their Official Plan - not just to foster growth, but to plan for intensification and infill (Bunce, 2004; Gombu, 2011). Since

2006, there have been many plans put into effect, both regionally and locally, and the 2006

Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe has become the primary regional growth plan for Ontario. However, the guidelines set out by the provincial plan (modified in 2013) required that all major metropolitan areas in Ontario also develop and implement growth and development strategy plans through to the year 20311.

The Greater Golden Horseshoe development plan articulates specific guidelines and objectives for the region as a whole, in order to meet its Smart Growth mandate. It is a 25-year plan beginning in 2006, that seeks to not only revitalize downtowns to create vibrant and creative centres of development, but also to promote the features of Smart Growth planning.

The Greater Golden Horseshoe, which historically has included cities such as Toronto,

Mississauga, Barrie and Oshawa, has now been modified to include the City of Peterborough within its jurisdiction. The inclusion of Peterborough in the Greater Golden Horseshoe Plan has effects that have yet to be seen, and will certainly take shape over the next several years. For this reason, Peterborough is of interest to any analysis of the impact of the Province’s ‘Smart

Growth’ strategy.

1 The guidelines were modified in 2013, when it was determined that growth projections previously set for 2031 are not adequate. See Allen & Campsie (2013) for more information on growth deadlines.

Peterborough lends itself to being a case study of revitalization and intensification

processes due to its relative location and proximity to Toronto. Its small size—the City of

Peterborough has a population of less than 100 000—also makes it an important context to explore. The Greater Golden Horseshoe region is slated to grow by 3.7 million people by 2031, which puts considerable pressure on the City of Peterborough to meet the plan’s requirements.

While Peterborough has so far seen steady population growth, it is unclear whether or not this growth can be maintained in the years to come. The extension of major highways towards

Peterborough, notably the 407 extension, as well as high provincial and regional intensification targets suggest that Peterborough should become a commuter community for Toronto. With this targeted growth in mind, Peterborough’s local Growth Plan, developed and implemented in

2006 alongside Ontario’s Smart Growth Plan, has clear guidelines to meet intensification targets, as well as to encourage downtown revitalization and greenbelt development. The Peterborough

Growth Plan is a local development that has been incorporated in the City’s Official Plan as required by the regional development plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe. The

Peterborough Growth Plan (as modified in 2010) lays out specific goals for intensification and revitalization for the City of Peterborough, with the hopes of these goals being met by 2031 as suggested by the Places to Grow Act and Greater Golden Horseshoe Plan. These targets set the baseline, from which development and revitalization are to occur in Peterborough.

What the development plan does not specify, however, is not only the strategies that will be utilized only meet the intensification targets, but also how revitalization and Smart

Growth will occur within the different areas within the City. This makes the topic of this thesis, which focuses on Peterborough, ON, very relevant. It examines where urban planners have, or are planning to, implement changes to the land use planning policies in order to achieve the goals set out by the Peterborough Growth Plan. This is particularly important because while the

aforementioned Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Greater Golden Horseshoe Plan (2006) require participating municipalities to develop growth plans and incorporate them into their

Official Plans, there is no requirement or enforcement of the goals, just the plan.

Unlike its planning counterparts (e.g. Toronto and similar large cities), Peterborough is a significantly smaller metropolitan area in need of revitalization and substantial change in order to meet the goals of the 2006 Act. Because Peterborough was previously an industrial hub, and has since been affected by a decline of its manufacturing base, it possesses a struggling economy looking to find new ways to prosper. Peterborough’s Growth Plan seeks to promote economic prosperity and to satisfy Provincial development and growth guidelines by applying various revitalization strategies, and like other cities of its kind, in order to encourage revitalization planners often turn to cultural, economic and environmental strategies. This raises the importance of identifying the strategies employed by the City of Peterborough in meeting its 2031 goals of intensification while promoting Peterborough as a vibrant city with a pre-existing focus on heritage and citizenship. This thesis seeks to fill the gap in existing research by providing an analytical and qualitative study of the planning strategies employed by urban planners in Peterborough, Ontario since the introduction of the Places to Grow Act (2005).

There have been few, if any, studies done on the planning and implementation of the Act in

Ontario’s smaller cities, especially in Peterborough. Through the use of a mixed methods approach, which includes the use of library research; policy document analysis as well as interviews with key stakeholders, this research has the following objectives:

1) To identify what the main revitalization, development and intensification

issues/challenges are in Peterborough;

2) To identify what the main strategies are when implementing revitalization, development

and intensification goals/guidelines;

3) To identify who the major stakeholders are when implementing revitalization,

development and intensification strategies;

4) To analyze, in relation to literature previously written, policy documents and interviews

to determine not only the challenges/failures of current planning practices, but also the

successes and places of growth in order to provide an assessment of the growth plans in

place.

5) To assess the effectiveness of Peterborough’s urban growth in relation to evidence from

professional planning assessments and GIS change detection methodologies

This study will contribute to comparative studies of several cities in Ontario. It will help to identify not only what planning strategies smaller cities utilize to comply with the Places to

Grow Act guidelines, but also what factors determine its success or failure. It outlines, describes and analyzes the various strategies employed by City planning officials and key organizations involved in the planning process to meet projected future growth and should provide some much needed insight into both revitalization processes in smaller cities, as well as revitalization as it pertains to the Places to Grow Act (2005).

1.3 Organization of Thesis

This thesis is organized into five chapters outlined below:

Chapter 1 outlines the purpose of the current research and the research problems to be analyzed; the theoretical framework that the research is conducted under; as well as outlines the organization of the thesis.

Chapter 2 undertakes a review of the existing scholarship on urban development and

Smart Growth. It covers concepts of revitalization and redevelopment, regional growth policies

used in planning initiatives - such as Smart Growth Planning; as well as various strategies that can be employed by city planners and other organizations in order to meet goals. This chapter

also identifies the methodology used in the research and analysis process. Specifically, this chapter will explain why the methods chosen are an adequate and effective choice for this research.

Chapter 3 presents the findings from the Provincial document analysis. This analysis lays

the foundation for further discussions relating to municipal planning, and the successes and

challenges, of planning for a mid-sized city. Specifically, this analysis looks at the Ontario

Planning Act (2005), and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006).

Chapter 4 provides an analysis of municipal planning documents that are used in

developing the planning foundation for Peterborough. These documents range in scope from

Peterborough’s Official Plan, which guides all development policies in Peterborough, to planning

committee notes discussing individual planning initiatives. Part of the analysis process was to

identify key themes and ideas to tie all of the literature, Provincial, and municipal documents

together.

Chapter 5 contains the results of interviews that took place between 2013 and 2014

with City planners, councilors, and other stakeholders. These interviews, which ranged in length

from 40 minutes to over an hour in length, took place in person, as well as through email.

Throughout the interview process, several themes emerged which tied in with previous

literature reviews and analyses. This chapter also looks at the various applications of

Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in planning in order to demonstrate the validity of such

methods as a planning strategy. Specifically, this chapter explores the use of remote sensing in

planning practices. Remote sensing is key in analyzing growth patterns across both space and

time, as well as forecasting future growth.

Finally, Chapter 6 provides recommendations for future research as well as conclusions

drawn from the literature review and results sections. This chapter will seek to draw critical

7 conclusions from all sources utilized and all research knowledge gained, that might not otherwise be made by looking at them individually.

Chapter 2- Literature Review 2.1 Introduction

Urban revitalization, the process of redeveloping medium to high density urban areas, has been an area of interest for researchers in many disciplines over the last several decades

(Fowler & Siegel, 2002). What was once only studied by geographers is now being studied by economists, environmentalists, urban planners, and more. The study of urban revitalization lends itself to various research interests and fields of study including: geography, poverty and social needs, cultural survival, issues surrounding climate change and global warming, economic sustainability, and planning for sustainable growth. This wide variety of research areas within urban revitalization suggests a plethora of academic literature.

The literature on urban planning and revitalization finds a home in both economic and cultural geographies. While economic geography often refers to the distribution and organization of resources, corporations and other economic activities across the world, urban planning and revitalization strategies apply this study at the local and regional level. Often times the focus on economic studies has been on the global scale, but it is equally important to address the rescaling that occurs at the local level and the processes that occur there. In contrast to economic geography, cultural geography strives to address the distribution and engagement in cultural activities, most often at the local and regional level (Zukin, 1995). While cultural geography is less concerned with economics and more the survival and integration of culture in daily living, it is not uncommon for culture and the economy to become a ‘joint venture’ (Zukin, 1995). This joining of culture and economy is most often the case in urban planning as new strategies for development, redevelopment and city survival rely on various strategies, techniques, and toolkits.

Urban planning and revitalization literature has a long history - so much so that it cannot be fully documented in a single literature review. There are many streams and focus areas which have developed as a result. With that said, this review explores the stream of thought on urban revitalization processes and more specifically, the strategies that urban planners have used in Canadian cities.

The first section of this review addresses the broad topic of planning legislature and revitalization and (re)development as a whole. By looking at the evolution of planning legislature and the role that this legislature plays in communities, we are able to see the role that these early legislative policies played in revitalization processes and development. The second section will draw focus on current policy implementation at the regional level. By looking at current policy initiatives in Canada, and Ontario more specifically, we will be better positioned to see the role that local regions play in urban planning, as well as the policies implemented to curb urban (and suburban) sprawl. The final section, which lays the foundation for subsequent research in this field, addresses various revitalization strategies that have been employed by urban planners - both on a local and global level. The goal of this literature review is thus to not only document strategies - both cultural and economic - but also to compare their effectiveness in smaller cities as opposed to the large cities they have historically been designed for.

2.2 Revitalization and (Re)Development

The 1980s brought about a major shift, not only in the role that government played within cities, but also in how cities functioned as a whole. The days of government controlled markets and a welfare state under Keynesianism (a state that created production cycles that benefited both production and consumption) were no longer normative (Fowler & Siegel, 2002;

Bunting, Filion, & Walker, 2010). Neoliberalism, reflected in the shift towards privatization,

restricted government control and promotion of the free market, led to more competition both

within and between cities (Fowler & Siegel, 2002). While the role of Neoliberalism is not a direct

concern here, it is important to note as it lays the groundwork for the processes that occur within cities and the major shifts that have happened in legislature and planning policies.

Planning legislature has evolved significantly over the last several decades, not just in Canada but across the world. Many researchers (see for example Searle & Filion, 2011; Nicol & Dobbin,

2000; Meligrana, 2000; Nicol & Halseth, 2000) have studied legislature in this context and, while all of it is valuable to some degree, some are better suited for the purpose of revitalization research than others.

It is important to realize that rapid urbanization and attempts to control it are not unique urban processes in North America. They occur globally, as technologies and economies expand and cities look for new ways to exist in the changing landscape. Searle and Filion (2011) provide one such comparison between the two very different and unique cities of Sydney and

Toronto. In this study, Searle and Filion explore the planning alternatives to the post-WWII strategy of urban intensification and low-vehicle use in Sydney, Australia and Toronto, Canada through policy analysis, media analysis, and literature reviews in order to assess the success of such strategies (Searle & Filion, 2011).

Despite being cities of comparable size, Sydney and Toronto experienced both low and high density development differently and engaged in revitalization and intensification strategies at different times and due to different causes. Sydney, which favored low and medium density development and saw considerable urban sprawl following WWII, adopted what was known as

‘urban consolidation’ planning following the OPEC crisis in the early 1970s (Searle & Filion,

2011). This ‘urban consolidation’ plan sought to restrict urban sprawl from an economic standpoint, emphasizing the need to utilize the infrastructure (sewer and water) that existed

within city limits rather than extending these services beyond city boundaries (Searle & Filion,

2011). Redevelopment along arterial thorough-ways in the city, as well as around points of significant importance (such as the local airport), were encouraged (Searle & Filion, 2011). This led to a shift from low-density developments requiring automobiles towards that of medium to high density in the inner city.

At the same time that Sydney sought consolidation in the 1970s, Toronto entered into mass urban sprawl and expansion with the devolution of the central city-wide planning agency

Metro Toronto (Searle & Filion, 2011). Whereas Sydney welcomed intensification within the inner city, Toronto’s residents protested such attempts at planning requiring city and planning officials to create an alternative plan and subsequently alternative language to encourage intensification (Searle & Filion, 2011). It was not until the mid-1990s that both the citizens of

Toronto and the provincial government took notice of the problems resulting from poor planning strategies and urban sprawl and implemented appropriate planning policies that reduced limitations that local government faced when planning for sustainability, intensification and ultimately revitalization (Searle & Filion, 2011).

Controlled Growth, Planning for Growth

Such understandings of the important differences between planning methods in Sydney and Toronto lays the ground for understanding the important distinctions among urban policies designed to manage post-WWII urban growth. Canada chose a different route, only to be forced to deal with the implications of its choices at a later date. Indeed, in Canada it is clear that urbanization has been occurring at massive rates since WWII, as populations increase and economies flourish (Meligrana, 2000; Bunting et al, 2010).

While expansionary policies characterized earlier periods of time, in the early 1990s provincial governments were beginning to lay the groundwork for years to follow promoting the

curb of urban sprawl by encouraging intensification and redevelopment within city limits.

Meligrana’s (2000, 312), study of shifting suburban boundaries in British Columbia, for example, found that “high densities may suggest centrifugal growth pressures and the need to acquire more urban land”. Meligrana uses the example of small town Parksville, British Columbia to discuss the challenges to regional development under pressure from of regional urban growth.

He discusses the annexation of surrounding rural lands into the fabric of the urban and

suburban landscape with population expansion. 2

Nicol and Dobbin (2000) also address the issue of the expansion, annexation and

regional urban growth, but on a much larger scale. Examining planning legislature in Ontario since WWII, these researchers identify not only the ongoing role of the edge city in this timeframe, but also the role that government and planning legislature plays in a province that has often been regarded as being the leader in both urban sprawl and urban revitalization. Nicol and Dobbin emphasize that the role of the local is not forgotten as “managing sprawl requires dynamic planning processes which…requires some recognition of the cumulative impact of policies at the local level” (Nicol and Dobbin, 2000, 351). Like Meligrana, they observe that planning in Ontario was, historically, focused primarily on economic growth, providing Band-Aid solutions to long-term problems associated with rapid urbanization. As the population growth exploded after the WWII, pressure fell on cities and local municipalities to provide not only housing opportunities, but community facilities and job opportunities.

Much like the situation in BC (Meligrana, 2000), however, cities in Ontario experienced an era of comprehensive planning in city and suburban development. In documenting the

2 Meligrana’s paper provides a superb insight into the challenges of planning and annexation in a small community, from the historical explanation of Parksville’s lack of planning documents and policies to the need to plan for seven types of ‘edges’ that exist in the community. These include: natural edges, community edges, soft infrastructure edges, hard infrastructure edges, business edges, circulation edges, and resource edges (Meligrana, 2000)

history of planning policy in Ontario in the late 20th century, Nicol and Dobbin examine Toronto,

Ontario, specifically in relation to revitalization and redevelopment in the Greater Toronto Area and the Toronto-Centered Plan that developed during the 1970s (Nicol & Dobbin, 2000). The authors do not gloss the fact that the Toronto-Centered Plan, which was a provincial plan to limit and control the mass wave of suburban growth that occurred since WWII, could be regarded as a failure fraught with shortcomings – not the least of which was a lack of recognition of regional governments. The Toronto-Centered Plan, did, however lay the groundwork for subsequent provincial plans and policies to unfold. The 1994 Planning Act, for example, made significant headway in righting the mistakes of planning legislature over the previous decades3.

Unlike previous acts, which reduced municipal control and restricted planning power, the 1994 Planning Act allowed for increased municipal power and a directed focus on sustainability and urban intensification versus urban sprawl (Nicol & Dobbin, 2000; Fowler &

Siegel, 2002). However, the Provincial Government under the Harris Conservatives - whose focus became more on economic sustainability through cost reductions - revoked the Act as a

“cost-cutting” measure (Nicol & Dobbin, 2000, 369). It was with this pulling away from planning for sustainability that the importance of intensification and revitalization for which regional policy initiatives in Ontario were developed and implemented became evident (Nicol & Dobbin,

2000; Searle & Filion, 2011).

2.3 Regional Policy Initiatives – Smart Growth Planning

The process of planning for change, growth and sustainability in Canada has a checkered

past filled with success and failure. Historically the focus for planning has been on economic

3 This was not the first Planning Act put into place, but an amended version of policies past (Nicol & Dobbin, 2000)

sustainability through cost-cutting measures. While there is an abundance of literature on the

historical evolution of legislature and planning policies, however, there is, in comparison, very

little literature published about more recent policy initiatives in Canada - especially Ontario. In

2005 the Province of Ontario introduced the Places to Grow Act, which, similar to the Toronto-

Centered Plan of the 1970s, sought to promote and encourage sustainable development and intensification practices within cities in order to mitigate urban sprawl (Bunce, 2004). Shortly after the Places to Grow Act was implemented, Ontario’s Smart Growth Plan – with its requirements for metropolitan areas within Ontario to develop strategies and plans that outline not only ways to foster growth within their city, but also how to plan for intensification and

‘Smart Growth - was introduced (Bunce, 2004; Gombu, 2011).

‘Smart Growth’ is a controversial planning theory that encourages not only intensified urban areas, but walkable, mixed-use cities. Jane Jacobs, a world-renowned urban activist, has contributed greatly to our understanding of this growth strategy. Jacobs argued that a city should have walkable mixed use areas that encourage a constant flow of people in order to promote economic and cultural success, as well as safety (Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great

American Cities, 1961).

However, despite the strength of Jacobs’ argument, there is no shortage of critique on

Smart Growth policies. The dearth of academic literature on the effectiveness of Smart Growth planning strategies in comparison, can be seen as a key indicator that despite the potential value stated earlier, these strategies as a whole are not seen as conducive to successful urban planning. A case in point is provided by three studies conducted on Smart Growth policies, examined more specifically in the discussion to follow. One was written shortly before the province made the plan official, and the other two in the years following. All three studies cover different aspects of what we would not call ‘Smart Growth’ planning from different perspectives

and period of time, suggesting that it is not just in one focus area that Smart Growth is ineffective, but rather, it is ineffective more generally.

Bunce (2004) traces the emergence of ‘Smart Growth’ intensification in Toronto prior to

Smart Growth legislation. She examines the impending official plan as it applies to Ontario’s largest metropolitan area – and suggests that Toronto’s official plan was designed to mainly restrict urban sprawl while promoting urban intensification and revitalization through “the reuse of existing urban infrastructure, and intensified residential and commercial streets”

(Bunce, 2004, pg. 177). Bunce points out that urban revitalization (in this case, in Toronto) is imperative to decrease sprawl. It most often results from intensification measures implemented in the inner city (Bunce, 2004). These intensification measures can include: the development of previously unoccupied land; redevelopment of existing residential and commercial developments; and industrial redevelopment, which is also referred to as

Brownfield development (Bunce, 2004). At the time of Bunce’s study, however, the Official Plan for Toronto was not yet fully implemented, limiting her focus to the fundamentals and structures of the plan rather than the actual outcomes (Bunce, 2004). Still, by analyzing the

Official Plan as well as the Central Waterfront Secondary Plan which strategizes the revitalization and redevelopment of the downtown waterfront, Bunce focuses on the language of intensification in both documents.

Overall Bunce finds that both documents emphasize the use of environmental language such as, ‘protection’, ‘green space’ and ‘preservation’. This is done in order to garner public support and approval (Bunce, 2004). The use of environmental language, Bunce argues, is a soft approach intended to detract public attention from the ongoing structures of capitalism that still underlines planning strategies and goals in Canadian cities (Bunce, 2004). By representing

intensification4 in this way, officials and planners are able to garner sufficient support for the plan to go ahead. On the other hand, however, Bunce finds that this policy translates to a

“sprawl versus intensification” debate which backs ‘citizens into a corner’ so that they have a difficult time finding another viable option for development (Bunce, 2004). She acknowledges that the use of environmental language in policy and planning documents is a more delicate approach to gaining public support however, is nothing but a façade for economic revitalization that local governments have in mind, meaning that parts of the Official Plan were designed to encourage a public discourse that promotes and supports the intensification proposed through the environmental terminology.

A second study that explores the negative aspects of Smart Growth strategies, illustrates the appeal of the catchphrase ‘Smart Growth’ through the public reception of the Places to

Grow Act in 2005 (Gombu, 2011). The study focuses on the five main regions in the GTA –

Halton, Peel, York, Durham and Toronto – and their plans to accommodate a 40 per cent population intensification by 2041 (Gombu, 2011). The main finding of this study is the imbalance that is occurring between regions in regards to population increase percentages.

Mississauga, which has the most available space for intensification, is currently taking on the least amount of potential population with only 15 % increase, while Markham and Vaughan, two of the smallest cities, plan to absorb 55 and 68 %, respectively (Gombu, 2011). While

Mississauga has the space to intensify, surrounding cities, such as Brampton, are continuing to feel the pressure to grow and are therefore maintaining traditional horizontal growth strategies

4 Intensification is a mitigating process for dealing with increasing populations within the city. Rather than allowing them to expand ever outwards intensification attempts to limit this growth as well as encouraging the idea that revitalization of inner city areas will allow for a “livable city”.

towards greenbelts.5 Mississauga’s objective in limiting population increase is to restrict the loss

of green space as well as to avoid the development of ‘Not-In-My-Backyard’ groups (NIMBY), from protesting high-rise developments that often accompany intensification (Gombu, 2011;

Fowler & Siegel, 2002). The study, which was conducted in 2010, examined what Bunce could not, the planning initiatives that local regions were developing and implementing in response to the Official Plan and some of its early effects. Despite this shift in focus, however, the authors were still not able to fully analyze the effectiveness of Smart Growth strategies due to its relative newness. Instead, they made special note that this is an area of study for years to come.

2.4 Strategies for Revitalization

As we have seen so far intensification and redevelopment processes have a long and complicated history and this is also true of attempts by the Ontario government to develop a sustainable Smart Growth Plan (Nicol and Halseth, 2000; Bunce, 2004). Ontario’s Smart Growth

Plan and the cities impacted by this plan will have several challenges to face in order to successfully establish a revitalization plan that fits their individual city.

Having seen the limitations of Smart Growth policies we are now able to turn our attention towards more detailed strategies for revitalization. As stated earlier revitalization has been the focus of many disciplines within academia. Two categories of revitalization strategies will be more closely examined here: cultural and economic. These two areas of revitalization strategies, as will be discussed in the later sections, are very important to the overall process of revitalization in Ontario. Ontario’s Smart Growth Plan, as well as the individual region plans required under the Plan, emphasizes both the maintenance and inclusion of cultural planning in the revitalization and growth of cities (Bunce, 2004, Nicol and Dobbin, 2000, Searle and Filion,

5 For more information on greenbelts and their use in urban planning please see Ali, Amal K (2008) “Greenbelts to Contain Urban Growth in Ontario, Canada: Promises and Prospects.” Planning Practice and Research. Vol. 23, No. 4, pp. 533-548

2011). Economic influence and agendas also underlie most strategies, thereby warranting a

discussion on those strategies that are for economic benefit.

Cultural Strategies

Cultural revitalization and cultural planning is often a criticized strategy due to two main reasons: the boundary between cultural planning and arts policy is often blurred and misinterpreted; and there is some contention about the applications of cultural planning in small to medium size cities as opposed to large metropolitan areas. While there is a wide variety of literature on cultural planning, the following literature review seeks to explain the most important cultural strategies used in planning and revitalization as well as the potential viability of cultural strategies in small-medium sized cities, identifying the most commonly used cultural strategies in urban planning as: developing a strong cultural planning policy that incorporates all culture not just art; utilizing art spaces in local communities to establish connections between citizens and the cultural economy; developing and promoting cultural clusters for neighbourhood revitalization purposes; and finally the promotion and development of the ‘Creative City’ (Kovacs, 2011; Grodach, 2011; Stern & Seifert, 2010; Zukin, 1995).

Cultural Planning in Ontario

Defining culture and cultural planning remains one of the bigger challenges in planning, as everyone has a different perspective of what culture is, from arts centered, holistic and inclusive, to a culture of citizenship (Kovacs, 2011). Overall, despite the difficulty in defining culture, most cities develop a cultural planning plan that is not completely arts centered and that encompass other cultural assets such as language preservation, walkable streets, outdoor green spaces, and the development of heritage sites. Indeed, “half of all cultural planning initiatives in the Province’s mid-size cities do not exhibit an arts-focused planning agenda” (338).

This suggests that while larger cities employ an arts-based planning initiative, mid-size cities

have access to more cultural resources that allow them to have an arts-based component to the

plan however, creating a sense of place through other cultural means takes precedent.

Art Spaces

Despite the shift to broad cultural planning assets, the focus of the majority of cultural planning initiatives continues to include arts as a priority (Grodach, 2011). Still, there is a dearth

of research that analyzes the role art spaces have in the revitalization of community and

economic developments in small cities. Grodach’s study provides a detailed analysis of various

types of art spaces in a small-medium sized city, and points out the challenges surrounding the

sustainability of these art spaces. Grodach (2011) finds four main types of art spaces in his study of Texas: art space as a local tourism and consumption destination; art space as community outreach; art spaces as an incubator for autonomy for local artists; and art space as a community center and stage for social interaction (Grodach, 2011).

Through such research findings it is unclear whether it is a successful cultural strategy to be employed in small-medium sized cities. While I would argue that art spaces have the potential to be a valuable strategy to neighbourhood revitalization, it is also a difficult strategy to implement across all small-medium cities. What becomes clearly evident in Grodach’s study is that art spaces as a revitalization strategy require a previously established artist and cultural base that is open to and promotes the expansion of art spaces for the purposes of revitalization.

It is these expansions of art spaces and cultural planning initiatives that help further develop cultural clusters in urban areas.

Cultural Clusters

Stern and Seifert’s (2010) study on cultural clusters in neighbourhood revitalization attempts to bridge the gap between cultural planning policy and the use of art spaces for revitalization (Stern & Seifert, 2010). Cultural clusters are defined as, the concentration of

cultural resources that include: nonprofit organizations, cultural firms, local artists and those

that participate in cultural activities (Stern & Seifert, 2010; Zukin, 1995). Clustering is a common planning strategy not just to cultural revitalization but it also provides what Richard

Florida describes as, efficient connections to those that have similar talent, information and contacts thereby creating pockets of professionals that have everything they need to participate in society (Florida, 2008). By studying the geography of cultural assets in Philadelphia, Stern and

Seifert (2010) find that not only is cultural clustering an important process that contributes to cultural production but cultural clustering correlates positively with revitalization. The presence of cultural assets was found to cause populations to increase while poverty decreased.

What the authors do not discuss is the limitations of that statement, and the possibility of alternative circumstances that would cause poverty to decrease. Stern and Seifert offer up some suggestions for planning officials that focus on the promotion of cultural clustering and the attraction of the creative class however, they fail to direct any attention towards the potential effects on smaller scale cities. Similar to Grodach’s study (2011), the success rate of cultural clustering in small cities would depend heavily on the existing cultural base and the openness to embracing culture. Culture is a strategy that all residents in cities large or small should have access to. As the studies have suggested, despite their focus on larger cities in some cases, culture tends to positively benefits revitalization (Grodach, 2011; Stern & Seifert, 2010;

Florida, 2008).

Creative City

The final cultural strategy that has gained intense media and academic attention over the last few years is Richard Florida’s ‘Creative City’ thesis. This thesis provides an excellent framework in which to apply the effectiveness of both cultural and economic strategies to urban revitalization processes. Florida has published widely on the concept of the ‘creative city’, which

is designed to encourage the expansion of support of talent, technology and tolerance in order to achieve increased creativity and culturally savvy populations within cities (Florida, 2008;

Florida, 2004). Florida’s thesis, which is often seen a one-size fits all solution to cities’ economic and cultural struggles, has been critiqued heavily by multiple researchers. One such study that critiques Florida’s creative city as it applies to smaller cities in Canada is Lewis and Donald’s, “A new rubric for ‘Creative City’ potential in Canada’s small cities” (2010). This study provides a detailed analysis of Florida’s ‘Creative City’ as it applies to small cities in Canada.

There are several factors that affect the success of a creative city, and despite the fact that Florida promotes the potential for creative cities in all cities that want to employ it, he provides no actual framework or guidelines for success for individual cities (Ponzini & Rossi,

2010; Lewis & Donald, 2010). Lewis and Donald find that the creative city thesis promotes a dichotomy between the have/have not, that systematic study of the thesis is difficult because of the difficulty in defining creativity and culture, and that creative capital can be found in a variety of places (Lewis & Donald, 2010). Lewis and Donald define small cities as those containing a population of 50 000-500 000 people. At the time of their study, this included 84 cities in

Canada and ¼ of the population (Lewis & Donald, 2010). They argue that the creative thesis is a limited vision that feeds off of quantification and a discourse on creative competition. Lewis and

Donald suggest that with these characteristics of creative cities in mind, small cities tend to be disadvantaged when it comes to diversity, both in regards to ethnicity, skill bases, and planning techniques. “Creative people are attracted to places with other creative people” suggests that those cities with a larger population have more success at this attraction, whereas smaller cities are once again at a disadvantage (Lewis and Donald, 2010, 33). Lewis and Donald make a compelling argument against the use of Florida’s thesis in small cities and go so far as to suggest that rather than focusing on Florida’s 3Ts – talent, technology and tolerance – cities should

focus on sustainability and livability for revitalization Despite Florida’s thesis being portrayed as

a one-size fits all planning strategy, what Lewis and Donald fail to acknowledge is the

uniqueness of the thesis in that it encompasses both cultural planning strategies, but also

economic strategies.6

Economic Strategies for Development

The economic strategies associated with, and driving urban revitalization and development tend to be more widespread and harder to define than cultural strategies. This difficulty in defining economic strategies is linked to the fact that urban revitalization as a whole is an economic strategy for cities. That aside, researchers have narrowed in on various economic strategies that urban planners and city officials utilize during revitalization processes.

As discussed previously, Florida’s ‘Creative City’ thesis can be considered to be both a cultural and economic strategy, but for our purposes, Florida’s thesis is better understood through a cultural lens. Three other common economic strategies associated with urban development and intensification are: housing development, development of downtown malls, and the promotion of entrepreneurship of cities. Interest in analyzing and researching these economic strategies that are linked with urban revitalization has grown over the years, as various levels of government and policy planners develop and impose new guidelines, restrictions, and ideas on how cities can grow and become economically sustainable. This increased research and analysis is also valuable for stakeholders who have a vested interest in the community, especially in regards to housing.

While housing is often times seen as social instrument, when it comes to revitalization and growth strategies, housing has become an economic strategy to accommodate the

6 For more information on creative cities and culture in cities see Florida, Richard (2004) “The Flight of the Creative Class”; Florida, Richard (2008) “Who’s your city?”; and Zukin, Sharon (1995) “The Cultures of Cities”

increasing populations expected over the next few decades. While new urbanism and Smart

Growth designs are often depicted as working in large cities, there is a lack of any real research on the use of these types of developments in small-mid size cities. Based upon the conflict that occurs in large cities in regards to gentrification and displacement, one could argue that those same methods would not be suited to a small city which tends to face problems surrounding poverty and homelessness just the same as large cities (Grant 2009; Grant and Bohdanow 2008)

Studies done by Grant (2009), and Grant and Bohdanow (2008), address housing developments in Canada as an economic strategy paying particular attention to these ideas of new urbanism and Smart Growth. Both studies emphasize the importance of limiting urban sprawl through the creation of mixed use developments in the inner city.

Grant and Bohdanow (2008) suggest that successful intensification within urban limits relies on mixed-use development that promotes walkable cities. In revitalizing existing urban neighbourhoods urban planners and developers seek to attract those populations that contribute the most to the city, which most often means attracting higher income populations

(Grant & Bohdanow, 2008). A good example of revitalization is Regent Park in Toronto, Ontario.

Regent Park is large social housing development that has undergone several revitalization attempts over the last few decades. Most recently the housing project is being redeveloped to accommodate mixed-use development and a variety of incomes (Grant, 2009; Grant and

Bohdanow 2008). It has been estimated that through this revitalization, gentrification, the process by which lower income residents are pushed out by higher income revitalization, is occurring resulting in the loss of over 20 per cent of public housing units (Grant and Bohdanow

2008). Both of these studies place the focus on multiple Canadian cities, but draw conclusions that suggest that while housing is often a personal and social decision, for revitalization purposes, intensification and gentrification within the inner city is often the end result in order

to meet economic and population targets (Grant 2009; Grant and Bohdanow 2008). Housing redevelopments are a component of urban revitalization that affects cities of all sizes.

The second economic strategy that city planners try to employ is the use of downtown shopping centres and malls as a revitalization tool. Intensifying the downtown core of a city, as well as creating a vibrant and walkable downtown that promotes shopping and social interactions, are key priorities for planners (Fillion and Hammond, 2006). However, although downtown renewal strategies were a popular revitalization strategy in Canada during the decline of manufacturing and welfare state between the 1950s and 1980s, they often ended in failure (Fillion and Hammond, 2006). The majority of malls studied all began their decline at the tenth anniversaries “when leasing contracts with chains came to an end”, and Eaton’s, which was an anchor store for many malls, went bankrupt (Fillion and Hammond, 2006, 51).

A final common economic strategy examined in the literature is the development of

Business Improvement Areas in cities. Such strategies are designed to further the economic redevelopment that accompanies revitalization. Rankin and Delaney (2010), discuss the role and practices of BIAs in small cities. They support the use of BIAs in revitalization.7 They argue

that BIAs draw on the creative city model by developing initiatives designed to commodify

culture and revitalize downtown areas to reflect these agendas. Rankin and Delaney make their

case by examining two small neighbourhoods in Toronto that have been subject to revitalization

pushes and suggest that in at least one of these -the West Queen West neighbourhood – has been “positively impacted by … revitalization … (and) will be solidified as an important creative hub within the City” (Rankin and Delaney, 2011, 1366). They suggest that those BIAs that have an active board membership consisting of commercial owners tends to have more connections

7 For more information on Business Improvement Areas please see Ponzini, Davide and Rossi Ugo (2010) “Becoming a Creative City: The Entrepreneurial Mayor, Network Politics and the Promise of an Urban Renaissance.” Urban Studies Vol. 47, pg. 1037-1057

to upper levels of government, who maintain power and authority over streets, thereby

resulting in higher levels of neighbourhood revitalization and beautification (Rankin & Delaney,

2011). Based upon observations it is suggested that it is possible for small cities to employ this strategy should the appropriate BIA and board of members exist.

While it may be possible for BIAs to be used in small-mid size cities, what is uncertain is the role that government agencies would play in directing fields of focus and priority revitalization projects. Rankin and Delaney (2011) suggested that BIAs were oftentimes not the main organizations pulling the strings on revitalization and beautification in downtown areas, so while those in large cities may be successful due to their political connections, those in smaller cities tend to lack those connections.

2.5 Where does this leave us?

Despite the longstanding importance of urban revitalization in cultural, economic, geographic and political agendas, it has not been until the last decade and a half that discussion has picked up. At the dawn of the 19th century only three per cent of the global population resided in urban areas, by 2050 that number is estimated to be upwards of 70 per cent (Ontario

Growth Secretariat, 2007). In Canada, cities are already seeing urbanization rates of 80 percent and those are expected to continue towards 100 per cent by 2020 and beyond (Ontario Growth

Secretariat, 2007). It is no doubt that with the increase in population the issue of urban revitalization and intensification is becoming a hot topic for local and provincial governments, local agencies and advocacy groups, academic researchers and everyday citizens.

In the first section the groundwork for this discussion on revitalization and intensification has been laid. By looking at the history of planning legislature primarily in

Canada, but also in Australia, we were able to see the differences that can occur between regions. Searle and Filion’s (2011) paper comparing policy initiatives in Sydney, Australia and

Toronto, Canada showcased the differences that occur between global regions in regards to

when planning occurs and to what degree, but also showed the similarities in the actual policy

process and challenges encountered. Meligrana’s (2000) paper on small town Parksville, British

Columbia emphasized the challenges of annexation and urban sprawl when big cities expand

and push into surrounding communities. In comparison to that Nicol and Dobbin’s (2000) paper

on the history of planning legislature in Ontario since WWII focused on how planning policies

impact larger cities and the in-depth process that restricts success.

The second section allowed us to narrow down to more regional policy initiatives, more specifically Ontario’s Smart Growth Plan (2006). It became evident through the lack of literature reflecting on the wholly positive outcomes of Smart Growth planning, that this form of planning was not without conflict. Two of the studies, the first by Susannah Bunce in 2004 and the second by academia working in conjunction with The Star, utilized Toronto as their case study, addressing the issue of environmental language in the Official Plan as a way to gloss over the underlying capitalist agenda (Bunce, 2004), and the disparity between intensification targets based on land size and availability that is occurring in the Toronto region due to flexible government options that still leave some regions following a traditional development strategy

(Gombu, 2011).

The third and final section focused on literature that studied cultural and economic strategies for revitalization and their applicability to small-medium sized cities. While the literature was varied between Canadian and American examples, there are some examples of strategies that would be beneficial for small-medium sized cities, but at the same time it also becomes clear that none of these strategies should be used as a one-size fits all model (Fillion and Hammond, 2006; Florida, 2004, Rankin and Delaney, 2011). Strategies revolving around the use of art space as a site of revitalization is a possible strategy that can be applied to cities of all

sizes and demographic backgrounds, however in order to be successful it is necessary that there

be an existing base of arts or cultural assets. Economic strategies are also all viable options for

revitalization in small-medium sized cities, however the reliance on government and the

appropriate existing population base control the success of such a strategy.

Through this literature it has become clear that there is limited research that has been

published on revitalization and intensification processes in Canada, and even less on cities that are less than 500,000 people. This indicates that there is a gap in research that needs to be filled. It is through this gap that this thesis research takes place. Using Peterborough Ontario, it is the intention of this thesis to look at the processes of revitalization and intensification in relation to Smart Growth policies set forth by the Provincial government in 2005 and 2006.

Peterborough lends itself to being a case study of revitalization and intensification processes due to its location relative to Toronto, but also because the City of Peterborough has a population of less than 100,000. Peterborough is included under the Greater Golden Horseshoe which is slated to grow by 3.7 million people by 2031. While this area includes major cities close to Toronto (e.g. Mississauga, Peel, etc.) the extension of major highways towards Peterborough, as well as projected high levels of targeted intensification by 2013 suggest that Peterborough will become a commuter community for Toronto. The recent implementation of the Greater

Golden Horseshoe development plan, as well as Peterborough’s own development plan suggest that now is an ideal time to research the planning strategies that Peterborough can and intends on utilizing for revitalization and whether Peterborough can act as a framework for development for other small cities in Canada.

2.6 Methods

This thesis has utilized a variety of methodologies in order to answer the questions about urban revitalization strategies and their effectiveness in a mid-sized city. Its primary

purpose is to conduct a case study, using Peterborough, Ontario as a prime example of a mid-

sized city having to adapt revitalization and growth strategies initially designed for large cities.

The research utilized qualitative methods in order to identify themes and keywords that help

build further policy and drive policy makers, and more empirical, quantitative methods to

sharpen the measure of growth and intensification.

Specific research methodologies included a series of interviews with policy makers and stakeholders in order to identify what strategies are being used, the problems that exist with planning for growth, as well as to provide an overall assessment of the success of growth strategies and planning. These are discussed in Chapter 5. It also included a textual analysis of policy documents which were scrutinized for content. The policy documents analyzed include both provincial and municipal documents that serve to identify both the strategies already in place for growth and development, as well as what areas are lacking the planning frameworks required to satisfy the growth required under the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe.

Finally, a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) approach was used to provide a quantitative analysis, highlighting both the uses of GIS in planning, as well as provide areas of growth and expansion already occurring within the study area of Peterborough, Ontario.

Review of Primary and Secondary Sources

A literature review was also conducted using a variety of sources including: 20 research articles and journals, ten books, and two newspaper articles taken from the Huffington Post and the Star. All documents were produced between the years 2004-2015 in order to effectively reflect planning strategies in the years leading up to the Places to Grow Act and the years following its implementation. These primary sources were supplemented by literature that covered a variety of topics, including planning principles and strategies, the use of GIS in

planning, and how to best plan in a mid-sized city. These articles reflect the diverse planning

landscape both in broad (global and nationwide) and specific (provincial and mid-sized city) contexts.

Policy Documents

Policy document analysis was a critical component of this thesis as it helped lay the framework that local planners and other stakeholders must work within. We begin with an overview of Provincial documents, which include the Places the Grow Act and Ontario Smart

Growth Plan. These documents provide a greater understanding of the role the Province has in local planning, and how some of the principles and guidelines can, or cannot, be achieved based on how they are developed. The local planning documents, which included the Peterborough

Official Plan, provide a detailed sense of how the city of Peterborough has interpreted the goals laid out in the Growth Plan of the Greater Golden Horseshoe, as well as what strategies the city is choosing to adopt in order to meet the goals. Table 1 provides an overview of both the provincial and municipal documents looked at in this section. The documents listed in Table 1 can be divided into two types of documents: legislative framework that sets the tone and guidelines for planning in Ontario; and local planning guidelines and initiatives that reflect on municipal needs. Of the 13 documents highlighted in Table 1, four of them set the framework for planning in Ontario, while the remaining nine are primarily for planning needs in

Peterborough.

Table 1: Overview of Provincial and Municipal Policy Documents

Type of Year of Primary Focus (i.e. what is it?) document document Ontario Planning 2004 -framework for land-use within Ontario Planning Act Legislation Places to Grow -builds on Planning Act, providing specific Planning Act 2005 regulations and guidelines targeting growth and Legislation development within Ontario Provincial -builds on Planning Act Policy Planning -2014 Provincial Policy Statement specifically 2014 Statements document targeted directives towards promoting and (PPS) developing healthy communities Growth Plan -capstone and campaign legislation to promote for the Greater growth in the Greater Golden Horseshoe Planning Golden 2006 -an effort to minimize sprawl, and promote Legislation Horseshoe intensification by laying out density targets for (GGH) major cities Peterborough Planning -to provide the backbone for planning in all of 1947-2009 Official Plan Document Peterborough Central Area -provide an update to the 1991 Downtown Master Master Plan Plan Planning 2009 -implement changes in response to Places to Grow Document Act, Growth Plan for the GGH, and studies performed Planning Conformity -Conformity exercise introducing Growth Plan and Peterborough 2009 Exercise how it will affect Peterborough to 2031 Little Lake -secondary plan for Little Lake Area which includes Planning Master Plan 1986-2010 the lands surrounding Little Lake (downtown, Document Hunter St, South George St and Lansdowne Bridge) Plan It Supplementary Peterborough Planning 2013 - official plan review process, Phase one Official Plan Document Review Municipal Planning 2012 -development of first cultural plan Cultural Plan Document Planning Committee Council Reports 2009-2011 -reports submitted for approval from council Reports Letters to/from Consultation -recommendations from agencies/committees in 2009-2010 Community Letters regards to Official Plan Amendment (2009) Organizations Downtown -study to determine the function and health of Economic Report/Study 2008 Peterborough’s Downtown Analysis

Interviews

The empirical portion of this thesis consists of a series of semi-structured interviews carried out between 2013-2014. Interviews targeted various stakeholders in Peterborough's planning and development sectors. Overall, six stakeholders were interviewed, five employed locally in the City of Peterborough in various capacities, and one employed with the Province of

Ontario in the role of Ontario Growth Secretariat. Of the five local stakeholders interviewed, two were employed in the Planning Department, one employed at the Peterborough Social

Planning Council, and two were local ward councilors for the downtown and surrounding area.

Respondents were chosen based on their role within the planning community in Peterborough, as well as their knowledge of the Planning Act and Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe.

Interviews were conducted using a semi-structured methodology whereby participants were able to elaborate or expand on specific issues and themes. This method allowed for the option for interview participants to participate via email or in person. Three of the six interviewees chose to participate in the interview process via email, due to their location or availability. For the interviews completed via email, the interview process took on a more formal approach, with little opportunity for discussion and deviations from the provided questions. Follow up questions were not sought. The three interviews conducted in person followed the same interview guides designed for the email interviews. Because however, the interviews were conducted in person, there were plenty of opportunities for discussion and elaboration regarding the specific questions and themes. The ability to deviate from the interview guide, allowed for more in-depth conversations regarding issues this author had not initially perceived as being key in the decision making process, as well as the opportunity for personal examples from interviewees who not only work for the City, but live in the City as well.

Interviewees who chose to participate in person, were given a copy of the interview guide ahead

of the meeting time, so that they could prepare their answers, and have an opportunity to

respond with any questions they had themselves. The three interviews conducted in person

ranged in time from 45 minutes to 90 minutes, and were conducted at a location convenient for

each participant in order to promote conversation.

The interview guide was designed using a “funnel” approach (Hay, 2010). The initial questions, were vague in nature, and were designed to identify the interviewee, their role in the community, and their understanding of the policies for which the remainder of the interview

was based (i.e. Places to Grow (2005), and Growth Plan for the GGH (2006)). After identifying the interviewee and their working knowledge of the policies framing the interview, questions then turned to identify how the interviewee or their organization interacts with the policies, whether one strategy is favoured over another, what planning challenges exist, and what opportunities the community has to be involved in the decision-making process. For those interviewees conducted in-person, a series of follow-up questions were developed in order to gather more detail into how the city is planning for growth, how they are using the Designated

Greenfield area, how challenges are being met, and to identify and assess the planning strategies in place. Table 2 below provides some examples of the types of questions asked during the interview process8.

Interview results were coded using a grounded theory approach (Hay, 2010). The

grounded theory approach, which utilizes a data-led, systematic process in order to identify and refine themes, was selected as the methodological best approach in order to accurately represent not only the questions asked during the interview process, but to analyze the connection between interview discussions and available literature. The four core themes used

8 Please see Appendix A for the complete interview guides used

to code the interview discussions were: definitions for growth and development; strategies for

development; challenges facing development and growth in Peterborough; and finally the role

of planning in mid-sized cities. Within the core themes discussed, several secondary themes

became evident through discussion.

Table 2: Examples of interview questions

Question Type of question (who it was asked to) Can you briefly describe what your role is within Intro question the City of Peterborough? How has the city defined Smart Growth? Intro question What strategies for development has the city Asked primarily to policy-makers and city implemented in the past, prior to the Places to councilors Grow Act (2005)? What strategies for development has the city Asked primarily to policy-makers and city implemented since the Places to Grow Act (2005)? councilors Geographically, does Peterborough present any Asked to all participants challenges for development and increased growth? How is the City of Peterborough promoting Follow-up (in-person only) intensification targets?

Geographic Information Systems (GIS) Tools

The final methodology employed in this research was based upon a Geographic

Information Systems (GIS) approach. Geographic Information Systems, commonly referred to as

GIS, is a series of tools, resources and skills used to visualize data in a geographic context. GIS includes a complex and intricate collection of tools including: remote sensing (the analysis of aerial and satellite imagery for phenomena), geovisualization (ways to visualize spatial, statistical and other various data), and spatial analysis (the study and analysis of spatial phenomena, such as water, land forms, etc.). GIS has become a popular tool in city planning with countries all around the world using it for planning, environmental mitigation, and analyzing growth trends.

ESRI, a leader in GIS development has developed a specific set of tools marketed as a

"geospatial approach to create safe, vibrant places where people can live, work, learn, and play”

(ESRI, 2016). Their three-dimensional software capabilities allow planners to create redevelopment scenarios that give them a complete view, not just a top-down or side view. It is tools like these that have planners and developers all around the world leading the way in land- use analysis, growth, and sprawl monitoring. Canada, has only recently begun to fully utilize the capabilities that GIS offers in planning for growth. As part of the Places to Grow Act (2005), the

Ministry of Ontario has made available various GIS boundary layers in which cities can effectively identify the areas of growth, target and redirect other areas for similar growth, and plan for new areas of development as required.

GIS has become a popular tool for planners and researchers as it provides a multitude of ways to monitor, chart, and plan for growth. It has been used in planning at a global scale to set the context for the use of remote sensing techniques. GIS has been used to identify areas of growth over a period of time in Peterborough, ON in the Designated Greenfield Area, and to determine how that growth in area effects Growth Plan projections for development in the

DGA. One study explored in this research, utilized remote sensing, land use classification, and change detection protocols in order to determine categories of land present in Peterborough, the amount of change, and ultimately, to identify the areas of growth between the years of

2002 and 2013 (before Places to Grow (2005) and in the years following) (Brillinger, 2015). This study, which used Landsat 7 and 8 satellite imagery, was done so using PCI Geomatica software, and a variety of algorithms, specifically designed for land use classification, and change detection studies (Brillinger, 2015).

Chapter 3 – Provincial Document Analysis

Ontario Provincial Planning documents provide the backbone and foundation for all planning developments in the Province. They include the all-encompassing planning framework which controls all aspects of planning in Ontario such as the Planning Act (2004), the more specific planning frameworks and agendas documented in the Places to Grow Act (2005) as well as the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) and Provincial Policy Statements.

The latter act as a secondary branch of the Planning Act in order to help ensure conformity and collaboration amongst various planning documents. All of these documents work together in order to create a substantial Provincial plan. The Province, through this plan, seeks to establish an effective infrastructure network to facilitate movement of people and goods while connecting all areas of Ontario; an environmental policy to help further the protection, integration and preservation of natural and agricultural space in the Province; as well as an appropriate growth plan for regions in the Province to account for current growth as well as all future potential growth (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013; Ministry of Municipal Affairs and

Housing, 2014). The foundation laid by these documents assists municipalities across the

Province to develop individual plans for infrastructure, environmental assets and growth, among others that conform to the Provincial vision.

While there are several key Provincial planning documents that guide growth and development in Ontario, this chapter focuses upon the critical documents that shape the

Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) and the case study area - Peterborough

Ontario. Key documents to be discussed include the Ontario Planning Act (2004), the Places to

Grow Act (2005), the Provincial Policy Statement and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe (2006). In addition to the above documents, there are supplementary documents analyzed released by both the Ministry of Infrastructure as well as various research and

consulting firms. These documents examine the history of planning in the Greater Golden

Horseshoe area as well as the impact of this history upon current planning principles. They

include technical reports on the updated growth forecasts as well as performance indicators. It

also includes documentation as to the implementation status of the Growth Plan for the Greater

Golden Horseshoe and whether assessments of certain visions and directives have been compromised due to constraints, lack of conformity or unrealistic objectives set forth by the

Government of Ontario (Hemson Consulting Ltd., 2013; White, 2007; Ontario Growth

Secretariat, 2014). We begin our analysis with the Planning Act of 2004, a foundational document for the purposes of our analysis.

3.1 Planning Act

Planning has a long history in Ontario providing the framework for land use within the province. Prior to the Planning Act of 2004, the Planning Act of 1990 was the primary planning framework for Ontario. This historic planning document, while provided good directions for growth and development, lacked initiatives that protected the environment and urban sprawl prevention. However, like its predecessor, the Planning Act (2004) has also been subject to increasing scrutiny regarding its policies related to growth and development - both economic and physical - as well as to policies that affect the protection and preservation of natural resources. It is because of this scrutiny that the Planning Act (2004) has been amended on several occasions (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2010). In particular, two recent amendments have had a dramatic influence on planning in Ontario. In 2004 the Planning Act was amended by Bill 26 which saw the introduction of a ‘Building Strong Communities’ agenda

(Information Report: Ontario's New Planning Act 2006, 2007). The first major amendment made since 1990, it allowed for the development and implementation of additional provincial initiatives to further the ‘Building Strong Communities’ vision (Province of Ontario, 2011). The

2004 ‘strong communities’ agenda laid the groundwork for Bill 51, the Planning and

Conservation Statute Law Amendment Act (2006), which came into effect on January 1st, 2007

(Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2010). This new amendment introduced a level of transparency and accountability in planning procedures, while introducing new tools that would help planners curb sprawl, and control development (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing,

2014). While the format and layout of the Planning Act remained the same through both amendments, the planning vision, as well as the language surrounding the policies contained within the Act shifted. The intent was to make the document more accessible for municipalities, researchers, and the general public.

The Ontario Planning Act (2004) sets the foundation for all land use planning in Ontario from infrastructure to city design to environmental protection. Unlike some planning documents which provide suggestions and general plans for development, preservation and protection, the Planning Act (2004) is a legislative law that requires municipalities and other planning bodies within the Province to comply with the guidelines and rules it specifies

(Province of Ontario, 2011; Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2010).

Following the updates in 2004 and 2007, for example, the Planning Act (2004) elaborated on previous versions by providing a more detailed and updated vision for provincial municipalities, especially in regards to economic development and protection of natural resources (Province of Ontario, 2011). It also provided municipalities with more autonomy

(Province of Ontario, 2011; Information Report: Ontario's New Planning Act 2006, 2007).

Municipal autonomy and power was a critical component of the 2004 Planning Act amendments as it recognized that “good planning leads to orderly growth and the efficient provision of services” (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2010, p.2) (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2010, p. 2) and that in order to promote good planning municipal planning

authorities, whether that be planners, developers or council officials, need to have more

support, power and tools to be able to plan their area appropriately (Information Report:

Ontario's New Planning Act 2006, 2007). Increased power, support and tools for municipalities

was established through the requirement for official plan amendments to accommodate

increased growth, a planning process that is more conducive for local planning, as well the

introduction of new by-laws and other planning regulations to help municipalities maintain

more planning control geared specifically towards the local needs (Information Report:

Ontario's New Planning Act 2006, 2007). It was also seen that the role of the Ontario Municipal

Board to help resolve appeals and other conflicts in an efficient and appropriate manner was stronger (Information Report: Ontario's New Planning Act 2006, 2007).

Overall; there is both consistency and change in the years between 2004 and 2007 in

Provincial planning strategies. For example, the fact that the Planning Act (2004) maintained its’ role as the key legislative document, meanwhile providing a significant shift from the 1990

Planning Act in regards to the language used, suggests such consistency and change. The 2004

Planning Act, in conjunction with the 2007 amendments, was designed to be a more inclusive

Act than previous iterations (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2010). For example, the

Province now sought to develop ‘complete communities’. This theme of ‘complete communities’ is common to both provincial and municipal planning documents of the time, and is reflected through the language utilized both in the Act, as well as in supplementary information sources such as the Citizen’s Guide to the Planning Act produced by the Ministry of

Municipal Affairs and Housing. Words and phrases such as: ‘managing our land’, ‘provide’,

‘encourage’, ‘promote’, ‘integrate’ and ‘recognize’, are all used within the Act and its’ supplementary documents in order to create a more inclusive and accessible discourse that promotes community involvement and ownership throughout the planning process (Province of

Ontario, 2011; Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2010). Citizens of municipalities are

encouraged to participate in the planning process by attending open houses and information

sessions regarding Official Plan amendments and other planning initiatives in their communities,

submit written suggestions and issues of concern to the appropriate party as well as being

generally aware of what is transpiring in the planning of their community, which is where the

accessible language and planning framework plays a critical role in the planning foundation

(Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2010).

While there are always improvements to be made to planning documents, and the

Planning Act is no exception, the amended Planning Act (2007) provides considerably more detail than its’ predecessor in regards to conformity with Provincial Plans or Policies. It makes new requirements for Official Plan updates, seeks more involvement of the public body, and heightens municipalities’ power in regards to density planning, environmental preservation and protection, as well as economic development and future growth.

3.2 Places to Grow Act

The Places to Grow Act (2005), which followed from major revisions made to the 1990

Planning Act in 2004, built on the framework set by the Planning Act (2004), providing specific regulations and guidelines regarding growth and development in Ontario. Whereas the

Planning Act (2004) is concerned with all aspects of planning and helps to create the legal backing for the Ontario Municipal Board as well as municipal power and autonomy, the 2005

Places to Grow Act seeks to develop a plan that accommodates economic and population growth in an effective manner that helps to promote the Provincial vision for “building complete and strong communities” (Province of Ontario, 2012, p. 1; Ministry of Municipal Affairs and

Housing, 2010). In order to help promote this vision, the Places to Grow Act (2005) emphasizes four things: the promotion of planning decisions that will efficiently plan for a stable economy

while maintaining a healthy community both environmentally and culturally; a balanced

approach that utilizes existing community infrastructure effectively both to minimize costs as

well as the environmental impact of growth; planning for growth that recognizes the geography

of not only the primary region, but the surrounding regions and natural features; and finally the

coordination and compliance amongst planning documents that emphasize and promote the

long-term vision of the Province (Province of Ontario, 2012).

The Places to Grow Act (2005) is the first Act of its kind to strongly emphasize not just the establishment of Official Plans, as is the requirement made by the Planning Act (2004), but for the development and implementation of Growth Plans in designated areas affected by the

Act (Province of Ontario, 2005). The Places to Grow Act strongly emphasizes growth and development in two main areas, the Greater Golden Horseshoe and Northern Ontario (Province of Ontario, 2012). The Act specifies that both of these areas are required to develop detailed growth plans to promote and accommodate future growth. Ontario Regulation 416/05, an extension of the Places to Grow Act (2005), identifies out the geographic areas that make up the

Greater Golden Horseshoe as well as the Northern Ontario region. The Greater Golden

Horseshoe (Figure 1) is comprised of sixteen designated growth areas including: Durham,

Hamilton, Kawartha Lakes, Niagara, Peterborough, Simcoe, Toronto and York (Province of

Ontario, 2012). The Northern Ontario area (Figure 2) consists of ten growth areas including:

Algoma, Kenora, Parry Sound, Sudbury, and Thunder Bay (Province of Ontario, 2012). Despite requiring these two growth areas to develop growth plans, the plan is aspirational, and provides only suggestions (Province of Ontario, 2005). Indeed, not all growth plans are required to contain the same components (Province of Ontario, 2005). Some of the components suggested by the Act include: population projections, identification and assessment of priority growth areas, strategies for growth, and policies and goals for growth areas in regards to infrastructure,

41 intensification, energy conservation and land supply issues (Province of Ontario, 2005). The flexibility on these regions to develop their growth plan and what components to include is reflective of the Planning Act’s 2004 initiative to create a more open, accessible and inclusive planning environment in which municipalities can work in tandem with upper-tier planning authorities to develop governing plans that will be better suited to the individual needs of the region (Province of Ontario, 2011).

Figure 1: Greater Golden Horseshoe Tiers Source: Neptis Foundation, 2011

Figure 2: Northern Ontario Growth Plan Area (Schedule 1) Source: Government of Ontario – Growth Plan for Northern Ontario (2011)

Unlike the Planning Act (2004), which provides very specific legislature regarding every

aspect of land-use planning in Ontario, the Places to Grow Act (2005) is a shorter, condensed directive that sets the foundation for the development of growth plans in two designated growth areas. It lays out the rules, regulations and operating procedures for policy making, plan designations and definitions, as well as the operating procedure as it relates to conflict between official plans, by-laws and other planning documents. A designated growth plan under the

Places to Grow Act (2005) is deemed to take precedence over official plans, by-laws and in some cases the Provincial Policy Statement when an environmental concern is present.

3.3 Provincial Policy Statement

Provincial Policy Statements are issued in accordance with the Planning Act (2004) by the Government of Ontario. Provincial Policy Statements are designed to help further the policies laid out in the Planning Act (2004) by specifically emphasizing policies regarding land- use planning. Much like the Planning Act (2004), the Provincial Policy Statement is a foundational document for Provincial planning purposes. Provincial Policy Statements are typically issued when there has been either a partisan change in government (i.e. a shift from

Liberal to Conservative) or when there is a new planning initiative being implemented (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2014). The most recent Provincial Policy Statement, for example, came into effect April 30th, 2014 and replaced the previous statement which was issued in 2005 (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2014).

The 2014 Provincial Policy Statement works in tandem with all other planning documents in Ontario, both provincial and municipal. It is designed to help municipalities shape their Official Plans in order to conform to the Provincial vision and interests, related to employment, recreation, infrastructure and energy use, among others (Ministry of Municipal

Affairs and Housing, 2014). The 2014 Provincial Policy Statement built upon the previous 2005 version in order to provide a more complete planning framework to better accommodate and develop the complete, healthy communities’ strategy as laid out by the 2004 Planning and 2005

Places to Grow Acts (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2014). The 2014 Provincial

Policy Statement was developed after two public consultations held in 2010 and 2012 (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2014). During these consultations, there was the opportunity for regional workshops, meetings with local interest groups and organizations (e.g. Aboriginal communities), as well as written submissions (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2014).

The suggestions taken from these meetings resulted in the identification of five key areas to change and expand on from the 2005 PPS.

Key changes issued in the current 2014 Provincial Policy Statement include: bolstering the economy and employment, promoting healthy active communities, responding to rural and northern communities, protecting the environment and managing resources, and promoting coordination and integration (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2014). These key changes embrace the vision laid out in both the Planning Act (2004) and Places to Grow Act

(2005), in which sustainability, economic and population growth, and environmental protection are emphasized as key components to fostering responsible development and ensuring for healthy and complete communities in all regions of Ontario (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and

Housing, 2014). The 2014 Provincial Policy Statement is slightly longer in length in comparison to the 2005 version, allowing it to provide more detail and emphasis on certain policy areas.

Unlike the 2005 Provincial Policy Statement, which provided vague and overreaching statements regarding land use planning and policy directions that could be interpreted many different ways, the 2014 Provincial Policy Statement takes a more detailed approach to policy direction, providing recommendations and requirements on the identification of natural and heritage resources, analysis of potential impacts of hazardous areas, as well as the incorporation of

Aboriginal needs and interests in land use planning policies (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and

Housing, 2014). The language of the 2014 Provincial Policy Statement is reflective of the

Planning Act (2004) and the Places to Grow Act (2005). Through the use of open and inclusive language (e.g. ‘encourage’, ‘support’, ‘promote’, ‘recognize’ and ‘enhance’), it is clear that the

Provincial Policy Statement is an extension of Provincial legislation and that through such wording, the Province of Ontario is creating a discourse which seeks to highlight the successes

rather than failures of urban growth in the Province (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing,

2014).

3.4 Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe

The Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) is the capstone and

comparison legislation for the Planning Act (2004), Places to Grow Act (2005) and the 2014

Provincial Policy Statement. The Growth Plan set the deadline for urban growth and

intensification to occur by 2031. However, in 2012, this deadline was extended to 2041, in order

to account for adjustments made in the first 6 years of the plan being implemented. As

previously noted, the Places to Grow Act (2005) requires the two major growth areas in Ontario

to develop growth plans to guide further development and growth (Province of Ontario, 2005).

The Greater Golden Horseshoe, is approximately 33,500 km² and spans southwest to Brantford,

west to Kitchener-Waterloo, north to Barrie and northeast to Peterborough (Ministry of Public

Infrastructure Renewal, 2006). Based on the 2011 census, the Greater Golden Horseshoe is home to approximately 68% of the Province of Ontario’s population making it not only one of the fastest growing regions in Ontario but an ideal place for future growth and development

(Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). It is this potential for increased growth that spurred the demand for a growth plan to outline how development should happen in the Greater Golden

Horseshoe (GGH) in order to provide for sustainability, economic growth and environmental protection.

The Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe was implemented June 16th, 2006 by the Ministry of Infrastructure, and is designed to extend the framework laid out in the Planning

Act (2004) and Places to Grow Act (2005) regarding strong, healthy and complete communities in Ontario. Unlike the Planning Act (2004) and Places to Grow Act (2005), the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) is only applicable to the GGH and not all of Ontario. Also,

unlike this legislation, the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) is designed to take place over a period of 35 years through to 2041 in order to accommodate an increase of

5.7 million residents and 2.5 million jobs (Hemson Consulting Ltd., 2013; Ministry of

Infrastructure, 2013). During this timeframe, municipalities and growth centers, are expected to conform both with the guidelines laid out in the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe

(2006) as well as those of the Planning Act (2004), Places to Grow Act (2005) and Provincial

Policy Statement in order to appropriately plan for communities that will offer a diverse community home to a sustainable environment and economy, expanded community services, and a vibrant downtown hub of art, cultural and recreational opportunities (Ministry of

Infrastructure, 2013).

Future development and growth in the GGH is dependent on a strong and diverse economy as well as improved and sustainable infrastructure. The Growth Plan (2006) recognizes that while the economy of the GGH has certain strengths, for example over half of

Ontario’s trade Gross Domestic Product (GDP) comes from the GGH, there are several challenges that pose a threat to a sustainable economy, including traffic congestion, public transit challenges, and infrastructure is being focused on low-density areas whilst allowing for urban infrastructure to be neglected (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). Reinforcing the provincial vision for a strong, healthy and complete community, the Growth Plan (2006) provides a series of policy directions to guide growth and development in the region. Policy directions for the GGH include, but are not limited to: community densities that support transit use, the preservation of employment lands, population and employment growth being directed towards built-up areas, and the linking of urban growth centers through efficient transportation networks (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013).

Urban growth centers are a key feature in the Growth Plan for the GGH. Urban growth

centers (UGCs), which can be regions, cities or counties, are the primary areas affected by

growth in the GGH and thereby the main areas affected by the Growth Plan (Ministry of

Infrastructure, 2013). UGCs are divided into two areas located in either the inner or the outer ring (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Inner and Outer Ring Municipalities in the GGH Source: Neptis Foundation - http://www.neptis.org/publications/introduction/chapters/context-greater-golden-horseshoe

The inner ring, which is comprised of six urban growth centers in the Greater Toronto

Area (GTA), Durham, York, Toronto, Peel, Halton and Hamilton, contains the highest population

and employment rates and is projected to have the highest future development by 2041 (e.g.

the City of Toronto is projected to grow to have a population of 3.4 million and 1.72 million jobs)

(Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013; Ministry of Public Infrastructure Renewal, 2006). The outer

ring is home to fifteen municipalities surrounding the GTA and while it is not projected to absorb

a significant portion of the future population, 3.35 million by 2041 in comparison to the GTA’s

10.13 million, it is still an important area for growth (Ministry of Public Infrastructure Renewal,

2006). The outer ring provides an opportunity for urban renewal and growth in communities

that have the ability to provide a suburban lifestyle while still maintaining the vibrant features of

an urban landscape.

Urban growth centers have policy directions from the Growth Plan (2006) that cover five

major areas. The first policy direction, which can be interpreted as the most important

direction, is where and how to grow (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). This policy direction lays

the framework for development in each UGC and through its focus on intensification, specifically

guides target densities for UGCs (e.g. 150 people and jobs per hectare for the City of

Peterborough downtown core), how boundaries can be expanded, how growth can occur in

designated greenfield areas (i.e. the area within a settlement area that is not built up), and how

intensification occurs along major transit corridors (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013; Ministry of

Public Infrastructure Renewal, 2006). Specific policies related to intensification include the requirement that 40% of new residential development must occur in the built area by 2015 and maintain that for every year after, as well as density targets specific to city size and areas within the city (e.g. urban core versus the designated Greenfield area) (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013;

Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013).

The second policy direction is directed towards infrastructure that helps to support and

maintain growth (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). By having public infrastructure in place that is both efficient and up-to-date, communities are better able support the local economy by allowing for the movement of goods through transportation infrastructure, but also allows for the support of communities as a whole through community infrastructure such as hospitals, schools, and affordable housing.

The third policy direction branches out on the development of complete communities by identifying and protecting the ‘valuable’ features and areas in the urban growth center

(Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). These ‘valuable’ features include natural heritage sites, cultural heritage sites, as well as renewable and non-renewable resources (Ministry of

Infrastructure, 2013) (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). The Growth Plan (2006) recognizes that there is already existing legislation that offers protection for natural areas and resources (e.g.

Greenbelt Act), and proposes that rather than developing new legislation, UGCs should expand on the existing initiatives in order to develop additional protections that suit the municipality

(Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). Implementation and Interpretation policy directives emphasizes that coordination between government, organizations, municipalities and citizens is required in order for the Plan to be effective (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). It is in this section of policy directives that the guidelines governing public consultation, review and monitoring are laid out. It is also in this section that the role of the Places to Grow Act (2005) as well as the Ministry of Infrastructure, are explained as it pertains to policy amendments and the review process (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013).

The final policy direction, which was added in 2013, is for the Simcoe Sub-area (Ontario

Executive Council, 2013). This area includes the UGCs to the north of Toronto, more specifically the City of Barrie, City of Orillia and the County of Simcoe (Ontario Executive Council, 2013).

This area was the subject of the 2013 amendment to the Growth Plan (2005) as provisions

regarding settlement areas, employment areas and implementation, specific to that area were

required (Ontario Executive Council, 2013).

The Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) is a unique planning

document as it lays out very specific guidelines and expectations regarding density targets for

both population and employment, initiatives regarding natural and cultural heritage protection, and the promotion of infrastructure that can support both current economic and population growth but future growth through to 2041. The Growth Plan (2006), which is an extension of the Places to Grow Act (2005), takes precedent over the Provincial Policy Statement in any points of conflict, and unlike other legislative acts which apply to the entire province or provide over-arching guidelines for development, conservation and protection, the Growth Plan requires the municipalities chosen as urban growth centers to develop growth plans specific to their locality that conform with the Planning Act (2004), Places to Grow Act (2005), Provincial Policy

Statement (2014) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) in order to mitigate the effects of urban sprawl and to promote the revitalization of urban downtowns to provide strong, healthy and complete communities that can foster future growth.

3.5 Assessing the Provincial Policy Documents

In preparation for the ten-year anniversary and review of the Growth Plan for the

Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006), the Ontario Growth Secretariat for the Ministry of

Infrastructure conducted a study on the preliminary performance indicators for the plan. The

role of these indicators, which were required in section 5.4.3 of the Growth Plan, is to allow for

the monitoring of the implementation of the Growth Plan in the urban growth centers listed in

the plan (Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2007). The development of indicators for performance is a three step process. The first step is the identification and testing of potential indicators, which

was the purpose of the Technical Report on Preliminary Performance Indicators for the Growth

Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2014). The second and third steps involve the

consultation of preliminary findings with ministries, municipalities and key stakeholders and the

implementation of finalized indicators into the monitoring process, respectively (Ontario

Growth Secretariat, 2014).

Similarly to the Hemson Consulting Ltd. (2012) technical report on the growth forecasts

for the GGH, the Technical Report on Preliminary Performance Indicators for the Growth Plan

for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2014) utilized various statistical data, including Statistics

Canada, Land Information Ontario datasets, Municipal Property Assessment Corporation, and

Geospatial datasets, in order to identify and assess performance indicators (Hemson Consulting

Ltd., 2013; Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014). The Ministry of Infrastructure acknowledged the limitations that the statistical data had in regards to shifts in data collection techniques (i.e. the

Long Form Census changing to a voluntary National Household Survey) and lag in data collection

(i.e. Municipal Property Assessment Corporation data can take a year and a half from building completion to be included in the data), but still reinforced that given the information required the sources available remain the best way to measure (Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014).

Using the statistical measures above, the Ministry of Infrastructure developed and tested twelve performance indicators that can be divided into four themes: Build Compact and Efficient

Communities; Create Vibrant and Complete Communities; Plan and Manage Growth to Support a Strong and Competitive Economy; and Protect, Conserve and Wisely Use Resources (Ontario

Growth Secretariat, 2014).

Performance indicators for the first theme, Build Compact and Efficient Communities, are measured through the achievement of intensification, urban growth centre density, major transit station area density, and designated Greenfield area density (Ontario Growth Secretariat,

2014). All four of these indicators are geared towards measuring the progress towards density targets for municipalities as required by the Growth Plan. Findings for intensification rates between 2007 and 2010 reflect that overall the GGH has an average intensification rate of

59.4% with some municipalities ranking higher and others considerably lower (Ontario Growth

Secretariat, 2014, p. 11). The other indicators for this theme, do not show any clear success or failure, but rather show that municipalities are working towards their goals.

Mix of housing types, diversity of land uses, community infrastructure, and street connectivity are all indicators used in determining the second theme, Create Vibrant and

Complete Communities (Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014; Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014) .

This theme looked directly at creating a community in which accessibility is a priority for planning. Accessibility includes: access to housing, and a variety of transportation modes that allow access to employment, recreation and home (Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014; Ontario

Growth Secretariat, 2014). In regards to housing, the report found that while municipalities in the inner and outer rings of the GGH still favour single-detached homes, there was an increase in the number of row housing and apartment buildings, especially in the inner ring (GTA)

(Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014; Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014). For connectivity and community infrastructure, which measured the number of intersections and walkability respectively, only four municipalities (two inner ring and two outer) were studied (Ontario

Growth Secretariat, 2014). It was found for these cities that the population within walking distance of different areas within the city was relatively high (e.g. for the City of Barrie, 37% were in walking distance to different features within the built-up area) (Ontario Growth

Secretariat, 2014, p. 28).

The third theme, Plan and Manage Growth to Support a Strong and Competitive

Economy, addressed issues regarding both land-use planning as well as investments into

community infrastructure, specifically public transit (Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014; Ontario

Growth Secretariat, 2014). The three indicators used to assess this theme were: transportation modal split, which assessed different modes of transportation being used to get to work; commute times based upon mode of transportation; and the location of major office space developed within urban growth centres (Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014). In comparison between 2006 and 2011, the report found minimal differences for the mode of transportation used in the GGH with the majority (77%) still using automobiles to get to work (Ontario Growth

Secretariat, 2014, pp. 76-79). In regards to commuting time, for both the inner and outer rings the use of automobiles had the highest percentage of commute time being less than 30min

(52% and 69% respectively) (Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014, pp. 76-79). Public transit had significantly high percentages when it came to commute times of 30-59min (45% for the inner ring and 41% for the outer), suggesting, in tandem with the majority of transportation use being automobile, that transportation infrastructure is lacking both in availability and efficiency, resulting in people choosing alternate modes of transportation (Ontario Growth Secretariat,

2014, pp. 76-79).

The final theme, Protect, Conserve and Wisely Use Resources, looked at the need to mitigate the environmental damage from urban sprawl and increased population densities

(Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014). The only indicator used to assess this theme was reducing the rates of land consumption, which looked at the percentage change in designated settlement areas as population and employment needs increased (Ontario Growth Secretariat, 2014). The report could not issue any results for this indicator as they recognize it can take several years in order for settlement boundaries to become defined and that it is up to each municipality to monitor the boundaries according to their individual needs both for growth and time (Ontario

Growth Secretariat, 2014).

Overall the Technical Report on Preliminary Performance Indicators for the Growth Plan

for the Greater Golden Horseshoe provides an overview of the key features and goals of the

Growth Plan for the GGH (2006). The indicators chosen cover a range of topics related to

population and economic growth and the development of complete communities that have the

potential to provide for adequate monitoring of the Growth Plan. Despite the seemingly

positive look of the Growth Plan for the GGH (2006) the lack of some information in the report,

such as only certain cities being studied for many indicators, raises some questions into the

effectiveness of not only the indicators, but the accuracy of the information presented.

3.6 Summary

The Provincial documents discussed in this chapter, lay the foundation for policy

development at the municipal level, and planning initiatives that will help shape the future of growth in Ontario. The four primary documents discussed, which include the Ontario Planning

Act and Places to Grow Act, all emphasize the guidelines for growth and development in

Ontario. While all four documents share the common thread of planning and development, there are key differences that arise between the Ontario Planning Act (2004), which has been a longstanding document in Ontario’s planning sphere, and the newly developed planning documents that are related to ‘Smart Growth’ planning (e.g. Places to Grow Act (2005), and

Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006)). The main difference between these documents, is that while the Ontario Planning Act (2004) is geared towards planning guidelines across the entire Province, Places to Grow (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe (2006) are geared towards the GGH area, and the intensification of these areas. It is unclear however, whether or not the Provincial documents provide enough support for mid- sized cities, such as Peterborough. Several documents, while general in nature, speak directly to growth and development in larger cities such as Toronto. Due to the wealth of research and

policy directives that focus on large-scale cities, it is easy for the Province to develop strategies and guidelines geared towards these larger, metropolitan areas. The analysis done here was inductive in order assess what documentation, literature, and policies existed to support growth and development in cities.

Based on the literature review and provincial policy documents, it can be asserted that due to the lack of literature on planning in mid-sized cities, as well as the emphasis placed on planning for large-scale cities, policy directives do not take into account the challenges and differences that exist in various cities. As was raised in the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe (2006), the majority of cities included in the plan are large cities, with access to resources, and development strategies beyond that of smaller cities. This high-level planning rhetoric may create a problem for smaller cities like Peterborough, ON, that do not have the same characteristics of bigger cities, while at the same time, do not understand how to define growth, develop strategies for development, identify challenges in planning, and understand the role of planning in the same way that large cities do. It is this gap in research and policy planning that frames the questions moving forward in this thesis: what are the definitions of growth being used in mid-sized cities, what are the strategies and challenges in planning for growth and development, and overall, what is the role of planning in mid-sized cities. The next chapter, uses deductive reasoning and focuses on municipal planning documents in

Peterborough, ON, to determine how the Province sets up planning in mid-sized cities, and whether these documents can be a benchmark for mid-sized cities elsewhere. This chapter also seeks to further demonstrate the gap in planning principles between large-scale and mid-sized cities.

Chapter 4 - Municipal Document Analysis

This chapter seeks to analyze several municipal planning documents and files that are seen as being a key component to planning for and maintaining future growth. In addition to analyzing these documents for their role in Peterborough, ON, these documents are also analyzed for their usefulness as a benchmark for planning and development of other mid-sized cities. Key documents to be discussed include: The Peterborough Official Plan, the Central Area

Master Plan, Planning Peterborough to 2031, the Little Lake Master Plan, the Municipal Cultural

Plan, and the Plan It Peterborough Official Plan Review. These documents, in addition to planning reports, miscellaneous reports and conformity exercises and consultation notes with various organizations and departments within the City of Peterborough, span over the last ten years, taking into account planning requirements just prior to the implementation of the Places to Grow Act (2005), up until the most recent Plan It Peterborough Official Plan Review which began in 2013. These documents were chosen and analyzed based on their importance not only to the planning of a complete community in Peterborough, but also on their connection with

The Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006).

The Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) set the mandate for growth, development and sustainability for the cities and municipalities immediately affected. Alone, the Growth Plan is not sufficient at creating growth or development; this is where municipal planning departments and subsequent municipal planning documents contribute to management policies and strategies. Peterborough, Ontario falls into the outer ring of GGH development, meaning that it will experience growth, but it will be minor in comparison to those municipalities that fall within the inner ring. Despite the smaller degree of projected growth by the Province of Ontario, Peterborough has developed plans to accommodate not only the growth expected, but growth that was not accounted for by the Province.

4.1 Peterborough Official Plan

Peterborough’s Official Plan is a crucial planning document that provides the backbone to all planning that goes on within the City. The first Official Plan for Peterborough, which was compiled in 1947, designated by-laws, planning initiatives and strategies to better promote and maintain growth, development, environmental protection and a sense of cultural well-being.

The original Official Plan was revamped in 1970 in order to promote and reinforce the recognition of the role of the Downtown core. The Official Plan, and subsequent adaptations and revisions, centered on a “downtown first” mode of thinking.

In the mid-1990s, however, there was a significant shift in the City’s exclusive development of commercial space in the downtown core to that of promoting development of secondary nodes (City of Peterborough, 2009). Eaton’s Co., which had a 107,000 square foot anchor store in downtown Peterborough, provided a hub for which the downtown revolved around from 1975 up until its closure in 1998 (City of Peterborough, 2009). While the Official

Plan at this time still recognized the importance of the downtown core, the focus on secondary nodes became noticeable. The role of the downtown, albeit important in the Official Plan, was no longer the main focus in the City’s planning. Strip malls, followed swiftly by big box stores became the norm for commercial development in many mid-sized cities, Peterborough included.

Over time, however, city growth and expansion has led to development outside of the immediate downtown core, with significant commercial expansions onto Lansdowne St (both east and west), as well as Chemong St (City of Peterborough, 2009). In turn these commercial developments led to population growth and development in areas east, west, north and south of the downtown core, spreading the city over a wider area. It is this development of both commercial and residential areas that has led to the creation of various “nodes” within

Peterborough (City of Peterborough, 2009). Figure 4 showcases both the expansion of city

58 boundaries to their current location as well as the introduction of nodes within the City of

Peterborough.

Figure 4: Shopping Nodes in Peterborough, ON Source: Peterborough Official Plan (2009)

Peterborough’s 2009 Official Plan is the most recent version of this planning document.

It was revised shortly after the implementation of the Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth

Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) in order to comply with the guidelines requiring official plans to include the guidelines and structuring required under the new Act (2005).

Land use policies in the Official Plan provide the legal framework and objectives when it

comes to residential, commercial, industrial and open space planning. The residential land use

section provides the designations for density, types of housing, and modifications to housing

(e.g. infill procedures) (City of Peterborough, 2009). The overall objectives of the residential

land use policy are to: provide a supply of residential land to accommodate the existing and

future growth, provide a choice of housing, direct development into appropriate areas (which is

especially important in the case of the Growth Plan), minimize impacts of development, encourage intensification of under-utilized sites, support services that enhance the quality of life, support specialize care needs and support non-profit agencies in their efforts to provide housing opportunities (City of Peterborough, 2009). While the written policies do not provide detailed information regarding what types of housing are located where in Peterborough, they do provide the overall assessment of what is allowed where and in what amount. For example, when discussing the use of low, medium and high density housing developments, the Official

Plan specifies in what area of Peterborough the developments are allowed and with what density range (e.g. for high-density housing, along Lansdowne St the density can be between

100-250 units per hectare) (City of Peterborough, 2009).

Commercial land use policies in the Official Plan lay out the by-laws and general designations for what can locate in what area. Commercial land is divided into five sections in

Peterborough: The Central Area, major shopping centres, special purpose retail, neighbourhood centre and service commercial (City of Peterborough, 2009). The Central Area, which is composed of several sub-areas, is the focus of downtown development and subsequently the

Urban Growth Centre. Commercial use in the Central Area can take place in many forms including: professional offices, entertainment, restaurants, retail, wholesale, tourist-related use and hotels, just to name a few. For the Central Area, including all sub-areas, the Official Plan

draws a common theme across the area, and that is one of promoting and encouraging

pedestrian traffic and preservation of urban design (City of Peterborough, 2009). All sub-areas are designed, and are to be designed, in an effort to maintain the physical appeal of the downtown, as well as a place for physical accessibility by pedestrians. Schedule “I” (Figure 5) of the Official Plan provides a visual breakdown of the different types of commercial land use in

Peterborough, as well as showcases the development of commercial nodes in the north, east, east and south areas of the City.

Figure 5: Schedule I of the Peterborough Official Plan Source: Peterborough Official Plan (2009)

Transportation and the development of sustainable modes of transportation as well as

infrastructure are emphasized in the Growth Plan and subsequently the Official Plan (2009).

Based on the Official Plan, the goals of transportation in Peterborough are to encourage and provide for all modes of transportation, ensure that private and public modes of transportation can complement each other, provide a transportation system that connects all areas of the City as well as the City with other regions, and to develop an efficient and sustainable transportation system (City of Peterborough, 2009). In order to minimize traffic congestion, which is a primary goal in the Growth Plan, the Official Plan recognizes that efficient transportation options need to be present including but certainly not limited to: appropriate signage and lighting systems, adequate maintenance of roadways, provisions for alternate modes of transportation (e.g. trails, bike lanes), as well as alternate traffic management systems to provide for an efficient flow of traffic (City of Peterborough, 2009).

The Official Plan, albeit difficult to understand and heavily worded in comparison to other planning documents, is a critical document that, as mentioned earlier, provides the backbone for all other planning initiatives in Peterborough. Unlike many other documents which either focus on a specific aspect of life, such as culture or the environment, or those that focus on a specific area within Peterborough, such as the Central Area Master Plan or the Little

Lake Master Plan, the Official Plan encompasses all aspects of life in Peterborough and fulfills its role as a legal document that sets out the rules, limitations, guidelines and requirements for planning in Peterborough. Its scope encompasses residential, commercial industrial and open space, transportation policies, parkland policies, developing and servicing policies, social planning, implementation protocols and secondary plans. The Official Plan also provides the detail of the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe, and the framework for how

Peterborough will satisfy those needs.

4.2 Central Area Master Plan

The Peterborough Central Area Master Plan (2009) is an updated document that has its origins in 1991 Downtown Master Plan. The Downtown Master Plan (1991) became part of the

Official Plan as a secondary plan, in an effort to establish focus on the downtown area. Focus on the downtown area was divided into a variety of themes including: urban form and growth, housing, public spaces, tree planting, conservation, the Jackson Creek Flood Plain, heritage, streetscape design, building and site design, marketing, monitoring and traffic, pedestrian access and parking. The updated version of the Master Plan, now referred to as the Central

Area, encompasses the downtown core as determined by the initial plan, but also includes other central lands (Figure 6). These central lands include a series of seven sub-areas - commercial, waterfront, business districts, industrial and traditional use areas (City of Peterborough, 2009).

The 2009 update to the Central Area Master Plan came in response to the implementation of the Places to Grow Act and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe. Due to the nature of these two plans, Peterborough is required to grow not only as a whole but also the Downtown, which is referred to as an Urban Growth Centre (UGC) under the Growth Plan, is required to accommodate growth while being a place of cultural and creative significance (often achieved through revitalization). In order to support this update, a series of studies were conducted in order to determine the strengths and weaknesses of

Peterborough’s Downtown, to determine what the citizens’ perceptions towards the downtown were, and to make recommendations accordingly. The studies used to help support the Central

Area Master Plan included: a Downtown Economic Analysis conducted in 2008 (see the discussion of this report in the Miscellaneous Documents section of this chapter), the Strategic

Downtown Parking Management Study to review parking availability and needs, and the Vision

2010-Recreation, Parks and Culture report which reviewed recreation needs and developed a plan through to 2018.

Figure 6: Schedule J from the Central Area Master Plan, Peterborough, ON Source: Central Area Master Plan (2009)

4.3 The Role of Official and Master Plans in GGH Growth Strategies

As required by the GGH Growth Plan (2006), the 2009 Official Plan lays out the requirements, strategies, and policies that the City plans to undertake to fulfill the plan. There are two general areas of significance for the City. As designated by the Growth Plan,

Peterborough’s downtown core must reach a density target of 150 residents and/or jobs by

2041 (Figure 7) (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2013). According to the Official Plan (2009), the City intends on meeting this goal by promoting the core area (i.e. ‘Built Area) for investment

(especially for institutional and public service related jobs), establishing the employment area as a competitive development with mixed-use buildings and a mix of employment use (e.g. industrial, commercial, and institutional), as well as both promoting and preserving the area as an economic hub. The Built Boundary or Area (Figure 8) is targeted to receive a significant amount of growth mainly because it is here that the majority of residential land use is located:

40% of annual residential development is to be located here in order to establish intensification, and to comply with GGH guidelines (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). The Official Plan lays out strategies to encourage a range of mixed land use, establishing a supply of affordable housing, as well as adopting an urban design policy that will help to not only promote intensification, but maintain the cultural and natural heritage that is unique to Peterborough.

A second area slated for growth by the Growth Plan is the Designated Greenfield Area

(DGA) (Figure 9). Peterborough has a significant supply of DGA that will not be fully utilized under the Growth Plan, which has a minimum density target of 50 residents and/or jobs

(Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). Planning for this area requires the use of secondary plans that take into account the need for municipal services, including water, sewer and transportation infrastructures, as well as the protection and maintenance of the natural landscape.

Figure 7: Urban Growth Centre (UGC), Peterborough, ON Source: Planning Peterborough to 2031 Slideshow (2009)

Figure 8: Built Boundary, Peterborough, ON Source: Planning Peterborough to 2031 Slideshow (2009)

Figure 9: Designated Greenfield Area (DGA), Peterborough, ON Source: Planning Peterborough to 2031 Slideshow (2009)

The role of the Central Area Master Plan (2009) is to supplement the Official Plan,

especially in regards to the Commercial Land Use Policy. The Central Area Master Plan, through

the use of previous studies and existing policy documents, is able to add detail to existing plans

and establish new plans that will directly influence and affect the Central Area. In keeping with

the trend set by the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe, the Master Plan, along with

other planning documents, should be designed to allow for greater clarification existing policies,

as well as the development of new strategies to foster growth. The Master Plan update

provides a series of 22 strategies for policy amendments, revitalization (both residential and

commercial), and natural and cultural heritage preservation and development (City of

Peterborough, 2009). Figure 10, taken from the Central Area Master Plan Update, illustrates some of the main strategies recommended, including: pedestrian connectivity through trail linkages, emphasis on major gateways into the Downtown in order to help create a sense of

place, the development of a new public square for community gatherings and celebrations, as

well as street renewal projects (e.g. Charlotte Street) (City of Peterborough, 2009). It is important to note, that while the Master Plan takes into consideration in its recommendations measures for cultural heritage, it is more concerned with the functional aspects of the

Downtown, such as housing, parking, and economic needs.

Figure 10: Strategies for development and policy amendments Source: Central Area Master Plan (2009)

Unlike the Official Plan (2009), which addresses issues involving the entire City of

Peterborough, and unlike documents such as the Municipal Cultural Plan (2012) which is solely concerned with the development and preservation of cultural amenities in Peterborough regardless of their location, the Central Area Master Plan focuses on a “Downtown First” planning philosophy (City of Peterborough, 2009). This “Downtown First” approach to planning

draws attention to the need and importance of Peterborough’s Downtown being the central

hub for all things cultural, entertainment, economic, and residential based. It recognizes that in

order for a city to be successful the downtown must be strong and provide an array of services

and features. The Master Plan takes into consideration the Downtown Economic Analysis as

well as the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe in an honest attempt to promote an

encourage Peterborough’s Downtown as a vibrant place to live and work (City of Peterborough,

2009).

4.4 Planning Peterborough to 2031: How the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe will affect the City of Peterborough

In addition to the Official Plan and Master Area documents, Planning Peterborough to

2031 (2006) was designed by the Peterborough Planning Department as a conformity exercise to showcase not only the requirements of the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe but, as the full title suggests, how the Growth Plan will affect the City of Peterborough. The

Growth Plan’s vision is to build “stronger, more prosperous, and complete communities”

(Peterborough Planning Department, 2009,2) and in order to do that municipalities are required to adapt their official plans to support the revitalization of downtowns, provide more choice in housing and services, curb urban sprawl and reduce traffic congestion. Planning Peterborough to 2031 (2009) identifies the primary intensification and density targets required by the Growth

Plan including a proposed density of 150 residents/jobs per hectare in the Urban Growth Centre,

40% of annual housing development in the Built Area by 2015 and afterwards, and a density of

50 residents/jobs per hectare in the Designated Greenfield Area.

Unlike many other planning documents in Peterborough that do not rely on surrounding municipalities or urban growth centres, Planning Peterborough to 2031 recognizes that

Peterborough is in a unique place in the Greater Golden Horseshoe that has more in common

with cities and towns outside of the GGH than those within. Peterborough, as can be seen in

Figure 11, is located approximately 80km from the nearest urban growth centre, the City of

Oshawa, resulting in Peterborough’s development as a self-sustaining community

(Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). Despite a steady, albeit slow, increase in population,

Peterborough maintains a small-town ‘feel’ that attracts a variety of people. However, despite this slow and steady growth, Peterborough does not fit within the general framework of the

Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe, resulting in a variety of problems.

Figure 11: Peterborough, ON in relation to the rest of the GGH Source: Neptis Foundation (2011)

The Peterborough Planning Department’s research (Planning Peterborough to 2031), for example, identifies several problems with the Places to Grow Act and Growth Plan for the

Greater Golden Horseshoe in regards to planning policies within Peterborough. The Growth

Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe was designed for large cities in order to mitigate the

effects caused by increased urbanization and sprawl since the 1950s. While Peterborough was

once a site of industrial manufacturing and growth, it no longer fills that role. With an urban

population of 80,660 (2335 in the downtown specifically), and a census metropolitan area

population of 118,975 in 2011, Peterborough is defined as a mid-sized city, a city with a

population between 100,000 and 400,000 (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). Because of

Peterborough’s classification of a mid-sized city, its distance from major transportation routes

and the general lack of urbanization in comparison to other Greater Golden Horseshoe growth

centres, the guidelines set out by the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe are seen as

not particularly relevant to Peterborough’s planning needs. Peterborough does not receive the

same level of growth pressure that other urban growth centres in the Outer Ring receive, and as

stated “Peterborough’s spatial separation from other major urban centres…makes commuting

between Peterborough and other major centres less desirable” (Peterborough Planning Dept.,

2009, p. 20).

Table 3: Percentage of population aged 65+, 2006 (Source: Peterborough Conformity Exercise: Planning Peterborough to 2031, 2009) Peterborough (City) 19.4%

Ontario 13.6%

Greater Golden Horseshoe 12.8%

Inner Ring 12.2%

Outer Ring 14.7%

Planning Peterborough to 2031 identifies Peterborough’s high rate of seniors and student population as a planning problem that is not as prevalent in other urban growth centres and therefore not accounted for in the Growth Plan. Peterborough has the highest rate of

seniors in Canada with 18.2%, and as can be seen in Table 3, Peterborough has a significantly

higher proportion of seniors than the rest of the Greater Golden Horseshoe area (19.4%

compared to 12.8%) (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009).

One result of this high rate of senior population, is a much lower housing density, which means in order for Peterborough to reach the density targets set by the Growth Plan, increased development of low and mid-rise residential units, such as apartments, condos and townhouses will be needed (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). In addition to the high rate of senior population, Peterborough is also home to two education institutes resulting in a higher percentage of student population. Based on the 2006 census, the student population, approximately 7,750, was the equivalent of 10% of the population (Peterborough Planning

Dept., 2009). Due to the transient nature of the student population, they are not counted towards population growth, and in addition to that, any residential units built or rented by students also do not count towards density targets (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). This poses a recognizable problem for the City of Peterborough as plans have to be made to accommodate the student population, while also making the needed space for increased density developments.

Similar to other documents produced by the City, Planning Peterborough to 2031 (2009) recognizes several potential drivers for growth, both population and economic, in Peterborough.

Of the four transportation-based drivers discussed: Highway 407 expansion, Pickering

International Airport, Peterborough Municipal Airport and the Peterborough-Toronto

Commuter Railway, three present the most relevance at this time. The first driver is that of the

Highway 407 extension, which was initially proposed to be completed by 2013, but is still currently underway (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). Currently Peterborough’s primary connection to the 400 series highways are via the 115/35 highways. Upon completion of the

407 extension, Peterborough will become much closer to the GTA, reducing the spatial

separation that is currently present while shortening commute times both in time and distance.

By opening up Peterborough to the GTA and making commuting more convenient, Planning

Peterborough to 2031 (2009) suggests that Peterborough’s industrial parks, which have a combined size of 54 hectares, would look more appealing to potential business and manufacturing investors bringing with it a potential 1,780 jobs. While the effects of the

Highway 407 expansion are still unknown for Peterborough, it has proven beneficial for other cities, such as Brantford, Vaughan, Brampton and Markham which have all seen a significant increase in industrial development since the implementation of Highways 407 and 403

(Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009).

Peterborough’s municipal airport, which has recently undergone the proposed

expansion that was discussed in the conformity exercise, is also seen as a driver for not only local development but also for regional development as well. Through this expansion,

Peterborough’s role of economic hub for the region is reinforced and both population and employment growth is expected to occur both during the continued expansion as well as after

(Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). The Peterborough-Toronto Commuter Railway is another transportation-based driver that has the potential to create both population and employment

growth. Up until 1990, rail commuter service between Peterborough and Toronto existed

allowing for both an easy commute as well as tourist activity (Peterborough Planning Dept.,

2009). Since 2008, there has been an increased interest in re-establishing commuter rail service between Toronto and Peterborough, but this has yet to happen.

Still, Planning Peterborough to 2031 (2009), as well as the Little Lake Master Plan and the Official Plan, recognize the potential value of having a commuter line connecting

Peterborough with the GTA as boosting employment access, influencing tourism within

Peterborough, as well as providing a key development feature for intensification in the

downtown core.

The final driver that this report distinguishes as key to development is the Greater

Peterborough innovation cluster. While not discussed in any other planning documents, the

Greater Peterborough Innovation Cluster, a planned 85-acre development, is located at Trent

University and is a combined effort between Trent University, Fleming College and the Ontario

Ministry of Natural Resources to help transform Peterborough from that of an industrial centre to one of a knowledge-based centre (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). The Cluster has the ability, according to a study performed by Professor Thomas Phillips from Fleming College in

2004, to produce 2,179 to 5,025 jobs over a 20-year period however this is based on the

Cluster’s ability to attract private business investment and relocation to the development

(Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009).

Figure 12: Growth zones in Peterborough, ON Source: Planning Peterborough to 2031 (2009)

In addition to discussing the both the potential problems to growth as well as drivers of growth, Planning Peterborough to 2031 (2009) also provides a detailed breakdown of the

Growth Plan’s intensification and density targets outlined earlier, with strategies on how

Peterborough can achieve these targets. Growth in Peterborough is expected to happen in

three areas designated by the Growth Plan: Urban Growth Centre (UGC), Built Area, and the

Designated Greenfield Area (DGA) (Figure 12). Currently the Urban Growth Centre has a density

of 100 residents and/or jobs per hectare, but according to the Growth Plan this is projected to

grow to 150 residents and/or jobs per hectare, an increase of 50% or 4,800 residents and jobs

(Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009).

As has previously been noted, in order to achieve this increase and density,

revitalization in Peterborough’s downtown needs to take priority in planning. In addition to this

requirement, as will be discussed in the Little Lake Master Plan, a section of the downtown lies

on floodplain which requires additional planning considerations in accordance with the Official

Plan, the Provincial Policy Statement which has its own requirements regarding natural hazards,

and the Otonabee Region Conservation Authority, which if policies are followed would render

approximately 13% of the UGC inaccessible for development (Peterborough Planning Dept.,

2009). The Built Area, as the title suggests, is the area of land already developed for residential and commercial needs. The primary requirement that is strictly enforced for the Built Area applies to all municipalities within the Greater Golden Horseshoe and states that “by the year

2015 and for each year thereafter, a minimum of 40 % of all residential development occurring annually within each upper and single tier municipality will be within the built-up area”

(Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009, p. 49). For Peterborough, 139 units need to be built within the Built Area each year to total the 3,500 units required to meet intensification targets, which will also require policies to promote the revitalization of existing properties and land as open land will become sparse (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009).

The final area for development discussed is the Designated Greenfield Area (DGA). The

Designated Greenfield Area, which acts as a buffer zone between the Built Area and Greenfield

Areas, is designed to receive all new developments so that planning measures to ensure an

appropriate urban form (e.g. walkable, mixed-land use, higher density) and the development of

a complete community can occur (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009). Unlike the other areas

of development which have clear-cut recommendations for density targets, Peterborough’s

Designated Greenfield Area has a minimum target of 50 residents and/or jobs per hectare. This

minimum suggests that the Designated Greenfield Area can have the ability to grow much more

and that it will eventually become a primary location for increased development and residential

needs. In order to reach the density required by the Growth Plan, 43 residents per hectare, and

based on current employment land use in the Designated Greenfield Area in combination with

available land, seven jobs per hectare and 1,230 hectares respectively, approximately 5,300

units will need to be built only using 250 hectares of the available land (Peterborough Planning

Dept., 2009). Due to the vast amount of Designated Greenfield Area available, the City is faced with not only the challenge of planning for this space both for the present and the future, but also reaching the density targets required by 2031.

Overall, Planning Peterborough to 2031 (2009) recognizes that Peterborough is a unique community that does not appear to be comparable to other cities with the GGH area. While

Peterborough has much to offer in the way of natural and cultural heritage, tourism, and retail and health services compared to the rest of the Greater Golden Horseshoe area, Peterborough a place of its own. The dissimilarities between Peterborough and the rest of the Greater Golden

Horseshoe area GGH in regards to population growth, economic pressures, and general development patterns suggest that it may be “worthwhile to explore Peterborough’s place in the Provincial Growth Plan” (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009, p. 45). It is also suggested that

Peterborough’s biggest challenge will be moving forward from the old way of planning of low- density developments to a new compact and efficient form of planning.

4.5 Little Lake Master Plan

The Little Lake Master Plan (LLMP), was first developed in 1986 to provide a planning framework for the area surrounding Little Lake. Unlike the Official Plan (2009) and the Central

Area Master Plan (2009), the Little Lake Master Plan (2010) is a very unique planning resource, as Little Lake provides a large environmental element within a bigger urban landscape. While most urban growth centres, both in the Greater Golden Horseshoe and in general, have a certain level of greenspace and environmental access within the urban fabric, Peterborough’s

Little Lake and surrounding area is a unique and relatively large expanse of greenspace with numerous parks, wharfs and other public space that can be used for recreational purposes (City of Peterborough, 2010). In 2010, the LLMP was revised and prepared by The Planning

Partnership based out of Toronto, ON using community consultation and input to take into account the Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe

(2006) as well as to plan for environmental integrity amidst future population growth plans. The current document is a distinct planning resource that provides planning initiatives and strategies for growth and development in the downtown area immediately affected by Little Lake over the next 20 years (City of Peterborough, 2010). Like most planning documents that are prepared using public consultation, the Little Lake Master Plan was revised and implemented using a detailed public consultation process that worked with community groups, committees and organizations as well as the general public (City of Peterborough, 2010). The development of the LLMP (2010) took place over three distinct phases; context, options and master plan.

Consultations were divided over three separate occasions centered on the three primary phases of planning development. Key committees and organizations that were met with included but were not limited to: Little Lake Steering Committee which included senior members from the

City of Peterborough, Little Lake Technical Committee which included staff from external

agencies and other departments within the City of Peterborough, as well as members from key

organizations, businesses and interest groups affected by the plan (City of Peterborough, 2010).

The information gathered from workshops and information sessions with the key committees and organizations, in conjunction with information gathered from the general public information nights, allowed for key features and attributes of the study area to be identified for effective planning processes.

The development of key attribute lists by organizations and the general public identified the study area to be a vital component to not just recreational use within the city, but also to a critical zone of greenspace that needs environmental protection and restoration (City of

Peterborough, 2010). As can be seen in Figure 13, the LLMP encompasses the downtown area immediately surrounding Little Lake, from the Hunter Street bridge to the bridge on Lansdowne

St, and the areas to the immediate east and west of the water. This area is home to several natural resources which contribute to the uniqueness of such a region in an urban environment.

Little Lake and the surrounding area has several parks and public greenspace, including

Beavermead, Del Crary Park, and Millennium Park, that allow for a mix of recreational and social opportunities, as well as several commercial, residential and mixed use properties. The LLMP

(2010) identifies the study region as unique to Peterborough, and thereby divides the region into four quadrants plus Little Lake. The four quadrants looked at in the plan are: 1) Trent-

Severn Waterway, 2) East City, 3) Downtown, and 4) South Shore. While the plan recognizes several overarching principles to be followed in planning, there are two main themes that guide the plan: the environment and the community.

Balancing the use and enjoyment of the environment with the preservation, restoration and integrity are one of the guiding principles and themes identified in the Little Lake Master

Plan (2010). The importance of the environment was identified during the consultation process,

78 and is recognized as being a common theme is all four quadrants, as well as Little Lake, but is especially imperative along the Trent-Severn Waterway and Little Lake (City of Peterborough,

2010). While other planning documents recognize the important role of the environment when planning, the LLMP is one of the few planning documents to specifically illustrate the importance of not only environmental preservation but the need to provide certain restorative measures. Environmental preservation and implementing restorative measures is integral to not only protect the environment, but also to ensure adequate public use for enjoyment and recreational purposes.

Figure 13: Little Lake development areas Source: Little Lake Master Plan (2010)

The LLMP (2010) looks to examples from other cities, including Burlington and Whitby

ON, for inspiration and strategies related to urban-eco trails as well as shoreline and ecological restoration. Connectivity between all quadrants around Little Lake, identified during planning sessions, is a recognized goal in the master plan. By mirroring trail systems in Whitby ON, which creates “walkways through naturalized landscapes” (City of Peterborough, 2010, 35).

Peterborough’s trail system around Little Lake will become a connected loop that establishes a venue for both recreational and environmental enjoyment (City of Peterborough, 2010). The importance of ecology is imperative to the restoration of not only the shorelines along the

Trent-Severn Waterway and Little Lake, but also to the natural environment throughout the study area.

Ecological preservation and restoration, as outlined in the LLMP, should include such strategies as: naturalizing the grounds at various points around Little Lake in order to minimize the man-made and controlled landscape, promote Peterborough’s Ecology Park by increasing

“signage to tell the story and to enhance awareness of a new approach to landscape management” (City of Peterborough, 2010, 41), and finally create a series of natural ecological habitats, anchored wetlands along the shoreline, eliminate the use of harmful pesticides and herbicides and the removal of invasive species, just to name a few (City of Peterborough, 2010).

While the LLMP (2010) recognizes the importance of the environment in the study area, it also pinpoints the importance of balancing the needs of the community and people within the plan. Unlike the Trent-Severn Waterway and Little Lake, whose planning principles are underpinned with the design of putting the environment first, East City and the South Shore are designed to put the community first. The plan for East City and South Shore suggests, that in order to successfully put community first, it is essential to balance heritage resources, environmental features, and neighbourhood recreational opportunities (City of Peterborough,

2010). One of the main points of focus for the community in these two areas, rests in the expansion, intensification and beautification of Hunter Street in East City. Hunter Street is seen as the “commercial spine” of East City, and therefore is recognized in multiple plans, including

Peterborough’s Official Plan, as being an important space for commercial development (City of

Peterborough, 2010, 49). In reflection of the Places to Grow Act (2005), the LLMP (2010) recognizes the need for mixed use buildings in this area in order to provide both residential and commercial needs, whilst not taking away from the historical look and feel of the neighbourhood.

In the LLMP, the Downtown quadrant is seen as the most important quadrant, especially in regards to the Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe (2006). Even though the LLMP identifies several other quadrants as important it, like many other planning documents, recognizes a downtown first planning philosophy.

The Downtown area in the plan includes the land on the west side of the Otonabee

River - including the Peterborough Marina and Del Crary Park. The quadrant provides an excellent opportunity for intensification, economic development and infill in the City of

Peterborough. The LLMP identifies five main areas in the Downtown that would be ideal for economic development. The five areas identified include: 1) the No Frills Site which presents an opportunity for intensification and the development of mixed use buildings that run along the street as well as residential opportunities along the Otonabee River, 2) the GO train station located south of Dalhousie St on George St which, if train service is extended to Peterborough, would allow for increased activity in this area warranting increased public urban space and intensification, 3) Holiday Inn, a waterside site, that presents opportunities for trail connections and economic expansion, 4) Jackson Creek, runs parallel to George St much like the Otonabee

River, and presents an opportunity to create open space that links the Creek to the downtown

through greenspace as well as residential opportunities in order to “enhance the relationship of

the site to the creek” ((City of Peterborough, 2010, 55) and finally 5) South George St, which runs south of Townsend St, presents an opportunity for mixed-use intensification that would enhance the area and provide a perfect location next to Little Lake (City of Peterborough, 2010).

4.6 Plan It Peterborough, Peterborough’s Official Plan Review

Plan It Peterborough, Peterborough’s Official Plan Review (2013) is the culmination of

Phase One of a two-phase Official Plan review legally required by the Ontario Planning Act to occur every five years. The first phase, which began in 2011, involved a thorough consultation and review process of existing policies and issues within the City held with key stakeholders and the public (Plan It Peterborough, 2013). This report compiles all of the suggestions and themes suggested during the consultation process as well as key themes in crucial planning documents to develop strategies in response to the key issues identified. This report was presented both to

City Council for approval and to the public at a formal meeting for final review in 2013. Phase

Two of the review process involves making amendments to the Official Plan in order to implement the strategies and suggestions made during Phase One (Plan It Peterborough, 2013).

In an effort to create and maintain a complete community, as highly emphasized by the

Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006), the Official Plan Review (2013) not only requires community input due to legal regulation, but welcomes it in order to create a community vision of a city that the residents can be proud to call home. Between June 2011 and January 2012, planning staff met with approximately 400 people and gathered information and suggestions from a variety of sources including: group discussion, questionnaires, website input, discussion booklets and workshops (Plan It Peterborough, 2013).

Economic strength is a common theme both in the Plan It Peterborough review and in the Growth Plan. The ability for Peterborough to not only maintain economic health, but to

create and promote a sustainable job supply is crucial to ensuring that Peterborough remains “a

community where people can have opportunities to be both live and work” (Plan It

Peterborough, 2013, p. 48). Areas for policy amendments include: supporting innovative

employment opportunities (e.g. the Greater Peterborough Innovation Cluster discussed earlier),

protecting employment areas (e.g. minimizing the conversion of industrial and commercial land

for retail purposes which does not count towards job intensification targets), to foster and

strengthen partnerships, promoting and supporting tourism and the development of a ‘Business

Brand’ for Peterborough (something that would help establish Peterborough as a place for

business investment) (Plan It Peterborough, 2013).

In many of the City’s planning documents (Little Lake Master Plan (2010), Central Area

Master Plan (2009), and Municipal Cultural Plan (2012)) Peterborough has been identified as a unique city with the features of a large-scale city, but with the general feel of a small town. One of the themes identified during the review process, ‘Unique and Vibrant Places and Spaces’, recognizes this desire to maintain and enhance Peterborough’s identity as a unique place.

Major policy directions include: revitalizing Peterborough’s downtown, achieving a high level of urban design, preserving and enhancing the cultural heritage, and supporting arts and culture

(Plan It Peterborough, 2013). Revitalization of Peterborough’s downtown area is an important aspect to take into consideration as many plans, recommendations and consultation opportunities have identified the downtown as the heart of Peterborough. The Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) also reinforces the importance of urban growth centres both as areas of intensification, but also for their vibrancy and ability to attract people and jobs.

Creating a vibrant downtown takes into account many features that are reflected by Florida’s

(2005) Creative Cities models. Although this approach is not directly mentioned in the review, it nevertheless reflects the same principles. Some of these principles for developing and

promoting a vibrant and creative city are: mixed-use development, a variety of venues that

satisfy the needs of residents and visitors alike (e.g. dining options, nightlife, commercial), a

strong cultural heritage and an opportunity for education and employment (Plan It

Peterborough, 2013).

Finally, the last theme identified during the review process was connectivity and

mobility, which promotes sustainable, active and alternative modes of transportation within the

City of Peterborough (Plan It Peterborough, 2013). The main suggestions when it comes to

connectivity and mobility included: promoting active, alternative modes of transportation,

promoting pedestrian-oriented development, incorporating accessibility into new and existing

development and improving road and major transportation connections (Plan It Peterborough,

2013). Peterborough’s Major Transportation Plan (2012) as well as the Little Lake Master Plan

(2010), place a lot of emphasis on the establishment, promotion and planning for infrastructure to support alternative modes of transportation, of which trail use is prevalent. Peterborough

City and County is home to several trail networks which include the Rotary Greenway Trail, a

7km paved trail, and the Ganaraska Trail Network which provides 450km of trails (Plan It

Peterborough, 2013). Current plans, as well as proposed amendments to allow for additional policies help to ensure that the existing trail networks are maintained for public use, but also ensure that trail networks can be extended, established and connected with other areas in the

City and surrounding community (Plan It Peterborough, 2013).

Overall the vision of the Official Plan Review (2013) was one of sustainability, controlled development and maintaining and promoting a healthy community that takes into account the needs of the residents when it comes to housing, employment, recreation and culture. Plan It

Peterborough, Peterborough’s Official Plan Review (2013), is the first step in establishing the needs of the community, and recognizing that growth needs to occur and that it needs to occur

in a fashion that will not negate the unique identity that Peterborough maintains and that will

allow for the preservation of the natural environment over time.

4.7 City of Peterborough Municipal Cultural Plan

The City of Peterborough Municipal Cultural Plan was first introduced in 2012 and was the first document of its kind to focus directly on the cultural needs of Peterborough. The 2012

Municipal Cultural Plan (MCP), recognizes what most other planning documents have failed to recognize until recently, that the economy, not only in Peterborough specifically but across the nation, has shifted from an industry/manufacturing based economy to a new knowledge-based economy. This knowledge-based economy takes into consideration the theories laid out by

Florida (2005, 2014), which describe the importance of the creative class in cities both for economic and social development. As was stated in an earlier document (Plan It Peterborough,

Peterborough’s Official Plan Review, 2013), there is an increased need for the City of

Peterborough to develop its cultural base in order to attract the creative class, characteristically made up of creative professionals (i.e. individuals who deliver knowledge such as healthcare workers, lawyers, and information technology) and the super-creative core (i.e. developers of innovative ideas).

Similar to other documents, the Municipal Cultural Plan (2012) points out three main directions for effective cultural planning: the promotion of economic development through culture, livable and sustainable municipalities, and vibrant downtown and healthy neighbourhood development. In order to help with the planning process and in the development of the MCP, Peterborough’s cultural landscape underwent both cultural mapping and a benchmark exercise to see where Peterborough rank’s in comparison to 12 other Ontario cities/municipalities (City of Peterborough, 2012). The benchmark exercise - which looked at cultural resources, cultural spending (i.e. how much money the city spends on cultural features),

and the availability of skilled creative workers - found that Peterborough, although smaller in

size compared to some cities studied, ranked quite high across all three fields (City of

Peterborough, 2012). Peterborough has established a wealth of cultural resources including,

but not limited to: cultural festivals, heritage sites, museums, cultural workers, and theatre

productions. This variety of cultural resources provides a strong cultural base that requires

continued planning in order to ensure its longevity within the community.

Overall, Peterborough spends a significantly higher amount of money on investing in

cultural amenities and remains quite competitive in that field with other larger cities (e.g. in

2009 Peterborough invested $21.50 per capita compared to Toronto’s $23.27, which suggests

that the size of the city is not the determining factor in cultural investment or availability) (City

of Peterborough, 2012). With regard to access to skilled and creative workers, the assumption

has been that given Peterborough’s size that this would be a struggle. However, it was found that while Peterborough is the oldest CMA in Ontario with a median age of 42.8, the target demographic for skilled and creative workers, 25-44 years old, is rapidly growing (City of

Peterborough, 2012). This age cohort growth, in combination with the presence of two educational institutes, represents an availability of creative workers to support the new knowledge-based economy, which currently represents 33% of Peterborough’s work force (City of Peterborough, 2012).

The Municipal Cultural Plan (2012) was developed using a multi-phase process, similar to other planning documents, with the first phase being public consultation with the public, stakeholders and city officials. During this process eleven cultural drivers were developed and they include: post-secondary institutions, cultural assets, water, quality of life, sports, downtown, plan alignment, demographic responsiveness, economic impact, the regional context, and leadership (City of Peterborough, 2012). These drivers helped to frame the

Municipal Cultural Plan in order to develop strategic directions in the planning process. The

2012 Municipal Cultural Plan MCP lays out seven strategic directions for cultural planning in

Peterborough: celebrate and strengthen our region’s waterways, cultural and natural heritage, strengthen the arts, strengthen heritage, strengthen downtown as a cultural hub, incorporate culture in all neighbourhoods, encourage inclusivity and facilitate diversity, and finally, build the capacity of the arts, culture, and heritage division. While all of these directions are important for cultural planning, there are a couple that contribute significantly to Peterborough’s development in regards to the Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater

Golden Horseshoe (2006).

The first strategic direction, “Celebrate and Strengthen our Region’s Waterways,

Cultural and Natural Heritage”, focuses on improving local opportunities to live a healthier and full life, as well as promoting the environment and cultural heritage to support a stronger tourism economy (City of Peterborough, 2012). Suggestions to carry out this direction, which are the responsibility of both the City and the community, include: reinforcing current policies, exploring new opportunities for infrastructure, completing current trail projects and protecting natural and cultural heritage sites, and overall strengthening the ties that the City and community has to natural and cultural heritage sites (City of Peterborough, 2012). Preservation, protection and enjoyment of the local environment are strategies that are strongly emphasized in many City plans, as well as the Growth Plan (2006), as having a sustainable natural landscape both attracts residents and business while helping to maintain a complete community, a feature that many plans are adopting as part of their community visions (City of Peterborough, 2012).

The fourth strategy, strengthening the downtown as a cultural hub, is also a critical strategy as it places direct focus on Peterborough’s Downtown emphasizing the need to protect, revitalize and market it as a place for people to be. Similar to several other plans including, the Little Lake

Master Plan (2010), the Official Plan Review (2013), and the Central Area Master Plan (2009),

the Municipal Cultural Plan (2012) recognizes that Peterborough’s Downtown is a vital

component of culture as most of the City’s cultural amenities are located in and around the

downtown. Having a culturally significant downtown is also imperative to attracting the

Creative Class which, as discussed earlier, is an important aspect of growth both economically

and in population.

Overall, the Municipal Cultural Plan (2012) for Peterborough provides a wealth of

detailed information not only on Peterborough’s current cultural standing in relation to other

cities in Ontario, but also in regards to strategies for cultural planning, preservation, and

promotion. The MCP (2012), while it has similarities with other planning documents, provides additional information other plans do not in regards to what organizations should be responsible for certain recommendation, as well as examples of other cities that have carried out similar recommendations for Peterborough to use as a guide.

4.8 Miscellaneous Documents

In addition to the planning documents already discussed, there are a series of other documents that help promote the Places to Grow Act (2005), the Growth Plan for the Greater

Golden Horseshoe (2006), as well as the communication and consultation process between city departments and organizations related to development, intensification and community. These other documents include: letters between organizations and city departments, Planning

Committee reports, the Downtown Economic Analysis Report from 2008, as well as an info note from the Social Planning Council (2013) regarding the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe (2006).

Organization Letters

Throughout the planning process for growth in Peterborough, there were many opportunities for consultation between key organizations and city planning officials. One of the requirements of the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006), was that included cities update their official plans in order to conform to the plan. During this conformity exercise,

Peterborough’s Planning Department consulted with several organizations in Peterborough, including The Affordable Housing Action Committee, Peterborough’s Partnership Council on

Immigrant Integration, The Otonabee Region Conservation Authority, as well as the Ontario

Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, in order to give them the opportunity to make suggestions to the proposed official plan amendments (City of Peterborough, 2009). The suggestions and input from these organizations were documented and received in letters which would later become supplementary documents, referred to as exhibits, to the Official Plan.

Affordable Housing Action Committee

The Affordable Housing Action Committee (AHAC), which advocates and supports low income and affordable housing initiatives in Peterborough, expressed concern over the plan’s definition for affordable housing as well as issues revolving around housing production and energy strategies. Affordable housing is seen as a growing concern in Peterborough as, at the time of the letter in May 2009, 6,385 of the 12,650 rental households were paying more than

30% of their income on housing needs (Affordable Housing Action Committee, 2009). Based on a 2003 report assessing the housing needs, 200 new units are needed per year in order to provide an adequate housing supply to suit the needs of the Peterborough community

(Affordable Housing Action Committee, 2003). In order to help with this supply, the AHAC suggested that new affordable units built each year be increased from 10 percent to 25 percent

(Affordable Housing Action Committee, 2003). This suggests that the need for adequate and

affordable housing was needed prior to and since the implementation of Places to Grow Act

(2005). The AHAC also recommended that the city perform a biennial Housing Report in which

land supply, housing stock (conditions and supply), demand and development could be

monitored, updated and analyzed in accordance both with the Housing Strategy. This biennial report is seen to help establish the “complete community” that the Places to Grow Act (2005) and Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) strongly emphasizes. Other suggestions made by the AHAC included: the promotion of energy consumption and the use of energy efficient built forms as well as the creation of an affordable housing policy to help guide production, monitoring and designation of affordable housing (Affordable Housing Action

Committee, 2009).

Peterborough Partnership Council on Immigrant Integration

The contributions made by the Peterborough Partnership Council on Immigrant

Integration (PPCII) are not directly linked to official plan amendments, but rather reflect the

Planning Peterborough to 2031 document released in April 2009. The PPCII, are concerned with the role that immigrants play in Peterborough, as well as ensuring there are services, amenities and opportunities for immigrant growth and integration (Peterborough Partnership Council on

Immigrant Integration, 2009). PPCII emphasizes in their letter that immigrants are expected to account for the growth that Peterborough will experience by 2031 thereby making immigration the reality for population growth (Peterborough Partnership Council on Immigrant Integration,

2009). This contradicts with the Planning to 2031 document which recognizes immigration in

Peterborough to be considerably lower than the rest of the Greater Golden Horseshoe, 9.9% compared to 35.5%, and therefore suggests that immigration will not play a large role in

Peterborough’s population growth through to 2031 (Peterborough Planning Dept., 2009;

Peterborough Partnership Council on Immigrant Integration, 2009). Despite this contradiction,

the PPCII suggests that Peterborough’s plan acknowledge the immigrant population especially in

regards to the provision of services (e.g. housing, transportation, education), and plans directed

towards city infill and intensification (Peterborough Partnership Council on Immigrant

Integration, 2009).

Otonabee Region Conservation Authority

Places to Grow (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006), in combination with Peterborough’s various planning documents, deal with a variety of issues, from economic and cultural to environmental. While the economic issues often take the forefront of planning discussion, Peterborough’s unique landscape, which includes Little Lake, the Otonabee River, as well as several other watersheds and floodplains, requires that environmental considerations be made in planning. The Otonabee Region Conservation

Authority (ORCA) is the leading authority in Peterborough when it comes to advocating for the local environment. ORCA made two major suggestions in regards to the Official Plan amendment; firstly, to have wording for sections involving the natural environment and human health reflect that of the Provincial Policy Statement (PPS) to ensure consistency, and secondly, to clearly identify those lands that fall within the floodplain and subsequently have them removed from any development and/or intensification plans (Otonabee Region Conservation

Authority, 2009).

Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing

Similar to the requests made by ORCA to have the Official Plan amendments reflect the

Provincial Policy Statement wording, suggestions made from the Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing (MMAH) also reflected this need (Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2014).

The MMAH works in combination with the Ministry of Energy and Infrastructure, who are responsible for implementing the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006), and

when given the opportunity to review Peterborough’s proposed Official Plan amendment took

the opportunity to do so via an official provincial review process. This process looked directly at

the wording in the proposed plan and made suggestions based on the Provincial Policy

Statement, and the policies laid out in the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe

(Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2014).

Planning Committee Reports

The Planning Department of Peterborough has many roles, one of which is to maintain communication with both the public and the Members of the Planning Committee. One way this communication takes place is through regular reports that are drafted and submitted in response to major planning initiatives, reports, plans, and anything else that is deemed imperative to open up communication. While there are many of these reports that have been published and made available to the public since the Growth Plan’s implementation in 2006, there are four primary reports that are of importance to this thesis. The first two are directly related to the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006), with the first one specifically related to Peterborough’s Official Plan Amendment and the second with the Growth

Forecast Review performed by the Ministry of Energy and Infrastructure between 2009 and

2012. The second two reports are from 2011 and 2013 and are directed towards the Plan It

Peterborough Official Plan Review, with the first providing the initial information regarding the review and the latter discussing that results of Phase 1 completion.

The Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe required that municipalities in the

GGH update their Official Plans in order to comply with growth projections and requirements.

While there were several reports that discussed Peterborough’s Official Plan Amendment and growth forecasting, reports PLPD09-018B (2009), and PLPD10-030 (2010), provided a summary of the consultation process that took place regarding the Official Plan, recommendations made

to Council, as well as issues pertaining the current growth forecasting, and the proposed review

to growth forecasts that the Ministry of Infrastructure was in the midst of preparing.

Both reports provided brief highlights of both the population and employment growth forecasts, projected to be 13,000 and 1,300 respectively, as well as the policy highlights that were received and proposed following consultation with various organizations, departments and public open house discussions (Hetherington, 2010; Hunt, 2009). The policy highlights reflect five sections contained within the Official Plan: Section 2-Basis of the Plan which provides an overview of the goals and objectives contained within the Plan as well as any relevant background information, Section 3.7-Energy and Air Quality, Section 4.3.3-Housing Production which was amended to make additional provisions for affordable housing policy, Section 8.3-

Community Improvement which updated policies that were over 20 years old but also stated that there would be community improvement plan implemented at that time, and finally Official

Plan Schedules which provides for the maps required by the Growth Plan to showcase the Urban

Growth Centre, Designated Greenfield Areas, Intensification Corridors, Transit Stations, Built

Boundary and Employment Areas (Hunt, 2009). In addition, the report also provides a summary of the recommendations provided from organizations and public open houses both in writing and during open houses. Several organizations raised concern that by increasing the density in the Urban Growth Centre that maintaining the level of services may become a challenge that they would have to deal with. The idea of “complete communities”, which was initially laid out in the Growth Plan, was also shared and expressed by several organizations as a necessary policy direction (Hunt, 2009). While the organizations consulted and the public open houses resulted in similar responses and concerns, the attendance rate for the public open house was relatively low, only 25-30 people total over four meetings (Hunt, 2009). This low attendance rate suggests that there is a disconnect in the community and that in order to establish a more

“complete community” it will be necessary to not only make policy amendments directed

towards housing, infrastructure, natural and cultural heritage, and economic development but

also to establish a more informed and involved population.

Plan It Peterborough became the official brand for the Official Plan Review which began

in 2011. The review process, which was required by the Planning Act, was a major public consultation undertaking and had been divided into two phases; phase one involved reviewing the key issues, options and priorities with organizations, stakeholders and the public, and phase two was the actual Policy Renewal Phase in which official plan amendments were carried out

(Hetherington, 2011). Report PLPD11-011 from March 21, 2011, provides the initial information of Plan It Peterborough, outlining the phases, as discussed above.

Phase one, reviewing key issues, options and priorities took two years to complete and was summarized in Report PLPD13-014 from March 4th, 2013. It is in this report that the results of the phase one completion are provided as well as the Potential Policy Directions Report presented (Hetherington, 2013). Turnout for the consultation process was considerably higher than that of the Official Plan amendment meetings in 2009, with almost 400 people in attendance to meetings, workshops and speaking engagements (Hetherington, 2013). Unlike the meetings in 2009, which were publicized solely through the use of newspapers, Plan It

Peterborough was publicized both through the newspaper as well as public venues such as the public library, Memorial Centre, and Lansdowne Place Mall (Hetherington, 2013). A common vision for an inclusive, pedestrian-friendly community that supports economic growth while preserving the natural environment was expressed during the consultation process

(Hetherington, 2013). It was also a common goal to see Peterborough become a vibrant destination that would both attract and welcome newcomers whilst still maintaining and providing appropriate services, facilities and accessibility measures for the existing community

(Hetherington, 2013). The use of everyday language in plan amendments as well as increased

planning regarding cultural heritage was also a frequent suggestion made during the online

review process of the Potential Policy Directions Report (Hetherington, 2013).

Finally, the report lays out the framework for Phase Two, which involves the official policy renewal process (Hetherington, 2013). This process has been slated to take place in two phases given the breadth of information received during the consultation process. The first amendment will address issues regarding healthy communities as well as connectivity and mobility issues, while the second amendment will address environmental sustainability, unique and vibrant places and economic strength and sustainability issues. These amendments are suggested to be completed by late 2014 following draft policy approval (Hetherington, 2013).

Downtown Economic Analysis

In 2008, City of Peterborough Planning authorities commissioned UrbanMetrics, to conduct an economic analysis on Peterborough’s Downtown. This purpose of this study was to analyze the function of the downtown and to make recommendations as needed for the Official

Plan review (UrbanMetrics, 2008). The report, which was divided into twelve sections, looked at recent developments, issues, suggestions for revitalization, investments, incentive programs as well as recommendations to be made for the Downtown Peterborough. While this study was conducted shortly after the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) was implemented and therefore does not take into account recent developments related to the

Growth Plan, it provides a good insight into the state of the Downtown at the onset of the

Growth Plan.

The Downtown Economic Analysis (DEA) provided a brief, but effective, background on

Peterborough’s Downtown, emphasizing the struggles the Downtown has been faced with following the departure of Eaton’s from the Peterborough Square Mall (UrbanMetrics, 2008).

The DEA also emphasized that the challenges the City of Peterborough is facing with the

Downtown are not specific to Peterborough but are challenges that cities all across Canada face

(UrbanMetrics, 2008). The analysis, which utilized a variety of methods including surveys, found that Peterborough’s Downtown has a variety of uses, not just from those who live in the city, who were the primary visitors to the Downtown, but also to those that live outside of the city

(UrbanMetrics, 2008). People who use the downtown do so for pleasure, whether that be shopping, walking or to enjoy natural or cultural heritage sites, as well as for employment or business needs. Much like the Municipal Cultural Plan (2012) and the Little Lake Master Plan

(2010), which both came after the analysis, the Downtown Economic Analysis suggests that

Peterborough’s Downtown has a variety of amenities that serve employment, cultural, natural and lifestyle needs that need to be adequately planned for in order to support and maintain the current population as well as to ensure growth can happen as required by the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) (UrbanMetrics, 2008).

In response to surveys conducted on the community perceptions of Peterborough’s

Downtown as well as requirements set forth by the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe, the Downtown Economic Analysis provided a list of thirteen recommendations.

Recommendations made include: introducing policies and appropriate programs to encourage residential intensification in the downtown, protect Downtown Peterborough as the major office and government centre, protect against further erosion of downtown retail, establish an institutional hub in the downtown, promote the core for cultural and entertainment uses, develop a downtown brand, review traffic circulation in the Central Area, enhance pedestrian and cyclist accessibility, improve accessibility of the Downtown for seniors and families, develop a downtown tourist strategy, develop downtown urban design guidelines, develop a monitoring report for the downtown, and finally designate a Community Improvement Plan (CIP) area

(UrbanMetrics, 2008). As has already been discussed in earlier discussions of other planning

documents, many of the suggestions made by the DEA have since been carried out, or are in the

process of being implemented.

In addition to the recommendations, and similarly to the Municipal Cultural Plan (2012), which utilized detailed examples of cities for Peterborough to use as a guide or benchmark when planning, the Downtown Economic Analysis used several case studies of cities that have features in common with Peterborough (UrbanMetrics, 2008). The cities chosen (2008) included: Kingston, Oakville, Brampton, and Boulder, Colorado. All four of these cities have faced difficulty with retail erosion and limited population growth, but have been able to maximize investments to their Downtowns in order to foster retail, tourist and economic growth. (UrbanMetrics, 2008) Based on these examples, as well as other studies UrbanMetrics has performed, they determined that there are a series of critical success factors that downtowns need to satisfy in order to become a successful commercial district. Some of the factors suggested include: market driven retail uses, a setting that is different than suburban shopping areas and that often feeds off of the natural or heritage landscapes available, a sense of civic commitment to make it a community space, a large residential population near the downtown, as well as an influential cultural and entertainment offering (UrbanMetrics, 2008).

The Downtown Economic Analysis (2008), while not an official planning document for

Peterborough, provided the information needed for existing plans to come into conformity with the needs of the Places to Grow Act (2005) and Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe

(2006) as well as for the development of new plans. While the chosen cities to use as a guide or benchmark for Peterborough may or may not prove effective, it allows Peterborough planning officials as well as the general public an example to look to as there is minimal information and studies involving mid-sized cities, specifically in Canada.

4.9 Summary

The Municipal planning documents in this chapter were chosen based on their importance not only to planning in Peterborough, but to supporting and inviting growth and development in the Downtown area. Table 4 (below) shows a summary of the Municipal planning documents assessed including the main themes and conflicts addressed in each document. Of the nine documents explored, two had roots extended prior to the implementation of the Places to Grow Act (2005). That means that while those two documents were updated recently, the other seven documents, were all created after the introduction of

Places to Grow (2005), and therefore are framed with those guidelines and goals in mind. Five documents are directly related to planning and set the framework for policies in Peterborough, while the other four documents provide an analysis or suggestions for the enhancement of the planning documents. All of the documents discussed identify issues, strategies, solutions, or a combination of all three, to a variety of themes including: intensification, environmental sustainability and protection, and cultural preservation.

This document analysis, in combination with the Provincial document analysis in

Chapter 3, provides the framework needed to assess the impact of planning principles and practices on the City of Peterborough. This shift to “on the ground” research, allows us to take the theoretical plans and policies developed by stakeholders, and see how effective they are in planning for growth and development by those that use them on a daily basis.

Table 4: Summary of Municipal Documents

Year of Other documents Primary Focus Main Issue(s)/Conflict(s) document mentioned 1947-2009 -to provide the backbone for -does not identify issues or -Secondary Plans Peterborough planning in all of Peterborough conflicts, rather provides the -Growth Plan Official Plan solutions and protocol for -Places to Grow issues 2009 -provide an update to the 1991 -22 strategies: related to -Official Plan Downtown Master Plan revitalization, residential -Growth Plan for the -implement changes in intensification, promotion of Greater Golden Central Area response to Places to Grow Act, downtown gateways, city Horseshoe Master Plan Growth Plan for the GGH, and redesign -Places to Grow Act studies performed -‘downtown first’ focus -Downtown Economic Analysis 2009 -Conformity exercise -identifies key features of -Official Plan introducing Growth Plan and Growth Plan -Growth Plan Planning how it will affect Peterborough -identifies problems with -Place to Grow Peterborough planning for growth: to 2031 isolation, student and senior populations 1986-2010 -secondary plan for Little Lake -concerns itself most with -Official Plan Area which includes the lands ecological preservation Little Lake surrounding Little Lake -also makes suggestions for Master Plan (downtown, Hunter St, South cultural heritage, vibrant George St and Lansdowne downtown, and Bridge) intensification efforts 2013 -official plan review process, -identifies five main themes -Official Plan Phase one -Places to Grow Plan It -Growth Plan Peterborough -Central Area Master Official Plan Plan Review -Little Lake MP -Municipal Cultural Plan 2012 -development of first cultural -illustrates the importance of -Official Plan plan cultural planning -Little Lake MP Municipal -new economy -Central Area MP Cultural Plan -creative city -7 strategic directions

2009-2011 -reports submitted for approval -2009 reports in re: OP -Official Plan Planning from council amendment -Plan It Peterborough Committee -2011/13 reports re: Plan It -Places to Grow Reports Peterborough OP Review Growth Plan 2009-2010 -suggestions from -suggestions re: wording of -Official Plan Letters agencies/committees in regards policy, incorporation of -Growth Plan to Official Plan Amendment immigrant populations, -Places to Grow to/from (2009) affordable housing plans, Community and considerations for Organizations environmental assessment/protection 2008 -study to determine the -Retail erosion as main -Places to Grow Downtown function and health of conflict -Growth Plan Economic Peterborough’s Downtown -examples of cities to use as -Official Plan Analysis benchmark

Chapter 5 – Assessing Peterborough’s Planning Response: Conversations with Policy Makers and Stakeholders and Evidence from GIS Analysis

In order to assess the validity and effectiveness of both the Provincial and Municipal planning documents, as well as to demonstrate the gap that exists in planning between large- scale and mid-sized cities, two distinct methodologies were utilized to test the relationships between lived experience and grounded development. This involved interviews with key stakeholders and corporation officers, and change detection methods involving GIS analysis.

Participants included two members of the Planning Department with the City of Peterborough,

one member from the Peterborough Social Planning Council, two local ward councilors who

have significant ties to the community, as well as the Ontario Growth Secretariat. Throughout

the interview process, several themes relating to the Growth Plan and its impact on the City of

Peterborough became evident. This chapter provides the results of these interviews in relation

to the following themes: defining growth, urban revitalization strategies, challenges facing

downtown revitalization and population growth, and opinions on the Growth Plan and its

application in a mid-sized city. It should be noted at the onset of this chapter that the opinions

expressed during interviews were of both a professional and personal nature. In cases where it

was made explicitly clear that the opinion was of a personal nature, the results will be presented

as such.

5.1 Defining Growth

The definition of growth as it pertains to the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe (2006), as well as Peterborough’s Official Plan (2009) is interpreted and implemented through a variety of definitions. Prior to the Places to Grow Act (2005), policy developments under the Harris government in the 1990s, including the development of the Ontario Smart

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Growth Plan, set the framework for Places to Grow and subsequent development, intensification and revitalization strategies. According to the Ontario Growth Secretariat Smart

Growth is defined as "an integrated and innovative approach to sustainable urban development". While the general definition of Smart Growth is widely accepted in the planning context as promoting and planning for sustainable development, the term is not without contestation.

Defining growth as it pertains to individual municipalities is no small feat. Smart Growth has been seen as a blanket term that originated in the United States and due to Canada's varying population densities and overall growth dynamics, the term does not provide an accurate reference for sustainable growth. In developing official plans and other supplementary planning documents, the City of Peterborough developed a series of defining phrases and words that accurately reflect what sustainable development means for them. These phrases and words include, but are not limited to: complete communities, sustainable, and mixed use.

Despite the varying definitions for growth, a common theme emerges; to develop cities in a manner that works for the long term, whilst promoting residential and commercial co-existing, and cities that are accessible through a variety of transportation options.

In defining growth at the municipal level, it became evident that identifying how growth was being used at the city level, particularly in regards to development and intensification goals, was just as important as the definition itself. Ken Hetherington, Manager of Planning, identified planning policies and plans as being a critical component to growth and development in

Peterborough and cities in general. He explained that through the use of various policies and plans, the city is able to define growth as it applies to Peterborough and establish the goals required to achieve development targets, as well as the strategies that can be used to reach said goals (Hetherington, City Planner Interview, 2013). Hetherington also emphasized that "we [City

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of Peterborough Planning Division] are not a development community...we don't create high

density apartment buildings downtown, all we do is put the policies in place to promote that to

happen", which reinforces the notion that in order to achieve development goals, a strong

policy framework is needed (Hetherington, City Planner Interview, 2013). Dean Pappas and

Henry Clarke, both city councilors, also emphasized the importance of effective and efficient plans and policies to guiding growth and development in Peterborough (Clarke, City Councilor

Interview, 2014; Pappas, City Councilor Interview, 2013). Clarke also suggested that policies are developed "which encourage people to live or work or preferably both in the downtown core", which maintains that growth in the downtown is key to development and intensification, but that the policies in place to support that need to be sufficient and satisfy the needs of residential and business opportunities (Clarke, City Councilor Interview, 2014).

5.2 Strategies for Urban Revitalization

Planning for growth in cities requires specific strategies to be used in order to meet targets efficiently. Throughout history various strategies for development, revitalization, and sustainability have been employed by planning bodies around the world. From Ebenezer

Howard's "Garden City" model in the late 1800s-early 1990s to Jane Jacob's more modern walkable city, there has always been the need to improve revitalize and design cities to create this highly desirable complete community (Jacobs, 1961; Howard, 1946).

Before the Places to Grow Act's implementation in 2006, earlier provincial and federal administrations attempted to enact Smart Growth plans and strategies for the GGH area, including the restriction of development along protected areas such as the Oak Ridges Moraine

(Winfield, 2012). While this was a step in the right direction, little was being done in the way of controls for existing urban expansion areas. Development strategies for urban areas was left primarily up to the control of local planning and development officials. In some aspects

102 development policies were successful, while in others they were seen as only exacerbating the ever growing problem of urban sprawl.

Prior to 2006, Peterborough's planning officials adopted a variety of development strategies designed to minimize extensive sprawl, whilst ensuring the growth of business and residential populations within the city boundaries. Hetherington and Brad Appleby, a Planner with the City of Peterborough, emphasized the City's attempt to "build more flexibility into its land use planning regulations to facilitate certain types of development" (Appleby, City Planner

Interview, 2013) and "no DCs or development charges to promote higher densities in our [City of

Peterborough] initial plan" (Hetherington, City Planner Interview, 2013). Ward councilors Clarke and Pappas emphasized the importance of a successful downtown with it being "the economic engine of the community" (Clarke, City Councilor Interview, 2014).

While some strategies employed by the City of Peterborough before 2006 wielded some success, they were not without some pitfalls. Ward councilor, Pappas discussed the lack of planning initiative that took place both on the local and provincial levels. He explained that the various development plans for the downtown, the main one being the Downtown Action Plan released in 1993, was "due to be updated in 2003...and didn't get done until 2009" (Pappas, City

Councilor Interview, 2014), and that it became "just a vision statement...so there was no real intensification policy" (Pappas, City Councilor Interview, 2014). A member of the Peterborough

Social Planning Council, a non-profit organization whose main focus working towards a sustainable and healthy community through social involvement, emphasized the historic planning practices of City councils suggesting that "councils in the past have promoted urban sprawl and have been building our community to support cars" (PSPC, Stakeholder Interview,

2013). It was also suggested that this planning perspective created a "car-centric community without the ability to actualize Smart Growth" (PSPC, Stakeholder Interview, 2013), and that

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policy makers, both local and provincial, failed to realize that "contained [and dense]

communities are more cost effective for the municipality" (PSPC, Stakeholder Interview, 2013).

Following the integration of the Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the

GGH (2006), the Ontario government, along with municipalities part of the GGH, were tasked with modifying existing policies and developing new strategies to allow for more sustainable economic, environmental and cultural growth to meet intensification targets and reduce urban sprawl. In the years following 2006, the City of Peterborough Planning authorities and the many stakeholders with a vested interest in the well-being and sustainability of Peterborough, have developed a variety of strategies to assist with reaching growth, development, and sustainability goals. These strategies having taken shape with the development of various planning documents described in the municipal policy analysis chapter, multiple programs and initiatives started by social and political groups, as well as various other policies implemented by the City of Peterborough that are not directly referred to in policy documents.

To understand how Peterborough has adapted to the growth plan since 2006, it is important to examine at what the Ontario government has done or is doing, in order to gain a clearer picture of what local municipalities, such as Peterborough, have to work with.

Informants interviewed at the Ontario Growth Secretariat (OGS), explained that there are several initiatives that have been completed or are in the midst of completion (OGS, Ministry

Interview, 2014). These initiatives span from research oriented tasks such as, "the identification of existing built-up areas...an assessment of employment lands...[and] a review of growth forecasts" (OGS, Ministry Interview, 2014), training and public engagement which focuses on educating stakeholders and planners on various planning strategies and policy implementation, and finally to infrastructure funding. According to ward councilors and planning official’s responses to this problem, Provincial investment in infrastructure is key: "if you're expecting

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private investment...there's got to be some public investment" (Hetherington, City Planner

Interview, 2013). "The Province has yet to bring their chequebook to the table" (Pappas, City

Councilor Interview, 2014). This would constitute a move in the right direction to building less car-centric communities.

The funding described by the OGS is divided between transit and other infrastructure costs. What is unclear however is how the infrastructure budget is divided between municipalities and whether the City of Peterborough will receive enough of that funding to make significant advancements towards sustainable development and the shift away from a car- centric community.

Throughout the interview process it became evident that the popular strategies for development and growth, could be grouped into four main themes. These themes include: community vision, social and cultural planning, capital project strategies, and other development strategies that do not clearly fit into another theme.

Community Vision

Much like the importance of defining growth and development in Peterborough, interviewees emphasized the importance of defining not just what community is, but what the community vision of growth and development in Peterborough would look like. Dawn Berry, member of the Peterborough Social Planning Council (PSPC), highlighted that in order to successfully plan for a community, it is necessary to look at "what makes a community" (PSPC,

Stakeholder Interview, 2013). By considering a multitude of factors, such as diversity, economic needs, cultural and social needs, as well as the need for natural heritage, Berry suggests that planners and developers, in partnership with the citizens of Peterborough, can develop strategies for capital and social growth that promote the values of Peterborough. In defining community and growth strategies, both Berry and City Planner Brad Appleby, emphasized the

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importance of a holistic approach to social and growth planning, in that initiatives, policies and

other programs take into account not just the economic benefits but the cultural,

environmental, and community benefits and impacts as well. Berry stated "social planning must

look at the quality of life of people from many different angles...planning a community must be

built upon a vision of growth that is sustainable" (PSPC, Stakeholder Interview, 2013). Appleby

supported Berry's approach in suggesting that successful planning needs to consider more than

just the economic benefits, and take into consideration the other impacts on the community.

Social and Cultural Planning

Community definitions and the importance of holistic planning approaches, brought discussions towards social and cultural planning initiatives and policies. As noted in the summary table presented later this chapter (Table 5), multiple interviewees mentioned and discussed in some level of detail the development of social and cultural planning initiatives and policies and their role in planning for growth in Peterborough. The 2012 Municipal Cultural Plan

(MCP; discussed in detail in Chapter 4), was the first of its kind in Peterborough, and acknowledges the City's recognition of the "role that the City's cultural assets play in building

Peterborough's future prosperity" (MCP, 2012). As part of this plan, the city undertook substantial cultural mapping in which "roughly 200 different cultural groups" were recognized in

Peterborough, signifying its diversity (Clarke, City Councilor Interview, 2014). The Peterborough

Social Planning Council, whose mission in Peterborough has been to improve the quality of life for community members through research and opportunity, take a particular interest in social and cultural initiatives in the city. Berry emphasized the new Municipal Cultural Plan as being

"vibrant...and [requires that] new projects must be viewed through a cultural lens" (PSPC,

Stakeholder Interview, 2013). This lens helps ensure that policies, by-laws, and any other planning related issues take into account the municipal plan in addition to the Official Plan.

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In addition to the Municipal Cultural Plan, Appleby highlighted the Sustainability Plan

and Retail Market Analysis as increasingly beneficial to social and cultural planning in

Peterborough. The Sustainability Plan, lays out the framework on policies and initiatives that

allow Peterborough to grow efficiently while protecting the environment around which the

community grows. Berry suggested as well that part of what makes a community great, and

what goes into social and cultural planning is the environment and green space accessible. By

having policies and plans in place, such as the Sustainability Plan, the City of Peterborough is

recognizing that the environment is an important part of living and is necessary to protect and plan for appropriately. Tying in with the Sustainability Plan was the Retail Market Analysis taken on by an outside agency in 2009. Appleby refers to this analysis as being key in determining how much retail space there is, and where it is located. This analysis provided and continues to be an excellent reference for planners and city officials to see what space is being used, how it is being used, and where to direct attention for growth and development.

Capital Project Strategies

Defining community expectations and needs prompts the development of the various policies, plans and initiatives that ultimately lay the groundwork and structure for capital project strategies. Capital project strategies can be quickly described as the financial spending that goes on to support growth and development. This capital investment has been a long-standing tradition in city growth and development, as all interested parties need to bring something to the table to drive interest, whether that be federal and provincial monies, local, or private investment. Hetherington (Manager of Planning), Clarke and Pappas (City Councilors) all recognized the importance of capital project spending as a strategy to development and growth in relation to the Growth Plan, providing numerous examples of what has been implemented since 2005.

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Community renewal strategies were one of the most frequently talked about development strategies by interviewees. Clarke, Hetherington, and Pappas all drew attention to community renewal and revitalization as being key, not only to promoting growth and development, but to bringing people back into the downtown core of Peterborough. In discussing whether more focus is directed towards the downtown versus other commercial areas in Peterborough (e.g. Lansdowne Street), Clarke simply stated, "[the] downtown is first among equals" (Clarke, City Councilor Interview, 2014). This claim is supported with the multitude of downtown renewal projects that have taken place over the recent years, as well as those planned in the future. Renewal projects that include, streetscape programs, the development and expansion of the cafe district on Hunter Street, the plans for similar cafe district developments on Charlotte Street, as well as the renewed interest in creating an urban park in the Lewis Street parking lot. In connection with the previously mentioned streetscape programs, is the Community Improvement Plan (CIP). The CIP, provides multiple funding options for building and heritage site improvements, with the most popular and successful being the

“Facade Plan”. The objective of this plan, as Hetherington suggested, is to put "money on the table to improve [structures]...[while] maintaining heritage characteristics" (Hetherington, City

Planner Interview, 2013). Hetherington stated that he "believed [this] to be one of the best development incentives" (Hetherington, City Planner Interview, 2013).

While emphasis was awarded to community renewal strategies and revitalization, the importance and necessity for infrastructure investment did not go unmentioned by all those interviewed. As Clarke explained there has been, "[over] $400 million put into infrastructure" in recent years (Clarke, City Councilor Interview, 2014). This includes everything from road improvement, to water and sewer maintenance and expansion, to the additions to

Peterborough Airport in the more recent years. This type of investment is not necessarily

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unique to Peterborough, but it does recognize the need to improve basic infrastructure services

to not only provide for the existing population, but for the increasing numbers strived for.

Infrastructure investment, as noted by the Ontario Growth Secretariat, is an investment strategy

the Province supports as they provide significant "transportation funding [and programs]" for

cities in need (OGS, Ministry Interview, 2014). Hetherington also drew attention to the recent

completion of the Otonabee trail, a project that cost the city approximately $3 million, but

provides a much needed pedestrian connection between the east and west sides of the city

(Hetherington, City Planner Interview, 2013).

Other Strategies

In addition to the strategies above which were discussed in some lengthy detail by council members and planning officials, there were several other strategies for growth and development brought to the foreground. Hetherington listed several incentives offered to commercial business owners and developers in order to promote development in the downtown core. These incentives, which include: phase in tax increases over a 10-year period, waiving or discounting development charges for new construction ventures, as well as a lowered parking spot requirement in comparison to areas outside of the downtown core, are all geared towards marketing Peterborough's downtown as an attractive place for commercial business owners to move their business (Hetherington, City Planner Interview, 2013). Hetherington also noted that there is increased attention towards "brownfield development [and creating] a balance of green versus brown development" in Peterborough. This increased attention towards brownfield development is critical, considering the decline of manufacturing, to maintaining and promoting the vibrant community that people are looking for.

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Summary

Throughout the interview process, several themes emerged from discussions with respondents. Within these themes, several strategies for city planning, development, and growth were discussed as being relevant and imperative to current planning scenarios.

Respondents emphasized three core development themes, with a range of strategies contained within each theme. While some respondents were the only ones to discuss some themes (e.g.

City Planner Brad Appleby’s discussion regarding the Sustainability Plan and Downtown retail analysis, or Ken Hetherington’s emphasis on urban parks and Brownfield development), several themes were a key point of discussion among multiple respondents.

Development Theme Strategies Respondents

Community vision Defining community Brad Appleby - City Planner Recognizing diversity Dawn Berry - PSPC Quality of life factors Union of various strategies Social and Cultural Planning Municipal Cultural Plan and mapping Dawn Berry - PSPC Brad Appleby - City Planner Henry Clarke - City Councilor Sustainability Plan Brad Appleby - City Planner Downtown retail analysis Brad Appleby - City Planner Capital Project Strategies Community renewal Henry Clarke - City Councilor Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Dean Pappas - City Councilor Cafe/restaurant district Henry Clarke - City Councilor Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Urban parks Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Infrastructure - Otonabee trail Henry Clarke - City Councilor investment -roadways Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning -airport Dean Pappas - City Councilor Ontario Growth Secretariat Other development Development and tax breaks Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning strategies Relaxed by-law requirements Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Dean Pappas - City Councilor Brown field development Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Training initiatives Ontario Growth Secretariat

Table 5: Summary of development themes discussed during interviews *Please note that this is not an exhaustive list

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As Table 5 summarizes, there were several strategies for development that both City

Councilors and Planners agreed were effective and useful in the City of Peterborough (e.g. infrastructure development, community renewal, and by-law requirements being a few). The table above (Table 5) provides a summary of the key development themes that emerged during discussion, as well as the strategies contained within each theme, and the respondents who discussed their merit. What is clear from interviews however, is that while there are lots of ideas and priorities, there lacks a certain vision and specific set of strategies. This diversity in strategies, while can be beneficial, makes it difficult for the city to implement a strategy for growth and development efficiently.

5.3 Peterborough’s Development Challenges

Despite the strategies being developed and implemented to help guide growth and

development in Peterborough, ON, there are still several challenges that face planning officials.

Throughout the discussions with planners, councilors, and other stakeholders, several themes

regarding these challenges emerged including: distance from the GTA, Hwy 407 expansion, local

infrastructure and landscape, financial factors, downtown barriers, among others.

Distance from GTA

In looking at a map of the Greater Golden Horseshoe (Figure 14), it is notable that

Peterborough is significantly further away from any other city in the GGH, especially the GTA. As

Pappas stated, "we are 45 minutes from the next one [GGH city]" (Pappas, City Councilor

Interview, 2014). Berry emphasized that the distance from the GTA has one advantage, it has allowed Peterborough to develop as a regional centre, but that it does have clear disadvantages.

The distance between Peterborough and the GTA has resulted in "manufacturing using this as an excuse to move out" (PSPC, Stakeholder Interview, 2013), which is further supported by the

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decrease in industrial and manufacturing opportunities in Peterborough. Peterborough used to

be a hub for industrial and manufacturing activity, and now struggles to maintain what few

industrial opportunities are still available. Both Appleby and Hetherington emphasize the

importance of distance from the GTA in conjunction with Peterborough's non-location on a 400

series highway. In discussing how location on the highway has effected growth, Appleby stated

that, "location at the end of Hwy 115 rather than mid-route on a major provincial expressway

has historically limited our growth rates". In addition, Hetherington noted that "the City of

Peterborough is a destination...you don't go through Peterborough" (2013). Both of these statements reflect the general feeling that Peterborough does not belong as part of the GGH, and that its clear distance, while an advantage in some regards, has historically and presently been a hindrance to growth and development.

Figure 14: Peterborough in relation to the rest of the GGH Source: Neptis Foundation (2011)

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Highway 407 Expansion

With the implementation of Places to Grow (2005), the Ontario government has increased funding for infrastructure improvements and developments in an effort to ease congestion, service more areas, and move people more efficiently, especially in and out of the

GTA. The 407 expansion is one such example of the infusion of infrastructure money in partnership with private investment. The 407, which prior to expansion went as far East as

Whitby/Oshawa, is expected to continue as far as Hwy 115. This inevitable expansion brought about some interesting hypotheticals on not only the potential impact on the City of

Peterborough, which could see itself become a more established bedroom community, but how the City is planning for such impacts. The general consensus among those interviewed, was one of doubt and uncertainty about the potential for positive impact on the city. PSPC (2013) suggested that the 407 expansion may help in making it easier for people to access Toronto for various cultural and social opportunities, while Hetherington postulated that the easy access may help sway a company who is on the fence about moving to Peterborough, however these remain as hypotheticals and both interviewees expressed their uncertainty of not only the successful completion of the 407, but whether this positive impacts would come to fruition.

While the 407 has allowed for residential development in its existing locations due to growth strategies that see growth along major transportation corridors, it remains to be said whether this expansion will have any impact on the residential growth in Peterborough. Both Appleby and Hetherington, planners with the City, felt as though the expansion will do little if anything for residential growth. Appleby stated, “less sure about how much residential growth may be stimulated”, whereas Hetherington just flatly said “will it double population? No” (2013). This suggests, that those responsible for planning in Peterborough, are not currently expecting any major influx in residents as a result of the 407 and therefore are not planning exclusively for

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that. Despite the unlikelihood of a population boom, Berry did raise concerns about the 407 as

it may “provide improved access to those wishing to target Peterborough for crime and illegal

activities” (2013). There was little said in the way of policies in place to help prevent this or how

to plan for it, as it remains a hypothetical situation.

Local Infrastructure and Landscape

Overall, Peterborough presents an interesting geographic challenge to planning with its location being considerably further away than most other GGH cities. In addition to the general location, Peterborough itself has a unique landscape that presents planners and councilors with added challenges in planning for growth and sustainability. As Councilor Clarke emphasized “we have a river running through the middle of the city that divides in geographically”. This river, the Otonabee River, has presented numerous challenges for the city, from how to provide services equally on both sides, to how to encourage movements across both sides. While

Manager of City Planning Hetherington points to the development of the Otonabee trail development, this has not promoted significant movement between the east and west sides of the City, as the downtown remains on the west bank, along with all major growth and development along Lansdowne Street. Clarke also noted that the combination of the river and drumlin create a “natural boundary” to the City, which has created several challenges in the delivery of services “[making] it difficult for pumping water and sewage” (Clarke, City Councilor

Interview, 2014). Discussions were brought up about previous severe flooding in Peterborough, and how this natural boundary, creates divisions within the City and that there is no one way to plan for such challenges as the infrastructure requires extensive forethought and planning for individual and unique situations throughout the City.

The natural boundary was found to not just impact basic services such as water and sewage, but according to both Clarke and Hetherington, it is also a driving force in “in the

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demand over where the roads should be” (Clarke, City Councilor Interview, 2014), as well as

greatly impacts the availability of serviceable industrial land. The northeast – southwest, as

Clarke refers to it, adds to the natural boundary and creates further division in the city.

Hetherington agreed as well that cuts to transportation budgets, as well as limited infrastructure

for cyclists makes it difficult to promote increased movement, as well as a shift towards more

sustainable modes of transportation. The proposed implementation of the Parkway, which is

expected to extend from Hwy 115, to the north end of Peterborough, according to those

interviewed, will not offer any additional advantages and instead will negatively impact the

downtown region. As Dean Pappas suggested, the Parkway will save “30 seconds” off the

normal commute from the south end to the north, but that 30 seconds will bypass the

downtown area, and create a barrier to the downtown and reduce, the number of people

travelling there. Clarke was increasingly concerned with the lack of serviceable - both from a

transportation and utilities standpoint - industrial land in Peterborough. Peterborough, which

used to be a mecca for industrial activity, has seen a drastic decline in its manufacturing and

industrial activity. While there are policies in place to help promote industrial growth, Clarke emphasizes that the “Achilles heel [is the] severe shortage of serviced industrial land… [which is a] major impediment to the future growth of the city” (Clarke, City Councilor Interview, 2014).

This lack of land stems from increased residential growth that has spread out to available land, the conversion of brown field space for other uses, and of course, the natural boundaries that prove limiting in where industrial lands can be placed and efficiently serviced.

Financial Factors

In addition to the limitations presented by Peterborough’s landscape, it comes as no surprise that there are significant financial challenges that effect development in the city. In order to provide for sustainable and efficient growth, in any city, a balance must be met

115 between federal and provincial funding, public spending, and private investment. In order to reach this balance, and series of incentives and justifications for spending have to be met. In discussing the financial challenges to planning, Pappas stated that “the Province has yet to bring their chequebook to the table” (2014). He went on to further suggest that in order to meet the density targets, “there has to be huge amounts of private investment” (Pappas, City Councilor

Interview, 2014). However, the challenge in this remains with the lack of incentive for private investment.

Pappas, in speaking about his personal experiences as a local business owner in the downtown, explained that the spending required to add additional living spaces above storefronts is astronomical, and that many local storeowners find it beyond their means. He went on to further explain that there are few incentives or programs that help local storeowners with these developments, and that the expansion of other retail areas, and changes in transportation flows (e.g. the proposed Parkway expansion), already create a lack of foot traffic and therefore financial sustainability for the business. Hetherington supported this in saying that, “there needs to be public money in order to attract private investment” (2013).

Hetherington also suggested that it is a balancing act, and that people want the vibrant downtown, but at the same time are often resistant to suggestions to keep it viable. Stemming off of the balance of public and private investment, Clarke raised the issue of affordability in housing in Peterborough. The rising costs of renovations, not just in Peterborough’s downtown but the entire city, coupled with the lack of decent paying jobs creates a scenario that does not

“allow people to afford that safe, decent, affordable home” (Clarke, City Councilor Interview,

2014). This lack of affordability, as well as the continued desire to move out away from the downtown pose ongoing challenges for growth in Peterborough’s downtown core.

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Downtown Barriers

Downtown centres are the primary focus in the Growth Plan, and as such was a primary topic of discussion during interviews. The downtown core is just that, the core and heart of the city. It is the area where the most growth is expected to happen, and where people come to see the vibrancy that a city has to offer. Peterborough’s downtown used to be the heart and soul of the city, however, Clarke noted that there has been a “decease in the downtown when Eaton’s left…and [with] the expansion of Lansdowne St and Chemong Rd” (2014).

Peterborough’s downtown core has had many challenges over the last several decades, and continues to be a source of challenge when it comes to meeting density targets laid out in the Growth Plan. As previously noted, the divided landscape of Peterborough with the river running through the heart of the City has created an east-west divide, as well as encouraged a north-south stretch. It contributes to the planning challenges and helps to reinforce the barriers that exist in the downtown. Due to the positioning of residential pockets, and primary roads, there is a natural flow to the City of Peterborough, and unfortunately that flow no longer includes the downtown. Pappas emphasized this point in saying that “people who pass Wallis in the west generally don’t come downtown…[people] north of Hilliard don’t go downtown”

(2014).

The downtown was also seen by councilors and planners to be discouraging to consumers due to the limitations of easily accessible parking that is close to stores.

Hetherington noted that while there is lots of parking, people often do not want to walk the distance required. As well, there are barriers to the access of sustainable methods of travel such as local transit and cycling lanes. Hetherington hinted at this being a ‘double-edged sword’ in planning. People want to go “green” and promote sustainability, however no one is willing to give up their cars. When the discussion comes up in planning meeting that “removes parking

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spaces in front of stores, store owners go crazy” (Hetherington, City Planner Interview, 2013).

This is reflected again in the problem that people don’t want to park in parking garages or at a distance from the stores, creating infrastructure planning barriers where there are limited solutions to make everyone happy.

In order to meet the density targets, the need to redevelop existing downtown buildings in order to add additional living units is a key strategy in the city’s development plan. As already noted, policies have been relaxed, development charges lowered or removed, and various other incentives offered. However, as Pappas and Clarke suggest, these incentives have done little in encouraging redevelopment of downtown buildings. Building codes and heritage designations were seen to be the two biggest barriers to redevelopment in the downtown core. Both Pappas and Clarke emphasized that while some aspects of redevelopment have incentives, such as the

“Façade Plan” to enhance the exterior, when it comes down to it, the biggest barrier to creating more units in the downtown are the building codes. Building codes, which are designed to meet a variety of safety requirements, do not lend themselves well to redevelopment of existing units. As Pappas stated, “meeting building and fire codes detracts development and increasing existing buildings” (2014). The costs associated with required renovations such as, adding the required number of exits to upper units, which can include adding additional staircases, are astronomical with Pappas suggesting renovation costs into the high tens of thousands and more depending on the level of renovations required. The return on such an investment is creating an environment where “landlords don’t want to upgrade” (Clarke, City Councilor Interview, 2014).

In addition to landlords being unwilling to upgrade existing units, historical designations also present a barrier to development. Clarke discussed in some detail that reality of

Peterborough’s downtown, and that with so many buildings and residences being designated as historical, it makes it difficult to expand and improve on them. Many houses and buildings,

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Clarke goes on to discuss, “are decrepit and not cared for, [but they] can’t be torn down

because of heritage status” (2014). One such example of this is the old white law office at the

corner of Hunter and Water St. Clarke was adamant in saying that if this could be torn down, a

building that goes unused or when it is used is used by a single business, that there is enough

land there that a new, efficient, multi-unit building could go in its place, providing business and

residential opportunities. However, given its heritage status, the building remains derelict with

the owner unwilling to put in the money necessary to fix up the exterior, and heritage

restrictions on expanding and altering the interior. It is these restrictions on development,

building codes and heritage designations, that Clarke and Pappas suggest as a pitfall to

development in the downtown. The increasing costs of maintenance and repair with little

guarantee of return or incentive to do the work, create missed opportunities for development.

Peterborough's downtown used to be home to various institutions that helped to

promote movement in the downtown, which in turn supported local businesses. Pappas

reminisced about the various institutions including: Traill College (which still exists, but until

recently had fewer residents), Peter Robinson College, and PCVS (2014). He emphasized that through these institutions, the downtown used to see an influx of people throughout the day, and in the afternoon as people picked kids up from school, or University students had errands to run downtown. With the closing, relocation or restructuring of these institutions, there is now a noticeable reduction in the number of people that go downtown according to Pappas (2014).

Pappas also stated that it is not just institutions that are leaving the downtown, but office space.

Due to the high cost of downtown rent, and the need for more space, more and more commercial and business entities are choosing to relocate outside of the downtown core. This movement out of the downtown is creating a landscape of "empty retail space" (Pappas, City

Councilor Interview, 2014).

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Other Challenges

In addition to the challenges categorized below there were a few other challenges

raised by interviewees that simply could not be categorized but were seen as being very

important challenges facing growth in Peterborough. It is no wonder that one the challenges

brought forward by Planning Manager, Ken Hetherington, was that of the growth and density

targets. He emphasized the unrealistic nature of the density targets, stating that it would

require "not only a lot of medium density housing, but high density stuff...getting back to

apartment buildings eight, ten stories. I can't think of the last one that has been built [here]"

(2013). He also made the bold statement, "we're not the city of Toronto" (2013), which speaks

to the style of development that has taken precedent in Peterborough for the last several

decades, this idea of low density, sprawled development. Hetherington also suggested that the growth targets were off substantially in the development of the growth plan, and that in some cases growth targets were reached within a couple years of the plans implementation. The

Ontario Growth Secretariat recognized this challenge and has since made several amendments to the growth plan to provide for additional growth in areas that were exceeding initial projections, as well as to extend the growth target timeline from 2031 to 2041.

In addition to growth targets being unrealistic and posing particular challenges, Berry for example, raised a very relevant issue that normally falls to the wayside in planning - weather.

She emphasized that "European cities such as Copenhagen and Vienna have the advantage of more moderate climates" (2013), which make planning for walkable and active downtowns considerably easier. While Ontario, and Canada in general, has a moderate climate, we are prone to extremes in temperatures that are suggested to wreak havoc on creating not just vibrant communities but infrastructure and other developments that can withstand the climatic pressures.

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The final critical challenge brought forward during discussions is demographics. As

stated in an earlier chapter, and reinforced by Councilor Pappas’ statements, Peterborough is

home to the oldest workforce in Canada as well as a "huge transient population". The transient

population, students, "makes planning difficult as they can't be included in density [targets]"

(Pappas, 2014). This inability to include over 1000 people as well as their living arrangements

(e.g. house rental) in density and growth calculations results in large deficits and reduced

availability of housing options and land for permanent residents. The influx of the aging

population also creates its own problems, as those that reside in living facilities, which are

usually located downtown, are also not counted towards the density goals. It is not the

suggestion of councilors to limit these populations, but rather the challenge of having to create

new and innovative ways to provide services for them, whilst still being able to meet the growth

and density goals.

Summary

Table 6 provides a summary of the challenges affecting growth and development in

Peterborough ON resulting from conversations with City planners and stakeholders. Similar to the strategies discussed earlier, these challenges fall into several categories, that help shape how planners, councilors, and other stakeholders, react to growth requirements, and how they plan for a growing city. Unlike strategies for development, which were fairly succinct and fell across three primary categories, the challenges that impact planning in the City of Peterborough are far more varied, and span a variety of themes, including distance from the GTA, local infrastructure and landscape, and downtown barriers. Table 6 - which summarizes the primary challenge theme, sub-themes or challenges within each theme, as well as the respondents who discussed the challenge - highlights the significant input of development challenges by City

Councilors, who given their roles in the City, experience the challenges first hand.

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Table 6: Summary of development challenges discussed during interviews

Challenge Theme Sub-Theme Respondents

Distance from GTA Geographic location- lack of 400 Brad Appleby - City Planner series Hwy Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Impacts on manufacturing Dawn Berry – PSPC Highway 407 Expansion Reality of its influence Dawn Berry – PSPC Brad Appleby - City Planner Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Henry Clarke - City Councilor Local Infrastructure and Natural boundary to city Henry Clarke - City Councilor Landscape Transportation challenges Ken Hetherington – Manager of Planning Henry Clarke - City Councilor Lack of serviceable industrial Henry Clarke - City Councilor land Financial Factors Public-Private-Provincial Dean Pappas - City Councilor investments Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Affordability Henry Clarke - City Councilor Downtown Barriers Physical Location Henry Clarke - City Councilor Dean Pappas - City Councilor Revitalization and building codes Dean Pappas - City Councilor Henry Clarke - City Councilor Lack of institution Dean Pappas - City Councilor Movement outwards Dean Pappas - City Councilor Henry Clarke - City Councilor Other Challenges Growth Plan Targets Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Ontario Growth Secretariat Weather Dawn Berry – PSPC Demographics Dean Pappas - City Councilor

5.4 Geographic Information Systems and Planning

Remote sensing, the ability to see and analyze the earth's surface through satellite or aerial means, is a useful tool in urban planning as it allows users to analyze historical growth changes and patterns, assess current physical growth, and with the combination of those two, plan for future planned development and growth mitigation measures. Remote sensing technology was used to perform a land classification and change detection process based on

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Peterborough's Designated Greenfield Area. The idea was to see if City and Provincial ‘Smart

Growth’ type planning documents and strategies seem to have impacted upon the nature of

urban development in Peterborough. This study used Landsat 7 and Landsat 8 satellite imagery

to analyze growth between the period of 2002 (four years prior to the Growth Plan being

implemented), and 2013 (seven years after the Growth Plan was in place). The study involved

performing a land classification on both sets of imagery in order to identify the following land

features: agriculture, bare soil, built area, cloud, forest, and water. Following the land use

classification and analysis, a change detection between the two images was used in order to

identify not just the areas of significant change, but what features were faced with change, as

well as the physical area in hectares of change.

At the onset of this study, the current projections for growth for the Designated

Greenfield Area were 50%, with an approximate land size required to meet this goal of 250ha.

This set the framework around the study - how much of the 250ha was developed already? Was

Peterborough on track to meeting this goal? Was Peterborough developing too fast in the

Designated Greenfield Area? Too slow? Analysis of the imagery found that approximately 90% of the study area could be classified as agriculture, built area, or forest. Despite the classifications being similar for both the 2002 and 2013 imagery, there were noticeable differences in areas of growth and development in the Designated Greenfield Area (Brillinger,

2015). With an accuracy rate of 80-85% - which was considered acceptable given the temporal variation between the images - as well as the extremely diverse landscape classification, the classification graphic below (Figure 15) provided a starting point of further analysis into the areas of change based on land type. Figure 15 provides a comparison of land type based on classification of 2002 and 2013 satellite imagery. As can be seen, there are three areas of significant change in the 11-year period – the increase of bare soil by almost 10%, the increase

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of the built area by approximately 4%, and the decrease in forest area by just over 10%. Change

in these areas is historically, a result of growth and development.

Initial area reports, a process used to compare the size of change areas in both sets of

imagery and determining the difference, found that there was 1578.58ha of change (Brillinger,

2015). After further analysis and exclusion of areas found to not be relevant to development,

the final area of change related to growth and development in the DGA was found to be

approximately 150ha (Brillinger, 2015). As mentioned earlier, in order to reach the Designated

Greenfield Area development target by 2031 the City of Peterborough would need to develop

approximately 250ha of land, or 10ha/year. If the City of Peterborough maintained the current

growth rate of 13.63ha/year (150ha/11years), the development target would be reached by

2020, 11 years ahead of the original Places to Grow deadline (2031), and 21 years ahead of the

adjusted deadline (2041) (Brillinger, 2015).

Figure 15: Classification Table Source: Kate Brillinger (2015)

Land Type % of 2002 imagery % of 2013 Imagery Agriculture 28.08 28.97 Bare Soil 3.88 13.75 Built Area 29.92 33.44 Cloud 3.28 null Forest 33.48 23.00 Water 1.36 0.84

The use of GIS in this analysis helped to both analyze current growth in Peterborough, by identifying the current rate of growth, as well as where the growth is occurring. By identifying the growth rate, as well as areas of growth, it helps identify whether strategies to reduce sprawl are working, as well as helps assess density patterns using a visual representation of the area. The use of remote sensing analysis is often widely employed across municipalities

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as it helps them track growth initiatives, redirect growth as required, and ensure growth is

occurring in the correct locations. Remote sensing analysis, like the example done above, helps

provide both a visual and statistical representation of land use, growth, and development, and

in some cases, acts as a quick reference that is sometimes needed in critical planning meetings.

The use of remote sensing studies is also very useful in monitoring urban sprawl and growth in designated growth areas, however it does have its limitations in that it cannot monitor growth in previously built areas, such as the downtown core, due to how built areas are displayed in land classification processes. The figures below (Figure 16 and 17), are examples of a 4-3-2 band combination, otherwise known as “False-Colour”. This type of combination is ideal for urban areas, as it clearly identifies built areas as a cyan colour. The limitation, as mentioned earlier and can be seen in the images below, is that the downtown core (the area circled in the imagery), looks almost identical between the two imagery (minus the differences in clarity due to satellite differences). This similarity though highlights how remote sensing, while useful for determining urban sprawl, is not a useful tool for measuring intensification.

Figure 16: 4-3-2 band combination showing Figure 17 4-3-2 band combination showing built areas, 2002 built areas, 2013

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With regard to Peterborough, it is clear, based on this study, that growth initiatives in

place for the DGA are effective and that growth is happening at a steady rate (Brillinger, 2015).

However, what is concerning is the location of some areas of growth, such as residence

developments near Trent University. Figures 18 and 19, below, highlight an area that has been

developed between the years 2002 and 2013. The emphasis on Places to Grow (2005), is to

develop areas that feature dense living, and preferably multi-unit homes. These developments

follow the post-war subdivision model, which utilizes farm and wooded land in order to develop

single family homes. In addition to this building style, the areas near the university are primarily

used for students renting accommodations during the school year (September – April).

According to the requirements of effective and valid developments to achieve population

densities, these developments, while moderately dense in nature, do not generally qualify for census purposes, as they are home to transient student populations (Peterborough Planning

Dept., 2009). Additionally, the speed at which the Designated Greenfield Area is being

developed, raises some concerns over whether it is going to continue to be victim to urban

sprawl, as single home developments still dominate the development landscape (e.g. the

Jackson Creek development located on Parkhill Rd W – Figures 20 and 21). The Jackson Creek development was a massive undertaking that resulted in the development of several single family homes in an otherwise greenspace. While this development is valid due to it being located in an already built area, therefore, helping to improve the population density for the area, the traditional development style of single-family units with a yard, is still dominating the planning regime.

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Figure 18 (above-left): Area where development was non-existent near Trent University, 2002 Figure 19 (above-right): Area of development near Trent University, 2013

Figure 20 (above-left): Jackson Creek prior to development, 2002 Figure 21 (above-right): Jackson Creek after development, 2013

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Chapter 6 – Where does this leave us?

8.1 Conclusions

Planning in Ontario has changed drastically over the last several decades, from changes

in Provincial governing bodies, to local government influence, and initiatives brought forward by

stakeholder groups across the Province who feel certain aspects of planning need to be

addressed. Growth and development, the expansion of cities, and the need to protect the

environment, have all been long-standing guiding principles in planning, and in turn have been

presented differently in legislature throughout the years.

This thesis has looked at planning in Ontario as a whole, analyzing the historical

significance of planning strategies and techniques, and how that has laid the framework for

current initiatives, guidelines, and policies. These current policies, which are based around the

Places to Grow Act (2005), and Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006), aim to

get major cities in the GGH to focus their attention on intensification strategies, rather than

continuing with urban sprawl development. This type of development, which often is referred

to as ‘Smart Growth’ in literature, promotes sustainability, walkability, and vibrant downtowns

that attract people for both work and play. In looking at the Provincial policy documents

implemented to support this new initiative, it became clear that while the principles, and goals

proposed have a potentially long-term benefit, they do not provide enough resources, examples

or support for mid-sized cities to plan with.

Planning for growth, intensification, and vibrancy in mid-sized cities has been long forgotten in literature, and case studies. The planning strategies for intensification, and creative cities theories have historically been based of large-scale metropolitan areas. These areas, which feature well-established public transit options, public infrastructure, and other amenities that attract what Richard Florida refers to as the ‘Creative Class’, do not act as an appropriate

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benchmark example for mid-sized cities. The goal of this thesis, was to analyze how Provincial

planning policies, impact mid-sized cities, specifically that of Peterborough, ON.

Peterborough, ON, the easternmost city that is part of the Greater Golden Horseshoe,

presented itself as a city that did not fit – both in terms of size, distance from the GTA, and its physical landscape. Through municipal policy document analyses, interviews with various stakeholders, and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) studies, it was possible to not only identify the strategies being used in order to meet development targets, but to isolate the challenges that can quite possibly determine the success or failure of intensification, growth, and sustainability of Peterborough, ON.

Throughout the policy document analysis process, which looked at various planning documents including: Peterborough’s Official Plan, the Little Lake Master Plan, and the Central

Area Master Plan (see Table 7 below for a detailed summary), it became clear that

Peterborough’s planning documents take into account all of the aspects laid out by the Growth

Plan (2006), and in turn provide a solid framework for planning authorities. This framework and foundation allows planners, councilors, and other stakeholders to make informed decisions, while respecting policies that are in place for cultural, environmental, and economic protection and well-being. While there is a clear hierarchy with the documentation (e.g. Official Plan is the overseeing plan), it is also clear that documentation for other areas, such as the Municipal

Cultural Plan, have equal weight and recognize Peterborough’s desire to protect and plan for more than just economic and physical growth.

Table 7, provides a detailed overview of both Provincial and Municipal documents analyzed. Of the 13 documents explored, eight extensively featured strategies, plans and policies related to development of the urban core. In addition, five of the eight documents were newly created for the purpose of assisting in planning for growth in urban areas, and two of

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those documents are categorized as Provincial Legislation. Four of the thirteen documents

explored deal explicitly with the Province of Ontario as a whole (or large sections therein), while

the remainder focus strictly on the City of Peterborough.

In addition to the summary table (Table 7), Table 8 breaks down the municipal

documents as they relate to the core themes that form the foundation for the Growth Plan for

the Greater Golden Horseshoe. As shown in Table 8, only one theme was common throughout

all nine documents – economic factors. In addition to economic factors being a common theme across the analysis, cultural/social factors, and increase density, were also common themes amongst the majority of planning documents. The least common theme across planning documents, was the term “Complete Community”, which is a strong theme in Provincial documents, as well as one of the guiding principles of the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden

Horseshoe. It was these themes, which helped guide discussions during the interview process.

Throughout the interview process, there were two core themes that framed discussions

– strategies for development, and challenges facing development. Within these core themes, several sub-themes emerged, some of which were seen as both a strategy and challenge. As can be seen in Table 9, there are significantly more themes that emerged regarding development challenges than there are for strategies (six versus four), however, the number of strategies and challenges raised, are both equal (15 each). With regard to the strategies presented, both City

Councilors and City Planners had points of discussion, suggesting that both parties have equal knowledge of the strategies employed during the planning process. However, City Councilors had far more input into the discussion of challenges surrounding development, especially with respect to the downtown core. Of the strategies discussed, the focus fell on capital project strategies (e.g. community renewal, and infrastructure investment), which corroborated well with the strong emphasis of economic planning and growth in the Municipal document analysis.

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With regard to the challenges facing development, the common theme raised by both City

Councilors consistently, were downtown barriers (e.g. physical location, and revitalization and building codes).

Table 6: Summary of Provincial and Municipal planning documents

Type of Year of Primary Focus (i.e. what is it?) document document Ontario Planning Planning 2004 -framework for land-use within Ontario Act Legislation Places to Grow Planning 2005 -builds on Planning Act, providing specific regulations Act Legislation and guidelines targeting growth and development within Ontario Provincial Policy Planning 2014 -builds on Planning Act Statements document -2014 Provincial Policy Statement specifically targeted (PPS) directives towards promoting and developing healthy communities Growth Plan for Planning 2006 -capstone and campaign legislation to promote growth the Greater Legislation in the Greater Golden Horseshoe Golden -an effort to minimize sprawl, and promote Horseshoe intensification by laying out density targets for major (GGH) cities Peterborough Planning 1947-2009 -to provide the backbone for planning in all of Official Plan Document Peterborough Central Area Planning 2009 -provide an update to the 1991 Downtown Master Plan Master Plan Document -implement changes in response to Places to Grow Act, Growth Plan for the GGH, and studies performed Planning Conformity 2009 -Conformity exercise introducing Growth Plan and how it Peterborough to Exercise/Commu will affect Peterborough 2031 nity information Little Lake Planning 1986-2010 -secondary plan for Little Lake Area which includes the Master Plan Document lands surrounding Little Lake (downtown, Hunter St, South George St and Lansdowne Bridge) Plan It Planning 2013 -official plan review process, Phase one Peterborough Document/Com Official Plan munity Review Information Municipal Planning 2012 -development of first cultural plan Cultural Plan Document Planning Council Reports 2009-2011 -reports submitted for approval from council Committee Reports Letters to/from Consultation 2009-2010 -recommendations from agencies/committees in regards Community Letters to Official Plan Amendment (2009) Organizations Downtown Report/Study 2008 -study to determine the function and health of Economic Peterborough’s Downtown Analysis

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Table 7: Municipal documents themes as they relate to the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006)

Complete Increase Environmental Cultural/Social Economic Community Density Factors Factors Factors (residential, (protection, (heritage, (job commercial) integrity, preservation, creation, restoration, etc.) economic etc.) strength, etc.) Peterborough X X X X Official Plan Central Area X X Master Plan Planning X X X (briefly in X X Peterborough the policy to 2031 section) Little Lake X X X (heritage) X Master Plan Plan It X X X X X Peterborough Official Plan Review

Municipal X X Cultural Plan Planning X X X X X Committee Reports Letters to/from X X X X X Community Organizations Downtown X X (very briefly) X X Economic Analysis

While there were several strategies for development, and challenges highlighted, there seemed to be a divide between interviewees as to the effectiveness of the Growth Plan, and whether the targets suggested were attainable. It was noted by several interviewees, that

Peterborough would not be Toronto, and that the geographic location of Peterborough, makes it such that it will never draw people in the same way as other cities in the GGH. Ken

Hetherington, had also noted during his interview, that the intensification targets that the

Province set were way off, and that they failed to consult with local planners to what was achievable or realistic (Hetherington, 2013). The general tone that emerged from interviews

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was one of disapproval with the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe, and one that

was not hopeful of intensification in the timelines provided. Interviewees emphasized that the

barriers facing development and growth, cannot change overnight, and require Provincial

support, and the community’s willingness to change and adapt.

Geographic Information Systems (GIS) provides a range of techniques and services that can be used effectively in assessing, planning, and forecasting growth and development in cities.

The study looked at in this thesis, which utilized remote sensing techniques to measure urban sprawl and growth in the City of Peterborough, demonstrated not only the value that GIS has in a planning context, but assisted in the evaluation of the Growth Plan (2006).

Remote sensing was used to effectively identify the rate of growth, as well as where this growth was occurring in the City of Peterborough between the years 2002 and 2013 (before and after the implementation of the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe). Based on this study, it is suggested that Peterborough will achieve its growth rate, based on physical land size required, well ahead of the 2041 deadline (Brillinger, 2015). In addition to measuring the growth rate, this research was also able to emphasize where growth was occurring, and based on imagery shown earlier, growth is still occurring in an outwards direction (e.g. Jackson Creek development, north of Trent University, and north of Chemong Rd.) (Brillinger, 2015). What is unclear however with this research, is whether or not the developments that are occurring, can be officially counted towards population numbers as these developments are regularly occurring in the vicinity of Trent University, an area that is occupied by student rentals. The other clear limitation of this type of research is in the ability to identify intensification of an existing built area. Remote sensing has the ability to detect a change in land use (e.g. going from field to built areas), however, it is not useful in assessing growth within the existing land use type.

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Table 8: Summary of sub-themes discussed during interviews

Development Theme Strategies/Sub-Theme Respondents Community vision Defining community Brad Appleby - City Planner Recognizing diversity Dawn Berry - PSPC Quality of life factors Union of various strategies Social and Cultural Planning Municipal Cultural Plan and Dawn Berry - PSPC mapping Brad Appleby - City Planner Henry Clarke - City Councilor Sustainability Plan Brad Appleby - City Planner Downtown retail analysis Brad Appleby - City Planner Capital Project Strategies Community renewal Henry Clarke - City Councilor Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Dean Pappas - City Councilor Cafe/restaurant district Henry Clarke - City Councilor Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Urban parks Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Infrastructure investment Henry Clarke - City Councilor - Otonabee trail Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning -roadways Dean Pappas - City Councilor -airport Ontario Growth Secretariat Other development Development and tax breaks Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning strategies Relaxed by-law requirements Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Dean Pappas - City Councilor Brown field development Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Training initiatives Ontario Growth Secretariat Distance from GTA Geographic location- lack of Brad Appleby - City Planner 400 series Hwy Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Impacts on manufacturing Dawn Berry – PSPC Highway 407 Expansion Reality of its influence Dawn Berry – PSPC Brad Appleby - City Planner Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Henry Clarke - City Councilor Local Infrastructure and Natural boundary to city Henry Clarke - City Councilor Landscape Transportation challenges Ken Hetherington – Manager of Planning Henry Clarke - City Councilor Lack of serviceable industrial Henry Clarke - City Councilor land Financial Factors Public-Private-Provincial Dean Pappas - City Councilor investments Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Affordability Henry Clarke - City Councilor Downtown Barriers Physical Location Henry Clarke - City Councilor Dean Pappas - City Councilor Revitalization and building Dean Pappas - City Councilor codes Henry Clarke - City Councilor Lack of institution Dean Pappas - City Councilor Movement outwards Dean Pappas - City Councilor Henry Clarke - City Councilor Other Challenges Growth Plan Targets Ken Hetherington - Manager of Planning Ontario Growth Secretariat Weather Dawn Berry – PSPC Demographics Dean Pappas - City Councilor

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Overall, it would seem as though Peterborough is on track in regards to planning for sustainable growth and development. While there are many barriers present, a majority of these barriers have been pre-existent before Places to Grow and the Growth Plan came into effect. Challenges such as, demographics, geographic location, and distance from the GTA, are issues that have always plagued Peterborough, but at the same time make it an appealing location for development and movement of people. The extension of the 407 ETR presently has unknown effects on the City of Peterborough, and as its completion nears, planners will have to look into it accordingly and how they can either leverage the extension for growth purposes, or plan for the fallout. Based on interviews with planners and councilors, it is evident that there is no clear cut answer to whether or not Peterborough is being successful in redeveloping and reaching growth targets. Despite this however, one thing planners and councilors seem to agree on is that the growth is inevitable, and in order to develop sustainably it is necessary to start planning now and take into consideration the cultural, economic, environmental, and social needs of the community.

8.2 Recommendations for further research

Since the initial research for this thesis, various development projects in Peterborough

and the GGH, that had previously been concept plans, or in the early stages of planning, have

slowly started coming to fruition. The highway 407 expansion, which, at the time of initial

research and interviews was still several years from completion, has made huge advancements

and is set to be complete by 2018. This extension, which was initially perceived to draw more

people to Peterborough thereby creating a ‘bedroom community’, did not seem to concern

planners in Peterborough, who felt that it would not influence growth in the city. It remains

unclear what effect this expansion will have on the city, and it is the recommendation for

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further research after its completion to assess the impact of said expansion on both

development and growth along the highway corridor, as well as Peterborough itself.

In addition to the 407 expansion, several other projects remain in the early planning

stages, including various downtown urban renewal and urban park plans. One example of urban

renewal and urban park design is that of the Louis Street Parking Lot plan, briefly mentioned by city councilors. This redevelopment, which has the ability to not only revitalize under-utilized space but attract vendors, outdoor events, and ultimately an influx of people, could pave the way for additional redevelopments in Peterborough. The success of this development, not only for Peterborough itself, but as a benchmark for other mid-sized cities, would be a valid source for further research in order to assess the success of both urban park developments, as well as redeveloping under-utilized spaces in general.

Finally, in order to further evaluate the success of intensification strategies and the curbing of urban sprawl in mid-sized cities both in the GGH and surrounding area, a case study, comparing various mid-sized cities is needed. This comparison study, would help fill the void of research on mid-sized cities, and would help provide a resource for other cities. Such a case study, which could look at cities such as Collingwood, ON, and St. Catharine’s, ON, would cover similar themes as in this thesis (e.g. strategies and challenges), but would help provide breadth and more examples of how mid-sized cities are able to redevelop, attract people, and be competitive with other cities.

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Appendix

Item 1: Research Introduction Letter

Research Introduction and Script for Face-to-Face/Email Interviews

(This script will be in the initial email sent to all potential participants)

The purpose of this interview is to explore growth in Peterborough, Ontario by documenting what the City of Peterborough’s Growth Plan is, what strategies are in place to attract and maintain growth, the effectiveness of such strategies, as well as the role the community has in Peterborough’s planning initiatives. This interview is expected to take 45-60 minutes and will be recorded through note-taking as well as an audio recording device. This interview can be conducted face-to-face or can be completed via email. Attached to this email is the informed consent form that provides additional information about the research project, contact information for me the researcher, as well as the faculty supervisor, and consenting information. If you could please respond at your earliest convenience stating whether or not you are willing to participate, what method of interview you would prefer should you wish to participate and with the signed informed consent form it would be greatly appreciated. The signed informed consent form can be scanned and emailed, or it can be collected in person. As well, if you know of anyone that may be interested in participating in this research, if you could please forward their contact information to me via email that would be greatly appreciated.

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Item 2: Interview Consent Form

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Item 3: Interview Guide – Planners

Interview Guide-Planners

(This interview guide will be applied for both face-to-face interviews as well as email interviews)

This interview will take approximately 45-60 minutes to complete. Please answer the questions providing as much detail as possible. There will be an opportunity for additional comments and questions at the end of this interview. I would also like to remind you that you can choose to withdraw at any point or skip over any questions should you wish.

1. Can you briefly describe what your role is within the City?

2. The City of Peterborough has been told to increase population goals under the Ontario Smart Growth Plan by 2031, how does the city plan to meet these goals?

a. Have any of these goals already been met?

b. Are all of these goals realistic?

c. Is priority given to certain goals over others?

3. How has the city defined Smart Growth?

a. Has this definition shifted at all since the Places to Grow Act in 2005?

b. Is this definition universal among different organizations or departments within the city?

4. What strategies for development has the city implemented in the past, prior to the Places to Grow Act (2005)?

a. Were any of these strategies effective?

b. Did they include or account for culture, environment or economic benefits?

5. What strategies has the city implemented since the Places to Grow Act (2005)?

a. Cultural?

b. Economic?

c. Environmental?

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6. Do city planners recognize the different types of strategies possible for renewal and growth?

a. Are certain strategies favoured over others? (I.e. economic over cultural, etc.)

7. Are there any cities that Peterborough uses as an example for renewal and growth?

a. Why are these cities a good example?

b. Does Peterborough have the ability to set the benchmark for mid-size city renewal and growth strategies?

8. How are Peterborough’s cultural and heritage characteristics being incorporated in renewal strategies?

9. Geographically, does Peterborough present any challenges for development and increased growth?

10. What is the perceived impact of the 407 extension on Peterborough?

a. How will this impact growth?

b. Does Peterborough have strategies in place to provide for this growth?

i. Services?

ii. Transportation?

iii. Environmental effects?

11. What role does the community have in Peterborough’s Growth Plan and planning strategies?

a. Is there the opportunity for public consultation?

b. Are the needs of the community given precedence over the economic needs of the city?

12. Is there any questions or comments in addition to those asked above that you wish to elaborate on or add?

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Item 4: Interview Guide – Organizations

Interview Guide-Organizations

(This interview guide will be applied for both face-to-face interviews as well as email interviews)

1. What is the general role of (organization)?

2. How does the (organization) interact with the Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Peterborough Development Plan?

3. Does the (organization) have a definition for Smart Growth?

a. Has this definition shifted at all since the Places to Grow Act in 2005?

4. What strategies for development have been implemented in the past, prior to the Places to Grow Act (2005)?

a. Were any of these strategies effective?

b. Did they include or account for culture, environment or economic benefits?

5. What strategies has the (organization) implemented since the Places to Grow Act (2005)?

a. Cultural?

b. Economic?

c. Environmental?

6. Does the (organization) recognize different types of strategies possible for renewal and growth?

a. Are certain strategies favoured over others? (I.e. social over economic, etc.)

7. Are there any cities that Peterborough uses as an example for renewal and growth?

a. Why are these cities a good example?

b. Does Peterborough have the ability to set the benchmark for mid-size city renewal and growth strategies?

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8. How are Peterborough’s cultural and heritage characteristics being incorporated in renewal strategies?

9. Geographically, does Peterborough present any challenges for development and increased growth?

10. What is the perceived impact of the 407 extension on Peterborough?

a. How will this impact growth?

b. Does Peterborough have strategies in place to provide for this growth?

i. Services?

ii. Transportation?

iii. Environmental effects?

11. What role does the community have in Peterborough’s Growth Plan and planning strategies?

a. Is there the opportunity for public consultation?

b. Are the needs of the community given precedence over the economic needs of the city?

12. Is there any questions or comments in addition to those asked above that you wish to elaborate on or add?

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Item 5: Interview Guide – Ontario Growth Secretariat (MOI)

Interview Guide-Ministry of Infrastructure

(This interview guide will be applied for both face-to-face interviews as well as email interviews)

1. How has the Province defined Smart Growth?

a. Has this definition shifted at all since the Places to Grow Act in 2005?

b. Is this definition universal among different organizations or departments within the Province?

2. What are the primary goals of the Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006)?

a. Have any of these goals already been met?

b. Are all of these goals realistic?

c. Is priority given to certain goals over others?

3. What strategies for development has the Province implemented in the past, prior to the Places to Grow Act (2005)?

a. Were any of these strategies effective?

b. Did they include or account for culture, environment or economic benefits?

4. What strategies has the Province implemented since the Places to Grow Act (2005)? Do they take into account, in which case how:

a. Cultural strategies?

b. Economic strategies?

c. Environmental strategies?

5. Do city planners recognize the different types of strategies possible for renewal and growth?

a. Are certain strategies favoured over others? (I.e. economic over cultural, etc.)

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6. Are there any cities that the Province is consistently using as an example for renewal and growth?

a. Why are these cities a good example?

b. Do different cities make better examples for others?

7. How are various cultural and heritage characteristics being incorporated in renewal strategies?

8. Geographically, do any cities within the Greater Golden Horseshoe present any development and growth challenges? If so, what are some strategies being implemented to deal with these challenges?

9. What is the perceived impact of the 407 extension on surrounding cities (i.e. Oshawa, Brooklin, Peterborough, etc.)?

a. How will this impact growth?

b. Is the Province working with cities to have strategies in place to provide for this growth?

i. Services?

ii. Transportation?

iii. Environmental effects?

10. Beyond being a governing body, what additional roles does the Province have in local Growth Plans and planning strategies? If you can talk directly to Peterborough that would be ideal, but an overall is sufficient.

a. Is there the opportunity for public consultation?

b. Are the needs of the community given precedence over the economic needs of the city/province?

11. According to the Ministry of Infrastructure website, based on the 5-year anniversary of the Places to Grow Act (2005) and the Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006), curbing urban sprawl, mitigating traffic gridlock, and other objectives were on track in most cities. Based on a recent report by the Neptis Foundation released in October 2013, these objectives seemed to have stalled for some areas putting the 2031 deadline in jeopardy. What is the Province doing to help foster growth and curb urban sprawl despite the apparent stagnation occurring?

a. Is there additional meetings and/or strategy sessions in place? b. Are those cities that are facing certain challenges being worked with directly?

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12. If the goals are not met by 2031 by any or all cities, what are the implications or repercussions?

a. Will there be an extension offered?

b. Any legal or monetary consequences for the city in question?

13. Is there any questions or comments in addition to those asked above that you wish to elaborate on or add?

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Item 6: Interview Guide – Follow-up Questions

Interview Guide-Follow-up Questions

(This interview guide will be applied for both face-to-face interviews as well as email interviews)

1. How is the city of Peterborough promoting intensification targets?

a. Designated Greenfield targets?

b. Are they areas being supported by infrastructure enhancements to move away from a car-centered community?

2. What is the city doing to encourage not only denser living (as seen with intensification targets within the built boundary), but alternative transportation options?

3. In February 2013, population and employment forecasts were extended until 2041. While this is not required to be implemented in official plans until 2018, are there any initial implications of this?

4. Some municipalities under the GGH have little to no Greenfield space to develop on (e.g. Brampton, Toronto, etc.) resulting in additional growth outwards and increased land use. What is Peterborough doing to ensure that this does not become the case here?

a. Does the city work in conjunction with the county on these planning matters?

5. How is the city attracting growth to achieve population and employment goals?

a. Is the city experiencing growth pressure like some other cities under the GGH plan?

6. By focusing on intensification targets outside of the Urban Growth Centre/Core, is there concern that sprawl is being encouraged?

7. Based on official plans from the past 20-30 years it seems there has been a shift away from focusing on downtown development, especially with the departure of Eaton’s and the subsequent demise of Peterborough Square. Is strengthening the downtown a priority for the city?

8. What are the challenges facing intensification within the downtown core (i.e. heritage classifications, transportation, business pressures)?

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9. What is the city doing to try to mitigate these challenges?

10. Can Peterborough’s infrastructure be considered sustainable for such forecasted growth?

a. Have there been any major considerations made for improving or expanding current infrastructure?

11. How is residential development (i.e. the 40% intensification targets) measured?

12. While it is not a requirement under the Growth Plan for the GGH, is Peterborough encouraging mixed-use developments in the Designated Greenfield Areas to help curb urban sprawl?

13. Based on the 2011 population forecast and actual statistics, Peterborough had a population that was ahead of the projected forecast (79 000 forecasted, 82 000 actual). Is this something the city feels it will continue to be able to do?

a. What may have contributed to this jump in population?

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