ARAM, 18-19 (2006-2007) 1-11. doi:J.F. 10.2143/ARAM.18.0.2020719 WILSON 1

THE ‘STATUE OF CHRIST’ AT : A SAGA OF PAGAN-CHRISTIAN CONFRONTATION IN 4TH CENTURY SYRO-

Dr. JOHN F. WILSON (Pepperdine University)

Caesarea Paneas, or , now called Banias, is located in the foothills of Mt. Hermon, at the mid-point of the famous ancient road from Da- mascus to Tyre. Here the waters from Hermon’s snows gush from beneath a large cave to form the primary source of the River. The city was founded by , son of , and served as the capi- tal of an hereditary Herodian Kingdom for a century. Through most of its long history the city functioned as a frontier fortress, alternately passing into the possession of the Christian and Moslem states that surrounded it. It was a par- ticularly significant flashpoint during the period of the .1 In Roman times, Paneas was another sort of frontier, not so much a geo- graphical as a religious one. In this city, founded by a Jewish client king, the struggle between an emerging Christianity and a persistent, resilient paganism played itself out over a period of several centuries. For its first three centuries, Paneas was famous throughout the Roman world as a center for the worship of the God , god of flocks, forests, and fertility, but also a symbol of a sort of pagan monotheism that took the god’s Greek name Pan (meaning “All”) quite literally. In recent times the impressive sanctuary of Pan above the springs and beside the sacred cave has been excavated,2 as has the ancient church that stood a few meters south of it.3 It seems appropriate, then, that one of the last battles between Paganism and Christianity in the Holy Land should take the symbolic form of a struggle between two figures, each of whom represented to their adherents the very substance of deity: Pan and . This theological conflict finds its material manifestation in the amazing story of the famous so-called “Statue of Christ” which once stood in the city of Paneas. We first hear of the statue from the Christian historian , writing in 312 AD. The context is an account of a contest between the Chris- tian champion Asterius and the local priests of the sanctuary of Pan, reminis- cent in both style and substance of the ancient account of Elijah and the proph-

1 For general surveys of the history of the site see: Wilson, 2004; Wilson (ed), 2001; Ma’oz, 1993; Amir, 1968; Vassilios Tzaferis (ed), Banias Excavation Report, Vol. 1, forthcoming. 2 Zvi Ma’oz, forthcoming excavation report. 3 Vassilios Tzaferis, forthcoming excavation report.

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ets of Ba’al. Eusebius mentions, almost as an aside, a statue of Christ that he had himself seen standing in the city. The statue was made of bronze and stood on a tall stone pedestal in front of the house of the woman who had commis- sioned it. There were actually two figures, one, “a man with a double cloak draped over his shoulders and his hand stretched out,” the second, a woman “resting on one knee and resembling a supplicant with arms outstretched.” The woman, who had, it was said, commissioned the statue, was none other than she who had been healed of persistent bleeding by Jesus in an incident recorded in the Gospels. The statue-group represented and memorialized the healing, and the male figure, Eusebius reports, “was said to resemble the fea- tures of Jesus.” The statue itself had healing powers, so thought the locals, because of an exotic vine that had sprung up at the foot of the statue and climbed upon the hem of the male figure’s cloak.4 Christianity probably made its first appearance in very early. Jesus himself visited the area, and several important events in the Syn- optic Gospel accounts occur near the city, such as the confession of messiahship to Peter, and the Transfiguration.5 Even before the conversion of the Apostle Paul, Christianity had taken hold in Tyre and , and no doubt in Caesarea Philippi as well.6 By Eusebius’ time, of course, Christianity was a significant factor in the life of the city. The bishop of Paneas, Philokalos, attended the Council of Nicea, and there were no doubt several impressive ecclesiastical buildings in the city by the 4th Century.7

JULIAN AND THE STATUE

But Caesarea Paneas could hardly be called a Christian city. Nothing - trates this fact better than the saga of the statue. Though, as we shall see, the statue did not date from the time of Jesus, nor did its creator intend it to be a depiction of Jesus, it was nevertheless believed to be such by Christians and pagans alike. It was, therefore, a source of constant irritation to the consider- able pagan community in 4th Century Paneas, standing as it did in a very prominent place, and symbolizing as it did the strong imperial approval Chris- tianity was enjoying by that time. When became emperor, and began to enforce his policy of restoring the ancient pagan regime, there was certain to be trouble regarding the statue. The result, according to the 5th Century Chris- tian historian Sozoman, “affords a sign of the power of Christ, and proof of the divine wrath against the emperor.”8

4 Eusebius History of the Church 6:12. Williamson, 1965, pp. 301-2. 5 :27-30; 9:2; :13-19. 6 Acts 21:3-4; 22:10-13. 7 See Gelzer, 1898. 8 Ecclesiastical History 5:21. Hartranft, 1891, pp. 342-3.

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We have two accounts of the story, one from Sozomen and a second, some- what earlier one by the Arian church historian .9 While differing in detail, they present a generally similar picture of what happened: Having heard of the famous statue, Julian ordered that it should be removed and a statue of himself put in its place. The local pagan community, called by Philostorgius “the Hellenes,” saw this as an opportunity to reassert itself. The Hellenes pulled down the statue, tied a rope around its feet, and dragged it through the city, breaking it into pieces in the process. The Christians some- how managed to reclaim some fragments of the statue, particularly the head, which they took into the local church for safekeeping. Shortly thereafter the statue of Julian, erected in place of the statue of Jesus, was also beheaded, not by human hands, but by a “violent fire from heaven.” It fell to the ground, face downward, where, Sozomen, says, it could still be seen in his day, “full of the rust of lightning.” Another interesting detail is found in the account of this story in the Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikou, an 8th Century document based on much earlier sources: This document asserts that in addition to his own statue, Julian also erected statues of Zeus and Aphrodite and built a tem- ple on the site with this inscription: “To the Divine Zeus who sees all. Julian makes this gift to Paneas.”10 As fanciful and tendentious as these accounts may be, they are at certain points nevertheless historically plausible. Julian certainly embarked on a strat- egy of rebuilding and restoring pagan temples.11 Statues of him were often placed in these temples.12 That he may have ordered the erection or repair of the temples associated with the sanctuary of Pan at Caesarea Paneas, one of which we know was certainly dedicated to Zeus, accords well with this strat- egy. This very incident is probably reflected in an inscription discovered only 8 km from Banias, a column which almost certainly once stood in the city center, describing Julian as templorum restauratori (“temple restorer”).13 The column had been erected by the Koinon (assembly) of , the district where Paneas was located, and is itself further evidence that paganism still dominated the region, politically as well as theologically. Even the story of the destruction of the bust of Julian may have an historical core. A strong earthquake, followed by a destructive aftershock, occurred on May 19, 363 AD in Palestine and Jordan, within weeks after the erection of the inscription by the local council mentioned above. An extant manuscript of a

9 Philostorgius Ecclesiastical History 7:3 (as epitomized by Photius). Walford, 1855. 10 Cameron and Herrin, 1984, pp.124-7. 11 Libanius, Orat. XVIII.126: “some temples he built, others he restored, while he furnished others with statues.” Norman, 1969, p. 361. 12 Libanius, Orat. XVIII: 304: “…many cities have set up his [portrait] in the temples of the gods and honor him as they do the gods.” Norman, 1969, p. 483. 13 Negev, 1969, p. 173. This inscription is now in the the Beth Ussishkin Museum, Kibbutz , in Northern .

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work attributed to Cyril of records the destruction of a third of the city of Paneas in this earthquake.14 The Christians of the city may well have attributed the damage done to the statue of Julian by this earthquake as divine retribution. As for the “Statue of Christ,” Sozomen and Philostorgius, along with later witnesses, agree that only part of it survived the pagan onslaught, perhaps not more than the head. This piece the Christians rescued and deposited in the lo- cal church for safekeeping. The statue of the kneeling woman seems to have disappeared entirely. Philostorgius, whose account of the statue is consider- ably fuller than that of Sozomen, has garbled the sequence of events some- what, and leaves the impression that the statue had originally been set up in the church. Sozomen’s sequence makes more sense, first locating the statue at an outdoor site very near the Pan sanctuary (where Eusebius in fact had seen it), and only after the riot placed in the church. Here it eventually became an ob- ject of veneration and pilgrimage. A special chapel seems to have been created in order to allow access to the statue without subjecting it to danger from the pagan population. Philostorgius says that the statue was kept in the sacristy of the church, that is, one of the rooms immediately adjoining the apse and altar. Later witnesses, writing in the 6th Century, claim that the statue was made at least partially of precious metal. Theodosius the Geographer calls it a “statua electrina” (“an amber statue”)15 and “a statue of beaten bronze which had been mixed with gold and silver.”16 This probably indicates that the head of the original statue had been supplied with a body of more precious metal when it was given a permanent place in the church. Recent excavations at Banias have revealed a large basilica accessed di- rectly from the Maximus of the Roman city, constructed out of bits and pieces of earlier Roman buildings,17 quite likely pagan temples or other public buildings which once stood near by, perhaps the debris of the earthquake of 363 AD. Immediately north of the apse there is the usual sacristy, but another room adjoins it that apparently was constructed so that it could be accessed from several sides without entering the church itself. This may in fact be the very chapel that housed the reconstructed statue. Paneas thus became an im- portant pilgrimage site, the last on the northward route of Christian pilgrims making a circuit of the holy places. Writing in the early 5th Century, Asterius of Amasea says that the statue stood as a “mute and inanimate monument of the miracles of the son of God” which “appeared to the eyes of the whole world.”18 Such was the fame of the statue that it is mentioned by numerous

14 Amiran, Arieh, and Turcotte, 1995, p. 265; Russell, 1980, pp. 50-51; Brock, 1977, pp. 267-86; 1976, pp. 103-7. 15 Tsafrir, 1986, p. 129. 16 Jeffreys, Jeffreys, and Scott, 1986, pp. 126-7. 17 Tzaferis, forthcoming excavation report. 18 Asterius’ purpose in making these comments is to compare the witness of the statue unfavorably with the witness of the Gospel itself, which more effectively proclaims the “deeds

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later authors, some writing long after both the church and the statue had disap- peared. Its existence was, of course, a matter of special interest during the Iconoclastic controversy, leading several writers during that period to insist that the famous statue had been “venerated” but not “worshipped.”19

THE REAL IDENTITY OF THE STATUE

While the idea that the hemorrhaging woman had erected a statue of Jesus in her hometown of Caesarea Philippi caught the imagination of the Byzantine world, it is fraught with historical problems that render such an idea highly implausible. Some of these are immediately obvious. There is no evidence in the Gospels that the woman in the story was from Caesarea Philippi. The mira- cle occurs on the shores of the Sea of many miles to the south of Caesarea Philippi and the woman seems to be from that same locale. As a Jew- ish woman, it is inconceivable that she would have erected a statue, since 1st Century Judaism absolutely rejected the creation of such a “graven image.” Furthermore, there is a serious gap in the record between the purported erec- tion of the statue in the 1st Century and the adventures recorded by Eusebius, Sozomen and Philostorgius in the 4th Century. Why are the Christian fathers before Eusebius, even those with strong Palestinian ties, completely silent on the subject of the statue? We hear nothing about it from Origin, Clement of Alexandria, or Justin Martyr. Furthermore, the intervening centuries witnessed several massive persecutions of Christians, and the destruction of Christian buildings. In 303 AD, Diocletian, for example, specifically ordered Maximian, then governor of the East, to destroy all Christian buildings. How could a statue of Jesus standing in the very center of an important pagan sanctuary, have survived unscathed throughout the centuries of official persecution? Since the statue did in fact survive, the obvious conclusion must be that it was not considered “Christian” during that period at all. Philostorgius unwittingly provides an answer to these questions. The statue, he says, originally stood “near the fountain in the city among other statues.” Those familiar with the topography of Banias will immediately recognize the site as being the Pan Sanctuary itself, located beside the Cave of Pan just above the springs of the Jordan. During recent excavations fragments of many statues of Greco-Roman gods and goddesses were discovered here.20 The statue, he says, “had long stood exposed in the open air” but “by lapse of time” the memory of its origin had been lost, and “it was even forgotten whose statue it was.” Furthermore, most of the statue had been covered by

and the memory of the benefactor of the woman with the hemorrhage.” Asterius’ work is lost, but quoted by Photius, Bibl. Cod. 271. Migne PG 104, 201-224. 19 E.g. Germanus, writing c. 725 AD, Migne PG 98, 185-188; Grumel, 1936, p. 4: no. 330; Life of Saint Stephen the Younger (Migne, PG 100.1085); Grumel, 1936, p. 5: No. 331. 20 Friedland, 1997.

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earth washed down from above during “seasons of heavy rain.” At some time prior to the visit of Eusebius to the city the debris that covered the statue had been cleared away and an inscription was found which identified the statue as depicting Jesus. The historical picture now becomes clear. There was no tradi- tion about the statue and its identity until sometime in the 3rd Century. At that time someone in the local Christian community noticed an “inscription” on the partially buried statue. We may speculate this inscription contained a word like “soter” (savior), or “kurios” (lord) which were of course titles used by Christians to refer to Jesus. But given the place and time, they were much more likely to have originally referred to one of the Roman emperors, who were also regularly addressed by such titles. The statue group, with the woman kneeling before the robed figure, reminded the local Christians of the Gospel story, and thus the statue became for them a “statue of Christ.”

THE LATERAN SARCOPHAGUS

Before proposing the real identity of the statue we should consider the evi- dence of a remarkable sarcophagus found in 1591 beneath the floor of St. Pe- ter’s in Rome.21 Though now a part of the Pio Christian Museum at the Vati- can, the object was long kept at the Lateran and retains its designation as “the Lateran Sarcophagus.” The sarcophagus is clearly Christian and may confi- dently be dated to the 4th Century. On the front panel, various Biblical scenes are depicted between Corinthian columns, and in the center Christ appears in the form of a youthful Apollo.22 The left side panel depicts the story of Peter’s denial.23 There are two scenes on the right side panel, and it is the one on the right that catches our attention. A mature, bearded man stands facing left, his left hand to his side, grasping the folds of his robe. His right arm is extended, reaching out to touch the head of a female figure kneeling before him. The woman’s head is covered with a mantle and her eyes are cast down. Her arms reach out in supplication. The scene is obviously meant to represent the heal- ing of the hemorrhaging woman, but the depiction of Christ is far from the usual early Christian convention. Instead of a youthful Apollo or a shepherd boy, we find a rather heavily bearded, mature man. Unlike the Gospel story, in which the woman touches Jesus from behind, here the two confront each other, and the male figure reaches forward to touch the woman. Contemporary depic- tions of this miracle are not uncommon, but they differ in every case from this one, following instead the details of the Gospel account, and making the

21 Museum Number 176. Leclercq, “Hemorroise”; see long bibliography on the statue, note 1, Col. 2203. Von Matt, 1971, p. x: “beneath the floor of St. Peter’s.” 22 See Von Matt, 1961, Plate 36. 23 Leclercq, “Hemorroise,” Fig. 6897, p. 1739; see also Dictionnaire d’Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie 3, Fig. 3287-8.

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woman appear much smaller than the male figure. As early as the 18th Cen- tury, scholars had already recognized that the scene was more consistent with Eusebius’ account of the statue at Paneas than it was with the Gospel ac- count.24 The idea that 4th Century artists in Rome were depicting actual build- ings and statues found in the Holy Land seems at first far-fetched, until one remembers the famous mosaic in the apse of the church of Saint Pudentiana in Rome, which dates from the same period and certainly depicts Christian struc- tures in Palestine in considerable detail.25 Certainly pilgrims from Rome, fol- lowing the example of the emperor Constantine’s mother, visited and remem- bered the Holy Sites. Thus it becomes plausible, and even likely, that we have on the Lateran Sarcophagus a contemporary depiction of the statue at Paneas. This depiction proves to be helpful in determining the actual identity of the statue.

THE TRUE IDENTITY OF THE STATUE

Theories regarding the true identity of the statue at Paneas abound. Laclerq thought that the statue was indeed a statue of Jesus and was the most ancient Christian monument, dating from the Apostolic Age.26 Adolf Harnack thought the statue group represented Asklepius, the god of healing, and his daughter Panacea.27 Others theorized that the man depicted might be Apollonius of Tyana, or the Emperor Titus, with Berenice, the “Queen of Caesarea Philippi,” bowing before him. By far the most likely candidate for the true identity of the statue, however, is the Emperor Hadrian. Eusebius’ description of the statue group he saw in Banias coincides perfectly with a scene depicted on numerous coins minted throughout the during the reign of Hadrian. As the peripatetic emperor moved throughout his vast domain, coins were issued which com- memorated his visits. These usually show him standing, often robed in Greek style, accepting the obeisance of the visited province, depicted as a woman on her knees, reaching up toward him in supplication and thanks. One issue show- ing this scene even bears the inscription “.” Similar coins were minted in Rome, to serve as publicity for the absent emperor’s activities.28 Quite often images on coins were based on actual statues. We may safely presume that

24 LeClercq, 1907, finds the first attribution to the Paneas work by Bottari, Sculture e pitture sagre, [in-fol., Roma, 1737, p. 137]. 25 The Santa Pudenziana church was begun in c. 387 and completed c. 390 AD. The fresco which depicts buildings in Palestine is dated between 401-417 AD. See Mancinelli, 1981, p. 58. 26 Leclercq, “Hemorroise,” Col. 2202. 27 Harnack, 1924, I. 146. 28 See Meshorer, 1989, p. 22; Toynbee, 1934, pp. 119-121, Plate V: 1-5; Plate XVI: 16-21; Plate XVII: 1-14.

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statues existed in many provincial centers showing the emperor and the prov- ince in precisely the manner described by Eusebius. It is entirely plausible that such a statue could have been erected in Caesarea Paneas. We have positive proof of special interest in Hadrian in the city. A bust of the Emperor’s “favorite” Antinous dating between the years 130 and 138 AD was found at Banias in the 19th Century and is well published.29 If, as we have suggested, the Lateran Sarcophagus provides a contemporary depiction of the statue in Paneas, it represents even further confirmation of our proposal. The scene on the sarcophagus exactly parallels both Eusebius’ description and the scene on the coins. The fact that the male figure on the sarcophagus is bearded now be- comes understandable. Hadrian, of course, is always depicted as bearded, the first Roman emperor consistently shown in this way. Jesus, as we have noted previously, is not shown in 4th Century Christian iconography as bearded dur- ing his ministry, but only after his resurrection. If the sculptor of the Lateran Sarcophagus was working from life, that is, if he knew the actual appearance of the so-called “Statue of Christ” at Banias, and if that statue was in fact a depiction of Hadrian, then the beard is easily explained. One other bit of evi- dence is worth noting. The scene of the Lateran Sarcophagus was damaged after its discovery in the 16th Century, but not before a drawing had been made of it. The drawing makes it perfectly clear that the male figure was not only bearded, but also laureate, just as Hadrian is laureate on the coins mentioned above.30

Thus, Philostorgius’ story about the “rediscovery” of the statue of Jesus may be understood in this way: shortly after Hadrian’s visit to the area, the city fathers erected a statue of him, close to the cave, the springs, and the Sanctuary of Pan. Standing as it did near the cliff side along which the Sanctu- ary was situated, the statue was eventually partially buried. Sometime around a century and a half later, when Christianity had gained a significant, but still minority, status in the city, the Christians discovered that the now-forgotten statue group featured a male figure identified on its pedestal as “Lord” or “Savior.” Furthermore, the statue was believed by Christian and pagan alike to have healing powers. The Christian community cleaned up the statue, and began to venerate it, protected now by the pro-Christian policies of the Em- peror Constantine. During Julian’s reign the pagan population, still a majority, gained the upper hand once again and pulled down the statue. The Christians rescued the head, placed in on a new body made of precious metal, and put it

29 Ridder, 1906, pp. 39-40; Pl. 15-17. The bust appeared on the art market in Germany in 1983 and was re-published by Meyer, 1991, pp. 99-100, Pls. 88:4-5, 89. See also Friedland, 1997, pp. 243-244. 30 Cod. Vat. Lat. 10545, Fol. 193; see Wilpert, 1924, p. 298; Leclercq, “Panéas”, Col. 1014; Fig. 9579.

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in a special room next to the cathedral church. There it became a popular des- tination for Christian pilgrims, and not insignificantly, a source of considerable tourist-generated income for the local population.

The Fate of the Statue

The eventual fate of the “Statue of Christ” is unknown. Although the statue is mentioned by numerous Christian writers until the 10th Century or later, mostly in connection with issues raised by the Iconoclastic controversy, pil- grims visiting the area in the 5th and 6th Centuries do not mention having seen it. It has been suggested that it was destroyed during the Arab invasions of the 7th Century, but this is unlikely. The invaders in general showed respect to the ancient Christian shrines,31 and besides, the statue had already disappeared from the accounts of pilgrims before that time. It may have fallen prey to Jew- ish rioters who destroyed Christian sites during the Persian invasions (611-614 AD),32 or even been destroyed by Iconoclastic Christians. It is most likely, however, that the statue was destroyed during the disastrous series of earth- quakes that ravaged the area in the mid-6th Century.33 Recent excavations at Banias have revealed evidence of extensive destruction in the city during that period, and there are no more eye-witnesses to the existence of the statue after that time.

The story of the so-called “Statue of Christ” at Caesarea Philippi or Caesarea Paneas furnishes a fascinating glimpse at the final confrontation be- tween Paganism and Christianity in the Holy Land. It is a story full of ironies. As a visible manifestation of the new faith, the statue provided the majority of the population an opportunity to publically demonstrate the persistence of their commitment to the ancient gods by physical attacks against it. Because it sur- vived these attempts to destroy it, the statue became a symbol for the Chris- tians of their own triumph. And perhaps the supreme irony is that the “Statue of Christ” was in fact quite likely the statue of a Roman emperor who con- sented to policies designed to stamp out the very movement that later believed and proclaimed that his likeness was the likeness of Jesus himself!

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Amir, David. Banias–From Ancient till Modern Times. Introduction to the Geogra- phy and Natural History of the Area by Dan Perry. Dan, Israel: 1968. (Hebrew) 2. Amiran, D.H.K., Arieh, E., and Turcotte, T. “Earthquakes in Israel and Adjacent Areas: Macroseismic Observations Since 100 B.C.E.,” Israel Exploration Jour- nal 44 (1995), pp. 260-305. 31 Wilkinson, 1977, p. 39. 32 Bedrosian, 1985, p. 95; Schick, 1995, pp. 21, 26-31. 33 Russell, 1985, 44-45.

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3. Bedrosian, Robert (Translator). Sebeos’ History. New York: 1985. 4. Brock, S.P. “A Letter Attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem on the Rebuilding of the Temple,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 40 (1977): pp. 267-286. 5. ——. “The Rebuilding of the Temple under Julian: A New Source,” Palestine Ex- ploration Quarterly 108 (1976): pp. 103-7. 6. Cameron, Averil, and Herrin, Judith (Translators). in the Early Eighth Century: The Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikoi. Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition 10. Leiden: 1984. 7. Friedland, Elise Anne. Roman Marble Sculptue from the : The Group from the Sanctuary of Pan at Caesarea Philippi (Panias). Unpublished Ph.D. Disserta- tion, The University of Michigan: 1997. 8. Gelzer, Henricus. Patrum Nicaenorum. Scriptores Sacri et Profani, Fasc. 2. Leip- zig: 1898. 9. Grumel, Venace. Les Regestes des Actes du Patriarcat de Constantinople. Vol. 1: Les Actes des Patriarches. Fasc. 2: Les Regestes de 715 a 1043. Istanbul: 1936. 10. Harnack, Adolf. A. Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentum. Leipzig: 1924. 11. Hartranft, C. D. (Translator). “The Ecclesiastical History of Sozomen,” in Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, A Select Library of Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers. Second Series. Vol. 2. 1891. 12. Jeffreys, Elizabeth, Jeffreys, Michael, and Scott, Roger (Translators). The Chroni- cle of John Malalas. Melbourne: 1986. 13. LeClercq, Henri. Manuel D’Archéologie Chrétienne Depuis Les Origines Jusqu’au VIIIe Siécle, Vol. 2. Paris: 1907. 14. ——. “Hémorroïsse,” Dictionnaire d’Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie. 6:2, Cols. 2203-4. Paris: 1903-52. 15. ——. “Paneas,” Dictionnaire d’Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie. Vol 8.2, Cols. 1737-42. Paris: 1929. 16. Mancinelli, Fabrizio. Catacombs and Basilicas. The Early Christians in Rome. : 1981. 17. Ma’oz, Zvi. “Banias,” in Ephraim Stern (Editor), The New Encyclopedia of Ar- chaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. Vol. 1, pp. 136-143. New York: 1993. 18. Meshorer, Ya’akov. The Coinage of . Jerusalem, 1989. 19. Meyer, Hugo. Antinoos. Die archäologischen Denkmäler unter Einbeziehung des Numatismatischen und Epigraphischen Materials sowie der Literarischen Nachrichten. ein Beitrag zur Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte der Hadrianisch- frühantoninischen Zeit. München: 1991. 20. Migne, Jacques Paul (Editor) Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Paris: 1857-1866. 21. Negev, A. “The Inscription of the Emperor Julian at Ma’ayan Barukh”, Israel Ex- ploration Journal 19 (1969), pp. 170-173. 22. Norman, A. F. (Translator). Libanius. Selected Works. Vol. I. Loeb Classical Li- brary. London: 1969. 23. Ridder, A. de, et al. Collection de Clercq 4: Les Marbres, les Vases Peints et les Ivoires. Paris: 1906. 24. Russell, Kenneth W. “The Earthquake of May 19, A.D. 363,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 238 (Spring, 1980), pp. 47-64. 25. Schick, Robert. The Christian Communities of Palestine from Byzantine to Islamic Rule. A Historical and Archaeological Study. Princeton: 1995. 26. Toynbee, Jocelyn M. C. The Hadrianic School. A Chapter in the History of Greek Art. Cambridge, 1934.

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27. Tsafrir, Yoram. “The Maps Used by Theodosius: on the Pilgrim Maps of the Holy Land and Jerusalem in the Sixth Century C.E.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. 40 (1986), pp. 129-145. 28. Von Matt, Leonard. Early Christian Art in Rome. Commentary by Enrico Josi. New York: Universe Books, 1961. 29. Walford, Edward (Translator). “Epitome of the Ecclesiastical History of Philostorgius, Compiled by Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople,” in The Ecclesi- astical History of Sozomen. Bohn Ecclesiastical Library. New York: 1855. 30. Wilkinson, John. Jerusalem Pilgrims Before the Crusades. Jerusalem: 1977. 31. Williamson, G. A. (Translator). Eusebius of Caesarea. The History of the Church from Christ to Constantine. Minneapolis: 1965. 32. Wilpert, Joseph. “Alte Kopie der Statue von Paneas,” pp. 296-301 in M. Abramic and V. Hoffilller (Editors), Strena Buliciana. Commentationes Gratulatoriae Francisco Bulic. Zagreb: 1924. 33. John Wilson. Caesarea Phillipi. Banias, the Lost City of Pan. London: 2004. 34. ——, (Editor). Rediscovering Caesarea Philippi: the Ancient city of Pan. Malibu, CA: 2001.

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