Small-Scale Gold Mining and Livelihood Vulnerability: a Case Study of Juaboso

Small-Scale Gold Mining and Livelihood Vulnerability: A Case Study of Juaboso

District, Ghana

A thesis presented to

the faculty of

the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Master of Science

Edward Abbiw

August 2020

This thesis titled

Small-Scale Gold Mining and Livelihood Vulnerability: A Case Study of Juaboso

District, Ghana

EDWARD ABBIW

has been approved for

the Department of Geography

and the College of Arts and Sciences by

Timothy G. Anderson

Associate Professor of Geography

Florenz Plassmann

Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3

Abstract

EDWARD ABBIW, M.S., August 2020, Geography

Small-Scale Gold Mining and Livelihood Vulnerability: A Case Study of Juaboso

District, Ghana

Director of Thesis: Timothy G. Anderson

Ghana’s Juaboso District is located at 6o 20’ north latitude and 2o 50’west longitude. The district capital is Juaboso, located 360 km northwest of Sekondi-Takoradi, the regional capital, and 225 km from Kumasi, the Ashanti regional capital. The constituency encompasses a total surface area of 1,329 km2 and serves as an entry or exit point between La Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana. The main economic activity of the district is agriculture, much of which focuses on cacao production. In the past few years, Juaboso’s communities have witnessed the invasion of small-scale gold mining operators, and the impacts of these mining activities on the environment that constitute livelihoods, in general, have garnered the attention of individuals, community interest groups, non- governmental agencies, stakeholders, and the media. This study investigates the impacts of small-scale gold mining in two Juaboso villages, focusing on how the mining affects local livelihoods, the environmental consequences of the mining, and how local informal political institutions mediate access to natural resources. To address these issues, the study employs quantitative analysis in the form of seventeen in-depth semi-structured interviews; a modified grounded theory approach was utilized to analyze data in the form of interview transcripts. The study finds that despite the economic gain received from the mining sector in Juaboso District, small-scale gold mining has a significant negative 4 impact on the livelihoods of farmers in the study communities that depend on cacao as their main source of making a living. Mining activities are also found to have had considerable negative effects on the local ecosystem, further endangering agricultural livelihoods. Besides, the study demonstrates that local informal political institutions may not be well suited to manage legal issues arising from mining activities. Members of these communities need to be aware of the potential impacts of small-scale gold mining on local livelihoods and natural environments.

Dedication

To the Juaboso District, especially the Sefwi Mafia, Sefwi Komeamaa, and Sefwi

Asempanaye communities. You allowed me to interact with you which made this thesis a

reality.

Acknowledgments

I would like to give thanks to the almighty God whose grace has brought me this far. Next, my deepest gratitude goes to my advisor, Dr. Timothy G. Anderson for his guidance, support, advice, encouragement, and great dedication. The successful completion of this thesis would not have been possible without his tremendous contribution. Just saying thank you is not enough to express how grateful I am. I would also like to express my gratitude to Dr. Risa Whitson and Dr. Herold Perkins who sat on my committee and offered invaluable recommendations throughout the research processes. Additionally, I extend special thanks to Dr. Geoff Buckley. You are more like a father to me and have always been my backbone during my time at Ohio University. I also express my gratitude to Dr. Dorothy Sack, Dr. Tom Smucker and the entire

Geography faculty for contributing to my academic life in one way or another in such a new environment. I have learned much from you all.

I would also like to thank my family for all their support, endless love, and encouragement. A special thanks to my grandmother, Ekua Bosomtwi, and my mother,

Eunice Wiredu, for their incredible investment in my life in general. Thanks to my brothers Eric Mensah, Justice Abbiw, and Perfect Kobin Odoom. Your love and support are overwhelming. Finally, I would like to thank my church, the International Christian

Fellowship, Ohio University, for their prayers and spiritual support. I will not forget Dr.

Lee and Dr. Lima in the Linguistics Department for teaching me how to write. I cannot conclude without offering appreciation for my fellow graduate students in the 7

Department of Geography. You have been very kind and helpful throughout my study. I love you all.

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... 3 Dedication ...... 5 Acknowledgments...... 6 Table of Contents ...... 8 List of Tables ...... 10 List of Figures ...... 11 Chapter One: Introduction ...... 12 Background ...... 12 Purpose of the Study and Research Questions ...... 17 Research Rationale...... 17 The Study Area ...... 21 Physiography and Climate ...... 22 Methodology ...... 24 Interview Protocol Design and Transcription ...... 27 Recruitment Methods of Participants...... 29 Table 1.1. Background Information About the Participants ...... 31 Verbal Recruitment Script: ...... 32 Data Analysis ...... 33 Literature Review...... 35 Small-Scale Gold Mining ...... 35 Cacao Production as a Livelihood Source ...... 38 The Effects of Small-Scale Gold Mining on Local Communities ...... 40 Institutional Roles in Policy and Practice for Sustainable Livelihoods ...... 49 Structure of the Results and Analysis ...... 52 Chapter 2: The Environmental Impacts of Small-Scale Gold Mining in the Study Villages ...... 54 Human-Environment Interactions in the Study Villages ...... 54 Water Pollution Resulting from Mining Activities ...... 59 Degradation of Land and Loss of Soil Productivity ...... 61 Regeneration of Cacao and Other Forest Trees ...... 64 Decreasing Arable Lands and Food Insecurity ...... 67 Impact on the Environment and the Consequences on the Communities’ Health ...... 70 9

Pre-Mining Economic Conditions ...... 72 Exacerbating Economic Challenges ...... 73 Chapter 3: The Impacts of Small-Scale Gold Mining on Local Groups and Institutions 76 Institutions and Vulnerable Groups ...... 76 Authoritarian Leadership ...... 78 The Lack of Political Will to Fight Galamsey ...... 80 Unconcerned Government Appointees ...... 84 Vulnerable Groups ...... 86 The Vulnerability of the Villages ...... 93 Chapter 4: Perspectives and Discourses on Evolving Issues ...... 98 Abuses of Cultural Heritage and Tradition ...... 98 The Deceptions Regarding Legal Mining ...... 99 Violation of Compensation Agreements and Promises ...... 103 Evolving Conflicts ...... 107 Chieftaincy Issues ...... 108 Misunderstanding Between the Two Communities ...... 110 Conflict Between Miners and Community Members ...... 111 Conflict Between Miners ...... 112 Court Issues ...... 113 Communities’ Viewpoints Concerning the Media ...... 115 The Need for Government Intervention...... 116 Preference for Large-Scale Gold Mining ...... 118 Chapter 5: Conclusion and Recommendations ...... 121 Summary Findings ...... 121 Significance of the Study ...... 124 Recommendations and Reflections ...... 129 Impact Assessment...... 129 Government Intervention ...... 130 Suggestion to the Communities on Large-Scale Mining ...... 131 References ...... 132 Appendix A: Interview Protocol ...... 139 Appendix B: Steps for Analysis and Writing ...... 142

List of Tables

Page

Table 1.1 Background information about the participants……………….…...... 31

List of Figures

Page

Figure 1.1. Location of Juabeso (in Red). (Cartography by author) ...... 24 Figure 1.2. DFID Livelihood Framework ...... 48 Figure 1.3. Cacao Tree. (Photo: Edward Abbiw) ...... 50 Figure 1.4. Sun-Drying Cacao Seeds. (Photo: Edward Abbiw)...... 51 Figure 1.5. Environmental Degradation (Photo: Edward Abbiw)...... 51 Figure 1.6. Sample of Gold Ore. (Photo: Edward Abbiw)...... 52 Figure 2.1. Compound in the Study Village (Photo: Edward Abbiw) ...... 58 Figure 2.2. Compound in the Study Village (Photo: Edward Abbiw) ...... 59 Figure 2.3. Contamination of the Amoya River (Photo: Edward Abbiw) ...... 61 Figure 2.4. Degraded Farmlands (Photo: Edward Abbiw) ...... 63 Figure 2.5. Degraded Farmlands (Photo: Edward Abbiw) ...... 64 Figure 2.6. Pools of Water Associated with Mining (Photo: Edward Abbiw) ...... 72

Chapter One: Introduction

Background

In the African context, the term "small-scale mining" technically includes all mining activities operated on small concessions of lands that are semi-mechanized and semi-industrialized, employing simple equipment, low levels of operational investment, simple technology, and a wide range of workers, both skilled and unskilled. In Africa, different kinds of mineral resources are exploited for diverse reasons. The common resources exploited are categorized under precious and semi-precious, heavy metals, industrial, and base minerals. The leading minerals which have become the focus of small-scale mining are diamonds, gold, and gemstones.

Over the last two decades, the number of small-scale mining operators has increased from two million to nine million, and about twenty-four million individuals depend on small-scale mining for their livelihood. The African Mineral Development

Centre (AMDC) considers this a “conservative” estimate because of the lack of adequate data on small-scale mining since the activity is most often informal and operates illegally

International Institute for Sustainability Development (IISD, 2017). The practice of small-scale mining has become a highly important venture for the economies of at least twenty-three countries in the Sub-Saharan regions of Africa, especially in rural regions.

Small-scale mining as a source of livelihood is currently growing the fastest in rural areas of countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, Sierra Leone, and Tanzania (Hilson, 2009; IGS,

2017). 13

Ghana, in the West African sub-region, is thought to contain as much as seventy percent of Africa's gold deposits (Hilson, 2003), and gold accounts for over ninety-five percent of the country's total mineral revenues International Council on Mining and

Metals (ICMM, 2015). The country produces gold at both the large- and small-scale levels. In 2016, Ghana was among the world's top ten producers of mined gold, and gold export receipts amounted to about $4.92 billion (USGS, 2015). Small-scale gold mining, as well as its large-scale counterpart, plays a key role in the livelihood conditions of

Ghanaians (Hentschel et al, 2002). In 1989, small-scale gold mining accounted for 2.2 percent of Ghana's total gold production, but by 2014 this figure had increased to 35.4 percent, accounting for about 1.5 million ounces of gold (McQuilken and Hilson, 2016).

It is estimated that over one million people are engaged in small-scale mining in Ghana, with over four million people benefiting directly or indirectly from the activity

(McQuilken & Hilson, 2016).

The economic effects of small-scale gold mining (hereafter SGM) are evident at both the local and national levels, measured in statistics such as earnings from exports and imports of resources made possible through such income. Hilson (2002) argues that small-scale gold mining, however complicated it is, has a major impact on employment and general development in developing countries, especially in rural areas where there are limited job and developmental project opportunities. The South African Institute of

International Affairs (SAIIA) (2017) argues that the activity offers more direct and indirect job opportunities, and the revenue generated from the activity can help increase local purchasing power and thus benefits economic activities at the local level. SGM also 14 helps rural households to build more dynamic and resilient livelihood strategies, especially farmers who engage in seasonal cropping. The activity also stimulates trade and subsidiary business developments around the mining site (World Bank, 2013), and the significant role it can potentially play was recognized in Africa Mining Vision 2050, which encourages African countries to harness the potential of the mining to improve rural livelihoods and spark entrepreneurship, and to promote local and integrated national development as well as regional cooperation (SAIIA, 2012). However, a question remains as to how mining interplays with other aspects of local economies, and how better integrated rural development strategies to avoid conflicts of interest among two or more equally important livelihood sources can be promoted.

The Juaboso district is located in the western region of Ghana and is ecologically conducive to farming. In the past few years, however, Juaboso's communities have witnessed the invasion of small-scale mining operators, and the impacts of these mining activities on the natural environments depended upon for livelihoods, in general, have garnered the attention of individuals, community interest groups, non-governmental agencies, stakeholders, and the media. Generally, the main actors who invest large amounts of capital to engage in mining activities are outsiders rather than members of the local communities. These investors pursue their socio-economic interests, as opposed to those of the community. In most instances, communities are already involved in activities such as crop production fishing and poultry, but predominantly in cacao. Due to the seasonal nature of agriculture, thus, "rural lives progress through annual cycles of busy and lean times" (Pritchard et al, 2014, 81), it is often months or years before monetary 15 benefits are realized and workers receive income. Local tribal heads and members, who are custodians of land concessions, are easily influenced by the monetary offers to lease concessions for short-term use, often without thinking about long-term implications or the impact on the livelihood of the community as a result of the activity (Danquah et al,

2017).

In West Africa, small-scale gold mining is often believed to be a “rush-type” activity, characterized as a disordered and entrepreneurial-driven venture, where miners are “fortune-seekers” (Hilson, 2009). It is also often seen as a “distress-push” type of activity where miners are looking to alleviate their poverty and work in SGM to complement revenues from other sources of livelihoods (Hilson, 2009). Most regions in

Ghana have experienced mining rushes in an “anywhere possible” entrepreneurial environment. Some of these locales include previously untouched places that are ecologically sensitive, including protected areas and critical ecosystems like tropical rainforests biomes. Environmental impacts of mining methods such as clear-cutting of forests, river dredging, or use of toxic chemicals interfere with rural livelihood practices such as farming, gathering, hunting, and trade that supports agrarian populations (World

Bank, 2013). These conditions make individuals vulnerable to high risk of poverty, especially in places such as Juaboso, where many locals are not involved in the mining activities. Even when local populations are involved in such activities, the question as to whether it is safe to mine in such sensitive zones is important for research purposes.

The relationship between traditional farming livelihoods and small-scale gold mining has recently received much research attention, focusing especially on the complex 16 relationships among the various actors involved in these activities. The lack of institutional capacity in the region is another concern. Mining at any level must seek both formal and informal institutional consent. However, in the case of Juaboso the lack of coordination among the heads of the informal institutions, from the chieftaincy down to the heads of clans, leads to political vulnerability on the part of local populations in terms of the decisions to allow mining in such communities, which affects the livelihoods of the community members. Most rural communities “sit on wealth” but never benefit from this wealth because the institutions that are supposed to mediate access to mineral resources often undermine their political power and rights; therefore, poverty has become a norm and a psychological image they behold. The resource that should be “a blessing” rather becomes “a curse” for them. The inadequacies and inefficiencies of the states and customary institutions make them politically vulnerable, and so suffer the environmental and socioeconomic consequences engendered by the small-scale mining operations.

However, suggesting solutions to the impact of SGM is problematic since the activity is perceived differently to the region where it is operated, and the understanding of its linkages with other livelihood practices, seasonality, migration, and level of engagement. For instance, Hilson (2016) demonstrated the seasonal nature of the farming-SGM relationship in selected sub-Saharan countries such as Ghana, Liberia,

Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and Zimbabwe. Especially in the case of cacao growing communities, it is important to understand whether the community exposed to the mining activity is at risk and whether they can cope with that exposure. It is, therefore, research-worthy to investigate the general question about the potential 17 impact of small-scale gold mining on the set of livelihoods; environmental degradation experienced by farmers, which in turn affect their livelihoods; and the functioning institutions that mediate resource access in the Juaboso settings.

Purpose of the Study and Research Questions

The purpose of this research is to investigate the impact of small-scale gold mining on the livelihood of rural communities in the Juaboso District. Specifically, this thesis addresses and seeks to answer the following questions:

1) What ways of making a living are most significantly affected by the mining activities?

2) Which local groups and social institutions are most politically vulnerable to the impacts of small-scale gold mining?

3) What diverse perspectives and discourses regarding how mining activities impact the environment are held by those living in the region?

This study hypothesizes that small-scale gold mining activities have significant socio-economic impacts on the livelihoods of local communities and seeks to more fully understand the nature of those impacts.

Research Rationale

The study of the impact of small-scale gold mining in Juaboso is important because it will provide a more in-depth understanding of the short- and long-term socioeconomic vulnerability of the communities, especially since these areas have only recently become active sites of small-scale gold mining operations. Among other studies,

Tsikata (2007) expresses concerns about the effects of amalgamated metals due to small- 18 scale gold mining on the quality of soil and water; the unique climatic conditions; and the limited geographic space particularly necessary for a high yield of crops such as cacao, and other food crops.

A study conducted by the Institute for Democratic Governance (IDEG), on the effects of small scale mining on cocoa production in Ghana revealed that mining has dire consequences for the cocoa industry (IDEG, 2018). As these concerns about the menace of the small-scale gold mining are important for this research, a reliable source of information obtained from the indigenes who have a direct physical, social, and emotional connection with the study area where mining is operated is more apparent for this research. Moreover, there is a lack of access to adequate data on small-scale mining and cacao farming interface in most of the District's rural communities. Heretofore, most information about these activities has based almost wholly on experiential knowledge.

This research will provide evidence as to current and potential threats to livelihoods in the region and inform future studies.

Another interesting reason why this research is important concerns the geography of the study area. The Juaboso District serves as a major contributor of cacao in the western region of Ghana, which in turn produces the highest proportion (about sixty percent) of cacao for the entire nation (COCOBOD, 2001). Cocoa was first harvested in what is known today as Central America. During the colonial era, cacao became popular around the world, and it is now produced in many regions across the globe. It is estimated in the United States that, every year, Americans eat 2.8 billion pounds of chocolate, a product of cacao beans, while the fat of the beans is used for cosmetics. Among the few 19 countries that supply the world with cacao, Ghana has consolidated its position as the world's second-largest producer of cacao (World Population Review, 2020). A stud by

IDEG (2018) on the impact of small-scale mining on cacao production suggests that mining can affect Ghana's contribution of cacao to the world. According to Ms. Eileen

Goody Gans-Lartey, the Project Officer for IDEG,

“Ghana did not only risk losing the estimated 2 billion US dollars income it got from cocoa exports, but also risked losing its identity as a world-leading cocoa-producing country.”

Despite the major economic gain received from the mining sector, it deems necessary to investigate the effects of the small-scale gold mining particularly in the cacao growing region which can probably affect global production to a large extent.

Moreover, the study is significant because it can potentially shed light on the perspectives held by those in different socio-economic classes of people in the community regarding small-scale mining activities, and as such might identify the most vulnerable groups in the communities. A similar study undertaken by Danquah et al.

(2017) investigated the effect of mining on the livelihoods of people in Amansie West district in Ghana by focusing on the status of the main rural livelihood indicators as determinant factors. This work will expand on the rationale behind their study by including an examination of the various characteristics of the community with regards to gender, age cohort, race, working groups, traders, etc., who are vulnerable in terms of their livelihood sources being affected by the mining activity or institutions (mediating resource access) that are vulnerable to powerful politicians and societal elites. This may 20 help to identify the loopholes in the socioeconomic and institutional politics, to inform decision-making processes, and also to reduce the socio-economic vulnerability of these groups posed by the mining activities.

Another critical issue germane to this study is the ban placed on all small-scale mining activities by the incumbent government of Ghana in January 2017, in response to the growing number of issues surrounding the way small-scale and artisanal mining is practiced in Ghana (Ghana News Agency, 2017). The government also suspended the issuance of new licenses for small-scale mining for a year; established an inter-

Ministerial Committee on Illegal Mining (IMCIM) in 2017, charged with the responsibility to address illegal mining; launched Operation Vanguard made up of four hundred men drawn from the military and police service, deployed to the nation’s mining hot spots to enforce the ban (Ayelazuno & Mawuko-Yevugah, 2019). Although economic and political pressures have compelled the government to lift the ban, decisions on where and how, and the mechanisms to justify the operations, are still under discussion by the media, stakeholders, and governmental and non-governmental agencies (NGOs). The evidence gathered in the proposed study may inform our understanding of the socioeconomic vulnerability of mining communities and help address the ongoing politics on small-scale mining. Responses regarding vulnerability identified by members of these communities may enlighten policy formulation that intends to bridge the profitability gap between unsustainable mining and sustainable alternatives. 21

The Study Area

The Juaboso District is located at 6o 20’ north latitude and 2o 50’ west longitude.

The district capital is Juabeso, located 360 km to the northwest of Sekondi-Takoradi, the regional capital, and 225 km from Kumasi, the Ashanti regional capital (Figure 1.1). The constituency encompasses a total surface area of 1,329 km2 and serves as an entry or exit point between La Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana (Ghanamps, 2010). The district has a mostly rural population of approximately 150,000, with a growth rate of 3.5 percent in 2010, which was relatively higher than the regional average (3.2 percent) and the national average (2.7 percent). The high growth rate is caused by the in-migration of large numbers of cacao farmers from the Brong Ahafo and Ashanti regions. The district is ethnically diverse, with the majority (about fifty-three percent of the district’s population) belonging to the Sefwis, who are the indigenous groups. The remaining forty-seven percent are mostly immigrants. It is estimated that migrant farmers own over sixty-five percent of the cacao farms in the district, and about half of the cacao farmers buy lands from the traditional rulers and heads of family lineage for farming (GocKowski, 2011).

The main economic activity of the district is agriculture, much of which focuses on cacao production. Most of the households are into smallholder cacao farming and or cacao related businesses. According to the Ghana Statistical Service (2014), 74.5 percent of households in the district rely on agriculture for their livelihood. The remaining percent are employed in service and sales occupations, craft, and related trades, and other miscellaneous occupations. Out of the households engaged in agriculture activities, 92.2 percent are located in rural localities, while 7.8 percent are in the urban areas. Over 97.2 22 percent of households in the district are involved in crop farming. Farmers in the locality grow cash crops such as cacao, oil palms, coffee, and food crops such as plantain, cassava, banana, cocoyam, rice, yam, tomatoes, pear, oranges, coconut, and sweet apple

(Ghanamps, 2010). Among the communities in the district, this ethnographic study focuses on the communities of Mafia, Komeama, and Asempanaye because that is where the small-scale gold mining is active.

Over sixty percent of the residents in the district lack potable water. The district is also known to have a poorly developed road network, with a majority of the roads being unpaved. Among all the districts in Ghana, the Juaboso district contributes relatively to the largest proportion of cacao, however, it currently experiences a high rate of poverty.

Although statistics on poverty are difficult to come by, the Department of Health

Services' 2008 proxy measure (child nutritional status) of the western region gives an idea about the poverty and hunger levels of the district. For the whole nation, twenty- eight percent of children under five years old experienced stunted growth, nine percent were wasted, and fourteen percent were underweight. In comparison with the Western region, these proportions were twenty-seven percent, 5.6 percent, and 10.3 percent respectively (GocKowski, 2011).

Physiography and Climate

The Juaboso district forms part of the country's dissected plateau. Within the district, there are a few isolated hills with heights ranging between 300 meters and 390 meters above sea level. The main river is the Sayere, but many other rivers serve as a significant source of water for domestic and irrigation purposes. However, the intensive 23 activities of small-scale gold mining have reduced the quality of most of these rivers. The vegetation is an equatorial rain forest with semi-deciduous forest suitable for the growth of many tree species, such as Odum, Wawa, Mahogany, and ESA (Ghana Statistical

Service, 2014).

The district lies in the wet semi-equatorial climatic zone with two rainfall peaks

(maxima) in May-June and September-October. The mean annual temperature for the district ranges between 25ºC and 26ºC. The area experiences two main wet and dry seasons. The wet season is between April and October and the dry season is between

November and March. The relatively long wet (rainy) season favors the cultivation of many foods and cash crops, especially cacao. The Krokosue ecological hill of the district is earmarked as a forest reserve and enhances the district's ecosystem functions (Ghana

Statistical Service, 2014). The climatic conditions of the regions support the production of cacao. The Krokosue forest reserve serves as an ecological area of full sun and low shade cacao farms. Favorable climatic conditions in the area are necessary for increasing the yield of cacao. Practicing SGM around this region implies that part of this vegetation must be removed to allow easy access to the minerals below the surface. The removal of the vegetation may alter the climatic conditions by changing the rainfall patterns and the amount of solar energy required during the growing season, which may, in turn, affect crop output. 24

Figure 1.1. Location of Juabeso (in Red). (Cartography by author)

Methodology

To investigate the impact of small-scale gold mining on the livelihood of the

Juabeso community, this research employed an ethnographic case study approach using qualitative research tools limited to semi-structured in-depth interviews. Qualitative methods constitute the most appropriate approach to understanding questions of individual experience, perception, and the creation of meaning Winchester (2000) and as 25 such will be used in this study. Semi-structured interviews were chosen as the best interview method because it allow for gaps to be filled that quantitative methods cannot address. These types of interviews also allow for pre-determined questions to take different courses, thereby creating the possibility for the interviewee to elicit information on other topics related to small-scale mining (Dunn, 2010).

According to Bryman (2008, 196), semi-structured interviews refer to "…a context in which the interviewer has a series of questions that are in general form of an interview schedule structured but can vary the sequence of questions. The questions are frequently somewhat more general in their frame of reference from that typically found in a structured interview schedule. Also, the interviewer usually has some latitude to ask further questions in response to what is usually seen as significant replies." The semi- structured interview design for this thesis followed the above definition.

Semi-structured interviews were used to gather data relating to the respondents' knowledge about Juaboso, the time frame of small-scale gold mining, the general effect of small-scale gold mining, the impact on livelihood, and the institutional processes involved in the mining activity. For each of these topics, attention was paid to a wide range of respondents' perspectives, experiences, and concerns on the impact of small- scale gold mining on livelihood sources and groups of community members who are most vulnerable to the impact of the mining activities. By utilizing semi-structured interviews, the researcher was able to discover individualized experiences and investigate the perspectives and concerns of the participants. 26

Throughout the course of the research process, field notes were used to assist further analyses and thought processes that developed around the interviews. Field notes, as noted by Dunn (2010), assist the interviewer in writing personal and analytical reflections that aid in labeling and categorizing interviews. These reflections also serve the researcher as another method of recalling specific details regarding the interviewee

(Emerson et al. 2010). My personal reflections were based on topics regarding the miners, informal institutions, court cases, destruction of water bodies, and other thoughts on cacao farming. Also included were my own personal reactions to the interview process. During the entire research process, field notes were taken before and after interviews, and also during the transcription process.

To further facilitate the analysis process, two lists of in-process memos were regularly kept. Emerson et al (2010, 123) suggest that in-process memos “allow the fieldworker to develop analytic leads and insights early on in the fieldwork process.”

These memos were written in an “exercise book” that I kept in the field and also as soft copies on my computer. In-process memos allowed for codes, theoretical concepts on livelihood, mineral and mining policies, and other information to form and create topics in my research.

A consent process occurred before each interview, and every participant was allowed to ask questions and end their participation at any time. The research project and its goals were well-explained in Twi language to all participants, except one who received explanations in English language. The consent for can be found in appendix 3.

Only two informants were given the copies of the introductory sheet that was submitted 27 to the Institutional Review Board of Ohio University because they could read and understand the information it contains. The remaining participants were shown the content of the introductory sheet. Participants were provided with my personal contact information as well.

To ensure anonymity, I assigned pseudo names as interviewee “names” during the transcription process, and each interview was titled with a “numbers-code”. All interviews have been kept confidential in order to ensure confidentiality. A master list was kept confidentially and destroyed upon completion of the study. All this was done so as to ensure ethical conduct and accurate representation during the interviewing and transcribing process (Dowling 2010; Dunn 2010).

Interview Protocol Design and Transcription

Originally, three interview protocols were designed to cover the diversity and perspectives of the different groups of informants: community members, miners, and legal institutions. But in the end, only one protocol in appendix 1 (for community members) was used. The other two were not used because the miners were difficult to locate, and the police were not ready to engage in any form of interaction because of ongoing litigation and court cases. All three interview protocols contained questions structured mainly on participant’s personal description, knowledge about the community, and knowledge about the impact of mining.

Descriptive questions that were designed to gain knowledge about the participant and also “open up” the interviewing process were implemented at the beginning of each interview. This technique was suggested by Dunn (2010) as a way to ease the tension at 28 the beginning of the interview and to gain specific knowledge of the participants.

Questions concerning mining and livelihood were also opened and probed when it was necessary. Again, questions asked did not strictly follow the nearly twenty sub-questions in the interview protocol. The researcher allowed the participants space to express themselves but guided the interactions to suit the goal of the research.

Interviews were transcribed to an electronic format within a day of the interview, but most were typically transcribed within hours of the interview. All interviews were transcribed before the subsequent interview was conducted so as to avoid confusion.

Verbatim quotations were used to delineate actual written verbal speech and information that was taken down with shorthand, other symbols, and incomplete text. During the transcription process, field notes were transcribed at the top of each interview page in order to serve as points of reference for the coding process. In the results section, additional notes explaining the quotations, which were words of my own, were italicized.

This ensured the most accurate representation of the material possible (Dunn 2010).

After interviews were recorded, instead of transcribing data verbatim in the Twi language as originally proposed, I translated the audio recordings directly into English. This was done because transcribing data in Twi required translation skills that I did not have.

Interviews therefore were transcribed to an electronic format after the entire interview processes, but memos and field notes were written in advance to avoid confusion.

Recruitment Methods of Participants

My Reflection and Positionality. It important in this chapter to acknowledge my position as a researcher concerning the environmental, social-economic, and political context which shaped the outcome of this study. Louis and Barton (2002) explain positionality as a key to understanding the subjectivity of researchers. They define subjectivity as the life experiences a researcher has had, including the social, cultural, and political factors that influence an individual and how those experiences contribute to biases and assumptions in the type of research the researcher chooses to engage in. They define positionality in another context as the “knower’s specific position defined by race, gender, class, and other socially significant dimensions.” Regarding my own positionality, I describe myself as a Ghanaian from Africa with a strong background in environmental sciences and now researching global cases concerning the human- environment. As a human-environmental geographer, my work specifically focuses on rural livelihood development employing conceptualizations capable of defining the sustainability of indigenous communities by researching through matters of the industrial and anthropogenic activities, their impact on life-supporting systems, and mitigation tools. Aside from this, my beliefs, political stance, passion for the environment, and spirituality also influence this study.

Before this research, I completed my national service in Asempanaye-Breman in the Juaboso District and stayed in that community for almost a year acquiring knowledge about cacao growing in the region. However, I did not personally know Mafia and

Komeamaa until I heard from the media about the disorder that evolved in the 30 communities because of small-scale gold mining. My motivation going into this research was first, I felt the case was related to my general research interest, and second, I thought that practicing gold mining in cacao communities would be an interesting case study.

Based on these thoughts I decided to visit the communities to better know and understand what was happening.

I got in touch with the research participants through one headmaster and one teacher (the gatekeepers), respectively, from Mafia and Komeamaa. According to the gatekeepers, all the participants suggested either first-hand personal experience with the miners or were well informed. I interviewed a total of seventeen participants. Out of the seventeen participants, six were women and the remaining were men. All the participants were over eighteen years old and had lived in the community for over ten years. Out of the six women, only one was a teacher by profession; two were into farming and petty trading, and the rest were farmers only. Amongst the eleven men, two of them were religious leaders; two were into farming and driving; one teacher; one was the chief’s

“linguist”, two were sub-chiefs, and the remaining were farmers only. Table 1.1. presents background information about the participants.

As an “outsider” with regard to my ethnicity, hometown, education, and passion, I understand these factors have implications regarding the formulation of research questions, methods of data collection, and transcription of interviews. As such, I acknowledge that my interpretation of the results regardless, of revealing important information or not, could be significantly different from another researcher who conducts the same research. 31

Prior to the fieldwork, the chiefs of the communities were consulted according to traditional and customary procedures in the region. Subsequently, members from within the community were identified via personal contacts and a snowball method. Potential participants were recruited from acquaintances of those already interviewed. The researcher was introduced and directed to the homes of potential participants, where a verbal agreement was made with them and arrangement for an interview was made

(Figure 1.2.). All interviews were conducted at homes, mostly in the mornings and evenings because that was when the participants were usually available; most of them are busing farming during the day. Only one interview took place outside of a home, in a participant’s beverage store.

Table 1.1. Background Information About the Participants

Participants Pseudonyms Gender Community Occupation 1 Teacher Female Mafia Teacher of Mafia Basic School, Cacao Farmer, and Petty Trader

2 Nana Kwesi Male Mafia Cacao Farmer, Chief’s “Linquist”, Cacao Animator

3 Kwadwo Male Mafia Cacao Farmer, Cacao Purchasing clerk

4 Kofi Male Mafia Cacao Farmer, and Taxi Driver

5 Abena Female Mafia Farmer (Cacao and Staple Crops)

6 Esi Female Mafia Trader and Cacao Famer

7 Egya Kofi Male Mafia Cacao Farmer and Taxi Driver 32

8 Abena Female Mafi Cacao Farmer and Petty Trader

9 Elder Male Mafia An Elder of Mafia Community and Cacao Farmer

10 Pastor Male Asempanay Church Leader

11 Anthony Male Komeamaa Cacao Farmer and PTA chairman

12 Religious Male Komeamaa Roman Catholic Leader Catechist and Cacao Farmer

13 Adwowa B Female Komeamaa Farmer (Cacao and Staple Crops)

14 Adwowa Female Komeamaa Famer (Cacao and Staple Crops)

15 Teacher Male Komeamaa Assistant Head Teacher of Komeamaa D/a Primary and Cacao Farmer

16 Elder Male Komeamaa Sub-Chief (Acting) and Cacao Farmer

17 Kwesi Male Mafia Cacao Farmer

Verbal Recruitment Script:

Principal Investigator: Hello. Nice to meet you. Thank you for your time. My name is

Edward Abbiw, and I am a student in the Geography department of Ohio University,

United States. I am conducting research to allow members of this community to share their perspectives on how small-scale gold mining activities affect their livelihood. 33

You're eligible to be in this study because you are part of this community.

If you decide to participate in this study, you will participate in an interview session that will last for approximately one to two hours. You will be asked to choose a time and location that is convenient for a meeting. You will have the opportunity to decide if you would like information about yourself to be kept confidential for this process.

Note: Remember, this is completely voluntary. You can choose to participate in this project or not. If you'd like to participate, we can go ahead and schedule a time for me to meet with you to give you more information. If you need more time to decide or if you would like to participate, you may also call or email me with your decision.

Do you have any questions for me at this time?

If you have any more questions about this process or if you need to contact me about participation, I may be at +233541238694 or email [email protected].

Thank you so much.

Data Analysis

I used all the information derived from the seventeen semi-structured interviews to address the three primary research questions. I employed a modified Grounded Theory approach concerning data analysis. Grounded Theory allows the researcher to draw out concepts from the data rather than basing the research on established theories and approaches (Emerson et al 2010). I employed open-to-focused and axial coding to aggregate and analyze the data.

For open coding, I used the following to guide my decision:

 Any information related to my research questions 34

 Information that was repeated in several places in the interview transcripts

 Any comment the interviewee explicitly stated that was important

 Surprising statements or emerging ideas

 Any information heard in the media and academic discourses

My decision to use focused coding was also guided by:

 Selecting from open (initial) and more important (related to my research

questions) codes and grouping them

 Dropping most of the initial codes

I employed axial coding to generate a codebook, selecting and grouping all focused-codes which were connected to themselves in meaning and that were important to my research questions. I developed the codebook by labeling or describing the groups of categories generated from the axial coding with themes and grouping these themes in hierarchical order.

Through this method of analysis, I was able to discover themes in the data that emerged across the sets of interviews and to also relate these themes to the literature around which the study was based. The open-to-focused coding process was employed to aggregate and analyze the data. This process, according to Emerson et al. (2010), allows the researcher to review, then subsequently deduce key themes from the data. By adopting this technique, analytic codes were then developed around key themes in the research. Codes that developed from in-process memos which were kept during the interview process were also used in the coding process. In general, I was more 35 descriptive, open, and conceptualizing during the analysis. The general steps for analysis and write up is outlined in appendix 4.

Interviews were coded with assistance from the computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software NVIVO-12. Using computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software such as NVIVO-12 allows for the data analysis process to code, categorize, store, and retrieve unstructured data in a systematic fashion (Peace & van Hoven 2010). This software does not perform all analyses, but helps the coding process to be easier and transparent.

Literature Review

Small-Scale Gold Mining

Natural resource exploitation is often a primary source of livelihood for populations in developing economies. When all other things fail, people look to the land to either subsistence agriculture or to find whatever wealth the land can offer. A recent

United Nations Environment Program (2006) report notes that rates of artisanal and small-scale mining are increasing in many low- and middle-income countries, due primarily to the increasing price of gold and widespread poverty. Many rural folks across the globe engage in small-scale mining because the activity requires low technology, less capital and limited specialized skills. Gold from these informal mines may represent 20–

30% of the world’s output. It is estimated that about 15 million people in 30 countries are engaged in artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM) and that perhaps 100 million people worldwide rely on income that is indirectly derived from the activities in that sector (Spiegel, S.J. & Viega, M.M. 2006). 36

In Ghana, the mining sector is one of the major economic backbones of the country and as such contributes significantly to the nation’s GDP; in 2013, for example,

34.4% of the country’s annual export revenue was generated from gold mining. The quantity of Ghana’s gold extracted through ASGM increased from 6% in 2000 to 23% in

2010 (Rajaee, Obiri, Green, Long, Cobbina, Nartey, Buck, Antwi & Basu, 2015).

Ghana has also recorded a spectacular increase in all mineral production since 2005, with gold surpassing cacao as the leading source of Ghana’s foreign exchange. In 2004, mineral revenue was $798 million, increasing to $995.2 million in 2005, accounting for

13% of the total revenue collected by the Ghana’s Internal Revenue Service. Gold production increased by 63%, with export revenues increasing from $731.2 million to

$903.9 million, d that of diamonds increased from $26 million to $34.7 million (Ghana

Chamber of Mines, 2005).

Small-scale gold mining plays a key role in the livelihood conditions of the people, hence, providing a means of living (Hentschel, Hruschka, & Priester, 2002).

Small-scale gold mining takes different forms of contributions at both local and national levels such as earnings from exports and making import of resources possible. It provides significant livelihoods for rural communities in Africa and serves as a means of alleviating poverty (Iddrisu & Tsikata, 1998). Hilson (2002) argues that small-scale gold mining has a major impact on employment in developing countries, especially in rural areas where there are limited job opportunities.

Hentschel et al. (2002) conducted a study of small-scale gold mining in Bolivia and found that people purposely engage in mining operations to improve their 37 livelihoods. Contrary to this perspective, Mitullah, Ogola, & Omulo (2003) argued that small-scale gold mining diverts people’s attention from agriculture due to low-income earnings associated with farming activity, and that a lack of formal jobs and opportunities compel individuals to participate in such activities irrespective of the high risks involved.

Hilson (2001), in his studies in Ghana, concluded that most of the small-scale miners are involved in gold extraction because it generates income quickly. Studies have also indicated that mining results in unexpected outcomes. Tsikata (2007) explains that the mining sector’s importance to a country’s economy is not always in proportion with other economic activities. On the small-scale level, where activities are poorly monitored because of weak government structures, mining investors import inputs and export mineral products after the operation. This negatively affects the locality where mining operations take place as they receive just a minimum additional economic value. Besides, where a handful of local workers are involved in the process, the multiplier effect expected to increase employment opportunities becomes less effective as compared to the situations where there are strong policy direction tools to properly integrate mining process with other economic activities to serve the general interest of the local people.

Hilson (2004) argues that the expected socioeconomic outcomes of some rural communities where mining operation takes place can be questionable especially when there is a perpetual expansion of mining and its allied activities leading to environmental degradation. Such conditions may strain the indigenous people and deprive them of subsistence. Reduction in food may result in hunger insecurity and lead to increases in prices of all manner of foodstuffs, resulting in rising costs of living in general. 38

In many cases, developmental benefits associated with mineral exploitation are barely materialized in the host communities because of weak local politics regarding the entire extraction process. People in the rural communities where mining takes place suffer negative side effects, such as the displacement of indigenous communities, cultural adulteration, conflicts, human rights abuses, water pollution, loss of biodiversity, and most importantly, loss of livelihood owing to environmental degradation (Akabzaa, Seyire, &

Afriyie 2007).

Arguments as to whether or not small-scale gold mining has either positive or negative outcomes are routinely made by pundits and stakeholders on both sides of the issue. However, the effect of small-scale gold mining on regions and locales where cacao production is the primary livelihood source remains unclear. This research intends to shed light on the understudied nexus between small-scale gold mining and livelihood vulnerability.

Cacao Production as a Livelihood Source

Cacao (Theobroma cacao) is a perennial crop that enhances the livelihoods of smallholder farmers in over fifty countries across Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, and Asia. The plant thrives best in best in humid, tropical zones located roughly ten degrees north and south of the equator (COCOBOD, 2001). It requires a warm, humid climate with constant temperatures between 25°C and 35°C. Cacao also needs abundant rainfall and soils rich in nutrients for proper growth. It produces green colored pods

(Figure 1.3), but depending on the variety they may become yellow, red, or reddish- brown when mature (Boateng et al., 2014). During harvesting, only healthy pods are harvested and opened to remove cacao seeds. The seeds are then dried and fermented in 39 the sun (Figure 1.4). The fermented seeds are subsequently processed into finished products for human consumption. Today, the common products of cacao consumed by most people are chocolate, and the butter from the beans used for a variety of purposes such ass moisturizing the skin and hair, and also for cooking (World Population Review,

2020).

The World Cacao Foundation estimates the number of cacao farmers worldwide currently to be 5–6 million and, 40-50 million people who depend upon cacao for their livelihood, worldwide. Global annual production of cacao has increased in recent decades, reaching 3.6 million tons in 2009/2010, and its corresponding market value reaching US $5.1 billion (Ghana Cacao Board 2010; World Cacao Foundation 2010). It is therefore crucial not to underestimate factors that support large-scale cacao product because of its economic importance.

Recently, Africa has emerged as the leading cacao supplier. Data from the

International Cacao Organization (ICCO) show that Africa’s production of cacao has expanded at an average annual rate of 2.7% since 2000. In 2010 the ICCO predicted that annual global production would reach 4.5 million tons by 2013 and that this growth would be seen primarily in West Africa, especially, Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana (Afoakwa,

2014). Of course, in 2010/2011 crop year, Ghana became the second-largest producer of cacao after Cote d’Ivoire, representing 22% of global production. Cacao is the second foreign exchange earner for the country, and many households in the rural communities depend on it for their livelihood (Afoakwa & Pattarson 2010). 40

Ecologically, Ghana’s cacao thrives well in the areas of Ashanti, Brong-Ahafo,

Central, Eastern, Western, and Volta Region where climatic conditions are ideal. The earliest cacao farms in Ghana were established largely in the southeastern regions of the country. Since then, the epicenter of production has gradually shifted westward. In the

1980s, the Ashanti and Brong-Ahafo Regions accounted for 35.5 and 18.5% of the total output, respectively. Today, the western region alone (where Juabeso is located) accounts for 56.5% of Ghana’s total annual cacao production (COCOBOD, 2001).

Livelihood improvement for farmers in general is key to the government’s strategies to reduce poverty in Ghana. In pursuance of that government invests in and motivate farmers through offering technical assistance, financial incentives, granting loans, and inputs like fertilizer pesticides to cacao farmers. In 2001, the government initiated a nationwide Cacao Disease and Pest Control Project (CODAPEC), to help address diseases and pest: the two major causes of decline in cacao production (Ntiamoah

& Afrane, 2007). As government puts in all effort to meet cacao demand for both local and export market, the impact of small-scale gold mining hypothesized to have adverse impact on cacao production post an interesting matter to explore.

The Effects of Small-Scale Gold Mining on Local Communities

While substantial economic benefits of small-scale gold mining can be identified, the environmental and socioeconomic impacts of such activities are a major concern.

These impacts are primarily associated with the processes involved and the techniques employed by miners to extract gold. Artisanal and small-scale gold miners generally use mercury to amalgamate and concentrate gold (Figure 1.6) because this method is less 41 expensive and easier compared to other mineral extraction methods, such as the use of arsenic to dissolve the mineral ore. The amalgamation method represents comes with significant environmental risks because mercury emissions from these activities pose a threat to biodiversity due to the likelihood for mercury to bio-accumulate and interfere with various biological and non-biological processes (Watts et. al., 2003). When soil is degraded by mining activities it requires a longer time for that soil to regain its fertility for crop production.

The small-scale gold mining is plagued by countless list of environmental and social problems. A few that Tsikata (2007) categorizes include the follows:

Land Degradation. This describes impacts including deforestation, changes in topography, slope instability, accelerated erosion, changes in the drainage pattern, and soil degradation. In Ghana, mining operations are a critical part of local livelihoods in areas that produce cash and food crops. Before gold amalgamation, miners remove forest and excavate parcels of land for their operation. The weak legal systems governing these operations usually tempt miners to abandoned open pits without reinforcing these pits with wooden and soil materials after their activities. This has created visible and dramatic landscape changes with large areas of land stripped of their vegetation cover, creating ecological disturbances leading to loss of farms, animal habitats, and freshwater ecosystem (Smith, Ali, Bonfiger & Collins, 2016).

Water Pollution. The impact of mining related water includes depletion of water resources, changes in hydrology as a consequence of digging and earth moving activities, groundwater percolation and pollution, siltation, increased sediment loads in rivers, 42 toxicity and contamination with heavy metals such as mercury, arsenic, copper and many more. A few years ago, the Woara River, a source of drinking water for the natives of

Mpohor, in the Western Region of Ghana, was found to contain traces of mercury and other chemicals used by the gold mines. This has health implications which can affect the productive capability of the indigenous people, and output of seasonal harvest. Figure 1.5 also shows an abandoned pit (about 20 meters depth) filled with water at the center of a cacao farm in Juaboso District. Uncovered pits pose dangers to humans and animals that roam at night.

Displacement, Dispossession, and Resettlement. Mining-induced displacement, dispossession, and resettlement may occur through direct or indirect impact of mining activity in a particular geographical area. People lose their habitation through either encroachment or pollution of their habitation by mining activities. Moreover, individuals losing the source of their livelihoods are compelled to relocate. The effect of these, displacement and dispossession come in diverse ways. Terminski (2012, p. 9), mentions a few including: “1. landlessness; 2. joblessness; 3. homelessness; 4. marginalization; 5. increased morbidity and mortality; 6. food security issues; 7. loss of access to common property, and; 8. social disarticulation, 9. community breakdown, and culture insecurity”

Mining-induced displacement also causes infringement on women’s right. In regards to expect review, the repercussions of displacement put women at more disadvantage position. Women lose land needed for crop production, which is an important source of their subsistence for maintaining the family. Loss of land also affect 43 women’s normal functioning such as destroying their economic status along with malnutrition, health problems, and lack of access to basic resources (Terminski, 2012).

Gedicks (2005) in “Resource Wars against Native Peoples” argues that destroying one's source of food supply is human rights abuse. He further explained that native people across the world suffer violence because their land contains valuable natural resources needed for industrial production. Multinational and non-states corporation who are into mining encroach resource frontiers of rural communities, and create a systematic displacement, dispossession, and in some cases, destruction of local communities. Sadly, most of these challenges faced by the local communities are not captured in the dominant media because native people are stereotyped of fighting a lost battle against the destructive attack of industrial civilization. Another dimension of the problem is the portrayal of state and corporate effort to allow the extraction of communities’ in the name of solving economic challenges of those communities. This paper will explore the answer to the question of whether miners end up exploiting the communities and leave them with a long-term livelihood challenge or not.

Is the small-scale gold mining in Ghana formalized? This question is obviously difficult to answer. As part of the Mining Sector Reform Program in 1989, the Ghanaian government, under the guidance of the IMF and World Bank, implemented the Minerals and Mining Law (PNDCL 153), with the aim of establishing a more attractive investment climate for foreign mineral extraction and exploration companies (Maconachie & Hilson,

2011). Efforts and attempts have gone into establishing a definite legal structure in mining gold at the small-scale level as done in its large-scale counterpart. In fact, there is 44 the legally recognized type known as the small-scale mining that goes through the formalized process for mining gold.

Small-scale mining permits can be acquired for a parcel of land by any Ghanaian citizen who is 18 years old and over (Ghana Government 1989a). Although the procedure for acquiring a permit is available, however, about 85% of Ghana's small-scale mines do not register for these permits (Hilson and Potter, 2003). In Ghana, registered ‘‘legal’’ mines are commonly known as ‘‘small-scale mines’’ and the unregistered are called

‘‘galamsey'' mines. However, the different terms and legal distinction suggest two different types of activities but no such dichotomy exists. In actuality, there no distinction between the ‘‘small-scale'' mines and ‘‘galamsey'' mines. Many Ghanaians including scholars, therefore, use the term "galamsey" to refer to all forms of small-scale operations.

The process of formally registering to mine is reported to be cumbersome and highly inefficient which strongly discourages miners from registering. The ILO (1999) reported that bureaucratic licensing procedure is a barrier to formalizing the small-scale gold mining. The report emphatically explains the process of licensing is bedeviled with unusually many regulations that are mostly designed to constrain it and under the supervision of a few inspectors. Miners have complained that the process involves excessive paperwork with unreasonable charges. One report cited that a bunch of forms needed to be completed by applicants are especially cumbrous because applicants are often illiterate (Ghana Government 1989a; Hilson and Potter, 2003). 45

Formalizing the small-scale gold mining in Ghana has therefore received less value to the extent that the reality of the laws regarding small-scale mining is no longer regarded in the sector's activities. Today, both the registered and unregistered actors do not only operate on an equal platform, rather they mingle and highly dependent on each other. It has been perceived that the clear distinction between the formal and the informal actors does not actually exist. Most citizens attribute blames to the kind of politics practiced now in Ghana which intentionally overlooks the weak framework, the leniency and the wallowing of the law enforcement agencies in corruption. Regulating bodies do not attention to the monitoring of the state’s informal mining problems. (Hilson and

Potter, 2003; World Bank, 2008). This has led to increased operations of the small-scale gold system under poor government control.

Chambers and Conway (1990 in Carney 1999 et al., 4 ) define livelihood as constituting

the capabilities, assets (stores, resources, claims and access) and activities required for a means of living: a livelihood is sustainable which can cope with and recover from stress and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and provide sustainable livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which contributes net benefits to other livelihoods at the local and global levels and in the long and short term.

DFID (1999 in Carney 1999) defines vulnerability as the external environment of risk in which households or individuals exist, including seasonality (price, production, and employment opportunities); trends (national/international economic trends and 46 technology trends), and shocks (natural disasters, ill health, economic shocks, and livestock health shocks).

Many studies employ different Sustainable Livelihood Models (SLDs) from various organizations. This research will adopt DFID’s Sustainable Livelihood

Framework (SLF) to ascertain the nexus between small-scale gold mining and livelihood vulnerability in the Juabeso District. DFID’s SLF is a prominent framework among others developed recently. The framework was developed from debates and discussions on sustainable livelihood, poverty reduction, and assets (Chambers & Conway, 1992). It focuses on people and how they can use their assets to realize their basic needs to reduce poverty. The framework will be employed as a guide to identify the livelihood indicators in the study area.

This framework provides a better understanding and appreciation of the possible impacts of mining activities on livelihoods and provides a framework for ascertaining whether ASGM is environmentally sustainable in Ghana. SLA is also important to this study due to its usefulness in ensuring that livelihood opportunities exist for future generations, helping to identify and explore the assets and vulnerability context associated with ASM.

The DFID'S SLF constitutes five main components: vulnerability context, livelihood assets, transforming structures and processes, livelihood strategies, and livelihood outcomes (Figure 1.2). The variables in the framework show the relationship between the constituent and reflect how the individual component affects the others. The

SLF shows that sustainable livelihoods are achieved through access to a variety of 47 livelihood sources (such as land) that are combined in the pursuit of livelihood strategies to realize livelihood outcomes (Ashley & Carney, 1999).

Livelihood strategies consist of a range and combination of activities and choices that people decide or undertake to achieve their livelihood goals. Livelihood strategies are dependent on asset endowments and policies, institutions, and processes in place

(Department for International Development, 1999). The livelihood strategy that applies to this study is small-scale gold mining activities.

The transforming structures and processes such as culture, laws, and policies in the framework are linked to the vulnerability context which in turn affects the livelihood assets available. Livelihood strategies such as ASGM with various transforming structures and processes such as laws, policies, and culture influence livelihood assets which in turn help to enhance or reduce people’s assets in the community. The institutions, policies, and customs of the transforming structure and processes in the framework enhance or hinder people’s access to an asset or resource such as natural capital (Department for International Development, 1999).

Figure 1.2. DFID Livelihood Framework

Source: Carney et al., 1999

Meaning of symbols:

H represents Human capital, which refers to labor and influences on the productivity of labor including health, nutrition, education, knowledge, and skills, the capacity to work, the capacity to adapt.

SS represents Social capital, which refers to claims on others by social relationships, networks, and connections such as patronage, neighborhoods, and social network, and kinship, formal and informal groups, mechanisms for public participation.

N represents Natural capital, which refers to resources such as land, water, forest and wildlife, biodiversity and other ecosystem services; P represents Physical capital, which refers to products of economic activity including infrastructure such as transport, 49 shelter and buildings, water supply and sanitation, energy, communication, equipment and technology such as seed, fertilizer, pesticides, traditional technology; and

F represents financial capital, which refers to savings, formal and informal credit and debt, pensions, and wages.

Institutional Roles in Policy and Practice for Sustainable Livelihoods

According to Davies (1997: 24), "institutions are the social cement which links stakeholders to access to capital of different kinds to the means of exercising power and so define the gateways through which they pass on the route to positive or negative livelihood adaptation". Understanding institutional processes allow the identification of barriers and opportunities (or 'gateways') to sustainable livelihoods. Since formal and informal institutions, ranging from tenure regimes to labor sharing systems to market networks or credit arrangements, mediate access to livelihood resources and in turn affect the composition of portfolios of livelihood strategies, an understanding of institutions and organizations is, therefore, the key to designing interventions which improve sustainable livelihood outcomes.

An institutional approach sheds light on the social processes which underlie livelihood sustainability. Achieving sustainable livelihoods is not deterministic affair contestations, negotiations and trade-offs are evident at every turn. An insight into social relationships, their institutional forms (both formal and informal), and the power dynamics embedded in these are therefore vital. Interventions in support of sustainable livelihoods, therefore, must be attuned to such complexity, if suitable institutional entry points are to be found (Scoones, 1998). 50

Figure 1.3. Cacao Tree. (Photo: Edward Abbiw)

Figure 1.4. Sun-drying cacao seeds. (Photo: Edward Abbiw)

Figure 1.5. Environmental degradation caused by small-scale gold mining in cacao farms. (Photo: Edward Abbiw) 52

Figure 1.6. Sample of Gold Ore. (Photo: Edward Abbiw)

Structure of the Results and Analysis

The following three chapters present the results of the study and analyze results within the framework of the primary research questions as stated in Chapter 1. The 53 results are organized into three chapters (Chapters 2, 3, and 4) which are presented under themes synthesized from the interviews. Chapter 2 focuses on the themes of human- environment interactions; water pollution resulting from mining activities; degrading land and soil productivity; regeneration of cacao and other forest trees; arable lands and food security; impact on farmlands; impact on the environment and consequences on communities’ health; pre-mining economic condition; and exacerbating economic challenges. Chapter 3 focuses on institutions and vulnerable groups; authoritarian leadership; the lack of political will to fight galamsey; unconcerned government appointees; vulnerable groups; and the vulnerability of the villages. Finally, Chapter 4 outlines the abuses of cultural heritage and tradition; the deceptions regarding legal mining; violation of compensation agreements and promises; participants' viewpoints on conflict; court issues; communities’ viewpoint concerning the media; the need for government intervention; and preference for large-scale gold mining. It is through these lenses that this study examines the significant socioeconomic impacts of small-scale gold mining on the livelihoods of local communities in Juaboso District. Comparative analysis of varied cases for both communities is addressed when necessary during these discussions.

Chapter 2: The Environmental Impacts of Small-Scale Gold Mining in the Study

Villages

Human-Environment Interactions in the Study Villages

Throughout my interactions with the two study communities, Sefwi Mafia and

Komeamaa participants explicitly acknowledged that their livelihoods, indeed their very survival, depend on their daily interactions with the surrounding natural environment.

Community members recognized that the natural environment in which they live is well suited, especially regarding soil quality, cacao production, and other staple crops needed for basic sustenance (Figures 2.1 and 2.2). At the same time, community members also take pride in knowing that their lands, as natural capital, contain important mineral resources that attract mining activities. All interviewees testified that the communities' main income source comes from farm produce obtained from the land. Adjowa from

Sefwi Mafia said that they currently use all their lands for growing cacao, but she cultivates vegetables like okra, pepper, tomatoes, and “garden eggs” in addition to her cacao on the same piece of land. Similarly, one of the elders of Komeamaa commented that aside from cacao farming, lands are also used for growing food crops such as plantain, maize, cassava, and vegetables. He noted, however, that food crops are produced in limited quantities and are this production is subsistent.

According to the interviewees, one essential public commodity the communities rely upon for water is the nearby Amoya River. Participants said that this river, which runs through several communities in Juaboso, has served an ancient role as a source of water for most communities within the district. Farmers in the communities use the 55

Amoya not only for agricultural activities such as irrigation and washing farm tools, but for drinking, cooking, washing, and other household uses as well. Participants disclosed that they currently also have access to water drawn from wells in their communities and explained that it is the inception of the small-scale gold mining projects that have sponsored a couple of wells for public consumption. Nonetheless, one of the interview participants, Nana Kwesi from Mafia, noted that the wells are electrically powered and that whenever there are power outage members of the community must fall back on the

Amoya for drinking and other purposes.

Through participants’ contributions, it is clear that the economic activities of the communities are intricately meshed with the seasons and with time. During my research,

I observed that the communities became much less active between 9 am and 4 pm each day except Thursday, which is a non-farming day. Informants explained that farmers were mostly engaged in farm work during those hours of the day. In general, they agreed that the cacao business, which is a primary livelihood source for the communities, is mainly seasonal. They confirmed that money earned from cacao farming is realized only during the growing seasons and money earned comes in bulk. When I asked Kwadwo from Mafia about whether he is in favor of small-scale gold mining, he responded that:

The cacao is the only thing that supports us. Just recently that we moved out of the cacao season, it was good if you had been here earlier, almost everywhere in this community was quiet, there was no activity going on. Sometimes, you won't see even one person on the street. But when the cacao season is opened, you see life and enthusiasm in the community and business we engage in do well.

Interestingly, when I asked Kofi from Mafia about when and how cacao is planted, part of his explanation was that:

Because the cacao is a one-way business that goes on here when its season is over, we begin to struggle in life because there is no money. We don't have any macro businesses like something that when the cacao is over can we depend on until the cacao season returns. We don't have such types of businesses here. When the cacao is out, poverty comes to replace it. So, it's the small staples like plantain and cocoyam that we cultivate after the season and use the money made to buy tomatoes, onions, and pepper to sustain ourselves. If the staples also fail, then conditions become worse off.

Drawing from my discussion with the interviewees, I argue that the economic well-being of the communities is tied to the seasons and to time. A good growing season has a profound positive effect on the local economy; conversely, an unfavorable season can have devastating consequences for these communities since their expectations in the growing seasons are high. Rural livelihoods often reflect the resources that are available in the immediate environment (Obiri et al. 2012). Cacao production in the study region can be somewhat attributed to the area’s unique climate and ecology. The region’s thriving cacao economy has attracted migrants to the area in recent years. An analysis of the study communities' demographic data reveals that almost fifty percent of the farmers in Juaboso have moved there from outside the district. These migrants have been "pushed" out of their home villages by several factors, such as economic conditions, availability of land and the cost of farmland, and "pulled" to Juaboso by the lure of profits gained through cacao production. The social evidence for this claim stems in part from the analysis of the communities' demographic data, which shows that about fifty percent of farmers in the 57 area have come to Juaboso from other places. Two women I interviewed said they joined the communities through inter-tribal marriage. One of them, Adjowa in Komeamaa, said the Juaboso region attracts some non-native farmers who migrate to the region in search of day labor on cacao farms. She further explained that she has grown old and does not possess as much physical strength as she did when she was younger, so she often hires these day laborers to assist her with on-farm work. These observations illustrate how important the local natural environment of Krokose forest is for cacao production as the primary source of livelihoods for farmers in the region. 58

Figures 2.1 and 2.2. Compounds in the Study Villages (Photos: Edward Abbiw)

Water Pollution Resulting from Mining Activities

In Ghana, mining operations can be grouped into different categories: underground mining, surface strip mining, or dredging. Each method affects water resources differently. I asked the participants about the form of mining the miners are indulged in. They indicated that the miners employ the surface method of mining in which miners use an excavator to excavate large quantities of soil tested to contain gold.

A teacher in Komeamaa D/A primary revealed that the government advised miners to mine at least twenty-five meters away from the perimeter of the river, but they work close 60 to the river anyway, as they tap water from the river using a pump to wash the clay material suspected to contain gold. Abena, whose farm is close to the where the mining is taking place, said she has been observing the miners operate and once had a small misunderstanding with the miners. She briefly described the mining operation and how the activity pollutes the river:

…we have a river called Amoya and that is what they use for mining. They use pumps with water hose and then they place the mouth of the water hose in the river and connect it to where they work…sometimes, it pollutes the water. In the process of tapping the water to their site, sometimes, the water returns to the river, and when it happens like that the river gets polluted. And other times, it's clean.

Speaking about the pollution of the river, Kofi said that:

Most importantly is the water crisis. You know here, nobody comes to give us pipes, it is the rivers that we draw from and drink. We don’t have anyone coming from somewhere to help us. We don’t! It’s this water source that we depend on. And anytime there is mining activity, water bodies get destroyed, and even for this river, they have polluted it. Sometimes, for about a week, we will not have access to drinkable water, unless we go and buy “bagged water” and use. But the type that can help is proper mining, that doesn’t destroy water.

Right after his explanation, I posed a followed-up question regarding his explanation about where they get their water from, and he exclaimed:

Oh, it’s a river called the Amoya River and we also use the Bia River, but the Amoya is just in our backyard. As we are talking, if you go there now, you will see that its color has changed. If every home is given a pipe, then the mining may work, but the way they do their work, it will bring problems.

Figure 2.3. The Contamination of the Amoya River (Photo: Edward Abbiw)

These interviews illustrate that indulgence in small-scale gold mining activity is causing the contamination of the only source of water for the communities (Figure 2.3.).

Predictably, if the miners continue to use the river without taking proper cautions to preserve the water, the result will be such severe pollution that the river's water will be unsafe to drink. To prevent a water crisis in the communities there must either be an alternative sustainable water supply for the communities or miners should move further away from the river source.

Degradation of Land and Loss of Soil Productivity

The discussions with the interviewees revealed that the mining activity is leading to degradation of the communities’ lands and soils for growing cacao. In the study area, most of the abandoned sites I visited exhibited signs of land and soil deterioration. At some sites, I observed the imprint of the excavator's foot in the form of deep cuts into the top layers of the soil. In other areas, vegetation was removed and I observed areas in 62 which the topsoil, usually rich in plant nutrients, was being destroyed, replaced with pools of muddy water surrounded by undisturbed forest vegetation. I also observed a vast area stripped and exposed to intense sunlight, creating patchy and rough land surfaces.

Figure 2.4 illustrates such disturbance, showing tropical red soil being excavated and piled up exposing the subsoil beneath.

Participants suggest that the lands and soils the communities rely upon for survival are critical resources that require urgent attention. Land degradation is one of the world's most pressing environmental issues. Globally, 3.2 billion people are affected by land degradation, and those who suffer the most severe consequences of land degradation are often members of rural communities, smallholder farmers, and the very poor. The world’s population is projected to increase by about 35 percent to 9.7 billion by 2050, with rising demands for agricultural products. Monitoring and evaluating mining and other activities is necessary to protect the productive capacity of soil resources that enhance agricultural production. Moreover, when land is degraded, soil carbon and nitrous oxide are released into the atmosphere, contributing to climate change.

Cherlet, et al (2018) explain that irrespective of the type of mining, whether industrial or artisanal, mining activity is inevitably associated with land and soil degradation. The clearing of land surfaces removes vegetation cover and fertile topsoil. It also causes habitat fragmentation and destruction, biodiversity loss, and disturbance of regulating ecosystem services such as water retention, filtering, and soil erosion control.

Further, mining often involves the use of highly toxic substances such as cyanide and mercury. Hilson (2002) demonstrates that small-scale gold-mining activity is responsible 63 for triggering several often irreversible erosional and siltation processes. Further, it is now a widely recognized fact that the most serious environmental problem associated with the industry is excessive mercury pollution, which creates a high risk of accidental releases in toxic spills that react with other mineral resources and alter the physical and chemical composition of the soil.

Figures 2.4 and 2.5. Degraded Farmlands (Photos: Edward Abbiw)

Regeneration of Cacao and Other Forest Trees

I asked the participants how long it takes cacao to mature. They answered that cacao farming is very difficult to work to do and to the best of their knowledge if soil and environmental conditions are good cacao seedlings will take approximately three years for maturation, after which the plants can reproduce every year until they reach their lifespan of over forty years. They explained that at that time the cacao plant becomes too old such that diminishing returns set into the number of seeds it produces every season. 65

Participants also cautioned that if a farmer becomes lazy and fails to exercise the necessary agricultural practices it may take as many as five years for a cacao tree to reach maturation. Abena explained that:

…for where we are, the most difficult thing about the cacao work is the weeding. If you plant the cacao and you fail to do the necessary cultural practices, your cacao can reach five years and will still not be matured for reproduction. But if you maintain the farm very well, within the space of three to four years your cacao must do well to reproduce. For a fertile land with constant weeding, the cacao should be matured within three years.

When I asked one of the elders of the Mafia community whether cacao can be replanted after mining activity, he said: "No! After mining, the land and its fertility are destroyed because of the high level of land degradation." He explained that the plant cannot do well in soils that are so degraded, and it will take about eight years, even if the soil is treated, to regain the required nutrients before they can replant the cacao, after which it may take an additional three to five years to mature for reproduction.

The interviews suggest that the destruction of arable lands caused by small-scale gold mining is not insignificant. Small-scale gold mining has substantial long-term effects on the replanting of cacao plants. The regeneration of cacao will depend on the magnitude and extent of destruction done to the environmental conditions necessary for the plant's regrowth. The participants noted that because the cacao plant requires substantial water during its early stages of growth, they strategically sow the cacao seeds or plant the seedlings close to May or June so that the plant can take advantage of maximum rainfall during that part of the year. Therefore, destroying these conditions threaten cacao and staple crops and the livelihoods that depend on them for survival. 66

The tropical rainforest biome that characterizes the study area’s natural environment provides a unique set of ecological parameters for the growth of cacao trees and other crops. Participants complained that miners do not just destroy cacao trees.

Before clearing the soil surface, the miners also fell all trees at the mining site using a

Dorman machine and an excavator to remove the trees stumps completely. In doing so, the land becomes destroyed, threatening the regeneration of even forest trees. Adjowa, an old woman and a farmer, who held the government responsible for the mining activity angrily commented by saying:

So, in this town, there is nobody to investigate the government and ask him questions for us, like, "government, we work in the forest and some plant cacao and everyone has the right to use his land for whatever business he wants, some grow onion, we grow cacao, you the government you also have forest around, we cannot go into it, so why did you allow miners to come and destroy our own?

This woman grieved that the government conserves its forest reserves and prohibits mining there and questions why the government allows mining in forests that people depend upon for their food and livelihoods. Participants argued that allowing the mining in the forest will destroy special plant species they use for medicine. They also commented that the forest provides natural shade necessary for the young cacao plants to do well. Peter and Heemskerk (2001) explain that the massive repeated soil displacement that accompanies mining greatly slows forest regeneration and produces vegetation cover that is quantitatively and qualitatively different from the primary forest. They suggest that abandoned mining sites will remain deforested for at least a decade, if not far longer. The replacement of pioneer species by old-growth forest trees will take much longer, and it 67 may be centuries before areas in the vicinity of mining pits resemble an old-growth forest.

Decreasing Arable Lands and Food Insecurity

The participants explained that, paradoxically, their reputation as farmers, has led to food insecurity. The government and other agencies assume a low demand for food in the area and those farmers are informed about nutritional requirements. Consequently, the government’s high expectations from rural communities for food production reduces the amount of financial aid afforded to such communities. Participants highlighted that most farmers engage in multi-cropping and use the same land for cacao production that they use to grow other crops. After they plant the cacao, during the stage before the cacao plants reach maturation, they plant other crops like cassava and cocoyam, in between the cacao. They also admitted there were certain areas they preserve just for the growing of plantain, corn and other staple crops. Because the miners do not have special machines to embark on selective "rooting-out" of cacao they end up destroying everything on the field:

I have a farm close to the site the miners work. And sometimes, the water they use for washing clay floods my farm and destroy my plants. And when I complained they told me to lease the area the water passes for them to work on. But my husband said, he won't allow that. He said, if they are going to buy the whole piece of land, then that is fine, but for just the cacao, no! He can't lease only the crops to them. He believes that the miners deliberately destroyed part of the farm and wanted to pay for it but before we realize, everything on the farm will be gone. 68

The discussion above suggests that mining demands more farmland as the activity progresses. Abena's husband said that if they lease part of their farmland to miners because the miners' activity was destroying the farm, the miners will demand to buy their remaining farmlands. Aragon and Rud (2013) noted that gold mining coincidentally takes place in rural areas where lands earmarked for gold mining are arable lands that farmers cultivate or have reserved for future use. As such, mining reduces farmers' access to their farmlands which in turn affects agricultural productivity.

Impacts on Farmlands

Farmers argue that it is customarily agreeable and shows respect for farmers' privacy rights if miners negotiate with them before they invade their farms. However, there no pre-consensus processes between the miners and farmers. It is an abuse of a person's human rights to enter his or her farm without proper consent. The compelling debate is that not all farmers lease out their property to the miners. However, because farmlands belonging to different owners are close it is difficult for a miner to access a site without destroying other nearby farms because of the nature of machines like excavators, bulldozers, and “chanfa” they use in their operation.

Moreover, miners are often unable to avoid destroying land near the areas for which they have received mining permits and are forced to purchase and clear off nearby farmlands possibly standing in the ways of their machines. If that happens, farmers who are economically challenged have no other choice than to unwillingly lease their farms.

In this study, participants expressed grievances regarding the unlawful behavior of the miners towards them. A farmer complained that miners do not give any prior notification 69 before they enter their farms. It is only after miners have employed technologies for gold prospecting and have finished demarcating farmlands and tagging cacao trees that they approach farmers to negotiate terms for purchasing their farms. One of the participants said that the miners, with support from the traditional leaders, use "force" to seize land for their mining activity.

When I posed a question regarding this practice to one of the teachers in Sefwi

Komeama D/A primary, and he responded that:

They first go and survey the land and find where there is gold. After they discover gold they locate the farmers and tell them that their lands contain gold, so if they can lease it to them for mining. If the farmer accepts, then negotiation begins from there… Me for instance, they “marked a line” in my farm, but I told them I would allow them to destroy my farm with their machines, because that is the only farm I have and you are just coming to destroy it, no, that won't work. They told me for each tree they uproot they will pay Ghc 40, and I also told them that won’t work, they should find a different place to work and when I said it they understood, so they did not tread their machine on my farm but went to another place.

In contrast, participants illustrated that there were farmers who sold farms on their own accord. Those farmers gave reasons such as economic hardship and poverty for why they have felt compelled them to lease their lands. Others sold farms because they believed their farms were old and they need to be cleared for replanting. Participants explained that when farms become old the returns in yield diminish. Cutting down and replanting cacao requires high labor costs. Moreover, the farmer must wait three to five years before the trees reach the maturation stage for reproduction. Farmers who analyze the cost for all this work and become inpatient are tempted to lease-out their farmlands. 70

Impact on the Environment and the Consequences on the Communities’ Health

The residents of Mafia and Komeamaa claim that the scale of the type of farming they engage in ranges from small-scale to large-scale depending on the level of affluence of the farmer. Participants explained that while a very few of their populace possess several hectares of land, the majority of them inherited a few acres of land from their ancestors that they utilize for subsistence agriculture. Subsistence farming is usually characterized by the use of simple tools and manual labor for farm work. Participants claim that their type of work usually requires large amounts of human energy and consistent effort to produce a good output on a small piece of land, and as such any health consequences from galamsey affect them significantly. Egya Kofi from Sefwi Mafia put it this way:

…as for the “galamsey", they started it this year. You can see that it's an activity that destroys a lot of things especially those of us in this region in the sense that the land they mine in and draw water can lead to a serious effect on us. You can see that the activity is so close to where we inhabit. They dig holes that harness water as seen in Figure 2.3, which also serves as a breeding grounds for mosquitoes, and you know here we have a lot of children who can be infested. So, what I can say is that for proper mining, that wouldn't be bad to do it here, but for "galamsey” it is not good for us. Its consequences are diseases, and most importantly, water crisis…

When I asked Kofi whether galamsey mining has a potential effect on human health, he explained that:

I said it earlier they don't employ any of us, so we can't tell the chemicals they use for their activities. But what we observe is that all the areas they work becomes muddy, and the river bodies begin to change color… Now, I have observed 71

something, though I can't be very sure of that, I suspect that the water they began to pollute is causing diseases outbreak. That's how I see it. Because I have observed that the women who gave birth recently especially, the older ones have started experiencing this disease called Buruli ulcer. Even my wife is a victim and the injection she is administered to cost Ghs 40 ($8) any time she goes for that injection. Three days ago, I went to buy the drug. Yesterday, I went to buy the drug, and today too. To me, I believe it's because of the water pollution that this disease has started affecting our women.

Good health is a pre-requisite for high energy input, work efficiency, and maximization of work output. As the participants testified that cacao farming is a tedious job, any unexpected health consequences can have a detrimental impact on the communities' work output as well as livelihood.

Figure 2.6. Pools of Water Associated with Mining (Photo: Edward Abbiw)

Pre-Mining Economic Conditions

In general, participants in both communities said that poverty has overtaken their communities and that their standard of living and quality of life is very poor.

Communities said they are aware that their lifestyle is rural and that businesses are not as active as in the cities. They do not receive support from anywhere, their lives in the communities revolve around cacao production, and it is the money made from cacao that is used to buy food, fish, and other basic things they need in their lives. During off- seasons when they are not actively engaged in cacao business, they lack many things. In 73 sum, community members said that the number one issue they currently face is financial insecurity. They argued that aside from the money they make from cacao, the income they earn from other food crops is negligible and they sometimes must rely on loans from the cacao purchasing clerks to take care of their children. I asked Egya Kofi, “You spoke about lack. What kind of lack are you referring to?” He responded:

. . . the lack of money! And our concern to take care of the children we have put in school. Sometimes, if you are not fortunate and your child gets sick, there is no means to take care of him unless you go to someone to lend you money. And going for a loan you must pay with interest. And for instance, if your child is on admission, then you go and borrow Ghc 2000, by the time the cacao season is back if you have harvested thirty bags of cacao, you do deductions and you realize you are short of money or probably left with nothing in your hands. By then the season is over and you must continue to live in poverty. So, you just manage to sell cassava and plantain to support yourself, and do you think at that time you will get money to buy clothing, footwear, and shirts? No! You won't get!

Exacerbating Economic Challenges

Concerning the impact of mining on the local market, I argue that these two communities have had different experiences. All the interviewees in Mafia complained that the miners' activities have worsened the condition of their market and trading. The participants said they thought if miners were going to work, they would employ women from their community to prepare something and send it to the market since employees can buy from them. But to their surprise, miners did not include any locals in their work.

The community complained that the miners brought cooks from outside the communities who prepare food for them. When their food supplies run out, they move out and buy food from someplace else. Participants further complained that there is no money in their 74 local setting and when they start small businesses that are not patronized, they go out of business. They noted that currently, many businesses have collapsed in the town. People begin trading when cacao season arrives, and the coming of small-scale mining has brought problems that have rather increased their financial challenges. Others raised concerns that their current financial situation can be attributed to an earlier misunderstanding that occurred between them and the miners. Interviewees said that miners feared to interact with the people of Mafia because they suspected the community could poison their food. As sensitive as the statement was, this is how Abena from Mafia and a teacher from Komeamaa respectively discussed this circumstance:

Since the activity came marketing has become very bad because the miners engaged in misunderstanding with us. So, they allegedly vowed that for them to buy things in this community, they won't do it. They don't buy food or anything from this community. They prepare food for them at the site. Again, they said the people in the community can poison them through food, so they will not buy at all from here.…when this activity came, one benefit that has come along is that, although here we used to sell gas, one of the folks who came has also opened a shop in front of our school that sells any kind of “fuel” that you wouldn't need to board a car to anywhere before you can buy fuel. Aside from this there nothing beneficial that has come with the mining to help this community.

From the interviewees, it was clear that unlike the Mafia community, the people of

Komeamaa have a better rapport with the miners and have experienced a much-improved market and trading. A few participants from Komeamaa said there were a couple of businesses, a local gas station, and a store, that opened in the community for the first time. Participants noted the cost for drivers who used to travel further distances to buy fuel. There were also a few houses that were rented by miners, but one interviewee 75 complained that these benefits were only enjoyed by a fraction of their population because not all members of the community own houses and cars, so the mining activity does not have a significant economic impact in terms of serving the general interest of the community.

Chapter 3: The Impacts of Small-Scale Gold Mining on Local Groups and

Institutions

Institutions and Vulnerable Groups

Analyzing institutions or organizational structures that influence access to sustainable livelihood resources is key to this research, and my time spent in the study villages made clear that different social and political institutions play diverse roles in this respect. Scoones (1998, p. 12) explains institutions as "patterns of behavior structured by rules and norms of society which have persistent and widespread use." Categorically,

Ghana's institutions can generally be classified under formal (constitution, laws, and property rights) and informal (sanctions, customs, traditions, taboos) institutions and both forms are controlled by a network of agencies. Sometimes, the complexity of both formal and informal institutional structures makes it difficult to arrive at concrete, concise, and precise interpretations. Institutions are generally dynamic and continue to change in response to situations over time. There are also power relations that affect contestation and negotiations over institutional practices, rules, and norms. These power relations do not play out on a level playing field; agencies within institutions are scaled under a political hierarchical order. In Ghana, the most important informal customary land institution is the chieftaincy, and this institution must manage natural resources. The 1992 constitution of Ghana regards both the state and traditional leaders as custodians of natural resources (Boafo, Paalo, and Dotsey, 2019).

In my interactions with the study communities (Mafia and Komeamaa), it was obvious that the role of informal institutions was more visible, with a virtually negligible 77 role played by actors within formal institutions. Analysis of the interview transcripts resulted in the identification of different levels of agencies within the informal institution playing key roles in this study. The individual has some level of power to either own or lease a property. Hierarchically, from the least to the most powerful are: the heads of nuclear families (households make up of one set of parents and children), and heads of clans (an embodiment of different sets of smaller families which can be traced to a common ancestral group). Important also are the opinions of leaders and elders who make decisions with the sub-chiefs. According to the participants, this group has the power to unanimously decide who can become sub chiefs. Above this level are the sub chiefs themselves who are the overall heads of the communities.

The most powerful informal institutional positions are the paramount chiefs.

Paramount chiefs are usually heads of "traditional areas" (areas belonging to a common ethnic group) and they have several sub-chiefs under their umbrella. These chiefs are very powerful in terms of making decisions on the usage of land for projects. They are persons who hail from appropriate family and lineage and are unanimously nominated, elected, and enstooled or enskinned (the act of raising a chief to power) as chiefs or queen mothers by a systematic customary procedure. Notwithstanding, the constitution of

Ghana structures and binds all these groups to provide fair governance across scales to ensure order and peace in communities (The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).

Participants involved in this study also mentioned the roles of other agencies such as the police service, law court, local government, and media. 78

One recurring narrative during the interviews was, "the communities and opinion leaders did not support the mining." Given the power afforded to traditional "informal" power structures to make local land-use decisions, what structures, institutions, or procedures were undermined for miners to gain access to local mineral resources? When this question was posed to community members, interviewees noted that threats and the arrest of community heads disrupted traditional procedures, forcibly clearing the way for mining. They explained that their local leaders are individuals or groups of people customarily delegated to oversee the daily activities, growth, and development of the community. By tradition, before any new activity or event can take place in the local setting, these leaders or elders must be consulted and give consent for the activity to proceed. But interviewees disclosed that superior authorities, with more power than their community leaders, ordered their leaders' arrest which instilled fear in the younger members of the community and deterred them from protesting the mining activity.

Moreover, elders who are responsible for the community's social protection were despised and beaten. Subsequently, traditional community leaders were replaced by police, who allowed the mining to take place, thus subverting traditional, "informal" decision-making processes.

Authoritarian Leadership

The interviews with community members clearly show that individuals found at the lowest levels of customary institutions were overpowered by their superiors concerning decisions not to allow mineral extractors access to farmlands for mining.

Participants disclosed that major decisions concerning land use are dictated and 79 controlled by the paramount chief, minor involvement of the sub-chiefs, and other opinion leaders. Farmers said that from the onset, they did not agree to mine, but an order came from the paramount chief that they must allow the mining activity. Communities confessed that normally when such orders come from the top hierarchy, they have no other choice than to obey. Anthony, the Catechist, made a proverbial statement when I asked him about who gave the orders. He said:

The government, and you know, every traditional area in Ghana has a paramount chief who oversees them. So, in Sefwi, we have the Omanhene who preside over us. And when the order came, we realized it was from the paramount chief, and "when a heavy tree falls from above, if you are under it, there is nothing you can do to save yourself". So, whatever he says, even if you don't agree, you do it by force.

Again, when I asked Kofi whether it was the leaders of the chiefs of the community that allow the miners to work after miners have shown them the permit to work. He explained this situation this way:

You see, one thing is that from Sefwi Wiaso down through Osei Kwadwokrom to Enchi, Ewiniwinsoaman, we are all under the Omanhene. Every chief within the Wiaso District or Wiaso Traditional Counsel is under the Omanhene of Sefwi Wiaso. So, whatever the Omanhene will say and every decision he takes is final, no other chief can challenge his decision. Do you understand?

An interaction with a teacher from Komeamaa D/A primary school revealed that though the Omanhene gave orders which were eventually accepted by the sub-chiefs, the final decision to lease farmlands is an individual affair and he added that it is not compulsory to lease-out your cacao farm. Personally, this scenario seems paradoxical because it is 80 tempting "to send food to a hungry person and tell him it is not compulsory to eat.”

Decision processes at the initial stage must have involved the individual farmers.

The Lack of Political Will to Fight Galamsey

Drawing from the interactions, I will argue that the communities' leaders lacked the political will to defend their decision to stop the mining due to the hostile experiences they went through, and in the end, they had to surrender. As narrated by participants, the top hierarchies of political power in the traditional area employed soldiers and police power through beatings, arrest, and threats to force the activity on the community. I arrived at two possible conclusions as to the reasons for the leaders' arrests. First, participants explained that some people within the community set fire to a miner's machine, destroying it. In response, the miners reported the case to the police.

Community members indicated that when the police arrived, they could not specifically identify the suspects, because they did not know who amongst them burned the machine, and when the community refused to identify suspects, the police began to beat and arrest the elders and the adults in the village. When I asked a woman, a teacher in Mafia, she explained:

…it got to a time where the police arrested some members. There were cases where others were beaten up because there was a rumor that one machine which belonged to the miners was burnt in the bush. And that the miners suspected the leaders of the town to have done that since they were not in support of the activity. But according to the leaders, it was not true they manipulated that act. But whether it was true or not the owners came down with police one day at dawn and arrested most of the community leaders, and others were beaten up, and there were a whole lot of things that happened concerning that. 81

Second, participants explained that the whole mining activity was instigated and supported by the Omanhene (the paramount chief) of the Sefwi Wiaso traditional area and they believed the Omanhene orchestrated the beating and arrest of the sub-chief and elders of Mafia when the community demonstrated against the miners because the villagers demonstrated against the chief's decision for mining. Participants further explained that it was because the chief had a financial interest in the mining activity and was not concerned about the welfare of the communities, and that was why he gave the miners the approval to operate. When he realized the people of Mafia had confronted the miners, he became unhappy and reported the case to the police. Members indicated the chief hired the police to beat about thirty people.

The police brutality against the people can be seen to be an overreaction from a legal point of view. When cases like this happen, the primary role of the police service as a law enforcement agency is to first maintain peace and order in the setting before further actions are taken, but not to take the law in their own hands and beat elderly people who are old enough to be their parents. If the community refused to identify suspects there are investigative procedures to follow until the suspects are found, but “to pull the bull by the horn” is not a good example.

And there was a time he (the Omanhene) told us that he engineered the arrest of our leaders. So, if anything like that occurs, there is nothing that the leaders here can do, in the sense that they will not take any action that will allow the "Omanhene" to call for their arrest. So, for our leaders to have their peace of mind they don't engage in the matter anymore, "let all sleeping dogs lie" and let the people mine their gold, finish, and leave. This is what happened. 82

The excerpt above shows how locals expressed their worries about the unfair treatment demonstrated by the head of the traditional area. Members said that the more their leaders take action against the mining, the more they were beaten and arrested, so, for them to have peace of mind, when they realized all efforts being made to stop the galamse was fruitless, they gave in to mining. Participants also said that because of these issues, the traditional head deliberately chooses and installs sub-chiefs he has the same political affiliation with as far as those chiefs will support and earnestly agree with him during decision-making processes. Members explained that their leaders lack the power to question the Omanhene’s decision because they fear to lose their current positions.

Still, these members believed that other leaders have an interest in a certain position and because they wanted a favor from the paramount chief, they decided not to take any action against him.

I argue here that at the informal institutional level, leaders occupying the highest positions undermine their subordinates through threats and by telling them they have the authority to install and uninstall them to positions if they do not side with them during decision-making. The constitution of Ghana concerning rural projects encourages the participation of all levels of power in both formal and informal organizations. In this respect, I will argue that the traditional heads downplay Ghana's constitution regarding local community development, which encourages full participation and consensus of the indigenous people during the decision-making processes by using their authority to disregard the lowest hierarchies at the informal institution. 83

I asked participants if the Omanhene is the only one with a final say. The participants explained that there are government officials within their district who could have helped with the situation, but requests for help came to no avail. Participants claimed they knew they were denounced by major local government appointees, so the only choice they had was to allow the miners to do their work. Egay Kofi said that when the misunderstanding occurred, they took the case to their Member of Parliament

(MP).The participant claimed the MP forwarded the case to the parliament for discussion, yet they did not see any significant change. When I asked Kofi whether the local government appointees were aware of the situation, he illustrated,

From what I understand, I know the paramount chief is just a custodian of the lands. The District Chief Executive who represents the central government should help. But if you reach out to her, she does not show up. I guess if you do a proper investigation, you will find out that she has a hand in what is happening that is why she does not respond to us when we make an effort to contact her. Now, we virtually have no one to stand for us. We have gone as far as Adom TV in Accra, yet there is no help. So, the only thing left is to surrender and let go. We have all given up in the sense that the MP and DCE are all not willing to help, and the central chief has been left alone to act whatever he wants. We don't have any say! We sent the case and we followed it up, but the MP said he has forwarded it to parliament yet still we have not seen any change.

From the discussion above, I will argue that farmers became fed up with the situation after they realized there no help was available despite the efforts to put a stop to the small-scale gold mining. Put another way, the motivation and political will to stop the mining activity were simply not there. Existing literature, legislation, and discourses highlight the non-coordinated and non-integrated interactive roles between the formal and 84 informal institutions as one of the major contributors to the upsurge of small-scale illegal mining. However, this study reveals that there are evolving issues within the scales of informal institutions that we should pay attention to and address accordingly.

Unconcerned Government Appointees

Concerning the interactions with community members, I suggest that the local government appointees were reserved, or probably did not involve themselves much in the misunderstanding between the communities, the miners, and the traditional head.

Community members said they were aware of the government's stance on the issue of galamsey in the media: that all such activities must stop until the miners were well- trained on sustainable mining and are have received a permit to mine. The communities said they were surprised that the local government officials who represent the central government, and who are supposed to mediate and enforce the government's decision in their district, were rather conservative and always turned a deaf ear to their petitions.

When I interacted with the teacher from Komeamaa, I asked him, "I know you have an assemblyman, district Chief executive, and Member of Parliament (MP) all in this district. What have they done about this situation?" He explained this way:

…the truth is that here we don't have assemblyman, it is the other community (Mafia) that has. The district chief executive (DCE), the current one, is in Juaboso and they should have helped with these issues. But to me, I think the assemblyman is aware of all this. I have not seen the DCE come here to talk about this issue. Because if anything should happen, it first goes through the DCE'S office before it comes to the assembly, so, I'm sure they are aware of what is happening here. And since they are aware, who will you blame? 85

On the issue of government appointees, other members suggested that they suspect the government appointees to have hands in the matter because of how silent they were. Nana Kwesi said the local government institutions are weak and the government representative portrays an act of hypocrisy. He responded this way when I asked him about how the government appointees had responded to the ongoing situation:

All right! What I know is that some of the parliamentarians are into illegal mining. So, when someone reports a case of such to them they overlook at it. When they meet as a unit committee or assembly and deliberate on some of these issues, it just ends there, they don't implement what they discuss because the same hypocritical leaders will secretly support and force the work to go on. Many times, they are the financiers of the activity and because they don't want the public to know they come out and pretend in meetings as if they aren't part. So, the central government must "shine his eyes" because it's his people who are causing all these problems.

Local villagers suspected government officials to be “silenced killers” as the adjunct says, “Silence means consent”. In other words, members assume that, as far as their leaders are quiet on the matter, they are against them. Contrary to this submission on the attitude of government appointees, a leader from Komeamaa Village pointed out that government officials broke their silence after the misunderstanding escalated into a fight and the gang of miners who were involved had departed. He said when the group who engaged in the fight left a new group of miners came, and with that, the elders, the DCE, the district chief executive, and other dignitaries came together and agreed on a decision with regards to what the miners could do for the community in a form of compensation as miners are allowed to stay in the communities to mine. 86

The roles, influences, and controls of individuals who hold power in the customary institution were demonstrated in the study regarding decisions on land use.

Based on this I can argue that the determination of communities’ livelihoods cannot be ascertained only on the platform of available human, natural, physical, financial, and social capital, but agencies or actors within the social relations of both formal and informal institutions who make decisions on behalf of rural communities. Those individuals affect decisions on land use or resource management. Arguing from participants' viewpoints, those in authority need to understand that they are there for the indigenous people.

Vulnerable Groups

The ability of livelihoods to be able to cope with and recover from stresses and shocks is central to the definition of sustainable livelihoods. Such resilience in the face of stresses and shocks is key to both livelihood adaptation and coping. Those who are unable to cope (temporary adjustments in the face of change) or adapt (longer-term shifts in livelihood strategies) are inevitably vulnerable and unlikely to achieve sustainable livelihoods (Scoones, 1998). Moser (1996, 2) examines vulnerability as the opposite of security and therefore defines vulnerability as "the insecurity of the well-being of individuals, households or communities in the face of a changing ecological, economic, social, cultural, and political environment". Livelihood Vulnerability provides an important framework for analyzing access to basic environmental, economic, and social needs and any attempt to reduce the lack of socio-economic vulnerability requires the 87 question of understanding what group of people lack access to, the causes, the period and why.

Identifying vulnerable groups, all participant suggested that the mining activity potentially affect all groups of people in the communities in one way or the other. My evaluation based on the interviews shows that individuals/groups such as religious leaders, family heads, women, and children are the most vulnerable to the effects of small-scale gold mining. The discussion below illustrates how these groups are affected by mining.

Religious Leaders. I observed a wide range of Churches in the study communities, including Orthodox, Protestant, and Pentecostal sects. The interviewees remarked that only Church leaders who have stayed in the communities for over five years possess smaller plots of lands to cultivate cacao, but the main job of these leaders is to serve their churches. The study identified other religious leaders in the villages, such as those who have recently been transferred there and who do not possess farms. Both sets of leaders made it clear that they receive farm produce in the form of gifts from their church members which motivates them in their religious work. When I asked one of the religious leaders in Sefwi Asempanaye whether the mining activity affect him, he responded:

Yes, I said it earlier that my Church members offer me some gifts and these items come from their farm produce so if their farms are being excavated because of this mining then they won't get anything for themselves and me, so indirectly it affects me and my family. 88

Head of Families. The two family (nuclear and extended) systems common to

Ghanaians are present in most households in the communities as described by participants. Some households consist of just one nuclear family (made up of the father, mother, and children only), while others constitute a part of the nuclear family being merged with an extended family (for example, an uncle staying with his sister's children, grandparents with their grandchildren, etc.). Participants noted that in the case of the nuclear family, fathers bear all the responsibilities of managing the home. For extended families, it is known that the responsibility for the family lies on the head of the families and other well-to-do members. If that home is headed by a woman, then it is the mother who takes care of herself and the children. Under some conditions, farmers explained that a man can succeed in the dead father. In such situations, the customary law demands that the person who succeeds in the dead person take care of the woman's children.

Participants notified that normally, the inheritor receives inherited property in the form of farmlands to take of the families, and so losing such property creates unbearable conditions for the family.

For me, it is this cacao that I depend on to take care of my mother, my wife, and my children. At least at the end of the season, I'm able to harvest between twenty- five to forty bags. So, I use part of the money I make to take care of my family and save some in the bank for contingency sake.

Participants explained that obtaining money for everyday survival is crucial for them and that living becomes especially difficult during the dry seasons. Community members confessed they do not find it so easy to make earnings of even Ghc 5 ($1) a day.

They emphasized that much responsibility lies in family heads who are taking care of 89 many children and that they must work extra hard to find something to support their families. Conversations with farmers highlighted that daily earnings made from cacao serves family heads well because they incur substantial financial responsibilities. Egya

Kofi said, "I take care of myself and my wife, children, and six younger female siblings my dead mother left behind.” Interactions also indicated that groups like pastors, family heads, women, and children may become vulnerable if farmlands of families are lost due to small-scale mining because it can affect their daily household wages as well as livelihoods. During the interviews, the villagers mentioned that the average household size of the communities is twelve. My argument based on these suggestions is that it is risky to gamble the source of income of these groups for money without considering the future impacts on them. Irrespective of the amount of money, communities might struggle to make ends meet in the long run unless there are profitable ventures to invest earnings. It is important to recognize that for a long time these communities have been surviving without the mining in their backyard. It may seem dangerous and risky to experiment with their livelihoods with galamsey activity.

The village leaders also expressed worries and concerns about how farmers can carefully manage sums of money offered to them. In general, they explained that everyone has the right to lease his/her farmland, but they perceive that leasing farms to miners will not help the villages because they are aware that the income earned after leasing a property cannot sustain farmers for a long time. Leaders explained that they can meet with miners to negotiate for huge sums of money for farms but they fear that, most of the farmers cannot manage the earnings they make; "they might extravagantly spend 90 the money, waste it, and come back to square one, in a few months. The result will be from 'poor to poorer' without any inheritance at hand to depend on", said one of them.

Critically speaking, leaders expanded that even the amounts of money currently offered by miners are not enough to take care of them and the next generation should they compare income with earnings made from cacao before the cacao completes its lifespan.

Nana Kwesi discussed with me that,

There are members in this community whose concern is the money they may gain today, but do not think about the future. Like the way, our forefathers thought about the future and left for us these lands. Someone can say that to them the activity is okay because they get "quick money" from it. For such persons, I don't think they have any interest in the growth of the community, and anybody who likes to get "quick money" without foreseeing the future lives to regret. In this world when you are doing anything you must think about the future generations. As I sit here right now, I can decide to lease-out my cacao farm for a huge amount of money. But what do I gain after I spend the money and have lost my property? What will my next generation depend on to take care of their children? So, the person who supposes that he is entitled to use his land how he wants it is okay, but that thought is not a good one.

The interviews above presuppose that exchanging farmlands for money will go against the farmers when analyzing farmers' ability to manage these incomes for long-term purposes. In the absence of trusted and profitable ventures for investment, there is a high risk for the farmers to quickly lose these amounts of money. However, if farmers are compensated with both money and equivalent land resources, they can diversify their crop production and use the financial capital to manage farms. 91

Children. Community members were particularly concerned about the well-being of their children and said that mining poses serious threatens to their children’s lives and education. They expressed worries about how miners have dug pits that trap water in them. Parents said they are aware that their children are adventurous and would like to go and play around the pits since they like to view things of that sort. Mothers said they can only advise their children but cannot follow them to playing grounds, and if children are not monitored and are trapped by these pits, they can lose their lives.

Communities also emphasized that small-scale mining causes children to drop out of school. Nana Kwesi summarized it this way when I asked him about who are the most vulnerable group of the mining activity.

It is the youth who are in school that drop out of school to work for quick money. They know if they get Ghc 1(20 cents) today, they would get another money tomorrow so when you advise them to go to school, they won't go. Sometimes too because they are children, they are trapped by these pits and end up losing their life. When it happens that it creates an emotional problem for the parents. Because they go there at the discontentment of their parents.

Others made it clear that mining can lead to the loss of their children. One religious leader explained that during mining activities, children are normally kidnapped by strangers who pretend to be miners. He added that in their communities, when mothers leave their kids home for farm work, many bad happenings occur to the children in the parents’ absence. I asked them whether they have had such experiences since the miners came to the communities. One teacher said, “that experience has not happened yet, but concerning education, the only thing that affected the children was when the misunderstanding occurred, and parents were arrested”. She described that when the 92 incident occurred, the police invaded their community at dawn to arrest people. Parents flew from homes, and when they are running away they take their children along. She concluded that because of that their school was closed for over one month and most of the teachers left the communities because there were no students to teach.

Concerning these conversations, it can be argued that though mining is rather recent in the communities, it has the potential to impact children's lives and education.

One attribute that challenges the rural standard of living in the high illiteracy rate resulting from a lack of access to education. Most rural people lack information that helps them better their lives. For development's sake, rural children must be informed to understand their environment, especially regarding the ecosystem that supports them, regarding activities that can negatively impact that environment. Many older inhabitants of rural communities are illiterate, and such people expect the younger generation to enroll in schools. If children in rural communities drop out of school, then these poor communities will continue to face impoverishment.

More to this, the United States Environmental Protection Agency (2011) explained that the exposure of individuals to acute, high-dose mercury poison because of mining activities can be fatal or permanently damage the human central nervous system.

Chronic, low-moderate dose exposure may lead to minor effects such as fatigue, irritability, loss of memory, and depression. When chemicals used for mining pollutes the environments from which these communities obtain water and food, mothers and children may likely suffer negative effects. 93

Members suggested that before the small-scale activity began, miners should have at least discussed with them the scope of their activities. They said that would help them to have a fair knowledge about specific time limits for the activity which would also help them to prepare against adverse consequences in the future. According to the villagers, when miners start work, they continue digging until they exhaust all the minerals in one farmland before the stop. They grieved that no information explains how long whether the miners were spending maybe a year or two in their community. When miners excavate and waste one cacao farm, they shift to another place to mine, they said. A woman who is a teacher explained that per the nature of most members and their understanding, taking into account also the poverty situation of the communities, if the mining is going to continue, then ten years down the line it is highly possible that everyone would lease-out his/her cacao farm for mining and they might not see even one cacao tree in the area.

The Vulnerability of the Villages

The discussion above suggests that the ongoing small-scale gold mining has a potential impact on the livelihood of the cacao growing study communities. The findings predict that this impact will be far more evident in the future. The study has identified significant environmental changes regarding the source of water for drinking and lands for cacao farms. It has also highlighted a minor socioeconomic recession as voiced by the participants. Trying to investigate the community's livelihood strategies, farmers found it difficult to identify any tangible coping strategies as an alternative for surviving should the mining activity strikes the local economy badly. This research also could not find any 94 recorded historical information on small-scale gold mining in the communities which can assist the predictions of communities' levels of adaptive capacity. Most of the elderly people I interacted with during the study indicated that they have not seen or heard about that activity happening in the community since they were born, but they have only witnessed this scale of mining in other places.

Evaluating livelihood strategies from the discussion is not that straight forward, however, I will argue that there are minimum or no economic diversifications as livelihood alternatives or means of making a living aside from the communities’ reliance on agriculture. A few of the cacao farmers said they engage in taxi work but that is active during off-seasons. This study recorded teachers in the communities, but most are non- natives posted from other areas by the Ghana Education Services (GES). Farmers testified that all other peripheral economic activities are well patronized depending on the outcomes of the cacao seasons.

From the interviews, all the farmers testified that the miners did not include members of the community in their activity. The impacts of mining on farming will potentially affect the most vulnerable groups of people before it can affect the least vulnerable groups in the context of livelihood support. If the mining activity continues to increase, the future consequences will arguably be the loss of the community's financial natural, physical, and social capital. In the worst-case scenario, two predictions are possible in the future: First, long-term mining activity may lead to a distressed community where members will be compelled to join the mining for survival after they have lost their cacao farms. Since there are no major businesses in the communities for 95 investment, there is also the high probability of members to return earnings from cacao farms into mining at their own risk. The second prediction is connected to the first, thus, if the government of Ghana does not intervene, the prestige and heritage of tradition of these communities known for cacao cultivation will change. Predictably, the socioeconomic face of the communities will change completely; the traditions, customs, and heritage values may be impacted immensely, and the local settings may graduate from cacao growing community to a mining community. If that happens then communities together with the miners will continue to use farmlands for gold extraction until the land loses its nutrient capacity or minerals get exhausted.

In this case, when resources diminish, miners known to come from other places within and outside Ghana may return to their hometowns. The end effect will be that members may have to either manage the pending economic hardship for years until the fertility of their farmlands is restored for the regrowth of cacao or members who cannot cope with the situation will be forced to out-migrate. Usually, if the unexpected happens, the state of the community in the latter condition may lead to an empty town or ghost- town.

To permit mining in the communities, the potential benefit of the gold mining must well be compared vis-à-vis the long-term negative effect on communities' economic activities taking into consideration factors such as the host community's resiliency, adaptability, and vulnerability to the mining. What agency in Ghana is responsible for this evaluation? Nothing! For even a typical agrarian community, considering small-scale gold mining, there must be a thorough assessment of key factors including livelihood 96 strategies, the scope of the small-scale mining and foreknowledge of the magnitude of impact (common during an EIA process for large-scale mining); the location of the community (how isolated is the community because of social capital); and the type and system of farming the community practices. During the interview, a participant revealed that there are places in Ghana that per the nature of farming they engage and the environment they are in, it does not take a longer time for the soil to restore nutrient for growing some types of crops when soil fertility is destroyed Participant cited communities in Wassa of Western Region and the growing of palm oil as a typical example.

To soil quality, other studies indicate the impact of small-scale mining to affect cacao's output and yield. Gyasi (2006) highlighted the loss of vegetation cover, fertile topsoil, and wild fauna species as a result of adverse climatic trends and negative factors influencing environmental degradation due to mining. Participants confirmed the impact of mining on soils for growing cacao. This study also revealed further that for typical cacao growing area when the nutrient in the soil is destroyed it will take approximately eight years for the soil to regain its fertility. In addition to the three to five years period for cacao maturation, farmers may have to wait for about twelve years before they can revisit the same plot for cacao cultivation.

Lastly, the people (whether natives or non-natives) engaged in mining is also an important determinant as far as economic benefits are concerned. Taking the destruction of farmlands into perspective, I will argue that rural indigenes will react better to the environment than outsiders because they are somewhat emotionally attached to their 97 ecosystem. Existing literature including Carter and Burge (2011) claims to mine to have the potential to kick-start local economic development by mentioning a few such as agriculture, and service-oriented industries. They suggest that small-scale agriculture and mining are not livelihood alternatives, instead, the activities are livelihood complement and therefore have the potential to positively impact sustainable rural livelihoods.

However, findings from this study made it so clear that this suggestion does not apply to all host communities for mining. As this study indicated, all the miners were non-natives and they did not engage in the economic activities of the communities because of the misunderstanding between the miners and the community. The narrative does not hold in this research. Again, can the multiplier effect work effectively in this context? In this regard, there is a need for further investigation as to this argument.

Chapter 4: Perspectives and Discourses on Evolving Issues

Abuses of Cultural Heritage and Tradition

The perception that small-scale mining activity negatively impacts the communities' legacy was made clear during the interviews. Participants gave voice to the detrimental effects of mining on their heritage, their collective achievements, their pride, and what they are known for in Ghana. Interviewees routinely made statements like, “our district is known for growing cacao and for that matter, farming”. I inquired as to the estimated number of bags of cacao produced annually. Participants responded that it is a difficult question to answer, but said, “Countless number of long truck vehicles.”

Community members acknowledged that the natural resources and the natural environment upon which their livelihoods depend were preserved by their ancestors and passed on to successive generations. During the interviews, participants made clear that given their state of poverty and economic circumstances, they believe the only inheritance they can pass to the next generation is the communities’ natural and physical resources, such as farmlands, water, and forests, and their tradition as cacao producers, which they hope to transfer to the next generation in good condition.

Community members admitted that the property they inherited from their forefathers provides substantial support to their lives. Kofi from Mafia noted that their grandfathers did not allow anyone to destroy their river (the Amoya River), which is why they are still able to use this resource, and opined that this is not the time to allow the miners to destroy the water they have been using for many years. Nana Kwesi argued that he sees the cacao farms as a significant heritage for them because when they go to school 99 and nevertheless cannot find gainful employment, it is to their ancestors' old cacao farms that they fall back on to make a living. He added that community leaders are always worried about the mining because they see it as a taboo. Participants also expressed concern that the mining activities were encroaching on most farmlands and worried that they might lose their farms kept for years in only one day because of mining. At Sefwi

Mafia, this is how Nana Kwesi argued:

You see, our great, great, grandfathers who are dead and gone, if they had allowed for the destruction of the cacao, our generation wouldn't have gotten the opportunity to grow food and even to supply Ghana. And you know that when this activity takes place on the land, you cannot grow any other thing on the same piece of land for it to do well. And if you don't have food as humans you don't have energy. Another thing is that the activity also destroys the water that we drink. As humans, if you don't get water to drink, it's a curse. Again, as yourself you are also aware, it's what we produce as farmers that supplies those in the big cities. So, if our great grandfathers had allowed mining, by now, the land would have been destroyed, and it's going to create a havoc situation for the nation as well…wherever this activity is practiced, there can't be any farming activity there again. Now, cacao trees that are already planted are cut down.

The Deceptions Regarding Legal Mining

During my time in the study area, I hoped to have the opportunity to interact with the miners, but unfortunately, miners in the area did not make themselves available for interactions. However, as participants confirmed, ten different groups of mining

"companies" have become established near the communities. They explained that the miners were mostly Ghanaians, with a few foreigners from other African countries and

China. When I asked about how they were able to identify miners who were not citizens, 100 they replied that in the case of the Chinese they are easy to identify because of their physical appearance. Other Africans are identified through their languages and dialects.

As identified by community members, most non-Ghanaian miners hail from China,

Nigeria, Togo, and Burkina Faso.

Irrespective of the area prospected for mining, if all legal conditions are met the constitution of Ghana permits miners the right to mine. The issues concerning the procurement of a mining permit before mining is allowed to occur are one of the complex challenges that the minerals commission and other land resource agencies in charge of legal mining face. During the interviews, participants complained of miners holding false.

The participants believed their suspicion of miners holding false permits as one of the reasons that caused the misunderstanding between the miners and the villagers.

Participants claimed that when the miners first come to the communities they appear to be Ghanaians who want to mine gold. But with time, non-Ghanaian citizens join them in their activities. Community members articulated that they were aware that permits for small-scale mining are only issued to Ghanaians who are over eighteen years old, but they suspect most of the companies the miners work for to be foreign-owned but use

Ghanaians as "camouflage." I asked Kofi whether he was sure that the Chinese were involved in mining activities in the communities, and he exclaimed:

Yes! They are the secret behind this business. I once inquire from one of the miners and he told me that for them they can't work without the Chinese. But what did the government say? He said if even you will do the small-scale gold mining, do it, but don’t involve a foreigner. Personally, this is what I heard from the government that small-scale mining must be practiced by Ghanaians only. So, even if a person is a black man and he is a Togolese, according to the government, 101

he is a foreigner and must not be part of the small-scale mining. But now, these miners have included the Chinese in their work. One day, I asked them, why can't they work without the Chinese? They told me that the Chinese are their engineers and sponsors and when their machines get damaged, they are the ones who repair and maintain the machine for them. The participants claimed miners can't afford the Ghanaian engineers because they are very expensive. And they can't do the work without the Chinese.

Participants claim that miners first appear in the communities as Ghanaians with the requisite documents allowing legal mining, together with registration and labor certificates as the labor law of the country requires. Community members argued that some incidents occurred during the mining activities which gave them the impression that miners were not using genuine permits or were otherwise misinforming them. One interviewee, Kofo, recounted an incident during the visit of the incumbent president of

Ghana, Nana Addo Dankwa Akuffo Addo, to the district. The day before the president's visit they were surprised when suddenly the operation vanguard, a militant group delegated by the government to protect mining communities from illegal mining, came to the mining site and seized all the miners' machines and sent them to the district's headquarters. The participant noted that when that incident occurred they became confused and began to question the validity of the miners' permits that, "if indeed the miners were legally working, why would the president's visit caused the operation vanguard to come and seize their machines?" At that moment they suspected the miners were there illegally. Adwowa commented that she was confused about the whole incident and explained that the communities are always threatened that they should honor the orders for mining given by the paramount chief and because of that soldiers come to the 102 community and support the miners to bring down their machines. She said that the soldiers patrolling had always caused fear and threatened the communities, but she said she did not understand why the same people who call themselves soldiers see a different group of soldiers (the government’s militant group) and run away? Participants confessed that all these incidents aroused anger in the local people, leading them to fight against the mining.

Previous interactions with the participants indicated that ten different "mining companies" operated in the communities. Concerning the narrative above, it is possible that not all the gangs held legal permits to mine, and the farmers’ doubts about the legality of the mining may have been correct. As such, an important issue that should be addressed is the availability and accessibility of reliable institutions to which these rural communities can report cases of illegal mining, rather than fighting the miners by themselves. How do institutions make themselves available or respond to the voices of these vulnerable rural groups? What validation procedures can they follow to confirm the lawfulness of the miners’ operations? These are important questions worthy of investigation. It seems communities now doubt the trustworthiness of agencies and human institutions mediating the human-environment activities. The interviews made clear that people who are confronted with undesirable environmental situations seek to fight their own battles without involving any government institutions.

Another issue involves the role of Chinese miners. It appears the Chinese miners are eager to provide finances for the payment of land concessions, miners’ rent, living expenses, and bribes to local leaders. They also provide mining equipment and engineers 103 who solve mechanical challenges at mining sites. It also seems as if Ghanaian miners enjoy their partnership with the Chinese miners more than with their fellow Ghanaians.

As the interviews revealed, Ghanaian engineers are expensive to work with, but the question is whether this is enough of a reason for miners not to acquire a legal permit before they work? Public and academic literature mostly ascribe the illegalities interwoven into small-scale gold mining to the lengthy bureaucratic processes, the high illiteracy rate of some miners, and weak institutions, all of which discourage miners from obtaining a legal permit. However, interview participants revealed that the galamsey miners see the process of gold mineral extraction on a small scale as more expensive given the cost of technology and capital investment, in addition to going through the legal processes to acquire a permit.

Violation of Compensation Agreements and Promises

A few of the farmers spoke about the issue of compensation and unfulfilled promises as another problem they encountered. The communities revealed that their main reason to protest the mining was to preserve their water from destruction. They explained that when the misunderstanding between them and the miners began, they presented the case to the paramount chief to resolve the matter. After identifying the concerns of the communities, the chief declared that if polluting the water is a problem, then the miners must dig water wells as well as meet other demands of the communities before they continue with mining. But both communities had their individual needs and preferences, so they negotiated with miners according to their priorities. In the case of Mafia, community members met with the miners and agreed that the miners should compensate 104 them with ten different boreholes. Aside from the water, the miners agreed to help the community complete the building of the community's "palace" (a place where the chief and his elders meet to make decisions). As far as the agreement is concerned, the farmers claimed the miners partially fulfilled their promise on the construction of boreholes:

"Miners provided only two boreholes, the other eight were not constructed". But concerning the promises on completing the palace, farmers claimed that the miners did not touch it. Kofi explained:

Okay, they promised the current chief that if he allows the work to go on, they will help build the palace so that when there is any issue the chief and the elders can have a place for meeting. Another thing was that it was because of the river that we said we won't allow them to work here…So, they eventually promised they will give us water for drinking. What they did was that they went to dig two pipes at different locations for the community. One here and the other one is down there. For these two pipes, what they should have done was to connect the pipes to "poly tanks" and electrify the power to the meter so that when you turn on the power directly on the meter the water can easily flow to the poly tanks as a reservoir so that in case of light off we will have water available to use but it wasn't done like that. Even with the pipes, they promised to provide about eight to ten, but they provided only two pipes.

For Sefwi Komeamaa village, one of their leaders narrated that the first group of miners who came to their community came from the Ashanti Region of Ghana and later, and new groups of mines joined later. He said that they agreed with the miners in which the miners promised to build a six-class room block for the community, build a library, a toilet facility for the community, teachers' quarters, three boreholes, and the maintenance of the community's "palace." For the boreholes, the leader of the community explained 105 they already had one, but it was not in good condition due to the misunderstanding that occurred between them and Mafia. The community indicated that the miners repaired the spoilt borehole and constructed another two but could not complete the second. In the case of the other promises, the miners did not fulfill them. Community members expressed their concern that they could not confront the miners for breach of contract agreement because the miners had the backing of their paramount chief and some elders.

As for the purchasing of cacao farms, most farmers said the miners compensated them fairly. Others complained that they were either underpaid or that miners did not complete payment. Farmers explained that when miners reach out to them, they spend more than enough time just for bargaining prices on cacao farms. Interviewees noted that miners sometimes make a down payment of the agreed price to begin their work and promise to pay the rest as work progresses, but when they request the remaining money, payment of balances becomes another issue and ends up in a fight. These participants complained that miners treat them unfairly and are always aggressive and that when they bring up matters with them it does not go anywhere. One of the farmers Egya Kofi summed up these issues best:

You see when we started, I told you that our lives and everything depend on this cacao but because they have realized we are in dying need, when they come they just quote any price and say that this is what they can afford, and that money they give cannot sustain you for long because for here in every year we are sure of earning meaningful amount of money from the cacao even if it's a small. So, when the person comes and you check his price and you think it is not enough because probably, you have about six or ten children and the offer is about Ghc 3,000, you consider the size of your family to see if it is a good deal. Sometimes, 106

they promise you let say Ghc 8,000 ($1600) and make part payment of Ghc 2500 ($500). And when they finish working and you ask for the remaining money, payment becomes a problem between you and them. They know we don't have money, so they find a way to deceive us. If you want to file the case to the court, because you don't have money to hire a lawyer, you become fed up along the line. They are worrying us a lot, and for me, I don't want them in this community.

On the same issue of farmlands, I asked one elder in Komeamaa how much an acre of land was sold for. He responded:

…about the leasing of lands, the elders had wanted to sit down with the miners to decide on a fixed price for an acre of land, but the miners did not show up for the meeting. They call individuals who own lands and negotiate directly on the price they want to charge, so as we speak now we don't have a specific amount of money worth for an acre of land. Some farmers were paid all monies after the purchase. For others, their lands were cleared but miners did not pay royalties, and when it happened like that the elders couldn't say anything because when they were having arrangement with the miners we were not invited.

I will argue that the violation of compensation agreements and other promises results from the lack of a structured system for negotiations. It appears that both miners and farmers want to avoid third parties in their negotiations, and this puts the farmers at a disadvantage. Miners themselves (the different companies) were attending to businesses individually; individual companies dealing with farm owners separately as well.

Previously, the farmers noted that some of the cacao farms were old (over twenty-five years—a point at which the plant's yield decreases). Some farmers, given the cost of cutting cacao and waiting for about three to five years for a return on investment, decided 107 to lease their cacao farms to the miners. Other farmers indicated that they cull the individual old trees amid young plants (ten to fifteen years old).

Given the problems and issues described by participants in this section, one possible solution is that to ensure a fair system for negotiations and procedures that will force miners to make full payment of any purchased cacao farms before they start work, the indigenous leaders could form a union made up of miners representatives who will make negotiations on behalf of the miners, and leaders of the communities., Since cacao is of much interest to Ghana, the union might also include representatives of The Ghana

Cacao Board and experts who can judge the age of a cacao tree for pricing. The union can consider other factors such as farm size and the number of cacao trees on farms during decision making. This union could also make decisions and negotiations for pricing individual cacao trees based on the plant's age. It seems the local farmers like the negotiate compensations with the miners without involving any third party agent. The union might also create other systems to address issues concerning access to water, land compensations, and other peripheral issues. If systems, as I suggest, are put in place and managed well, problems regarding compensation and unfulfilling promises could be dealt with more fairly and equitably.

Evolving Conflicts

Interestingly, diverse forms of misunderstanding evolved from the interactions. I categorized these misunderstandings to reflect the groups of people involved in the misunderstandings as related to small-scale gold mining. The emergence of conflicts was related to chieftaincy, and actors including elders, sub-chiefs, members from both 108 communities, and miners. Participants indicated that all these cases eventually ended up in court.

Chieftaincy Issues

The people of Mafia disclosed that for two years their community has not known peace because of the disputes about their chieftaincy, which almost divided their community. They claimed that their community used to be very peaceful, but the issues related to the small-scale gold mining has ruined the community's unity. Nana Kwesi explained that,

This small-scale mining is something we didn't want to entertain it as a community. We hated it. I was telling you about the problems related to the chieftaincy, it was all rooted in this small-scale gold mining. The previous sub- chief who was overthrown said he wanted the mining in this community, while the members of the community said they don't want it. So, that brought misunderstanding between the community people and some elders, and even the chief of this community was involved which resulted in the overthrow of the chief.

In the excerpt above, communities boldly declared how the elders overthrew their previous chief because he supported the gold mining activity. Participants revealed that the overthrow of their previous chief caused the chief to experience serious health problems which eventually led to his death. They explained that when they overthrew the chief, they reclaimed all the property that supported his livelihood. The people of Mafia recounted that after their chief passed on, they installed a new sub-chief so they could address issues concerning the mining. Participants stated that they became proud to have a new sub-chief who took a stand against small-scale mining. However, they confessed 109 their only concern was the threat that came from the superior authority given to the new sub chief just because he was against the mining. Communities stated there were many occasions that leaders in the highest position troubled this chief and made attempts to overthrow him, but they always stood by him. Farmers cited that their new chief used to live at “Mawerehen” under Sefwi Wiaso traditional area and when the attacks on him increased, he left his position and responsibilities and went to stay in “Mawerehen” town for a season. Kofi when making his argument explained:

To me, I believe that apart from “the Omanhene” there is nothing the sub-chief in this community can do to salvage the situation. Because he tried to help and they arrested him, do you think he will go forward again to resist the miners here from working? No! They will arrest him again! I quite remember when he was returning from the Bibiani Court, they caught him and arrested him again in Asawinso just because they claimed the chief says he will not allow the miners to work.

This case illustrates a difficult situation where innocent leaders are put in a particularly awkward position: if they stand for the "motion", they are overthrown, and if they stand against the "motion", superior powers trouble them. As such, leaders who are not firm become compromised and make decisions against the interest of the community. I argue that the system built into the informal institutions causes some local leaders to be susceptible to corruption. Some corrupt officials also want to accuse leaders who are patriotic to their communities of corruption.

This suggests that small-scale mining poses a threat to chieftaincy positions and carries with it the possibility of engendering corruption in the choosing of local chiefs for 110 rural communities. Decisions at the local level should serve a common interest of the public rather than for individual leaders.

Misunderstanding Between the Two Communities

The members of the two communities perceived and understood the mining activities differently. The two communities responded differently to the command that came from the paramount chief and reacted differently to the miners. These differences in opinion instigated misunderstanding between the two communities. The interviews showed that from the beginning, both communities did not agree to the mining. But when the order came from the paramount chief, the people of Komeamaa consented because since the message came from the highest authority they felt they had no other choice but to obey. In Mafia, however, there was a "tug-of-war" between the inhabitants of the village and the paramount chief as to the decision whether to permit or disallow mining.

So what triggered the conflict between the two communities? A teacher from one of the communities related that the two communities are situated at different elevations but are located close to each other. He said they both drink from one main river (the Amoya) which runs beside both communities. Komeamaa is situated upstream, while Mafia is downstream. He explained that when Komeamaa agreed to the mining, the miners constructed water wells or them, but the people of Mafia stood by the ground not to allow mining. Mafia (whose inhabitants disagreed with the mining) became angry with

Komeamaa because they thought if the miners pollute the river upstream it will affect them downstream. So, out of anger, the people of Mafia dumped waste material into the borehole of Komeamaa. A leader from Komeamaa recounted that: 111

When the miners were ordered to come and operate on the lands of Sefwi, this is the first place they came and truly they started working here before moving to mafia so Mafia’s problem was that, why have we allowed the miners to work on our land? Because Mafia had decided they will never entertain the miners in this area, some of the Mafia people came to destroy our borehole, the only source of drinking water in the community, gave warning shots and did a whole lot of nasty things, my people wanted to attack back but I silenced them and afterward we sued them in the Bibiani district court.

Conflict Between Miners and Community Members

Several emotional factors triggered the conflict between the miners and the communities. It appears that the misunderstanding did not result from a single event, but rather arose when the communities reacted to unfair treatments from the miners.

Participants attributed the causes of misunderstanding to the dislike of mining, failure to fulfill promises, incomplete payment of purchased farmland, destruction of water bodies, and the miners’ refusal to include the local people in their work. According to the participants, some of the conflicts were resolved by the paramount chief, but others spiraled out of control and ended up in court. The first incident was best narrated by a religious leader when I interacted with him at Asempanaye.

Yes, they were meeting to deliberate on how best they can fight these invaders and prevent them from destroying their lands and other property on the lands. There was a time I went to Mafia and on my way coming home, I saw some members in the community with guns and other weapons and they came to where I was. When I saw them, I was terrified, but I asked why, and they said they were protecting their community against illegal miners by themselves because they realized there was no one to help them. 112

Conflict Between Miners

The misunderstanding that arose between the mining groups themselves was a surprising issue that emerged during the interactions. Community members declared they were very much aware of the different groups of "companies" that came to their locality to mine. It is rare for two mining groups to clash over the same piece of land, but the farmers described conflicts that occurred between two mining companies in the community. When I inquired about the cause of the misunderstanding, a leader from

Komeamaa narrated that after the community accepted the very first group of miners, two companies (SS-Mining and MOSCO) followed. The participants admitted that these two companies are still working in the village. The leader revealed that the two groups that arrived in the community approached the elders, each possessing documents claiming ownership of the same working area. The participant said the elders could not resolve the quarrel between the groups but directed them to the paramount chief since he (the chief) approved mining on the same piece of land, so the community left the miners to resolve their issues.

In an attempt to understand these issues more clearly, I questioned the leader about whether it is the local people or the chief who has the right to show and lease farmland. He responded that:

"We still have power and control over our lands after the paramount chief sends the order, but it is up to we the citizens to decide whether to lease our lands to them or not.”

The puzzle about who reviews the miners' documents, how many people validate and give approval to mine, who shows the areas for mining, and who negotiates and receives 113 money is problematic. If two miners clash on the same area, then there is the need to question the effectiveness of the validation process and the integrity of the validators.

Besides, who should tell the miners which area is suitable for mining? The mere showing of gold deposits to miners arouses suspicion and raises questions about the integrity of traditional leaders. It seems they either have an idea or know exact places where gold is located in the communities. Discourses on media show how leaders who have information about the natural resources of communities entice miners to their area for their self-interest. Discourses on small-scale mining have again attributed lapses and illegalities in the small-scale gold mining sector to institutional weakness, institutionalized disorder, and corruption, and bribery, which also leads to conflicts over resources. This scenario justifies the reason why the African Institutions are understood as spaces of "institutionalized disorder" where corruption is the root cause of ineffective institutions (Chabal & Daloz, 1999).

Court Issues

Court cases were another issue that interviewees pointed out as a cause of conflict in the two study communities. These court cases can be grouped into two categories depending on the parties involved: the case between the two communities as was explained by the acting chief of Komeamaa; and the case between the miners and the communities which ended up in litigation. In the latter case, it was clear that members expressed their discontent about the mining activity and fought the miners. The participant explained that the misunderstanding between community members and the miners reached a level where the locals confronted the miners with guns and other 114 weapons, jeopardizing the mining activities. However, what triggered the litigation was the act of community members setting fire to the miners' machinery. When that happened the miners, with the support of some leaders in higher positions, took legal action and reported the situation to the police. According to interviewees, the police went to the communities to beat and arrest some elders. In response, locals threatened to kill the miners. The pastor summarized the story as follows:

I heard that some people came here to undertake mining but the members of the community didn't like it, so it became a very serious issue in the community. The members of the community threatened to kill the miners and later the community members were summoned to court for attempting murder, so they went to court several times, but I don't know how the whole case ended.

Discourses from the academic literature reveal how court issues related to mining are structurally rooted in litigation over land and the pollution of the environment. In most cases, minority groups and less fortunate groups of societies file cases of injustice against societal elites and multinational corporations in court. This study chronicles similar court cases between the small-scale miners and the cacao growing communities. One of the most surprising findings of this research is that the misunderstandings between the two communities due to conflicts of interest eventually led to court cases. This conflict of interest will assume a proximate cause leading to legal actions. The two communities were not fighting over the same resources, but rather their differential perceptions of how the use of resources by a third party affected them differently. In each of the court cases, the interviewees were unable to confirm it a verdict had been reached. I was told that court cases were pending. 115

Communities’ Viewpoints Concerning the Media

The media are supposedly expected to play an intermediary neutral role between local communities, multinational corporations, and institutions. In this study's context, the communities trusted the media to amplify their voices and publicize their petitions to the central government for help. The media also assist vulnerable groups and conflict victims in requests for aid and interventions from humanitarian organizations. Today in

Ghana, many media activities are charged with being perverted, corrupted, and politicized. There is an assertion that misunderstanding between communities and resource extractors are not well captured and reported on by the dominant media. The media are blamed for rarely reporting on cases in very rural communities. They often wait until issues escalate to criminalities and murder before they become interested because the poor rural communities are stereotyped as fighting losing battles. As narrated by the participants, the communities moved out of their comfort zone down to the nation's capital to air their grievances to a popular radio station known as Adom FM.

Kofi illustrated:

Our leaders went to Adom FM, but it did not work out, so we forwarded the case to Adom TV where some of our leaders were interviewed on Adom TV. The elders were interviewed on Tuesday and we told the whole of Ghana what is happening in Mafia, under Juaboso District. On that Tuesday, I was with the chief and was involved in the whole process. What happens was that they laid a false charge on us that because of how they were operating in the community we said we won't allow them. They accused as that because we disagreed with the mining our chief led the youth to steal money that amounts to about Ghs 600, 000 ($ 120, 000) from a guy called Kwame. The police commander in Asawinso said he cannot handle that case if we have stolen that huge amount of money of about 116

Ghs 600,000. And so, he referred the case to Sekondi. And while some of our leaders were in Adom TV, others were in Sekondi Regional Police Headquarters.”

An old woman from Komeamaa said that the misunderstanding subsided after they complained to the television station because the operation vanguard group went to seize the miners’ machines from the site. Nonetheless, she expressed her amazement that after a short while the mining activities have revived so much, and extraction is more dominant in Mafia that when they initially fought the mining. What could have changed the minds of people in Mafia? Indeed, it is surprising to see how patterns are repeated but nothing is done to curtail them. It appears the media in the Ghanaian context are in a great hurry to beat competitors by seeking revolutionary new material and have abandoned their core mission. As it is imperative to address current issues, it also important to loop back to cases that are partially resolved.

The Need for Government Intervention.

All the participants expressed the need for assistance from the central government in resolving issues and conflicts surrounding small-scale gold mining in their communities. Participants agreed that small-scale mining does not benefit them in any way and that if the government does not intervene they may lose basic livelihood resources such as water to drink. They complained that they are aware of the destruction mining is causing in other places and for them, and that the only thing they can make a living from is their cacao farms. They noted that their work does not benefit them alone but the nation as well, so the government must come to their aid:

So, we are entreating the government that they should not bring the “galamsey” here at all! I’m not referring only to this community, but everywhere in Ghana 117

where cacao is grown the government must try to disallow the small-scale gold mining. That can help increase cacao production in this country. The government has been encouraging the youth to engage in cacao farming. And, if we plant the cacao and they are going to destroy it because of the gold mining, then what is the essence of the government to encourage the youth to go into cacao farming? The youth might not get any benefit from actively involving themselves in the cacao farm, and mind you, today, the old forest we used to have do not exist. And it’s our forefathers’ old cacao farms that we manage.

As participants appeal to the government for help, I reecho my suggestion from Nana

Kwesi who submitted that the government must try everything possible to eradicate small scale mining from the area. The government should delegate agents who will patrol or permanently station in their communities with the main responsibility of questioning and validating prospective miners who visit rural communities to mine by deploying delegate/security personnel to all potential “cacao-mining” areas to report cases to the central government. “This will save their cacao farms from destruction”, he said. He also challenged the government to do away with partisan politics explaining that the production of cacao is more important to the nation than the individuals’ interest.

I agree with the participant in the sense that as discussed in the interviews, the operation vanguard occasionally embarks on duties and leave the rural communities and then shortly miners reappear. For sensitive location such as cacao growing area, if the central government forms strong collaborations with communities’ elders and make the effort to “flesh out” corrupt officials, it will save the villages from any harm from small- scale mining. As participants advise the government to "shine its eyes" on its appointees because they suspect appointees to be a "thorn in the flesh", I will suggest to the 118 government to scrutinize delegates before assigning them because problems will remain unresolved if corrupt officials are delegated to control “corrupt systems”.

Preference for Large-Scale Gold Mining

Community members agreed they cannot condemn mining totally because they believe the activity has the potential to generate revenue for community projects such as schools, construction of water wells, and toilet facilities. From the interviews, all the participants agreed on mining on a large scale. Participants claim that large-scale mining provides several benefits and miners can manage mining externalities including monitoring and controlling waste, minimizing the impact of mining on their water bodies, and preserving soil capability. Others claimed the large-scale mining will protect their lands surfaces for growing cacao since the activity is mostly underground and can reclaim devastated land. Farmers made it clear that they are prepared to accept and support whoever will knock at their doors for large-scale mining declaring that once the company has work authorization, they will march them to the paramount chief and make sure the right procedures are followed. Interviewees testified that from what they have experienced in other communities, mining on a large scale will help their informal economy by providing job opportunities for their members. Kwadwo discussed their support for large-scale mining:

Yes, if it's a registered type of small-scale mining. We have areas in Chirano, Akwati where we have witnessed small-scale mining being done. I completed school in Bibiani. They also mine gold. And so, if it's a registered type and government agencies are involved, then foreigners can be allowed into the community. In that sense, the economic activities in the town can be impacted positively. If you have a house, you can hire it out. Buying and leasing can be 119

patronized. Sometimes, the company can do projects for the community. For instance, the company can build a clinic or school for the community, and even provide water facility. We talked about water crisis and I belief the company can help in that regard. If you go to Akwatia, you will see that the miners have done developmental projects in the host communities. And even with the registered ones, they don't destroy people's assets. I think it will be more helpful if we'd rather venture into the licensed type of small-scale mining than the galamsey.

Participants prefer large-scale mining over small-scale gold mining. Farmers opted for large-scale mining based on hearing about experiences in communities where large-scale mining is practiced. They believe that large-scale mining brings and promotes development in communities. The local people are very much aware of the fact that the multinational corporations take on development responsibilities in their host communities. Even though communities are aware that large-scale gold mining is not problem-free, they believe that the quality of their lives and the standard of living of their communities can improve. While this option is laudable, it is prudent for these communities before they embrace large-scale gold mining to embark on pre-mining evaluation by seeking expert advice from agencies such as the lands commission, minerals commission, agricultural research institutions, environmental protection agency, and economic experts to help them make a better option between cultivating cacao farms or giving up lands for gold mining. Underground mining, as claimed by participants, does not necessarily mean that forest and cacao plants will be preserved completely as the mining activities proceed at the same time.

In general, it seems the impoverished state of the communities is influencing participants’ decision to opt for an alternative method of mining. The rural people are 120 aggressive in seeking improvement in their livelihoods. But they may have not thought deeply enough about how inviting large-scale mining can affect their way of life as cacao farmers. They likely have not realized their importance to the nation and even the world as farmers. Their district, since the new millennium, has remained the highest producer of cacao in Ghana, and the nation is also ranked as the world's second-largest producer of cacao. How sure are these communities that diversifying into mining will improve livelihoods? Do they have any idea about the nature of the gold reserves in the region and for how many years they can be mined? By critically evaluating the interviews, I realized that the basic amenities the communities demanded from the miners to allow gold mining are the responsibilities of the government. I appeal to the government on the communities' behalf to provide them with all the necessary infrastructure to help improve the standard of living and the quality of life in the communities. Notwithstanding, if the communities want large-scale mining the government must still come to their aid and practice the method of mining that will conserve their lifestyle as cacao farmers.

121

Chapter 5: Conclusion and Recommendations

This research aimed to evaluate the impact of small-scale gold mining on cacao growing communities in Ghana. As a dispassionate observer, it was not my intention to arrive at an outright conclusion as to whether mining should be allowed in the district.

Nor was it my goal to decide whether farming or mining is the best livelihood option for the study communities. Rather, the purpose was to examine the impacts of small-scale gold mining on the livelihoods of cacao growing communities and use that knowledge to inform a basic understanding of the sustainability of mining in the area. With this notion in mind, the study paid close attention to the environment as natural and physical capital and how mining activity impacted a few socioeconomic indicators such as income- earning, poverty rate, community standard of living, and quality of life. This research also sought to evaluate how mining activity impacts the role of actors who manage natural resources within the context of the study communities’ informal institutions.

Finally, the study sought to identify discourses and perceptions of the impact of mining on local livelihoods. The study employed the use of semi-structured interviews, and a modified grounded theory approach was used for analyzing data in the form of interview transcripts.

Summary Findings

First, the researchers determined that small-scale mining has had a significant impact on the environmental resources that support cacao farming in the study communities, including land, water, and forest resources. Individual and community livelihoods depend on their daily interactions with, and total reliance on, the surrounding 122 natural environment. Most notably, the physical and chemical processes involved in the mining activity has resulted in serious degradation of the area’s land and soil resources.

The study suggests that small-scale gold mining has substantial long-term detrimental effects on the growth of cacao and other staple crops. The research revealed that declining rates of regeneration of cacao is tied to the magnitude and extent of destruction done to the environmental parameters necessary for the plant’s regrowth. Farmers revealed that efforts to restore soil to its productive state require at least eight years. The

Amoya River, an essential public resource that the communities rely upon as their primary source of water for drinking, cooking, and washing, was determined to have been polluted by mining activity in the region. Farmers also use this river for agricultural activities such as irrigation and washing farm tools. Because the river has become polluted, farmers resort to relatively expensive bags of water or newly built water wells for drinking. Farmers explained that the water wells require electricity to function, and any power outage causes difficulties for the communities. The tropical rainforest biome that characterizes the study area’s natural environment provides a unique set of environmental parameters that allow for the production of cacao and other specialty crops. The study revealed, however, that the use of heavy equipment to mine gold, such as the Dorman machine and excavators to remove tree stumps, has damaged the area’s rainforest natural environment in several ways.

Second, the study revealed that small-scale gold mining has impacted the communities’ informal social and legal institutions. Categorically, Ghana's institutions can generally be grouped under formal (constitution, laws, and property rights) and 123 informal (sanctions, customs, traditions, taboos) institutions and both forms are controlled by a network of agencies. While mining impacts both formal and informal institutions, the interviews revealed that informal institutions in the study communities are most important, with a virtually negligible role played by actors within formal institutions. The study highlighted a conspicuous lack of shared governance at the customary institutional level, such that local actors, structures, or procedures were undermined, allowing miners to gain access to local mineral resources. Participants disclosed that major decisions concerning land use are dictated and controlled by the paramount chief, with minor involvement of the sub-chiefs and other leaders. The power to lease farmlands, however, is vested in individual farm owners. The study also revealed that leaders occupying the highest institutional positions undermine their subordinates through threats and by telling them they have the authority to install and uninstall them to positions if they do not side with them during decision-making. Interviewees noted that such threats and the arrests of community heads instilled fear in the community, which affected the political will of leaders to defend decisions to disallow the mining. Finally, it can be argued that by nearly every measure, mining activity in the study communities negatively affected the overall economic health and came to threaten the very livelihoods of individual community members.

Third, the study participants perceived that small-scale gold mining activity has negatively impacted their communities’ legacies. Community members agreed on the detrimental effects of mining on their heritage, their collective achievements, their pride, and their reputation as one of the highest cacaos producing locales in Ghana. Farmers 124 argued that the resources they inherited from their forefathers provide substantial support and that for many years their grandfathers did not allow anyone to destroy the Amoya

River. But the fact that pollution of the river by miners has occurred under their stewardship is the cause of much consternation for the current generation. This study revealed that Ghanaian miners enjoy their partnership with Chinese miners more than with their fellow Ghanaians because the Chinese provide miners with proper equipment and engineers who solve mechanical problems on-site; participants emphasized that

Ghanaian engineers are more expensive. Interview participants indicated that the galamsey miners see the process of gold extraction on a small scale as more expensive given the cost of technology and capital investment and the bureaucratic legal processes involved in acquiring a permit. Interviewees complained that some miners make full payment for farmlands while others either underpay farmers or do not complete payment at all. Farmers suspected that most of the mining activities in their communities were taking place illegally or quasi-legally. Small-scale mining generated conflict concerning chieftaincy positions as related to land and water resources. This case study also revealed that the media can play a significant role in giving voice to the plight of vulnerable rural communities. Finally, the interviews made it clear the participants’ preference for large- scale gold mining compared to small-scale gold mining.

Significance of the Study

The academic literature on small-scale gold mining suggests that mining plays an important role in local economies and livelihoods in small rural communities (Hentschel,

Hruschka, and Priester, 2002). Researchers argue that the activity has economic 125 ramifications at both the local and national levels, from contributing to earnings from exports to funding the importation of needed resources. Especially for rural communities in Africa, it is believed that the activity provides significant livelihood support and serves as a means of alleviating poverty (Iddrisu & Tsikata, 1998). Hilson (2002) argues that small-scale gold mining has a major impact on employment in developing economies, especially in rural areas where there are limited job opportunities.

Hentschel et al. (2002) conducted a study of small-scale gold mining in Bolivia and found that people purposely engage in mining operations to improve their livelihoods. Contrary to this perspective, Mitullah, Ogola, and Omulo (2003) argued that small-scale gold mining diverts people's attention from agriculture due to low-income earnings associated with farming activities and that a lack of formal jobs and opportunities compel individuals to participate in such activities irrespective of the high risks involved. Hilson (2001), in his studies in Ghana, concluded that most of the small- scale miners are involved in gold extraction because it generates income quickly. In this study, farmers revealed that many local businesses have collapsed in the town and concluded that the coming of small-scale mining has brought problems that have exacerbated their pre-existing of mining financial challenges.

The findings of this study indicate, however, that small-scale gold mining can result in unexpected outcomes depending on the conditions or situations intertwined with the activity. Indeed, the results of this study on the Mafia and Komeamaa cacao growing area suggest an opposite interpretation. First, all the interviewees in the communities complained that the miners' activities have somewhat worsened the condition of their 126 local economy, especially concerning trading and marketing cacao. The participants said they initially believed that mining would benefit the local economy because women might garner income from the production and sale of food for the miners at the local market. But to their surprise, not only did the miners not hire local cooks, they brought cooks with them from outside the communities to prepare food as well and did not purchase food locally when their food supplies ran out. Participants also lamented that there is so little money in their local setting that small business start-ups cannot function for very long due to insufficient patronage. Tsikata (2007) explains that the mining sector’s importance to a country’s economy is not always in proportion with other economic activities. Tsikata explained that in a situation where a handful of local workers are involved in the process, the multiplier effect expected to increase employment opportunities becomes less effective as compared to situations where there are strong policy direction tools to properly integrate the mining process with other economic activities to serve the general interest of the local people.

Akabzaa, Seyire, and Afriyie (2007) show that people in the rural communities where mining takes place suffer negative side effects, such as the displacement of indigenous communities, cultural adulteration, conflicts, human rights abuses, water pollution, loss of biodiversity, and most importantly, loss of livelihoods resulting from environmental degradation. The present research supports findings from other such studies documenting the impacts of small-scale gold mining on local livelihoods in cacao growing communities. Indeed, the findings suggest that these impacts will be even more evident in the future. This study identified significant environmental changes regarding 127 the source of water for drinking and lands for cacao farms. As was noted, the main livelihood activity the communities depend on is farming, with cacao contributing an essential portion of farmers' earnings.

This study also suggested that the mining activity will not sustainably enhance livelihoods. To evaluate the sustainability of mining activities, Chamber and Conway

(1992) suggested the use of a Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) that identifies primary livelihood components, including vulnerability context, livelihood assets, transforming structures and processes, livelihood strategies, and livelihood outcomes.

The SLF illustrates that sustainable livelihoods are achieved through access to a variety of livelihood sources (such as land) that are combined in the pursuit of livelihood strategies to realize livelihood outcomes (Ashley and Carney, 1999). In my investigation of the communities’ livelihood strategies, farmers found it difficult to identify any tangible coping strategies as an alternative for surviving should the mining activity negatively impact the local economy. Unfortunately, no recorded historical information on small-scale gold mining in the communities that might assist in predicting levels of adaptive capacity could be located. Most of the elderly people I interacted with during the study indicated that they have not seen or heard about small-scale gold mining activity happening in the community since they were born, but rather have only witnessed the current scale of mining in other places. Accordingly, evaluating livelihood strategies employing the interviews in this study is problematic. However, participants were unable to identify any strategies for diversifying livelihoods based almost exclusively on agriculture. 128

A few of the cacao farmers indicated they engage in taxi work during off-seasons.

Some teachers are employed in the communities, but most hail from other communities, and are posted by the Ghana Education Services (GES). Farmers testified that all other peripheral economic activities are well patronized, depending on the outcomes of the cacao seasons. The interviews above presuppose that exchanging farmlands for money will go against the farmers when analyzing farmers' ability to manage these incomes for long-term purposes. In the absence of trusted and profitable ventures for investment, there is a high risk for the farmers to quickly lose these incomes. Since there are no major businesses in the communities for investment, there is also a high probability that community members will trade earnings from cacao farms for mining at their own risk.

This study identified a lack of shared governance at the customary institutional level, and so local actors, structures, or procedures were undermined, allowing miners to gain access to local mineral resources. According to Davies (1997, 24), "institutions are the social cement which links stakeholders to access to capital of different kinds to the means of exercising power and so define the gateways through which they pass on the route to positive or negative livelihood adaptation.” Understanding institutional processes allow for the identification of barriers and opportunities (or 'gateways') to sustainable livelihoods. The findings indicate that the ultimate decision on land use is made by the individuals who hold the highest power in the informal institutional framework. Akabzaa,

Seyire, and Afriyie (2007) argue that developmental benefits associated with mineral exploitation are barely materialized in the host communities because of weak local politics regarding the entire extraction process. 129

In this study, the same actors who enforced the mining in the communities could not decide on the inclusion of the indigenous people in the mining which most community members by way of expressing anger demonstrated against the miners and that turned into conflict. Bansah, Dumakor-Dupey, Kansake, et al (2018) suggest that decision-maker of land use must learn to balance economic gains through mining with other social, economic and cultural activities on the land, such as agriculture, forestry, recreation and aesthetic while retaining and respecting traditional societal and spiritual values. The risk of affecting these valuable activities and resources increases when there is a failure to build strong and transparent institutional frameworks to regulate mining activities. When local land users and indigenous communities are only exposed to the burdens of mining but are not benefitting from its socio-economic gains, the potential for societal and economic conflict is high. This research, therefore, concludes that community livelihoods cannot be assessed only based on available human, natural, physical, financial, and social capital, but must take into account agencies or actors within the social relations of informal institutions and to the largest extent, within the formal institutions who make decisions on behalf of rural communities. It is those individuals that make critical decisions regarding land use or resource management.

Recommendations and Reflections

Impact Assessment

If mining is to be permitted in rural communities similar to those studied in this research, the potential benefits should be evaluated alongside the long-term negative effect on the communities' economic activities, taking into consideration factors such as 130 the host community's resiliency, adaptability, and vulnerability to the mining. Other factors include the involvement of government agencies responsible for a just and equitable evaluation of the impact of mining on cacao farming. Unfortunately, such an agency does not currently exist in Ghana. When an agrarian community begins to consider small-scale gold mining, there must be a thorough assessment of key factors, including livelihood strategies; the scope of the small-scale mining and prior knowledge of the magnitude of impact (common during an EIA process for large-scale mining); the location of the community (how isolated the community is because of social capital); and the type and system of farming the community practices.

Government Intervention

This study recommends that in addressing issues of illegal mining involving corrupt officials, sensitive locations such as cacao growing areas require the central government to form strong collaborations with community elders and make concerted efforts to “flesh out” corrupt officials. Such collaborations may go far in protecting villages from indiscriminate and/or illegal small-scale gold mining activities. As participants advise the government to "shine its eyes" on its appointees because they suspect appointees to be a "thorn in the flesh", the government ought to scrutinize delegates before assigning them because problems will remain unresolved if corrupt officials are delegated to control “corrupt systems”. I also appeal to the government on the communities’ behalf to provide them with all the necessary infrastructure to help improve the standard of living and the quality of life, as the absence of such local 131 infrastructures make the communities particularly vulnerable during decision making regarding whether to allow mining.

Suggestion to the Communities on Large-Scale Mining

During the interviews, it was obvious that the communities were ready to embrace large-scale gold mining at the expense of their cacao farming. I advise the communities to exercise patience and undertake pre-mining evaluation by seeking expert advice from agencies such as the lands commission, minerals commission, agricultural research institutions, environmental protection agency, and economic experts to help them decide between cultivating cacao farms and/or giving up lands for gold mining. Underground mining, as claimed by participants, does not necessarily mean that forest and cacao plants will be preserved completely.

132

References

Acquaah, B. (1999). Cacao Development in West Africa (The Early Period with

particular reference to Ghana), Ghana Universities Press, Accra, Ghana.

Afoakwa, E. O., & Paterson, A. (2010). Cacao fermentation: Chocolate flavor

quality. In Encyclopedia of biotechnology in agriculture and food (pp. 171-173).

CRC Press.

Afoakwa, E. O. (2014). Cacao production and processing technology. CRC Press.

Afrane, G., & Ntiamoah, A. (2011). Use of pesticides in the cacao industry and their

impact on the environment and the food chain. In Pesticides in the Modern

World-Risks and Benefits. IntechOpen.

Akabzaa, T. M., Seyire, J. S., & Afriyie, K. (2007). The glittering façade: effects of

mining activities on Obuasi and its surrounding communities. Accra: Third World

Network Africa.

Ashley, C., & Carney, D. (1999). Sustainable livelihoods: Lessons from early experience

(Vol. 7, No. 1). London: Department for International Development.

Bansah, K. J., Dumakor-Dupey, N. K., Kansake, B. A., Assan, E., & Bekui, P. (2018).

Socioeconomic and environmental assessment of informal artisanal and small

scale mining in Ghana. Journal of Cleaner Production, 202, 465-475.

Boateng, D. O., Nana, F., Codjoe, Y., & Ofori, J. (2014). Impact of illegal small-scale

mining (Galamsey) on cacao production in Atiwa district of Ghana. Int J Adv

Agric Res, 2, 89-99. 133

Bryman, A. (2008). Social research strategies. Social Research Methods. (3rd ed.). New

York: Oxford University Press.

Carney, D., Drinkwater, M., Rusinow, T., Neefjes, K., Wanamali, S., & Singh, N. (1999).

Livelihood approaches compared: A brief comparison of the livelihoods

approaches of DFID. CARE, Oxfam, and UNDP, Department of International

Development (DFID), London.

Carney, D. (1999). Livelihoods approaches compared: A brief comparison of the

livelihoods approaches of the UK Department for International Development

(DFID), CARE, Oxfam and the United Nations Development Program

(UNDP). Department for International Development.

Chambers, R., & Conway, G. (1992). Sustainable rural livelihoods: practical concepts

or the 21st century. Institute of Development Studies (UK).

Danquah, I. B., Fialor, S. C., & Aidoo, R. (2017). Mining Effects on Rural Livelihoods,

Adopted Strategies and the Role of Stakeholder and Regulatory Institutions in

Ghana. Evidence of the Amansie West District of Ghana. American Journal of

Rural Development, 5(1), 19-29.

Dowling, R. (2010). Power, Subjectivity, and Ethics in Qualitative Research. In Ian Hay

(Eds.), Qualitative Research Methods in Human Geography (pp. 26-39). New

York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Dunn, K. (2010). Doing' Qualitative Research in Human Geography. In Ian Hay (Eds.),

Qualitative Research Methods in Human Geography (pp. 101-39). New York,

NY: Oxford University Press. 134

Emerson, R., Fretz, R., & Shaw, L. (2010). Writing ethnographic field notes. Chicago:

(2nd ed.). The University of Chicago Press.

Engward, H. (2013) Understanding grounded theory. Nursing Standard, 28(7), 37-41.

Gedicks, A. (2005). Resource Wars against Native Peoples in Bullard, R. (ed.) the Quest

for Environmental Justice: Human Rights and the Politics of Pollution (pp. 168

187). San Francisco: Sierra Club Books.

Ghana Cacao Board (2001). Supply chain risk assessment report. P. 3-7

Ghana Cacao Board (2010). The History of Cacao and its Production in Ghana.

Ghana Members of Parliaments (2010). Website:

www.ghanamps.com/constituency/details

Ghana News Agency (2018). The ban on Small Scale mining will be lifted before 2018

ends Ministry. Website: http://www.ghananewsagency.org

Ghana. Statistical Service. (2014). 2010 Population & Housing Census Report:

Urbanization in Ghana. Ghana Statistical Service.

Gill, R. (2000). Discourse analysis. Qualitative researching with text, image and sound,

1, 172-190.

Hay, I. (2016). Qualitative Research Methods in Human Geography (Fourth Edition).

New York: Oxford University Press.

Hentschel, T., Hruschka, F., & Priester, M. (2002). Global report on artisanal and small

scale mining. Report commissioned by the Mining, Minerals and Sustainable

Development of the International Institute for Environment and Development. 135

Hilson, G. (2001). A contextual review of the Ghanaian small-scale mining industry.

Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Development, 76, 1-29.

Hilson, G. (2002). Small‐scale mining and its socio‐economic impact in developing

countries. In Natural Resources Forum (Vol. 26, No. 1, pp. 3-13). Oxford, UK

and Boston, USA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Hilson, G. M. (2003). Gold mining as subsistence: Ghana’s small-scale-miners left

behind. Cultural Survival Quarterly, 27(1), 74-76.

Hilson, G., & Potter, C. (2003). Why Is Illegal Gold Mining Activity So Ubiquitous in

Rural Ghana? Journal of Theoretical Social Psychology, 15(2-3), 237-270.

Hilson, G. M. (2004). Structural adjustment in Ghana: Assessing the impacts of mining

sector reform. Africa Today, 54(2), 53-77.

Iddrisu, A. Y., & Tsikata, F. S. (1998). Mining sector development and environment

project. Regulatory Framework study to assist small miners, prepared for the

mineral commissions.

Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development

(2017). Global Trends in Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining (ASM): A review of

key numbers and issues. Winnipeg: IISD.

Louis, K. S., & Barton, A. C. (2002). Tales from the science education crypt: A critical reflection of positionality, subjectivity, and reflexivity in research. In Forum

Qualitative Sozialforschung/Forum: Qualitative Social Research (Vol. 3, No. 3). 136

Mitullah, W. V., Ogola, J. S., & Omulo, M. A. (2003). The socioeconomic aspects of

Artisanal Gold mining in Migori District, Kenya. The socio-economic impacts of

artisanal and small-scale mining in developing countries, 260-270.

Oxfam America (2019). Website:

https://politicsofpoverty.oxfamamerica.org/tag/artisanal-mining

Peace, R., & van Hoven, B. (2010). Computers, Qualitative Data, and Geographic

Research. In Ian Hay (Eds.), Qualitative Research Methods in Human Geography

(pp. 295-313). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Peterson, G. D., & Heemskerk, M. (2001). Deforestation and forest regeneration

following small-scale gold mining in the Amazon: the case of Suriname.

Environmental Conservation, 28(2), 117-126.

Pritchard, B., Rammohan, A., Sekher, M., Parasuraman, S., & Choithani, C. (2013).

Feeding India: Livelihoods, entitlements and capabilities. Routledge.

Rajaee, M., Obiri, S., Allyson, G., Long, R., Cobbina, S. J., Nartey, V., Buck, D., Antwi,

E., & Basu, N. (2015). Integrated assessment and small-scale gold mining in

Ghana-part 2: Natural Sciences Review. International Journal Environment

Resource. Public Health, 12(8), 8971-9011.

South African Institute of International Affairs (2012). Website:

https://saiia.org.za/research/artisanal-and-small-scale-mining-in-africa

opportunities-and-challenges/ 137

Smith, N. M., Ali, S., Bofinger, C., & Collins, N. (2016). Human Health and Safety in

Artisanal Mining: An Integrated Approach to Risk Mitigation. Journal of Cleaner

Production, 129, 43-52.

Spiegel, S.J., & Viega, M. M. (2006). Global Impacts of Mercury Supply and Demand

in Small-Scale Gold Mining: Report to the UNEP Governing Council Meeting;

UNEP Governing Council: Nairobi, Kenya.

Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of Qualitative Research: Grounded Theory

Procedures and Techniques. Sage, Thousand Oaks CA. 19732239.

Tsikata, F. S. (1997). The Vicissitudes of Mineral Policy in Ghana. Resource Policy,

23(1-2), 9-14.

United Nations Environment Program (2006). Summary of Supply, Trade, and

Demand Information on Mercury; UNEP: Geneva, Switzerland.

Watts, C.D., Naden, P.S., Cooper, D.M., & Gannon, B. (2003). Application of a regional

procedure to assess the risk to fish from high sediment concentration. Sci Total

Environ 314, 551-565.

Winchester, H. P. M. (2000). Qualitative research and its place in human geography. In

Ian Hay (ed.), Qualitative research methods in human geography (pp. 1–22). New

York: Oxford University Press.

World Bank (2013). Website:

https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/extractiveindustries/brief/artisanal and small

scale mining 138

World Cacao Foundation (2010). Cacao Market Update, World Cacao

Foundation Published Reports and Resource. Website

http://worldcacaofoundation.org

139

Appendix A: Interview Protocol

Introductory information:

 Tell me about yourself.

o Probes: Tell me about your family status. How long have you been

residing in Juaboso? Do you have any occupation(s)? How long have you

been doing this job? What is your main source of income? What is your

level of education?

Knowledge about the community:

 Can you describe a brief profile of your community?

o Probes: What are the major occupations of the community? What is the

lifestyle of the people? What are the main sources of livelihood of the

community now? What is the median household size? Do you have any

idea on your mean household income?

Knowledge about the time frame:

 How long have there been the small-scale gold mining activities in your

community?

 When did it begin?

 Has the intensity of the mining operation changed with time or season?

o Probes: What time or season? Are there factors that contribute to the

seasonal changes if any?

Effect of the small-scale gold mining activities on the district: 140

 Can you describe the economic conditions of the district before the emergence of

the small-scale gold mining operation?

 Can you describe the economic conditions of the district during the small-scale

gold mining operation?

 Can you describe any economic impact of small-scale mining?

o Probe for: how does it affect farmers? How does it affect fishermen? How

does it affect livestock production?

 Does the activity have an impact on the environment?

o Probes: Does it affect rivers? Does it affect other water bodies and

wetlands? Do operators use chemicals that affect the land?

 Does it have a social impact

o Probe for examples of any social impact. Does it have any effect on

women and children?

 In what other ways has the activity affected the community?

 Do you think the activities have an impact on the economy of the entire nation?

o Can you explain with specific examples?

Institutions mediating the access to the natural resources

 Who controls and manage land use

 What processes are required for leasing out lands

Impact on livelihood:

 Do the activities affect your livelihood? How?

 Does it affect your family? How? 141

 Who is most affected by the small-scale gold mining activity?

o Positively or Negatively?

Measures to reduce the impact of small-scale gold mining activities:

 What do you think can be done to reduce the negative impact if any?

 What do you think it should be done to improve the method of operation?

 Do your community leaders show any concern about the impact of the small-scale

mining operation?

 What have your leaders done about the impact of the small-scale gold mining on

the district’s livelihood?

Closing interview:

 Do you have any question for me?

 Do you have any contribution or suggestion to make?

 Thank participants for sacrificing his/her to time for the given information

142

Appendix B: Steps for Analysis and Writing

Pre-analysis

 Read all the transcripts over and over

 Searched for patterns in all the texts

 Looked for similarities and differences of information across different areas of the

individual transcripts and across different transcripts

 Looked for variations and contradictions

Open Coding (Inductive Coding-limited preconceived result into the research thought)

Guided by coding information:

 Repeated in several places of the transcripts

 Surprised me

 Interviewee explicitly stated it was important

 Read about related to academic and media discourses

 Related to my research questions

Coding decision

 More open-minded

 Describing information superficially

Purpose

 To generate as many ideas as possible from early data.

Focused coding:

 Grouped all the codes the were important to me

 Which contribute most to the analysis 143

 Pursue a set of recurring codes prevalent throughout the data set

Axial Coding

 Created categories out of the focused codes that were connected in meaning

 Created new codes when necessary

 Conceptualized data here

Decision

 Refines the final theoretical concepts

 Open-minded

 Creative (coded any meaningful idea that came up)

Creating themes/conceptualizing

 Described/labeled several categories with a phrase

 Rearranged categories under each theme to establish a clear connection

Organized all themes (theoretical concepts) respectively under each research question

(chapters 2,3, and 4)

 Arranged themes in hierarchies under each chapter

 Employed constant comparisons here

 A code structure was developed

 Sent it to advisor for review and approval

Writing the Results and Discussions) for (chapter 2, 3, and 4)

 Connected and compared themes with the interview transcripts and argued from

the participants’ viewpoints

 Supported arguments with a quote from the transcript 144

 Interpreted results and discussed with my literature review, concept, and

discourses when it was necessary

Conclusion (chapter 5)

 Wrote on the main findings from each chapter (2, 3, and 4)

 Selected findings related to small-scale mining and livelihood and compared with

my literature review to create the significance of my study

 Suggested recommendations for research into any new/surprising concepts

! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !

Thesis and Dissertation Services ! !