Introduction Chapter 1: Traveling Through Revolutions

Notes

Introduction

1 T.R. Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population, ed. Geoffrey Gilbert (1798; rpt. Oxford and New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1993), 9. 2 Needless to say, there were other, less vociferous participants in the revolutionary cultural nationalism debate, not represented in this collection. The Irish Rebellion and the Jamaican Revolt in particular should be mentioned in this repect, as well as the complex political situation in the Dutch Republic, a nation that in the 1790s found itself in the less than enviable position of being wooed simultaneously by the fickle rivals France, America, and Britain. 3 Michel Foucault, ``Nietzsche, Genealogy, History,'' in Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, ed. and intro. Donald F. Bouchard, trans. Donald F. Bouchard and Sherry Simon (Oxford: Blackwell, 1977), 146.

Chapter 1: Traveling Through Revolutions

1 For examples of the modern historical analysis of the connections and differences between these revolutions, see R.R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1959, 1964), Patrice Higonnet, Sister Republics: The Origins of French and American Republicanism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1988), and the essays in Jaroslaw Pelenski, ed., The American and European Revolutions, 1776±1848: Sociopolit- ical and Ideological Aspects (Iowa City: Univ. of Iowa Press, 1980). I have discussed American responses to the French Revolution in Lloyd S. Kramer, ``The French Revolution and the Creation of American Political Culture,'' in Joseph Klaits and Michael H. Haltzel, eds., The Global Ramifications of the French Revolution (Washington and Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994), 26±54. 2 There is an excellent, concise account of Chastellux's life and intellectual interests in Howard C. Rice's introduction to the modern English edition of Chastellux's travel writings. See Marquis de Chastellux, Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 1781 and 1782, 2 vols., ed. Howard C. Rice, Jr. (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1963), 1:1±41. All citations from Chastellux's text are from this edition, and are given parenthetically in the text (T). 3 Chastellux published the book after various fragments of his diaries had appeared in European journals and unauthorized pamphlets. The French title was Voyages de M. le Marquis de Chastellux dans l'AmeÂrique Septentrionale Dans les anneÂes 1780, 1781 & 1782; a second French edition appeared in 1788 and 1791. The book was translated into English by George Grieve (1748± 1809), an English radical who had also traveled in America. Rice's modern edition of the Travels is a revised version of Grieve's translation. Chastellux

212 Notes 213

wrote his essay on ``The Progress of the Arts and Sciences in America'' as a long letter to the President of the College of William and Mary, the Reverend James Madison (a cousin of the Virginian with the same name who would later become President of the United States). 4 Barlow has attracted more scholarly interest than Chastellux. For information about his life and works, see Leon Howard, The Connecticut Wits (Chicago: Chicago Univ. Press, 1943), 133±65, 271±341; James Woodress, A Yankee's Odyssey: The Life of Joel Barlow (Philadephia: J.B. Lippincott Com- pany, 1958); and Arthur L. Ford, Joel Barlow (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1971). See also Robert F. Durden, ``Joel Barlow in the French Revolution,'' William and Mary Quarterly 8 (1951): 327±54, and the brief discussion of Barlow in Henry F. May, The Enlightenment in America (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1976), 239±43. 5 This passage appears in Chastellux's essay on ``The Progress of the Arts and Sciences in America.'' 6 Chastellux also discusses here an example of how the Americans collected food and livestock for the Continental Army. 7 Americans honored Chastellux's knowledge of science and culture by elect- ing him to membership in the American Philosophical Society (Jan. 1781). Despite his respect for American universities, Chastellux reported that the new country lagged behind Europe in the arts and music. See, for example, T, 2:537±9, 543±4. 8 Chastellux had never married at the time of his travels in America, and his frequent speculation on the women he met raises questions about his own ``voluptuous'' thoughts. He eventually married (1787) a young Irish woman shortly before his death in France. 9 Joel Barlow, Advice to the Privileged Orders in the Several States of Europe, Result- ing from the Necessity and Propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government, with preface by David B. Davis (Ithaca: Great Seal Books, 1956; reprint of 1792 edition in London), 2. All further citations are from this edition and are given parenthetically in the text (A). 10 Barlow, ``A Letter Addressed to the People of Piedmont, On the advantages of the French Revolution, and the necessity of adopting its principles in Italy,'' in Joel Barlow, The Political Writings of Joel Barlow (New York: Mott and Lyon, 1796), 205. All further citations are from this edition and are given parenthetically in the text (PW). 11 For more of his critique of standing armies, see Barlow, Advice, 40±2. 12 Barlow's critique of the new regime's financial policies appeared in a chapter on ``Revenue and Expenditure,'' which was added to a new edition of Advice that was published in 1793. 13 Barlow's belief in the decisive role of republican education remained strong after his return to America, where he developed and promoted plans to establish a national research university in Washington, DC. Despite his extensive arguments for the cultural advantages of such an institution, Con- gress did not approve the proposal when Barlow's friends introduced bills for creation of the university in 1806. For more on the themes of this plan, see Woodress, Yankee's Odyssey, 241±3. 14 Barlow's ``Advice to a Raven in Russia'' appears in an Appendix of Woodress, Yankee's Odyssey, 338±9. The quoted passage is the conclusion of the poem (339). 214 Notes

Chapter 2: Volney, Frankenstein, and the Lessons of History

1 Mary Shelley, Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus, ed. Marilyn Butler (1818; rpt. London: Pickering, 1993), chs. 11±16. 2 C.-F. Volney, Les ruines, ou meÂditation sur les reÂvolutions des empires (Paris: Desenne, 1791). 3 Shelley, Frankenstein, 98±9. 4 Mario Praz, `Ìntroductory Essay,'' in Peter Fairclough, ed., Three Gothic Novels (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1968), 25. The implausibilities of the plot are carefully listed in Leonard Wolf, ed., The Annotated Frankenstein (New York: Potter, 1977). 5 See, for instance, Paul Cantor, Creature and Creator: Myth-Making and English Romanticism (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984), 107, 118, 124. 6 The confusion is at least as old as Elizabeth Gaskell's novel Mary Barton (1848). Cf. Chris Baldick, In Frankenstein's Shadow: Myth, Monstrosity, and Nineteenth- Century Writing (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 3±4, 86; and Stephen Bann, ed., Frankenstein, Creation and Monstrosity (London: Reaktion Books, 1994), 79, 184. In Frankenstein, the Monster is never given a name or invents one for itself. 7 The French text was reprinted five times before it was incorporated in an 8-volume edition of Volney's Oeuvres in 1820. An English translation appeared in Londen in 1795 as The Ruins; or, A Survey of the Revolutions of Empires. This was reprinted 11 times until 1878; a modernized version was published in 1921 as George Underwood, ed., The Ruins of Empire by Count Volney . . . A Revision of the Translation of 1795. See M.J.H. Liversidge, ``Rome Portrayed: `To Excite the Sensibility, and to Awaken the Admiration of Mankind,''' in Michael Liversidge and Catherine Edwards, eds., Imagining Rome: British Artists and Rome in the Nineteenth Century (London: Merell Holberton, 1996), 38±53, esp. 41, 52. The German version by Georg Forster was reprinted 13 times until 1880, and there were translations into most other European languages. Mary Shelley is sometimes said to have known The Ruins in the American translation by Joel Barlow, published in Philadelphia in 1792: The Ruins; or, Medita- tion on the Revolutions of Empires. But the Monster ``reads'' the French original, and I see no reason why Mary Shelley did not do so too. 8 Percy Shelley's Alastor (1815) and The Revolt of Islam, written about the same time as Frankenstein, are also clearly indebted to Volney. Cf. Kenneth Neill Cameron, The Young Shelley: Genesis of a Radical (New York: Collier, 1962), 266±76; Richard Holmes, Shelley: The Pursuit (London: Quartet Books, 1976), 202; John Whale, ``Sacred Objects and the Sublime Ruins of Art,'' in Stephen Copley and John Whale, eds., Beyond Romanticism: New Approaches to Texts and Contexts 1780±1832 (London: Routledge, 1992), 218±36; Marilyn Butler, ``Shel- ley and the Empire in the East,'' in Betty T. Bennett and Stuart Curran, eds., Shelley: Poet and Legislator of the World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1996), 158±68; and, especially, Nigel Leask, British Romantic Writers and the East (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992), 114±15, 122±3. 9 Cf.: `Àn Essay in the Philosophy of History'' (Fairclough, ed., Three Gothic Novels, 504); `à widely read compendium of meditations on history'' (M.K. Joseph, ed., Frankenstein, by Mary Shelley [Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1969], 239); `à popular essay in the philosophy of history'' (Maurice Hindle, ed., Notes 215

Frankenstein, by Mary Shelley [Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1985], 259); ``a powerful polemic on the government of ancient and modern empires'' (Butler, ed., Frankenstein, 262). This last description is also quoted in Nora Crook, ed., and Betty Bennett, intro., Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus, vol. 1 of The Novels and Selected Works of Mary Shelley, eds. Betty Bennett and Nora Crook, 8 vols. (London: Pickering, 1996), 1:89. But see also Marilyn Butler, ``Shelley and the Empire in the East,'' and by the same author, ``Romantic Manichaeism: Shelley's `On the Devil, and Devils,' and Byron's Mythological Dramas,'' in J.B. Bullen, ed., The Sun is God: Painting, Literature and Mythology in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 13±37, esp. 17, for Volney's ``bleak vision of the history of human society.'' 10 Gerald McNiece points to Volneyan influences in Percy Shelley's late and less than optimistic poem Hellas (Shelley and the Revolutionary Idea [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1969], 248±9). 11 Volney's fundamental pessimism is stressed by Bernard Plongeron, ``Nature, meÂtaphysique et histoire chez les IdeÂologues,'' Dix-HuitieÁme SieÁcle 5 (1973): 375±412, esp. 398±400. 12 C.-F. Volney, Tableau du climat et du sol des EÂtats-Unis d'AmeÂrique, 2 vols. (Paris: Courcier, 1803); translated as View of the Climate and Soil of the United States of America (London: J. Johnson, 1804). 13 Volney's collected works were preceded by an introduction from the publisher Adolphe Bossange, ``Notice sur la vie et les eÂcrits de C.-F. Volney''; cf. Volney, Oeuvres, 2nd edn. (1820; rpt. Paris: Didot, 1826), 1:i±xlix. Bossange seems to have used autobiographical material by Volney, but little is known of the relationship between the two men. Volney's papers were destroyed after his death. The most comprehensive modern biography is Jean Gaulmier, L'ideÂologue Volney (1757±1820): Contribution aÁ l'histoire de l'orientalisme en France (Beyrouth: Imprimerie Catholique, 1951). A shorter version was published as: Jean Gaulmier, Un grand teÂmoin de laReÂvolution et de l'Empire: Volney (Paris: Hachette, 1959). I refer throughout to the first title. Gaulmier edited various modern editions of Volney's writings: Voyage en Egypte et en Syrie (Paris±The Hague: Mouton, 1959); Laloi naturelle ± LecËons d'histoire (Paris: Garnier, 1980). The Egyptian travel report has been reprinted in a recent collection of Volney's works: C.-F. Volney, Oeuvres, eds. Anne and Henri Deneys, 2 vols. (Paris: Fayard, 1989), which also includes the first edition of Les ruines and the Tableau du climat et du sol des EÂtats-Unis. Bernard Valade, ``Volney,'' in Jean Tulard, ed., Dictionnaire NapoleÂon (Paris: Fayard, 1989) 1733±5, is a short but well-informed introduction. 14 In 1853, Sainte-Beuve, himself of course a confirmed counter-revolutionary, tried to do away with Volney as a completely outdated curiosity (C.-A. de Sainte-Beuve, ``Volney,'' in C.-A. de Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du Lundi,15 vols. [Paris: Garnier, 1851±88], 7:389±433). For Volney's competition with Chateaubriand, see Jean Gaulmier, ``Volney et Chateaubriand,'' in Autour du romantisme. De Volney aÁ J.-P. Sartre. MeÂlanges offerts aÁ Monsieur le Professeur Jean Gaulmier (Paris: Ophrys, 1977), 89±93. 15 For Volney's ideas in the context of the other ideÂologues, see Georges Gusdorf, Laconscienc e reÂvolutionnaire. Les IdeÂologues (Paris: Payot, 1978); Sergio Moravia, Il tramonto dell'illuminismo. Filosofia e politica nella societaÁ Francese (1770±1810) (Bari: Laterza, 1986), and, by the same author, Il pensiero 216 Notes

degli IdeÂologues. Scienzae filosofiain Francia (1780±1815) (Florence: Nuova Italia, 1974). A much older but very detailed study is FrancËois Picavet, Les IdeÂologues (Paris: Alcan, 1891). Various aspects of the group are discussed in FrancËois Azouvi, ed., L'institution de laraison. Lare Âvolution culturelle des ideÂologues (Paris: EÂcole des Hautes EÂtudes en Sciences Sociales, 1992). 16 In 1796 Destutt de Tracy introduced the word `ìdeology'' in the sense of `èpistemology'' or ``science of ideas.'' Napoleon gave it the derogatory meaning of `ìntellectual pretense'' or ``self-justification,'' which it has kept in the works of Karl Marx. Cf. Moravia, Il tramonto, 16, 599±601; Gusdorf, Lacon- science reÂvolutionnaire, 360±1. 17 Volney's writings figure prominently on the reading lists by means of which Stendhal tried to educate his sister Pauline. Cf. Stendhal, Correspondance, eds. H. Martineau and V. Del Litto (Paris: Gallimard, 1962), vol. 1. For his own relations to the `ìdeÂologues,'' see Victor Del Litto, Lavie intellectuelle de Stendhal. GeneÁse et eÂvolution de ses ideÂes (1802±1821) (Paris: Presses Universi- taires de France, 1962); Emmet Kennedy, A Philosophe in the Age of Revolution: Destutt de Tracy and the Origins of `Ìdeology'' (Philadelphia: American Philo- sophical Society, 1978), 251±87. 18 GeÂrard de Nerval, Oeuvres, ed. A. BeÂguin, J. Richer, 2 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1952), 1:578±84. 19 Volney, Voyage en Egypte et en Syrie, ed. Gaulmier, 21. All translations are my own. 20 Gaulmier, L'ideÂologue Volney, 56. 21 Count Vergennes, secretary of foreign affairs, might have wanted a second opinion after the optimism of De Tott. See, in addition to titles mentioned earlier, Jean-Marie CarreÂ, Voyageurs et eÂcrivains francËais en Egypte, 2 vols. (Cairo: Institut FrancËais d'ArcheÂologie Orientale, 1956), 1:96; Sergio Moravia, ``Philosophie et geÂographie aÁ la fin du XVIIIe sieÁcle,'' Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 57 (1967): 937±1011, esp. 983±4; Numa Broc, LageÂographie des philosophes. GeÂographes et voyageurs francËais au XVIIIe sieÁcle (Paris: Ophrys, 1975), 360. Until now, no archival material has emerged to prove that Volney was subsidized by the French government. 22 Bonaparte is reported to have said that Volney was the only travel writer ``who did not lie.'' Volney's travels are seen as an integral part of French imperialism in Henry Laurens, Les origines intellectuelles de l'expeÂdition en Egypte. L'orientalisme colonisant en France (1698±1798) (Istanbul: Isis, 1978), 77±8. Cf. also Todd Porterfield, The Allure of Empire: Art in the Service of French Imperialism, 1798±1836 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1998), 43±4. For the scientific impact of the Egyptian expedition, see Nicole and Jean Dhombres, Naissance d'un nouveau pouvoir: sciences et savants en France 1793±1824 (Paris: Payot, 1989), 93±149. 23 The first printing of 1787 carried the title Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, which gave a better indication of the relative importance Volney accorded to both regions: the part on Syria is much more extensive. From the second edition onward, the names of the countries were reversed, in keeping with the chronology of Volney's travels. 24 Cheryl B. Welch, Liberty and Utility: The French IdeÂologues and the Transform- ation of Liberalism (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1984), 19±20; Edna Hindie Lemay, Dictionnaire des Constituants 1789±1791 (Paris: Universitas, Notes 217

1991), 942±3. For Volney's conception of human rights, see also Martin S. Staum, ``Individual Rights and Social Control: Political Science in the French Institute,'' Journal of the History of Ideas 48 (1987): 411±30, esp. 414. 25 C.-F. Volney, La loi naturelle, ou cateÂchisme du citoyen francËais (Paris 1793); reprinted in Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 1:447±99. 26 Moravia, Il tramonto, 380±4; Gusdorf, Laconscience reÂvolutionnaire, 311; Broc, LageÂographie des philosophes, 446±67; Pierre Macherey, ``L'IdeÂologie devant l'ideÂologie: l'EÂcole Normale de l'An III,'' in Azouvi, ed., L'institution de la raison, 41±9; Dhombres, Naissance d'un nouveau pouvoir, 578±96. 27 C.-F. Volney, LecËons d'histoire prononceÂes aÁ l'EÂcole Normale (Paris, 1795). 28 L.-M. La ReÂvellieÁre-Lepeaux, MeÂmoires, 3 vols. (Paris: Plon, Nourrit 1895), 2:438; cited in Gaulmier, Volney, 351. Cf. also Moravia, Il pensiero, 624. 29 For a reconstruction of his travel route in Northern America, see Gaulmier, Volney, 368, who also provides a map. 30 For the context of Volney's experiences in the United States, cf. Durand Echeverria, Mirage in the West: A History of the French Image of American Society to 1815 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1968), 175±224. 31 Gaulmier, Volney, 385±8; Moravia, Il pensiero, 628±9 (both, incidentally, speak of John Priestley). Volney defended himself in a public letter, stating that religion was a private matter; whether he was a believer or not, he did not trouble anyone with his opinions, like Priestley. See Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:7±18. 32 Gaulmier, Volney, 382±3. 33 Welch, Liberty and Utility, 210n. Other versions of the story: Sainte-Beuve, ``Volney,'' 428±9; Gaulmier, Volney, 434±6; Moravia, Il tramonto, 505. 34 Volney did not end his life as a reactionary, but it is somewhat sentimental to assume that ``at heart'' he always remained true to his revolutionary begin- nings (see Henri Deneys, ``La fideÂliteÂ de Volney,'' Dix-HuitieÁme SieÁcle 29 [1997]: 431±47). 35 In his introduction, he presented a precise outline of the book he had planned to write (see Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:21±32). The excuse that he ``lacked time and strength to complete it'' follows rather lamely (30). 36 In the same introduction Volney asserted that long fragments of the second part had already been written. Whether this was true or not can no longer be decided. 37 Gaulmier, Volney, 463. 38 Gusdorf, Laconscience reÂvolutionnaire, 307±9, 321; Kennedy, A Philosophe in the Age of Revolution, 41±3, 105. On the activities of the Institut, see the essays in Azouvi, L'institution de laraison . 39 Gaulmier, Volney, 484±5; cf. also Raymond Schwab, La renaissance orientale (Paris: Payot, 1950), 75. 40 Valade perhaps makes him too much a pessimist right from the start (Valade, ``Volney''). 41 Edward W. Said, Orientalism (1978; rpt. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1985), 81. 42 For instance: Volney, Voyage, 29, 273; cf. Moravia, Il pensiero, 596±9. 43 Gaulmier regards ``the fear of being duped'' as one of the dominant traits of his subject (Gaulmier, Volney, 95, 110). Volney especially turned himself against the idyllic orientalism of the Lettres d'Egypte by his countryman 218 Notes

C.-E. Savary (1750±88). Cf. Gaulmier, Volney, 95±9; CarreÂ, Voyageurs et eÂcri- vains, 1:79±118; Laurens, Les origines intellectuelles, 86±7; and for a more detailed discussion: Herbert KuÈhn, Volney und Savary als Wegbereiter des romantischen Orienterlebnisses in Frankreich (Leipzig: Gerhardt, 1938), who interprets the difference between the two travel writers in the light of the contrast between rococo and neoclassicism. Edna Hindie Lemay compares Volney with his contemporary J.-N. DeÂmeunier (see ``Le monde extra-EuropeÂen dans la formation de deux reÂvolutionnaires,'' in Britta Rupp-Eisenreich, ed., Histoires de l'anthropologie: XVIe-XIXe sieÁcles [Paris: Klincksieck, 1984], 117±31). 44 Volney, Voyage, ed. Gaulmier, 26. More than half a century later, Flaubert was to describe his first impressions of Cairo in the same terms: Gustave Flaubert, Correspondance, ed. Jean Bruneau, 4 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1973± ), 1:563±5. 45 Nicole Loraux and Pierre Vidal-Naquet, ``La formation de l'AtheÁnes bourgeoise: essai d'historiographie 1750±1870,'' in R.R. Bolgar, ed., Classical Influ- ences on Western Thought ADAD 1650±1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1979), 169±222, esp. 188. 46 CarreÂ, Voyageurs and eÂcrivains, 99±101; Laurens, Les origines intellectuelles, 69±71. 47 See esp. Volney, Voyage, ed. Gaulmier, 156±7. 48 Tzvetan Todorov, Nous et les autres. La reÂflexion francËaise sur la diversiteÂ humaine (Paris: Le Seuil, 1989), 219±34. 49 Volney, Voyage, ed. Gaulmier, 62±3; Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 1:191, 382. In the second edition of the Voyage, Volney added a note that his hypothesis had been confirmed in 1794 by German anatomical research on mummies. But the French expedition in 1797±9 made him doubt again. From the third edition onwards, the passage in The Ruins is replaced with a long footnote, stating that he had perhaps been wrong after all (see Volney, Les ruines (1791; rpt. Paris: Bossange, 1821), 360). In his modern defense of the idea, Martin Bernal was careful enough not to attribute it to Volney (see Martin Bernal, Black Athena: The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization, 2 vols. [New Bruns- wick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1987], 1:244). For Volney's popularity in Africa at the time of decolonization, see Jean Leclant, ``Un tableau du Proche-Orient aÁ la fin du XVIIIe sieÁcle,'' Bulletin de laFaculte Â des Lettres de l'UniversiteÂ de Strasbourg 39 (1960±1): 243±60. 50 Volney, Voyage, ed. Gaulmier, 64. 51 Ibid., 27. 52 Ibid., 162±3. 53 See above, note 7. 54 Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France, ed. A.J. Grieve (1790; rpt. London: Everyman, 1971), 8. 55 Opinions vary on the literary qualities of The Ruins. Those who are primarily interested in Volney as a social theorist, tend to reject the work as an unsuccessful exercise in rhetoric (see, for instance, CarreÂ, Voyageurs et eÂcrivains, 1:103). More romantically inclined authors, on the other hand, have often found it too dry and formal (cf. Sainte-Beuve, ``Volney,'' 410; AndreÂ Monglond, Le preÂromantisme francËais, 2 vols. [Grenoble: Arthaud, 1930], 1:163). For Gusdorf, however, it is nothing less than a ``great book'' (Gusdorf, Laconscience reÂvolutionnaire, 335). Notes 219

56 Robert Wood, The Ruins of Palmyra and Baalbec, 2 vols. (London, 1753±7). In his travel report, Volney admitted that his description of Palmyra was taken from Wood (cf. Wood, Voyage, ed. Gaulmier, 323±30). Cf. also Jean Gaulmier, ``Note sur l'itineÂraire de Volney en Egypte et en Syrie,'' in Autour du romantisme. MeÂlanges Jean Gaulmier, 55±60. On Wood and Volney in the context of architectural neoclassicism, see Robert Rosenblum, Transformations in Late Eighteenth Century Art (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1969), 109±10, 112± 13, and Jonah Siegel, Desire and Excess: The Nineteenth-Century Culture of Art (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2000), 32±5. The ruins theme in French writing is discussed in Ingrid G. Daemmrich, ``The Ruins Motif as an Artistic Device in French Literature,'' Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 30 (1971± 2), 449±57; 31 (1972±3), 31±41; for more details on Volney, see Roland Mortier, LapoeÂtique des ruines en France. Ses origines, ses variations de la Renais- sance aÁ Victor Hugo (GeneÁve: Droz, 1974), 91±9, 136±41. In Volney's wake, ``Palmyra'' became a standard literary symbol for vanished glory. The opening verses of Baudelaire's Fleurs du mal (1857) again refer to the ``long-lost jewels of ancient Palmyra.'' 57 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 1:175±6. 58 See also Sainte-Beuve, ``Volney,'' 410. 59 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 1:176, 179. 60 Ibid., 178. The ``banks of the Zuyder-Zee'' refer to Amsterdam. In 1805, Volney made a visit to Holland, which he compared favorably to Egypt, that other populous river delta. 61 Gustave DoreÂ and Blanchard Jerrold, London: A Pilgrimage (London: Grant & Co., 1872); cf. Werner Hofmann, Das irdische Paradies. Motive und Ideen des 19. Jahrhunderts, 3rd edn. (1974; rpt. MuÈnchen: Prestel, 1991), 176. 62 The French original has ``fantoÃme,'' which can mean either ``ghost'' or ``spirit,'' and later, more respectfully, ``geÂnie'' (``genius,'' but also the ``jinnee'' from the Thousand and One Nights). It is certainly going too far to speak of it as ``the Spirit of Freedom,'' as in Mortier, LapoeÂtique des ruines, 137. Rose Macaulay's suggestion that it must be the ghost of Palmyra's legendary Queen Zenobia is no more than a delightful fantasy (see Rose Macaulay, The Pleasure of Ruins, ed. Constance Babington Smith [London: Thames & Hudson, 1977], 47). 63 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 1:246. 64 The first edition of The Ruins contained a passage in which Volney proposed the idea of installing a Museum with examples of all the various nations of the earth (cf. Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 1:272, 392). See also Gaulmier, Volney, 219. This exhibition, Volney suggested, would offer `àmusement to the masses, inspiration to artists, and knowledge to doctors, philosophers, and lawyers.'' The confusing diversity of history in this way was to be neu- tralized as an instructive spectacle. 65 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 1:358. 66 Mary Shelley praised (by way of the Monster) the `Èastern style'' of The Ruins. But in its rhetoric, The Ruins shows no familiarity with Arabic or Persian literature; neither did Volney intend to offer `à world rather than a European perspective,'' as Marilyn Butler has it (Frankenstein, ed. Butler, 99, 262). Meditations upon the ruins of once thriving cities, as an incitement to repentance, inevitably follow the model of the Biblical Lamentations of Jeremiah. In the same manner, St. Jerome reminded the Christian believers 220 Notes

of his time that: ``The gods adored by nations are now alone in their niches with the owls and the night birds. The gilded Capitol languishes in dust and all the temples of Rome are covered with spiders' webs'' (cited in Alain Schnapp, The Discovery of the Past: the Origins of Archaeology [London: British Museum Publications, 1996], 100). Volney's call for moral and intellectual renewal, however antireligious, clearly stands in this Judeo-Christian tradition. 67 See also Jean Gaulmier, ``Volney et ses LecËons d'histoire,'' History and Theory 2 (1962): 52±65; Henri Deneys, ``Le reÂcit de l'histoire selon Volney,'' Corpus 11±12 (1989): 43±71. 68 Sainte-Beuve, ``Volney,'' 419±20. See also Bossange, ``Volney,'' xxix. 69 Volney, LecËons d'histoire, ed. Gaulmier, 106, 112, 119, 116±17, 126, 138±44; cf. H.T. Parker, The Cult of Antiquity and the French Revolutionaries (Chicago: Chicago Univ. Press, 1937), 2, 11; Elizabeth Rawson, The Spartan Tradition in European Thought (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 288±9; Mouza Raskolnik- off, ``Volney et les IdeÂologues: le refus de Rome,'' Revue Historique 167 (1982): 353±7. For Volney, ``history'' still primarily meant ``ancient history.'' 70 Volney, LecËons d'histoire, ed. Gaulmier, 103, 112±14, 116. 71 Volney, Voyage, ed. Gaulmier, 23. 72 Volney, LecËons d'histoire, ed. Gaulmier, 120. 73 For the idea in DegeÂrando's comments on the Baudin expedition in 1800, see Gusdorf, Laconscience reÂvolutionnaire, 498. 74 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 1:663±79; cf. Broc, LageÂographie des philosophes, 473, 486±9. 75 For instance, Volney, Voyage, ed. Gaulmier, 401±2; Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:326. See Moravia, Il pensiero, 610±12. 76 Volney, Voyage, ed. Gaulmier, 164, 200. 77 Marc Bloch, Apologie pour l'histoire, ou meÂtier d'historien, 7th edn. (1949; rpt. Paris: A. Colin, 1974), 76, 110. 78 Volney, LecËons d'histoire, ed. Gaulmier, 134±6. 79 Ibid., 84, 138, 142. 80 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:21. For Volney's American travels, see (in addition to the titles by Moravia, Gusdorf, and Broc referred to above): Antonello Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World: The History of aPolemic, 1750±1900, trans. J. Moyle (Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh Univ. Press, 1973), 339±41; A. Deneys, ``GeÂographie, histoire et langue dans le Tableau du climat et du sol des EÂtats-Unis,'' Corpus 10±11 (1989): 73±90. 81 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:37. 82 Ibid., 23. See also Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World, 339±41. 83 To Thomas Jefferson, 20 FloreÂal XI (cited in Moravia, Il pensiero, 631). I have not been able to consult Gilbert Chinard, Volney et l'AmeÂrique (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1923). 84 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:246±7, 274±6. However, Volney vehemently rejected the theory popularized by Cornelis de Pauw that the American climate exercised a degrading effect on its inhabitants (see Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 114; cf. Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World, 339; Moravia, Il pensiero, 645±51; MicheÁle Duchet, Antropologie et histoire au sieÁcle des LumieÁres [Paris: Flammarion, 1977], 156±60). 85 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:309. For his travel route in northern America, see Gaulmier, Volney, 368. Notes 221

86 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:357; cf. Broc, LageÂographie des philosophes, 456. It is doubtful, however, if there really was anything ``savage'' about Little Turtle; the interview apparently took place in Philadelphia, and Volney's interlocutor had in many respects adapted himself to the way of life of the European immigrants. 87 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:382±7; cf. Loraux and Vidal-Naquet, ``Form- ation de l'AtheÁnes bourgeoise,'' 190±1; Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World, 482; Moravia, Il tramonto, 668±70. The hypothesis was first developed by J.-F. Lafitau in 1724. Diderot denied that the comparison between ancient Greeks and modern ``savages'' made any sense, but Volney and DegeÂrando took it up as a warning not to have too much respect for the past. In his youth, Stendhal found in the idea a liberation from Classicism (see Anthony Pagden, European Encounters with the New World: From Renaissance to Roman- ticism [New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Press, 1993], 155±6; V. Del Litto, Lavie intellectuelle de Stendhal, 357±8). 88 Volney, Oeuvres, ed. Deneys, 2:24. 89 Nerval, Oeuvres, 1:324, 326. Cf. Schwab, La renaissance orientale, 204, 438±9.

Chapter 3: Benjamin Franklin, Native Americans, and the Commerce of Civility

1 Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain, and France, c. 1500±c. 1800 (New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Press, 1995), 17±18. 2 Anthony Pagden, European Encounters with the New World: From Renaissance to Romanticism (New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Press, 1993), 133. 3 For background on these matters see Pagden, but see also Marvin B. Becker, The Emergence of Civil Society in the Eighteenth Century: A Privileged Moment in the History of England, Scotland, and France (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indi- ana Univ. Press, 1994); Michal J. Rozbicki, The Complete Colonial Gentleman: Cultural Legitimacy in Plantation America (Charlottesville and London: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1998), esp. 28±127; and G.J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago and London: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1992), esp. 37±103. 4 Qtd. in Pagden, European Encounters, 170. 5 William Darrell, The Gentleman Instructed in the Conduct of a Virtuous and a Happy Life (London, 1723), 8. 6 Baltasar Gratian, The Compleat Gentleman, trans. T. Saldkeld (London, 1730), 15. 7 Pagden makes similar points, but differently, in European Encounters, 142±3. 8 I make this point elsewhere with regard to Franklin's Narrative of the Late Massacres in ``Caritas and Capital: Franklin's Narrative of the Late Massacres,'' in Reappraising Benjamin Franklin: A Bicentennial Perspective, ed. J.A. Leo Lemay (Newark, Del.: Univ. of Delaware Press, 1993), 347±58. 9 A. Owen Aldridge has argued that during one period when Franklin was in France, at least one in ten letters he received was a request for aid in emigra- tion. Aldridge, Franklin and His French Contemporaries (New York: New York Univ. Press, 1957), 171. 222 Notes

10 Franklin to Thomson, March 9, 1784, in The Writings of Benjamin Franklin,10 vols., ed. Albert Henry Smyth (New York: Macmillan, 1907), 9:177. Franklin continued in this letter, `` To save myself trouble, I have just printed some copies of the enclosed little piece, which I purpose to send hereafter in answer to such letters.'' The piece mentioned was his Information for Those Who Would Remove to America, which he had originally printed on his own press at Passy. 11 After learning that the pieces had been printed together in England, Franklin wrote to his friend Benjamin Vaughan requesting information about their printing. Vaughan returned, in a letter dated November 21, 1784, ``I know not who published your pieces on the Indians & on Imigrations, nor have I yet seen them. The latter piece the AbbeÂ Morellet sent Lord Shelburne, from whom I had it; The Bishop of St. Asaph's family afterwards had my whole packet of your pieces for many weeks.'' The letter is quoted in Aldridge, Franklin and His French Contemporaries, 36. 12 In European Encounters in the New World, Anthony Pagden discusses the literary-cultural shifts that took place during this era as a result of commercialization (70ff.). 13 See Pagden, European Encounters in the New World, 169±70. 14 The English version of the text is available in Benjamin Franklin: Writings, ed. J.A. Leo Lemay (New York: Library of America, 1987), 969±74. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as R. 15 Qtd. in Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca and London: Cornell Univ. Press, 1994), 130. 16 See Pagden, European Encounters, 170.

Chapter 4: A Language for the Nation

1 See Robert Crawford for the argument that what is considered English literature was a Scottish invention (Robert Crawford, Devolving English Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 16±44). Although David Shields does not make a similar claim for the American case, his study of the culture of belles lettres in eighteenth-century British America suggests that a notion of what constituted English literature was clearly emerging in American literary sal- ons, clubs, and coffee houses (David Shields, Civil Tongues & Polite Letters in British America [Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1997]). 2 Although this position is most forcefully argued in postcolonial theory and criticism, its assumptions find their way into many discussions of American post-Revolutionary war culture. Postcolonial theory, however, was developed to account for the political, economic, and cultural conditions of twentieth- century third world cultures emerging from the effects of capitalism, and it simply cannot be transposed directly onto eighteenth-century first and second world cultures. 3 Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse, The Imaginary Puritan: Literature, Intellectual Labor, and the Origins of Personal Life (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1992), 47±50. For an extended discussion of the term ``revolution'' in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century historical writing, see R.C. Richardson, The Debate on the English Revolution Revisited (London: Routledge, 1988), 65±86. Notes 223

4 David Simpson, The Politics of American English, 1776±1850 (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1986), 46±7. Throughout this essay, I am indebted to Simpson's groundbreaking study of the language debate in America. 5 Benedict Anderson suggests how one might understand the difference between seventeenth-century England and eighteenth-century American culture in terms of a new kind of literature British Americans shared (Bene- dict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism [London: Verso, 1983]). 6 James Carrol, The American Criterion of the English Language (New London: Samuel Green, 1795; rpt. Menston, Yorkshire: Scolar Press, 1970), iii. 7 John Adams, ``To the President of Congress, No. 6,'' Sept. 1780, Papers of John Adams, ed. Robert J. Taylor et al., 10 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard Univ. Press, 1977), 10:127±30. 8 Noah Webster, Dissertations on the English Language (Boston: Isaiah Thomas, 1789; rpt. Menston, Yorkshire: Scolar Press, 1967), 20. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as D. 9 Simpson discusses Webster's oscillation between contending language models (Politics of American English, 52±90); see also Vincent P. Bynack, ``Noah Webster and the Idea of a National Culture: The Pathologies of Episte- mology,'' Journal of the History of Ideas 95 (1984): 99±114; Dennis E. Baron, Grammar and Good Taste: Reforming the American Language (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1982), 41±67, especially 53±6, and 132±9. Richard M. Rollins has discussed Webster's evolving ideas on language and authority in ``Words as Social Control: Noah Webster and the Creation of The American Dictionary,'' American Quarterly 28 (1976): 415±30. 10 Joel Barlow, The Vision of Columbus: A Poem in Nine Books (Hartford: Hudson and Goodwin, 1787), 211. 11 Oliver Goldsmith, The Collected Works of Oliver Goldsmith, ed. Arthur Fried- man, 5 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), 4:287, ll. 1±4. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as CW. 12 Timothy Dwight, The Major Poems of Timothy Dwight (1752±1817), with a Dissertation on the History, Eloquence, and Poetry of the Bible, intro. William J. McTaggart and William K. Bottorff (Gainesville, Fla.: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1969), II: ll. 1±4. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as TMP. 13 Simpson, Politics of American English, 96. 14 Hugh Henry Brackenridge, Modern Chivalry; or, The Adventures of Captain John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, His Servant, ed. Claude M. Newlin (1792±1805; rpt. New York: Hafner, 1968), 3. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as MC. 15 Even as he calls for a simple American style, the narrator of Modern Chivalry brandishes examples from Greek, Latin, French, and English literature, along with American examples as well. Since he also describes the work as pure nonsense, playful satire, and adventure, one should not be surprised to find Brackenridge ultimately claiming for the book almost as many purposes as the various dialects, spoken and written, it includes. As Cathy Davidson observes, ``In effect, the narrative, like the hero, is a farrago, a hodgepodge, an adventure in discourse on a whole range of political opinions regarding the operations of democracy and the failures and the triumphs of the new Republic, and all bound up in one continuous, shape-shifting saga'' (Cathy 224 Notes

Davidson, Revolution and the Word: The Rise of the Novel in America (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1986), 178). 16 Although neither makes the specific argument of this essay, Grantland Rice describes Brackenridge as criticizing an implicit trust in print, while Christo- pher Looby sees the novel thematizing the very linguistic diversity and attempting to establish ``a monolingual standard to aid in [America's] . . . self-constitution'' (see Grantland S. Rice, The Transformation of Authorship in America (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1997), 125±43; and Christopher Looby, Voicing America: Language, Literary Form, and the Origins of the United States [Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996], 202±65, quote on 204). 17 Thomas Gustafson, Representative Words: Politics, Literature, and the American Language 1776±1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992), 21±60, discusses the debate in America about the relationship between representative government and representation in language. 18 Looby shows the debate on spelling, pronunciation, and usage was quite self- consciously a debate as well on political stability versus revolutionary change in the period 1774±89 (see Voicing America, 13±45). 19 For accounts of the debates in England, in addition to those cited, I have drawn on Hans Aarsleff, The Study of Language in England, 1780±1860 (Min- neapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1983) and Murray Cohen, Sensible Words: Linguistic Practice in England, 1640±1785 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1977). 20 John Barrell, English Literature in History, 1730±80: An Equal, Wide Survey (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983), 179±82, quote on 179. 21 Samuel Johnson, Samuel Johnson, ed. Donald Greene (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1984), ll. 6±8. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as SJ. 22 Samuel Johnson, Lives of the English Poets, ed. Arthur Waugh, 2 vols. (1779±81; rpt. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1961), 2:382±3. 23 Tobias Smollett, The Adventures of Roderick Random, ed. Paul-Gabriel BouceÂ (1748; rpt. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1981), 1. 24 Olivia Smith is particularly useful in discussing the larger context in which Worworth participated with regard to the debate in England on the ver- nacular (Olivia Smith, The Politics of Language, 1791±1819 [Oxford: Claren- don Press, 1984]). 25 William Wordsworth, William Wordsworth, ed. Stephen Gill (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1984), 591. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as WW. 26 William Keach's admirably lucid and learned essay surveys the various arguments about poetic language in the second half of the eighteenth century (see William Keach, ``Poetry, after 1740,'' in The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, The Eighteenth Century, eds. H.B. Nisbet and Claude Rawson (Cam- bridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1997), 117±66). Keach reminds us that ``Wordsworth was not alone in his effort to derive from the primitivist and nativist strands characteristic of so much mid- and late-eighteenth-century critical theory a new aganda for poetic language. A series of essays that appeared in the 1796 Monthly Magazine, signed `The Enquirer' and written by William Enfield, cites Hugh Blair's Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres and various French (rather than German) theorists in claiming that poetry has its origins in a `rude state of nature' when language was inherently `bold and figurative''' (139). Notes 225

27 Samuel Richardson, Pamela; or, Virtue Rewarded (1740±2; rpt. New York: W.W. Norton, 1958), 245. For a discussion of Richardson's creation of Pamela's interiority, see Nancy Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1987), 108±34. 28 Samuel Richardson, Clarissa; or, The History of a Young Lady, ed. Angus Ross (1747±8; rpt. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1985), 250. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as C. 29 In this respect, Solmes's writing resembles that of the servants Will Summers (Letter 231.1) or Mrs. Hodges (Letter 305) and shares many of the same kind of grammar and diction. 30 For a discussion of the publication history of the editions of Richardson popular in America, see Leonard Tennenhouse, ``The Americanization of Clarissa,'' Yale Journal of Criticism 11 (1998): 177±96. 31 The American editions of Richardson's novels after 1786, according to William Merritt Sales, ``were written with an eye very closely fixed on'' the 1756 edition of The Paths of Virtue; or the History in Miniature of the Celebrated Pamela, Clarissa Harlowe, and Sir Charles Grandison. See Samuel Richardson: A Bibliographical Record of his Literary Career with Historical Notes (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1934), 134. 32 Samuel Richardson, Clarissa; or, The History of a Young Lady (Boston, 1795), 28. 33 In the unabridged text, Richardson printed Letter 261, Paper X, as a see- mingly random assemblage of scraps of verse, several stanzas of which are set askew and in a haphazard fashion. By this typographical device, he manages to call attention to the effect of the rape on the writing subject, while saying not a word about her physical condition. 34 Richardson, Clarissa (Boston, 1795), 80±1. 35 Jay Fliegelman has commented on the editions of Clarissa published in the 1790s. He sees them as less successful attacks on parental tyranny than the unabridged Clarissa that was popular in America in the decades before the Revolution (see Jay Fliegelman, Prodigals and Pilgrims: The American Revolution Against Patriarchal Authority, 1750±1800 [New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984], 86±9).

Chapter 5: International Embarrassment

1 Susanna Rowson, Charlotte Temple, ed. Ann Douglas (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991), 3±4. Further references to this text will be given parenthetically in the text. 2 Christopher Ricks, Keats and Embarrassment (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 2. Mary Ann O'Farrell, Telling Complexions: The Nineteenth-Century English Novel and the Blush (Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1997). 3 Shakespeare, Henry V, V.ii.232±3. Havelock Ellis, Studies in the Psychology of Sex, 3 vols, 3rd edn. (1900; rpt. Philadelphia: F.A. Davis, 1926), 1:72±8. Dorland's Illustrated Medical Dictionary, 28th edn. (1900; rpt. Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders, 1994), 211. On the cure for blushing, which involves ``endo- scopic thoracic sympathicotomy,'' see the website for the Carlanderska Medical Center at www.hand-sweat.com. A good survey of some meanings of 226 Notes

blushing is: Ruth Bernard Yeazell, Fictions of Modesty: Women and Courtship in the English Novel (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1991), 65±80. 4FelicityNussbaum, Torrid Zones: Maternity, Sexuality, and Empire in Eighteenth- Century English Narratives (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1995), 19, 15. 5 Henry Brooke, The Fool of Quality (London: W. Johnston, 1766), 2:101±5. 6 David Hartley, Observations on Man, 2 vols. (1749; rpt. Gainesville, Fla.: Scholars' Facsimiles and Reprints, 1966), 2:229. 7 Ibid., 237±8. On the miasmatist debate, see Henry Steele Commager and Elmo Giordanetti, Was AmericaaMistake? An Eighteenth-Century Controversy (Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1967); and Robert Lawson-Peebles, Landscape and Written Expression in Revolutionary America (Cambridge: Cam- bridge Univ, Press, 1988), 31±43. 8 John Gregory, A Father's Legacy to his Daughters (1774; rpt. London: T. Cad- ell & W. Davies, 1808), 31±3. For an account of the conduct books, see Joyce Hemlow, ``Fanny Burney and the Courtesy Books,'' PMLA 65 (1950): 732±61. 9 Thomas Brown, ``The Highlander, A Satire,'' The Works of Mr. Thomas Brown, Serious and Comical, in Prose and Verse, 4 vols., 7th edn. (1707; rpt. London: Edward Midwinter, 1730), 1:118. John Pinkerton, The History of Scotland from the Accession of the House of Stuart to that of Mary, 2 vols. (London: C. Dilly, 1797), 1:48, 339. Pinkerton, An Enquiry into the History of Scotland, 2 vols. (Edinburgh: James Ballantyne & Co., 1814), 1:17; 2:19. [James Kirkwood,] Proposals Concerning The Propagating of Christian Knowledge, in the Highland and Islands of Scotland and Forraign Parts of the World (Edinburgh: n.p., n.d. [1707?]), 1±2. The Gentleman's Magazine 47 (1777): 312. See also Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707±1837 (1992; rpt. London: Pimlico, 1994), 14±15. 10 See Christopher Lasch, ``The Suppression of Clandestine Marriage in England: The Marriage Act of 1753,'' in Women and the Common Life, ed. Elisabeth Lasch-Quinn (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997), 61±2. 11 Fanny Burney, Evelina; or, The History of a Young Lady's Entrance into the World, ed. Edward A. Bloom (1778; rpt. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1982), 79 (italics in original). Future references to this text will be given parenthetically in the text. 12 David Daiches, ``Jane Austen, Karl Marx, and the Aristocratic Dance,'' The American Scholar 17 (1948): 289±90. 13 Fanny Burney, letter to Susanna Burney, Aug. 23±30, 1778, in Early Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney, eds. Lars E. Troide and Stewart J. Cooke, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 3:67±8 (italics in original). 14 The OED shows that the first recorded use of the word in England, as a synonym for cosmetics, was in 1753. 15 Jeremy Black, Natural and Necessary Enemies: Anglo-French Relations in the Eighteenth Century (Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1987); Linda Colley, Brit- ons, 250±1; Gregory, A Father's Legacy, 31. For an analysis of the salon and the salonnieÁre see Joan B. Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1988), 23±31. 16 Martin Madan, Thelyphthora; or, A Treatise on Female Ruin, 3 vols., 2nd edn. (1780; rpt. London: Dodsley, 1781), 1:18; 3:309, 320; 1:xvi; 2:50; 3:352 (italics added). 17 See Landes, Women and the Public Sphere. Notes 227

18 Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790; rpt., Harmonds- worth: Penguin, 1968), 161±71. 19 Hartley, Observations on Man, 2:229. 20 Edmund Burke, Two Letters on aRegicide Peace,inThe Writings and Speeches of Edmund Burke, gen. ed. Paul Langford, 9 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 9:242±6. 21 [T.J. Mathias,] The Pursuits of Literature: A Satirical Poem in Four Dialogues, 7th edn. (1794±98; rpt. London: T. Becket, 1798), 5, 45, 412±13, 59±60, 238, 58. 22 Ibid., 148. 23 Richard Polwhele, The Unsex'd Females: A Poem, Addressed to the Author of ``The Pursuits of Literature'' (London: Cadell and Davies, 1798), 7, 13n., 16, 32, 35, 18, 36. 24 William Godwin, Memoirs of the Author of ``The Rights of Woman,'' rpt. in Mary Wollstonecraft, A Short Residence in Sweden, Norway and Denmark and William Godwin, Memoirs of the Author of ``The Rights of Woman,'' ed. Richard Holmes (1798; rpt. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), 242. 25 See Claire Tomalin, The Life and Death of Mary Wollstonecraft (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), 232±6; R.M. Janes, ``On the Reception of Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman,'' Journal of the History of Ideas 39 (1978): 293±302; and Richard Holmes, Introduction to Wollstonecraft, A Short Residence and Godwin, Memoirs, 43±7. 26 The Monthly Review, May 1798, quoted in Holmes, Introduction to Woll- stonecraft, A Short Residence and Godwin, Memoirs, 44. 27 Polwhele, The Unsex'd Females, 3, 15, 13. 28 Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (1813; rpt. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972), 51. 29 Wollstonecraft, A Short Residence in Sweden, Norway and Denmark, rpt. in Mary Wollstonecraft, A Short Residence in Sweden and William Godwin, Memoirs of the Author of ``The Rights of Woman,'' ed. Richard Holmes (1796; rpt. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), 111. 30 Mary Wollstonecraft, The Female Reader,inThe Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, eds. Janet Todd and Marilyn Butler, 7 vols. (London: Pickering, 1989), 4:75. 31 Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, ed. Sylvana Toma- selli (1792; rpt. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995), 207±12. 32 Mason L. Weems, The Life of Washington, ed. Marcus Cunliffe (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard Univ. Press, 1962), 172±5. The first appearance of the image of Washington as ``Father of his country'' is identi- fied by Jay Fliegelman, Prodigals and Pilgrims: The American Revolution against Patriarchal Authority, 1750±1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1982), 200. Probably the first appearance of ``Cincinnatus'' is noted in Robert Lawson-Peebles, ``On First Looking Into Cunliffe's Weems's Washington,'' Americana: Essays in Honour of Marcus Cunliffe, eds. Brian Holden Reid and John White (Hull: Hull Univ. Press, 1998), 37. 33 See Fliegelman, Prodigals and Pilgrims. 34 David Humphreys, A Poem, on the Happiness of America: Addressed to the Citizens of the United States ([London]: n.p., [1786]), 11±12, 20, 22, 26±7. 35 Abigail Adams, letter March 31, 1776 to John Adams, The Book of Abigail and John: Selected Letters of the Adams Family 1762±1784, eds. L.H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, and Mary-Jo Kline (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1975), 121. 228 Notes

36 Linda K. Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1980). 37 Humphreys, A Poem, 22. 38 Edward Moore, Fables for the Ladies (Philadelphia: Thomas Dobson, 1787), 16. 39 See Janes, ``On the Reception of Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman.'' 40 William Cobbett, Preface to Polwhele, The Unsex'd Females (New York: Wil- liam Cobbett, 1800), v. 41 Ibid., vi. 42 Timothy Dwight, ``Morpheus,'' in Mercury and New-England Palladium,9 March 1792, qtd. in Kerber, Women of the Republic, 235; and in Robert Edson Lee, ``Timothy Dwight and the Boston Palladium,'' New England Quar- terly 35 (1962): 235. 43 See R.W.G. Vail, ``Susanna Haswell Rowson, the Author of Charlotte Temple: A Bibliographical Study,'' Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, N.S. 42 (1932): 62±4, 91±125, and Cathy N. Davidson, Introduction to Charlotte Temple, by Susanna Rowson (1791; rpt. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1986), xxxi. 44 See, for instance, Davidson, Introduction to Charlotte Temple, xix. 45 Davidson, Revolution and the Word: The Rise of the Novel in America (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1986), 75. 46 See Lasch, ``The Suppression of Clandestine Marriage in England,'' 44, 52; and Miles Ogburn, ``This Most Lawless Space: The Geography of the Fleet and the Making of Lord Hardwicke's Marriage Act of 1753,'' New Formations 37 (1999): 11±32. 47 Thomas Paine, Common Sense, ed. Isaac Kramnick (1776; rpt. Harmonds- worth: Penguin, 1976), 120. 48 Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France, 170±1. 49 ``H.S.B.,'' letter Sept. 12, 1903 in the New York Evening Post, qtd. in Davidson, Introduction to Charlotte Temple, xiv.

Chapter 6: Captivity and Cultural Capital in the English Novel

Sections of this chapter appear in Novel: A Forum on Fiction 32 (Summer 1998), a special issue in honor of Mark Spilka.

1 See F.R. Leavis, The Great Tradition (1948; rpt. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1967). 2 Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel (1957; rpt. Berkeley: California Univ. Press, 1964). 3 Nancy Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1987). 4 Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse, The Imaginary Puritan: Literature, Intellectual Labor, and the Origins of Personal Life (Berkeley: California Univ. Press, 1992), 196±216. 5 Rowlandson's account of her captivity is generally regarded as the best example of its type. It combines a modern authorial consciousness with early Notes 229

modern hagiography to produce distinctively English brands of experience and written testimony. Her abduction and captivity by a heathen people in a savage land put the author's faith on trial and, with that faith, her English- ness. Her testimony articulated unrelenting contempt for her captors to an unwavering yearning for a Christian life among English people. For a biographical account of Rowlandson, see Mitchell Breitweiser, American Puritanism and the Defense of Mourning: Religion, Grief, and Ethnology in Mary Rowlandson's Captivity Narrative (Madison: Wisconsin Univ. Press, 1990). 6 Michelle Burnham calls attention to the fact that ``Rowlandson barely records her return to the Puritan community and does not mention at all her reunion with husband and children. Instead, she closes the narrative with a list of providences that retroactively expose God's plan to test severely but ultimately deliver the Puritan project in New England'' (Michelle Burnham, Captivity and Sentiment: Cultural Exchange in American Literature, 1682±1861 [Hanover, NH: Univ. Press of New England, 1997], 11). Rowlandson leaves an English family, in other words, and her return to that family transforms it into the foundation for a new English nation. 7 Supplementing this early publishing record, encapsulated versions of Row- landson's story appeared in published sermons, in publisher's reports, and as advertisements included on the back pages of other books. By the end of the eighteenth century, almost 30 editions of the account had appeared, most in the last 30 years of the century, which suggests that the story was thoroughly familiar to the readership who devoured Richardson's novels (see Kathryn Zabelle Derounian, ``The Publication, Promotion, and Distribution of Mary Rowlandson's Indian Captivity Narrative in the Seventeenth Century,'' Early American Literature 23 (1988): 239±61; R.W.G. Vail, The Voice of the Old Frontier [Philadelphia: Pennsylvania Univ. Press, 1949], 29±61). It is well worth recalling that Rowlandson's was only one of many accounts of Eng- lishwomen taken captive by the natives of British America, a number of which approached hers in popularity. 8 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991). 9 It should be noted that Pamela's father once owned property; as he explains, ``We are, 'tis true, very poor, and find it hard to live; though once, as you know, it was better with us'' (Samuel Richardson, Pamela; or, Virtue Rewarded, ed. William M. Sale, Jr. [1740; rpt. New York: W.W. Norton, 1958], 5. Here- after cited parenthetically in the text as P). More important to her status as someone worthy of marriage into the gentry, however, is the literacy Richardson displays by including several of the Andrews' letters to their daughter in captivity among his collection intended as examples of polite letter writing. 10 Though definitely the recessive of the two, an equally familiar form of captivity narrative featured a hero or heroine who survived by ``going native'' and adapting to the captor's culture. Of these, Mary Jemison's account of her captivity is perhaps the best example. It is worth noting that Jemison tells her story in the manner of a native informant to an Englishman-observer who is responsible for the written version. As a captive who ``went native'' and married outside her nationality, she set herself and family forever apart from ``the rich and respectable people, principally from New England'' (see 230 Notes

James E. Seaver, A Narrative of the Life of Mary Jemison [Norman: Oklahoma Univ. Press, 1992], 54). 11 It is to this apparently conservative logic of the narrative that Michael McKeon refers in saying that ``Clarissa Harlow . . . resists assimilation to the progressive model of her predecessor Pamela Andrews'' (Michael McKeon, The Origins of the English Novel, 1600±1740 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1987], 418). 12 Samuel Richardson, Clarissa; or, The History of a Young Lady, ed. Angus Ross (1747±8; rpt. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), 307. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as C. 13 Qtd. in Margaret Hunt, ``Wife-Beating, Domesticity and Women's Independ- ence in Early Eighteenth-Century London'' Gender and History 4 (1992): 10. Hunt's article makes it quite clear that the gentlemanly conduct endorsed by Steele and sentimental novelists was no reflection of life among the middling ranks during the eighteenth century, where abusive treatment of women who were less than submissive was commonplace. 14 See Slavoj ZÏizÏek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (London: Verso, 1989). 15 On the absence of such a male in Clarissa Terry Eagleton offers these suggestive remarks: ``Male hegemony was to be sweetened but not undermined; women were to be exalted but not emancipated. The recourse to the femi- nine was always problematical ± for how could the public sphere of male discourse model itself upon values drawn from an essentially private realm? . . . The answer to this question is Richardson's last novel, Sir Charles Grandison. Grandison is not just a cashing in on the success of Clarissa: it is the logical culmination of Richardson's ideological project'' (Terry Eagleton, The Rape of Clarissa [Minneapolis: Minnesota Univ. Press, 1982], 93). 16 Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class 1780±1850 (Chicago: Chicago Univ. Press, 1987), 191. 17 Ibid., 208. 18 As Davidoff and Hall explain, ``For a middle-class woman of the early nineteenth century, gentility was coming to be defined by a special form of femininity which ran directly counter to acting as a visibly independent economic agent. Despite the fact that women hold property, their marital status always pre-empted their economic personality. The ramifications of this fact for their social and economic position were profound. It can be argued that nineteenth-century middle-class women represent a classic case of Parkin's distinction between property as active capital and property as possession'' (ibid., 315). 19 Jane Austen, Northanger Abbey, ed. Anne Henry Ehrenpreis (1818; rpt. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1986), 199. Herefter cited parenthetically in the text as NA. 20 Cecil S. Emden has argued persuasively for 1794 as the date of the earliest draft of the novel (``The Composition of Northanger Abbey,'' Review of English Studies 19 [1968]: 279±87). A. Walton Litz demonstrates that by 1803 it was for all practical purposes finished. After 1803, Austen only ``touched up'' the novel. For this reason, he believes Northanger Abbey is the only major work that was completely a product of the early Austen (Jane Austen: a Study of Her Artistic Development [Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1965], 175±6). The novel was first published posthumously, in 1819. Notes 231

21 Within the scope of this essay, I will not develop the relationship between monetary convertibility, or the property of English Bank Notes to serve as interchangeable currency and thus the standard for other forms of economic exchange, and the capacity of certain writing to stand in for genuine emotion. My interest here is in the principle that Adela Pinch articulates especially well in her chapters on Radcliffe and Austen, namely the permanent elsewhereness of the source of emotion represented in fiction, which in turn prompts the question of whether reading that substitutes for the ``natural'' origin of such feeling is emotionally good or bad for readers (Adela Pinch, Strange Fits of Passion: Epistemologies of Emotion, Hume to Austen [Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1996], 111±63). 22 Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and J.H. Plumb, The Birth of aConsumer Society: the Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England (London: Europa, 1982). See also C.J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: Chicago Univ. Press, 1992), 154±214. 23 McKendrick, The Birth of aConsumer Society, 11. 24 Ibid., 11. 25 According to Ann Bermingham, `Ìn aestheticising the natural and often commonplace scenery of Britain, the Picturesque awakened a large segment of the population to the realisation that aesthetic judgment was not the gift of the privileged few but could be learned by anyone and applied to just about anything'' (Ann Bermingham, ``The Picturesque and Ready-to-wear Femininity,'' in The Politics of the Picturesque, eds. Stephen Copley and Peter Garside [Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994], 87). 26 When she notes a sudden depreciation in the value of sensibility at about this same time, Janet Todd adds her voice to the chorus of historians who see this moment as one of apparently superficial but nonetheless profound cultural change. Sensibility, in Todd's words, became associated with ``debased and affected feelings, an indulgence in and display of emotion for its own sake beyond the stimulus and beyond propriety'' (Janet Todd, Sensibility: an Intro- duction [London: Methuen, 1986], 8). 27 My favorite analysis of this new relation of depth and visible surface is Mary Ann O'Farrell's explanation of how embarrassment operates to display good manners in the form of somatic control and yet, at the same time, to reveal those manners somatically. `Ìt makes sense,'' O'Farrell explains, ``that, in support of the mannerly effort to contain events of the body within a system of signification, Austen chooses to work with and on the blush, which event of the body, in its comings and goings, is most suggestive and provocative of signification. It is the wonder of Jane Austen that, in engendering an adaptation to the system she helps to put out of place, she has also invented a pervesity that simply is the display of good manners ± of having the grace to blush'' (Mary Ann O'Farrell, `Àusten's Blush,'' Novel 27 [1994]: 137). 28 Bermingham, ``The Picturesque and Ready-to-wear Femininity,'' 98. 29 As the new language of consumerism obscured the boundaries between the lower gentry and upwardly mobile people of taste and refinement, that same language made gender into what Kaja Silverman calls ``the great visual divide.'' As women became subject to the fickle winds of fashion, she explains, men's clothing became relatively stable and homogeneous, with the result that sexual difference provided ``the primary marker of power, 232 Notes

privilege and authority, closing the specular gap between men of different classes, and placing men and women on opposite sides of the great visual divide'' (Kaja Silverman, ``Fragments of a Fashionable Discourse,'' Critical Approaches to Mass Culture, ed. Tania Modeleski [Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1986], 147). 30 When the works of Anne, Emily, and Charlotte BronteÈ initially appeared under the pseudonyms Acton, Ellis, and Currer Bell, respectively, they inspired a great deal of speculation as to what manner of individuals had actually authored the novels. The fact she was the oldest and the sole sister to live long enough to respond to the reception of her work is but one of the reasons why Charlotte was embraced as the only mature novelist of the family. A famous review by Sydney Dobell understood Wuthering Heights, The Tenant of Wildfell Hall, Jane Eyre, and Shirley as four works of a single author. ``Currer Bell'' represented the mature novelist, whose first mature work of fiction was Jane Eyre. I would like to suggest that Charlotte's more faithful and sustained adherence to the subject-producing form of the captivity narrative, a form her sisters interpolated within their novels at many points, better explains Dobell's misreading of the BronteÈ's collective oeuvre, as well as the more pervasive and enduring popularity of Jane Eyre (see Emily BronteÈ, Wuthering Heights, ed. William M. Sale, Jr. [1847; rpt. New York: W.W. Norton, 1972], 277±8). 31 Cora Kaplan does a brilliant job of exposing the subtle web of references by which BronteÈ pursues ``what [Judith] Butler calls the `volatile logic of iterabi- lity,' which marks identification as `that which is constantly marshalled, consolidated, retrenched, contested, and, on occasion, compelled to give sway''' (Cora Kaplan, ``À Heterogeneous Thing': Female Childhood and the Rise of Racial Thinking in Victorian Britain,'' in Human, All Too Human, ed. Diana Fuss [New York: Routledge, 1996], 172). Thus Jane identifies with racially marked individuals in only this one respect: that her dark, frankly unattractive physical appearance and occasionally atavistic outbursts inspire her captors' abuse. 32 If BronteÈ uses ethnological discourse to identify Jane's class position with that of the racially marked slave, she also differentiates her heroine with equal firmness from women who lack her verbal ability and thus the basis for accumulating cultural capital. BronteÈ does this by describing her heroine's subcultural counterparts in the xenophobic terms of the period, as racially incompatible. This holds true not only for her memorable repre- sentations of Bertha Mason, who lacks all capacity for literacy, but also for Jane's young charges in the rural school, among whom she confesses to feeling ``degraded . . . dismayed at the ignorance, the poverty, the coarseness of all I heard and saw round me'' (Charlotte BronteÈ, Jane Eyre, ed. Richard J. Dunn [1747; rpt. New York: W.W. Norton, 1987], 316. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as JE). As Cora Kaplan explains, ``[t]hese little peasant girls, though they may be òf flesh and blood as god as the scions of gentlest genealogy,' are nevertheless part of the Africanist discourse of the novel'' (``À Heterogeneous Thing,''' 193). 33 A word must be said concerning why readers generally fail to feel confined by the limitations of the community to which Jane returns, thereby playing out the logic of the captivity narrative to the full. Carla Kaplan argues convin- Notes 233

cingly that the novel remains unfulfilled despite the heroine's success in the respect that Jane's speech community falls far short, in terms of size and intimacy of the community that BronteÈ's novel imagines at moment of discursive eroticism (see Carla Kaplan, ``Girl Talk: Jane Eyre and the Romance of Women's Narration,'' Novel 30 [1996]: 5±31). I would simply like to point out how clearly this disparity between the speech community realized by the heroine and the imagined community of readers produced by her narrative conforms to the Rowlandson model. 34 In making this claim, I am appropriating Gayatri Spivak's argument to the effect that ``feminist individualism in the age of imperialism, is precisely the making of human beings, the constitution and ìnterpellation' of the subject not only as individual but as ìndividualist''' (Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, ``Three Women's Texts and a Critique of Imperialism,'' Critical Inquiry 12 [1985]: 263). What Spivak identifies as the means of social reproduction, or ``childrearing and soul-making,'' however, I identify with education and one's possession of the prestige dialect, or writing. That is what makes one human in BronteÈ's novel. 35 As Spivak has argued, ``Here the native `subject' is not almost an animal but rather the object of what might be termed the terrorism of the categorical imperative'' (``Three Women's Texts,'' 267). Bertha's ``difference'' cannot be a function of race, because she is white. On the contrary, the taint of creoliza- tion that necessitates her expulsion from the ``subject'' category and confine- ment as an `òbject'' is cultural rather than natural. If Adela is a lower order of human because she speaks French, Bertha lacks all humanity because she shows no linguistic capacity. 36 Deirdre David describes Jane as ``the symbolic governess of empire'' whom Charlotte BronteÈ positioned as the agent of ``the reformation of the colonizer [Rochester] rather than the colonized'' (Deirdre David, Rule Britannia: Women, Empire and Victorian Writing [Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1995], 78). I would only add that it is from the rhetorical position of the colonized and Bertha's potential victim by way of Rochester that Jane can affectively reform him. 37 In offering a comprehensive synthesis of feminist responses to Jane Eyre, Carla Kaplan puts her finger on the source of such dualism within the novel: ``BronteÈ's strategy of casting the novel as an autobiography cuts two ways. By making Jane an autobiographer, a writer who speaks to a public, BronteÈ can figure Jane gaining the chance to talk effectively, to give an account of herself over which she has both formal and substantial control, and to establish an intimate and familiar dialogue with a `sympathetic' listener. One could, however, as easily argue the opposite. In presenting Jane's story as a fictional autobiography that reveals all to the reader but ± fully at least ± to no one else, BronteÈ demonstrates the limits of Jane's potential to give such an account and establish such a dialogue'' (Kaplan, ``Girl Talk,'' 23). 38 Simon Gunn calls to our attention how regularly attempts to account for the historical role of the middle class in modern British society `àre linked by a single, pervasive theme: the `failure' of the middle class to realize it hegemonic ambitions'' (Simon Gunn, ``The `Failure' of the Victorian Middle Class: a Critique,'' in The Culture of Capital: Art, Power and the Nineteenth-century Middle Class [Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1998], 18). He offers two reasons for the lack of a history of the middle-class comparable to accounts 234 Notes

chronicling the decline of a traditional aristocracy, the fate of the gentry, and the making of an English working class during the modern period: (1) the middle ranks were always absorbing various aspects of the classes they dis- placed, particularly the landed gentry, and (2) the middle classes never acquired a univocal and internally coherent class character. Not only did the middle class embrace as its own tradition a long tradition of dissent, it was also composed of groups who behaved more like factions contending chiefly against one another. Thus, in deliberating any given issue, its clear sense of historical mission, associated with progress and individual liberty, was invariably subject to dispute and compromised. ``This said,'' Gunn concludes, ``we are scarcely in a position, historiographically, to substitute an unequivocal thesis of bourgeois `success' for that of bourgeois `failure''' (38). My own argument suggests that the novel contributed greatly to this sense of the failure of the middle class. In that the novels on which I focus invariably set one faction of the middle class against another, they simultaneously promoted the idea that a failure of the middle class can only be remedied by a middle-class success.

Chapter 7: Real Toads in Imaginary Gardens

1 In this study, I have attempted to distinguish nursery tales from folk- and fairytales, and to identify the role this European tradition played in American life. Such speculation would have been impossible without the collections and theories of Stith Thompson, The Folktale (1946; rpt. Berkeley: Univ. of Cali- fornia Press, 1977); Ernest Baughman, Type and Motif Index of the Folktales of England and North America (The Hague: Mouton, 1996); and Richard Dorson, America Begins: Early American Writing (New York: Pantheon, 1950), American Folklore (1959; rpt. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1977), Americain Legend: Folklore from the Colonial Period to the Present (New York: Pantheon, 1973), and Handbook of American Folklore (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1983). For interpretations of folklore, I am indebted to Alan Dundes, Interpreting Folklore (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1980) and Cinderella: A Folklore Casebook (New York: Garland Press, 1982). For interpretations of fairytales, I am indebted to Maria Tatar, The Hard Facts of the Grimm's Fairy Tales (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1987) and Off With Their Heads: Fairy Tales and the Culture of Childhood (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1992), as well as to Jack Zipes' many contributions, especially Fairy Tales and the Art of Subversion (New York: Routledge, 1991), Breaking the Magic Spell: Radical Theories of Folk and Fairy Tales (New York: Routledge, 1992), Fairy Tale as Myth: Myth as Fairy Tale (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1994), and Happily Ever After: Fairy Tales, Children and the Culture Industry (New York: Routledge, 1997). These, and all subsequent citations, after the first reference, are cited in the text. 2 With the exception of ``A Visit from St. Nicholas,'' first published in a news- paper in 1823, there are no American nursery tales. So Orestes Brownson observed, ``We have a glorious nature, no doubt, but it is barren of legends, traditions, and human associations'' (as quoted in Robert Weisbuch, Atlantic Double-Cross: American Literature and British Influence in the Age of Emerson [Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1986], 131). To most critics, such as Yolen Notes 235

(see below, note 12) and Zipes, an Americanized nursery tale means commercial, contrived, censored, inauthentic, mutilated by Walt Disney, simplified in comic books, misrepresented in films, and exploited in theme parks. Such value judgments are unfortunate and self-defeating. All adults instinctively either read or recite the same canon of nursery tales to their children, in various corrupted or personal versions, and thereby introduce real toads into the imagined and imaginary gardens of their children, often apologetically. To do so seems to be a test of good parenting. Therefore, understanding this universal literature, which we seem compelled to perpetu- ate, even in an American setting in the twenty-first century, is crucial. 3 For this analogy between childhood and ``cultural childhood,'' or `cultural earli- ness,'' I am indebted to Weisbuch, Atlantic Double-Cross, 122, 190, and passim. 4 In ``Wordsworth and the Six Arts of Childhood,'' I traced the uses, functions, and migration of the nursery and folk tales during this period in Europe to establish their impact on the life and poetry of Wordsworth and his gener- ation (in Nicola Trott and Seamus Perry, eds., 1800: The New Lyrical Ballads [New York and London: Palgrave, 2001], 74±94). For that essay, and this one as well, I am grateful to the work of Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York: Vintage, 1984). 5Inmy English Romanticism I provided a brief history of children's literature in England and suggested its impact on the stage, especially the pantomime (English Romanticism: The Human Context (New York: W.W. Norton, 1988), chs. 3 and 4). For the circulation and response specifically to the Brothers Grimm, see Donald Haase, The Reception of Grimms' Fairy Tales: Responses, Reactions, Revisions (Detroit: Wayne State Univ. Press, 1993) and James McGlathery, The Brothers Grimm and Folktale (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1988) and Grimm's Fairy Tales: a History of Criticism on a Popular Classic (Columbia, SC: Camden House, 1993). 6 Robert Irwin traces with great subtlety the migration of ``The Arabian Nights,'' and identifies those characteristics that reveal the narrators and the occasions for the performance (The Arabian Nights: A Companion [New York: Penguin, 1994]). It is particularly useful in relation to the diffusion of the tales in colonial America. 7 See Bruno Bettleheim, The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales (New York: Knopf, 1976) and Erich Fromm, The Forgotten Lang- uage: an Introduction to the Understanding of Dreams, Fairy Tales, and Myths (New York: Rinehart, 1951). To both, however misleading, we owe gratitude for treating nursery tales with great seriousness and generating scholarly activity around them. 8 Among the many collections and discussions of captivity narratives, I prefer Pauline Turner Strong, Captive Selves, Captive Others: The Politics and Poetics of Colonial American Captivity Narratives (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1999). 9 Carl Sagan, The Demon-Haunted World: Science as a Candle in the Dark (New York: Ballantine, 1996), 109. Similarly useful on the subject of fear and on many other things related to the effect of fairytales, Marina Warner, From the Beast to the Blonde: On Fairy Tales and Their Tellers (London: Chatto and Windus, 1994). 10 That the Enlightenment produced the gothic, the study of myth, fairytale, nursery tale, folktale, along with a belief in the intuitive and emotional 236 Notes

truths of these forms in Europe and in America is yet to be explored and may never be understood, although Geoffrey Summerfield made an excellent start in Fantasy and Reason: Children's Literature in the Eighteenth Century (London: Methuen, 1984), to which I am indebted even as I took exception in English Romanticism: The Human Context, ch. 3. 11 For description and analysis of the curious mechanisms of diffusion, the localisms, diversification, and adaptation of folk culture in colonial America, Henry Glassie, Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1968) and Simon J. Bronner, Following Tradition: Folklore in the Discourse of American Culture (Logan, Utah: Utah State Univ. Press, 1998). There has been, to my knowledge, no research on the role of the Huguenots in spreading both the French court tales and ``The Arabian Nights,'' though the new interest in geographical and demographic studies may inspire scholarship in this very rewarding area. 12 Although many have speculated on the ubiquity of Cinderella and its icono- graphic role in feminist studies, Jane Yolen's is a classic: ``America's Cinder- ella,'' Cinderella: A Folklore Casebook, ed. Alan Dundes (New York: Garland Press, 1982), 294±306. 13 This migration is eloquently explained by Malcolm Bradbury in Dangerous Pilgrimages: Trans-Atlantic Mythologies and the Novel (London: Penguin, 1996), 69±73. 14 Frederick Jackson Turner, ``The Significance of the Frontier in American History,'' in A Documentary History of the United States, 2nd edn. (1893; rpt. New York: New American Library, 1965), 183±91; Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1950); and, for recent commentary, Alun Munslow, ``Writing History: Frederick Jackson Turner and the Deconstruction of American His- tory,'' in Writing and America, ed. Gavin Cologne-Brooks et al. (New York and London: Addison Wesley Longman, 1996), 176±94. All should be compared with such classic character studies as Richard Slotkin, Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600±1860 (Middleton, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press, 1973); R.W.B. Lewis, The American Adam: Innocence, Tragedy, and Tradition in the Nineteenth Century (Chicago, Ill.: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1955); and Roy Harvey Pearce, Savagism and Civiliza- tion (Balitimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1965). 15 Jerry Griswold, The Classic American Children's Story: Novels in the Golden Age (New York: Penguin, 1992) and Lewis Hyde, Trickster Makes This World: Mischief, Myth, and Art (New York: North Point Press, 1998). 16 The Jack Tales, Told by R. M. Ward and His Kindred in the Beech Mountain section of Western North Carolina and by other descendants of Council Harmon (1803± 1896) elsewhere in The Southern Mountains: With three tales from Wise County, Virginia . . . , ed. Richard Chase (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1943), 106±13.

Chapter 8: ``That Miserable Continent''

For assistance in collecting material on De Pauw's life in Xanten, I would like to thank Elisabeth Uranic of the Stiftsarchiv/Stadtsbibliothek Xanten. The references she provided me with once again convinced me of the necessity of bringing Notes 237 together, in one essay, the results of German, American, and French scholarship concerning De Pauw, traditions that usually are ignorant of each other.

1 James W. Ceaser, Reconstructing America: The Symbol of America in Modern Thought (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1997), 28. 2 The full title reads: Recherches philosophiques sur les AmeÂricains, ou MeÂmoires interessants pour servir aÁ l'histoire de l'espeÁce humaine, par Mr. De P***, 2 vols. (Berlin: G.J. Decker, Imp. du Roi, 1768±9). The book was followed by a DeÂfense des Recherches philosophiques sur les AmeÂricains (Berlin, 1770), in which De Pauw refuted the arguments of the illuminist Dom Pernetty (or Pernety) in his Dissertation sur l'AmeÂrique et les AmeÂricains, read before the Academy of Berlin, Sept. 7, 1769. In later editions this Dissertation and De Pauw's DeÂfense were incorporated as a third volume. The edition I have used for this essay is the modern reprint of the 1774 edition (intro. M. Duchet, 2 vols. (Paris: Place, 1974)). All citations from De Pauw's Recherches philosophiques sur les AmeÂricains are from this edition and are given parenthetically in the text (R). No system- atic research has been undertaken to establish the nature of the differences between the successive editions. I did not see the reprint of the 1770 edition (Upper Saddle, NJ, 1968), used by Ceaser. De Pauw later also wrote the entry on ``AmeÂrique'' in the Supplement aÁ l'EncyclopeÂdie, ou Dictionnaire raisonneÂ des sciences, des arts et des meÂtiers, 4 vols. (Amsterdam: M.M. Rey, 1776±7), 1:343±54. 3 Henry Ward Church, ``Corneille de Pauw and the controversy over his Recherches philosophiques sur les AmeÂricains,'' Publications of the Modern Language Association 51 (1936): 178±206, esp. 178. 4 Antonello Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World: The History of aPolemic, 1750±1900, rev. and trans. Jeremy Moyle (1955; rpt. Pittsburgh: Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1973), esp. 52±79. Gerbi is not really interested in biographical details, but he quotes without comment the unfavorable (and highly biased) portrait of De Pauw by DieudonneÂ Thiebault (659). For further information Gerbi refers his readers to Gisbert Beyerhaus, ``AbbeÂ de Pauw und Friedrich der Grosse, eine Abrechnung mit Voltaire,'' Historische Zeitschrift 134 (1926): 465±93 and Church, ``Corneille de Pauw.'' Older bio- graphies can be found in Johann Georg Meusel, Lexikon der vom Jahr 1750 bis 1800 verstorbenen teutschen Schriftsteller, 15 vols. (1810; rpt. Hildesheim: Olms, 1968), 10:300±7; C.G. Jocher, Allgemeines Gelehrtenlexicon. Fortsetzungen und Erganzungen von J.Chr. Adelung und H.W. Rotermund, 4 vols. (1816; rpt. Hildesheim: Olms, 1961), 5:1752±3; A.J. van der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, 21 vols. (Haarlem: Van Brederode, 1872), 15:140±1 (mainly based on Jocher). Van der Aa lists the philosophe as ``Cornelis Pauw,'' which of course was his Dutch name. 5 Gerbi, Dispute of the New World, 63; Ceaser, Reconstructing America, 23. 6 This sort of analysis is also exemplified in a few passages in Jan Willem Schulte Nordholt, De mythe van het westen: Amerika als laatste wereldrijk (Amsterdam: Meulenhoff, 1992). 7 Antonius Pauw and Quirina van Heijningen were married on Nov. 9, 1725 in the Catholic Church in Amsterdam. They had 8 children, of whom Cornelis Franciscus was the last. In the literature his birthday is given as August 19, 238 Notes

1739, but the archives show that he was born on August 18, and baptized on August 19. It is not known when his father died. A man called Antonius Pauw died on December 14, 1759, but he was buried at the cemetary for the poor and may just as well have been someone else. In Amsterdam there lived another Antonius Pauw (probably born in 1705), who was Dutch Reformed and was married to A. de la Fontaine. I kindly thank Hanneke Bartelds for clarifying the genealogy of Cornelis de Pauw in the Municipal Archives of Amsterdam. 8 When De Pauw refers to The Natural History of California, he does so in the Dutch editon of 1761. De Pauw, Recherches philosophiques, 1:150, 155, 160, 162. 9 Cloots descended from a wealthy Amsterdam merchant family and in 1748 had married De Pauw's elder sister Aleida Johanna. See C.E.G. ten Houte de Lange, ``De identificatie van een wapen (Cloots-De Pauw),'' De Nederlandsche Leeuw 112 (1995): 467±8. 10 For more information on the Stift, see C. Rose, H.-J. Schalles, Das Stift von Xanten (Cologne: Regionalmuseum Xanten, 1986). De Pauw is introduced at 66±7 (with a portrait). See also, H. Jansen, Udo Grote, eds., Zwei Jahrtausende Geschichte der Kirche am Niederrhein (MuÈnster: Dialogverlag, 1998), 374±5 (with another portrait). 11 At the end of the first volume, De Pauw inserted an extract from a letter written by a Berlin anatomist, Meckel, who confirmed De Pauw's theories on the cause of the black color of Africans. This letter is dated July 10, 1767. Johann Friedrich Meckel (1714±74) was professor of anatomy, botany, and obstetrics at Berlin, prominent member of the Berlin Academy, and court physician to Frederick II. 12 C. de Pauw, Wijsgeerige bespiegelingen over Amerika, of gewigtige stukken tot opheldering der historie van het menschdom, 3 vols. (Deventer: Lucas Leemhorst, 1771±3). This edition ware favorably reviewed in the Dutch journal Boekzaal der Geleerde Waereld 113 (1771): 1:275±88; Boekzaal 114 (1772): 2:453±61; and Boekzaal 115 (1773): 2:55±9. This Dutch journal also mentions a Dutch refutation of De Pauw's book, entitled Brieven van den heer . . . aan den heer ...- betreffende de Wijsgeerige Bespiegelingen over Amerika (Utrecht: J. van Schoon- hoven & Comp., 1772) (Boekzaal 114 (1772): 717). I was not able to locate a copy of this book in any of the larger Dutch libraries. 13 See the catalogue of an exhibition in the StaÈdtisches Museum Haus Koekkoek in Cleves, Anacharsis Cloots: Der Redner des Menschengeschlechts (Cleves: Boss Verlag, 1988), 110±13. Both Elisabeth Uranic (Xanten) and Dr. E.M. Janssen Perio (Rotterdam) kindly drew my attention to this catalogue. Cf. also H. Engelskirchen, ``Der Xantener Striftsherr Kornelius de Pauw und seine Neffe Anacharsis Cloots,'' Heimatkalender (Landkreis Moers) 27 (1970): 33±6. 14 His testament was published by H. Engelskirchen, ``Das Testament des Xantener Stiftsherrn und Vorlesers des PreussenkoÈnigs Friedrich II., Franz Kornelius de Pauw,'' in Annalen des historischen Vereins fuÈr den Niederrhein 123 (1933): 141±3. 15 The text on the monument read: ``Ici repose Cornelie de Paw, neÂ aÁ Amster- dam le 19. Aout 1739, auteur des Recherches sur les Egyptiens, les Chinois, les Grecs, le Americains, mort aÁ Xanten le 5. Juillet 1799. Ce simple monument aeÂteÂ eÂrigeÂ aux frais de la ville de Xanten, an MDCCCXI. VIII anneÂe du regne Notes 239

de NapoleÂon le Grand''; and: ``M.M. le Comte de Montalivet, Ministre de l'interieur, le Baron Ladoucette, Prefet de la RoÈer, Gruat, Sous-prefet de Cleves par interim, Eickmann, Maire de Xanten.'' The German traveler Aloys Henninger visited Xanten between 1851 and 1855 and included a description of the obelisk in his travel report: Wilhelm MuÈllers, Xanten ± gestern und heute (Xanten: Gesthuysen, 1975). For the correct date of birth, see note 7. 16 For this tradition see the still indispensable book by Gilbert Chinard, L'AmeÂrique et le reÃve exotique dans la litteÂrature francËaise au XVIIe et au XVIIIe sieÁcle (Paris: Hachette, 1934). Since De Pauw was not a Frenchman, he is not included in this volume. He is, however, treated in Chinard's `Èighteenth Century Theories on America as Human Habitat,'' in Proceedings of the Ameri- can Philosophical Society 91 (1947): 27±57. 17 Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World, 63. 18 For his criticism of Las Casas, see Recherches philosophiques, 1:18n. In this footnote De Pauw also gives detailed calculations of the number of slaves in the different parts of America, derived, as he says, ``from a Discours sur l'origine de laTraite des NeÁgres, which I wrote a number of years ago.'' Does that mean that his interest in America initially awoke in the context of his research for a treatise on the slave trade, which he abhorred? With regard to De Pauw's Dutch background this is interesting, because during the eighteenth century, criticism of the slave trade was practically non-existent in the Dutch Republic. See J.M. Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade 1600±1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1990). 19 The importance of De Pauw's critique of religion in his books has been stressed by Beyerhaus, `ÀbbeÂ de Pauw und Friedrich der Grosse.'' 20 Modern historiography credits the Jesuits in America with providing the Indians with at least some sort of protection against the unhindered exploitation by white colonists. 21 In his EncyclopeÂdie article on America (published in 1776), in which De Pauw largely repeats the ideas of his Recherches philosophiques, instead of the Uni- versity of Lima, he ridicules the oldest academic institution in northern America, Harvard: `Ìt is not apparent, that the professors of the University of Cambridge, in New England, have formed any young American to the point where they are able to bring them out into the literary world. . . . Could we really expect any such achievement from a handful of merchants and adventurers guided by a rapacious avarice in all of their actions? Alas, we doubt it very much'' (De Pauw, `ÀmeÂrique'', 351, qtd. in Gerbi, Dispute of the New World, 99). 22 By ``least barbarous peoples,'' De Pauw is referring to the Indians in Mexico and Peru, who were notorious for their human sacrifices. 23 M. Duchet, Le partage des savoir. Discours historique, discours ethnologique (Paris: La DeÂcouverte, 1985), ch. 4, ``Cornelius Pauw ou `l'histoire en defaut,''' 82±104. 24 De Pauw, however, makes it clear that he is not opposed to the reign of kings: ``The distance between the sky and the earth is smaller than the distance between a king and a tyrant'' (R, 2:162). 25 De Pauw's Recherches philosophiques sur les AmeÂricains already contain numer- ous references to the Asian civilizations and especially to Chinese religion, 240 Notes

which some saw as the source of a number of religious practices in America. De Pauw even announces a memoir in which he will explain why the Chinese have such a poor record in painting (R, 3:349n.). In his Recherches philosophiques sur les Egyptiens et les Chinois this is only one of the many topics treated. The book is organized as a refutation of the theory (already put forward by the Jesuit Athanasius Kircher in the seventeenth century and repeated in the Paris Academy of Science in 1758) that civilization was brought to China by the Egyptians and that therefore Chinese civilization was more akin to the original Egyptian wisdom than European civilization. Voltaire was one of the eighteenth-century philosophes who entertained this idea and who also represented the Chinese mandarins as sages who adminis- tered their country as enlightened despots should do. Now De Pauw tried to prove that, first, the Egyptians could not possibly have colonized China and that, second, Chinese civilization was not superior to European civilization, but actually inferior, especially morally. Since the Jesuits were to a large degree responsible for the favorable picture of Chinese civilization, decon- structing this idealized picture offered De Pauw another opportunity for criticizing the Jesuit order. 26 Gerbi draws attention to this apparent and, in his view, unresolved contra- diction in De Pauw's denunciation of the Americans (Dispute of the New World, 56). 27 Maupertuis, VeÂnus physique, suivi de laLettre sur le progreÁs des sciences. PreÂceÂdeÂ d'un essai de Patrick Tort (Paris: Aubier-Montaigne, 1980), esp. 148±52: ``Everybody knows that in the southern hemisphere there is an unexplored space, where one can locate a new continent larger than any of the other four. Now, in an age in which navigation has reached such a state of perfec- tion, not one Prince has the curiosity of seeing whether this space is filled with land or with sea! . . . Several times people have circumnavigated the globe and every time the southern lands were left to one side. It is certain that they are completely isolated and that they constitute so to say a New World on its own, in which no one can forsee what there is to discover. The discovery of these lands could therefore offer great opportunities for commerce and marvelous wonders for physics.'' The letter was addressed to Frederick II of Prussia, whose Berlin Academy was presided over by Mauper- tuis from 1745. 28 De Brosses' compilation is mentioned (and criticized) by De Pauw in his Recherches philosophiques, 2:105, 290. 29 In Britian, Alexander Dalrymple was also promoting exploration in the southern Pacific. In 1769 he published An account of the Discoveries made in the South Pacific (printed in 1767, but issued only in 1769), to be followed by an even larger collection of travel reports in his Historical collection of the several voyages and discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean (London, 1770±1). According to Dalrymple the unknown continent measured 5,323 miles from east to west and might have a total population of 50 million people. 30 Jean-Etienne Martin-Allanic, Bougainville navigateur et les deÂcouvertes de son temps (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1964); Derek Howse, ed., Back- ground to Discovery: Pacific Exploration from Dampier to Cook (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1990); Margarette Lincoln, ed., Science and Exploration in the Pacific: European Voyages to the Southern Oceans in the Eighteenth Century Notes 241

(Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1998). Of the explorers who were sent to the Pacific only John Byron had returned before De Pauw went to Berlin to publish his Recherches philosophiques. Byron had left England in 1764 and returned on May 9, 1766. His travel report is mentioned by De Pauw in his chapter on the Patagonian giants (Recherches philosophiques, 1:298). Byron claimed to have seen the giants, but Pauw of course does not believe him. The second British explorer, Samuel Wallis, left England in July 1766 and returned in May 1768. On June 17, 1767, he discovered Tahiti, which he called King George's Island. To the south his men saw mountain peaks that they believed belonged to the southern continent. By the time Wallis returned to England, the first French explorer, Louis de Bougainville, was already in the Pacific. He had left France on December 5, 1766, and after an extended stay in the south Atlantic (where he handed over the French set- tlement on the Falklands to the Spanish), landed on Tahiti on April 2, 1768. He reached France again in April 1769. James Cook, who once and for all dispelled all stories about a new continent in the South Pacific, left England on August 25, 1768 for his first voyage (1768±71). 31 Howard T. Fry, Alexander Dalrymple (1737±1808) and the Expansion of British Trade (London: Cass, 1970), 102. 32 In his DeÂfense against Dom Pernetty, De Pauw says that he had worked on his book for 9 years, while it only took his critic two or three hours to write the Dissertation to destroy it (De Pauw, Recherches philosophiques, 3:132). If this is true, De Pauw had started doing the research for his book in 1759, at the age of 20, even before he had settled in Xanten. Perhaps in that period he stayed in Denmark, which some of his remarks seem to suggest (see, for instance, ibid., 2:238n., where he refers to ``our memoirs sent from Denmark at the end of 1765''). De Pauw seems to be especially well-informed with regard to Scandinavia (Denmark, Sweden, Greenland).The Scandinavian interest in De Pauw's work is illustrated by a Swedish translation of his book on the Americans in 1800. 33 Voltaire's novel ends with the famous words: ``Cela est bien dit, reÂpondit Candide, mais il faut cultiver notre jardin.'' Since so many topics discussed by De Pauw had also been touched upon by Voltaire ± the slave trade, a trip to the Jesuits in America, the devastating consequences of veneral diseases, autos-da-feÂ, the hope of finding the best of all worlds in America, and so forth ± it might be worthwhile to study the possible relationship between Voltaire and De Pauw in more detail. 34 The reference to Reaumur's thermometer seems to be very specific, but I was not able to find out to whom De Pauw specifically addressed this remark. As a matter of fact, the expeditions of Byron, Wallis, Bougainville, Cook, and others were not directed to New Guinea, but to the islands in the South Pacific. Although New Guinea was already sighted in the early sixteenth century and was claimed by the Spanish in 1545, it was not until 1793 that a European power (the British) tried to colonize the island (without success). Nevertheless, De Pauw must have known about the plan to observe the transit of Venus from a place somewhere in the South Pacific. In the end, Cook observed the event from Tahiti. 35 James W. Ceaser, the only scholar who actually paid attention to the Intro- duction of De Pauw's book, rightly stresses his philosophy of restraint, but he 242 Notes

spoils his analysis by making De Pauw a precursor of postmodernism, multi- culturalism, and late-twentieth-century criticism of European hegemonic thinking in general (Ceaser, Reconstructing America, 42). Although De Pauw indeed feels compassion for human beings in other cultures, for him Euro- pean culture is superior. It therefore should avoid contamination with the unhealthy elements of inferior cultures. 36 See also De Pauw's warning against over-exploitation of farming land: ``There is here [in agriculture] as in all things a middle ground that one has to keep to ± il y a en cela comme en toutes choses un milieu qu'il faut garder'' (Recherches philosophiques, 3:352).

Chapter 9: The Illusion of the Illuminati

1 For background on the concept of conspiracy, see T.W. Adorno, Else Frenkel- Brunswick, Daniel Levinson, and R. Nevitt Sanford, The Authoritarian Person- ality (New York: Harper, 1950); Franz L. Neumann, ``Anxiety in Politics,'' Dissent 2 (1955): 133±43; Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1963). Richard Hofstadter has argued that throughout their history Americans had been beset by continuing fears of conspiracy, and that certain American conservatives in particular ± Hofstadter called them pseudo-conservatives ± were predisposed to practice a ``paranoid style'' of politics, the central preconception of which was ``the existence of a vast, insidious, preternaturally effective international conspira- torial network designed to perpetrate acts of the most fiendish character'' (Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays (New York: Knopf, 1965), 14). See also the essays in Daniel Bell, The Radical Right: the New American Right, exp. edn. (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1963). 2 See, on ideology, Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolu- tion (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1967), 94±143; on partisanship, Michael Rogin, The Intellectuals and McCarthy: The Radical Specter (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1967); on social and economic dislocation, Richard O. Curry and Thomas M. Brown, eds., Conspiracy: The Fear of Subversion in American History (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972); on shifting moral and philosophical perspectives, Gordon S. Wood, ``Conspiracy and the Paranoid Style: Causality and Deceit in the Eighteenth Century,'' William and Mary Quarterly 34 (1982): 401±41; on cultural values, James Davison Hunter, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1991); and on prophetic prediction, Paul Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in Modern American Culture (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard Univ. Press, 1992). 3 David Brion Davis, The Fear of Conspiracy: Images of Un-American Subversion from the Revolution to the Present (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1971), 362. 4 See Vernon Stauffer, New England and the Bavarian Illuminati (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1918), 142±73. The citation is on 185. 5 Ibid., 194±5. 6 Ibid. See also J.M. Roberts, The Mythology of the Secret Societies (London: Scrib- ner, 1972), 212. Notes 243

7 John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy Against All the Religions and Governments of Europe, Carried on in Secret Meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and Reading Societies . . . , 3rd edn. (Philadelphia, 1798), 13. 8 Stauffer, New England and the Illuminati, 196. 9 See ibid., 197n. 10 See Roberts, Mythology of Secret Societies, 194. 11 See ibid., 194. 12 Augustin de Barruel, Memoirs; Illustrating the History of Jacobinism. A Transla- tion from the French of the AbbeÂ Barruel (Hartford, 1799), xvii. 13 Ibid., 493. 14 See on predispositions to perceive conspiracy, Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 144±59; on fragility of free governments, John R. Howe, Jr., ``Republican Thought and the Political Violence of the 1790s,'' American Quarterly 19 (1967): 147±65; on the problem of a loyal opposition, Lance Banning, ``Republican Ideology and the Triumph of the Constitution, 1789 to 1795,'' William and Mary Quarterly 31 (1974): 167±88; and on fears of international failure, Lloyd S. Kramer, ``The French Revolution and the Creation of American Political Culture,'' in The Global Ramifications of the French Revolution, ed. Joseph Klaits and Michael H. Haltzel (Washington and Cam- bridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994), 26±54. 15 Marshall Smelser, ``The Federalist Period as an Age of Passion,'' American Quarterly 10 (1958): 397. 16 Marshall Smelser, ``The Jacobin Phrenzy: Federalism and the Menace of Lib- erty, Equality, and Fraternity,'' The Review of Politics 13 (1951): 472±4. 17 See Marshall Smelser, ``The Jacobin Phrenzy: The Menace of Monarchy, Plutocracy, and Anglophilia, 1789±1798,'' The Review of Politics 13 (1959): 250±8. 18 See James Roger Sharp, American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1966), 171. 19 On Morse, see Joseph W. Phillips, Jedidiah Morse and New England Congrega- tionalism (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1983), 73±101. 20 Jedidiah Morse, A Sermon, Delivered at the New North Church in Boston, . . . May 9th, 1798 (Boston, 1798), 23. 21 See Stephen E. Berk, Calvinism versus Democracy: Timothy Dwight and the Origins of American Evangelical Orthodoxy (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1974), 127. 22 See James West Davidson, ``Searching for the Millennium: Problems for the 1790s and the 1970s,'' The New England Quarterly 45 (1982), 241±61. 23 Timothy Dwight, The Duty of Americans, in the Present Crisis. Illustrated in a Discourse, Preached on the Fourth of July, 1798 (New Haven, 1798), 21. 24 Ibid., 30. 25 See J. Wendell Knox, Conspiracy in American Politics, 1787±1815 (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1964), 127±9. 26 Stauffer, New England and the Illuminati, 276. 27 Theodore Dwight, An Oration, Spoken at Hartford . . . July 4th, 1798 (Hartford, 1798), 30n. 28 Stauffer, New England and the Illuminati, 241±3; 256±7; 258. 29 Jedidiah Morse, A Sermon, Preached at Charlestown, November 29, 1798, on the Anniversary Thanksgiving in Massachusetts. With an Appendix . . . exhibiting 244 Notes

proofs of the early existence, progress, and deleterious effects of French intrigue and influence in the United States (Boston, 1798), 67. 30 Stephen C. Bullock, Revolutionary Brotherhood: Freemasonry and the Transform- ation of the American Social Order, 1730±1840 (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1996), 271. See also Stauffer, New England and the Illuminati, 126ff. 31 Smelser, ``The Federalist Period,'' 409±13. 32 For the full story, see James Morton Smith, Freedom's Fetters: The Alien and Sedition Laws and American Civil Liberties (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1956), 159±417. 33 Jedidiah Morse, A Sermon, Exhibiting the Present Dangers, and Consequent Duties of the Citizens of the United States of America. Delivered at Charles town, April 25, 1799. The Day of the National Fast . . . (Charlestown, Mass., 1799), 15±16. 34 See Smelser, ``The Federalist Period,'' 416. 35 Stauffer, New England and the Illuminati, 304±6; 313±20; 346±7; 311. 36 [John Cosens Ogden], A View of the New England Illuminati; Who Are Indefat - igably Engaged in Destroying the Religion and Government of the United States; Under a Feigned Regard for their Safety ± And Under An Impious Abuse of True Religion (Philadelphia, 1799), 10. 37 Knox, Conspiracy in American Politics, 152. 38 Smelser, ``The Federalist Period,'' 415±17. 39 Abraham Bishop, Connecticut Republicanism: An Oration on the Extent and Power of Political Delusion, delivered in New-Haven, on the evening preceding the public commencement, September, 1800 (n.p., 1800), 39. 40 Michael Lienesch, ``The Role of Political Millennialism in Early American Nationalism,'' The Western Political Quarterly 36 (1983): 445±65. 41 See Lance Banning, The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1978), 273±90. 42 Knox, Conspiracy in American Politics, 126. 43 See Dorothy Ann Lipson, Freemasonry in Federalist Connecticut (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1977), 110±11. 44 Timothy Dwight, A Discourse on Some Events of the Last Century, Delivered in the Brick Church in New Haven, On Wednesday, January 7, 1801 (New Haven, 1801), 48. 45 Ibid., 41; 43; 45. 46 See Linda K. Kerber, Federalists in Dissent: Imagery and Ideology in Jeffersonian America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1970), 173±215. 47 Theodore Dwight, An Oration, Delivered at New-Haven on the 7th Day of July, A.D. 1801, Before the Society of the Cincinnati, . . . (Suffield, Conn., 1801), 6. 48 James M. Banner, Jr., To the Hartford Convention: The Federalists and the Origins of Pary Politics in Massachusetts, 1789±1815 (New York: Knopf, 1970), 268±93. 49 Jefferson cited in Knox, Conspiracy in American Politics, 297. 50 Abraham Bishop, Proofs of a Conspiracy, Against Christianity, and the Govern- ment of the United States; Exhibited in Several Views of the Union of Church and State in New-England (Hartford, 1802), 166. 51 See Roberts, Mythology of Secret Societies, 206; 208±9; 212. 52 Jeremy D. Popkin, The Right-Wing Press in France, 1792±1800 (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1980), 169. Notes 245

53 See Roberts, Mythology of Secret Societies, 206. 54 See Davis, The Fear of Conspiracy, 362. Davis concludes: ``There is an ironic significance in the fact that Robert Welch can trace the conflict with Amer- ica's Great Enemy back to the Order of the Illuminati, and then create an Illuminati-like counter-society (the John Birch Society) to do battle with the forces of darkness.'' 55 See Michael Lienesch, Redeeming America: Piety and Politics in the New Christian Right (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1993), 237±43. 56 Paul Brown, ``Ex-Nutter Icke Rails at New World Order Mind Benders,'' The Guardian, May 19, 1995.

Chapter 10: ``I will use no daggers! I will unfold a tale ± !''

1 Hayden White, ``The Fictions of Factual Representation,'' in Tropics of Dis- course: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press), 122. 2 Ibid., 123. 3 See Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. John Cumming (1944; rpt. New York: Continuum, 1999), 6. 4 I disagree in this respect with Jon Klancher, who, in ``Godwin and the Genre Reformers: On Necessity and Contingency in Romantic Narrative Theory,'' reads Godwin's writings of the 1780 and 1790s as ``genre-shifting texts'' that were intended to undermine the Enlightenment republic of letters and thus to ``change history'' (in Romanticism, History, and the Possibilities of Genre: Re-Forming Literature 1789±1837, ed. Tilottama Rajan and Julia M. Wright [Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998], 22). 5 See ``The Fictions of Factual Representation,'' 123±4. 6 Hayden White, ``Droysen's Historik: Historical Writing as a Bourgeois Science,'' in The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Repre- sentation (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1987), 87. 7 ``The Fictions of Factual Representation,'' 124. 8 Hayden White, ``The Irrational and the Problem of Historical Knowledge in the Enlightenment,'' in Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press), 136. 9 Qtd. in White, ``The Irrational and the Problem of Historical Knowledge in the Enlightenment,'' 140. 10 Ibid., 142. 11 Ibid., 144. See Giambattista Vico, New Science: Principles of the New Science Concerning the Common Nature of Nations, trans. David Marsh; intro. Anthony Grafton (1725, 3rd edn. 1744; rpt. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1999). 12 Ibid., 145. 13 Ibid., 147. 14 William Godwin, Preface to the Standard Novels Edition of Fleetwood (1832), rpt. in Pamela Clemit, ed., Fleetwood; Or, The New Man of Feeling, vol. 5 of The Collected Novels and Memoirs of William Godwin, 8 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp (1805; rpt. London: Pickering & Chatto, 1992), 5:7. 15 Ibid., 5:8. 246 Notes

16 William Godwin, ``Thoughts Occasioned by the perusal of Dr. Parr's Spital Sermon,'' in Mark Philp, ed., ``Political Writings II,'' vol. 2 of The Political and Philosophical Writings of William Godwin, 7 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp (Lon- don: Pickering & Chatto, 1993), 2:163. 17 William Godwin, `Ànalysis of Own Character, Begun Sep. 26, 1798,'' rpt. in Mark Philp, ed., Autobiography, Autobiographical Fragments and Reflections, Godwin/Shelley Correspondence, Memoirs, vol. 1 of The Collected Novels and Memoirs of William Godwin, 8 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp (London: Pickering & Chatto, 1992), 1:55. 18 Klancher, ``Godwin and the Genre Reformers,'' 23; Clemit, The Godwinian Novel, 25. 19 William Godwin, `Òf the Sources of Genius,'' in The Enquirer: Reflections on Education, Manners and Literature in a Series of Essays (London: G.G. and J. Robinson, 1797), 26±7. 20 Godwin, The Enquirer, preface, v. 21 Ibid., v±vi. 22 Ibid., vi. 23 Ibid., x, viii. 24 Klancher, ``Godwin and the Genre Reformers,'' 28. 25 Godwin, The Enquirer, preface, x. See also Godwin's autobiographical fragment entitled `` Th e Principal Revolutions of Opinion'' (March 10, 1800). Having briefly summarized the principal changes that had taken place in his thinking and writing since the late 1760s, Godwin concludes quite firmly: `` My specu- lative opinions have, I believe, undergone no radical and fundamental change, since [the publication of the second edition of Political Justice ± i.e. 1796]'' (Godwin, `` Th e Principal Revolutions of Opinion,'' rpt. in Mark Philp, ed., Autobiography, Autobiographical Fragments and Reflections, Godwin/Shelley Correspondence, Memoirs,vol.1 of The Collected Novels and Memoirs of William Godwin, 8 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp [London: Pickering & Chatto, 1992], 1:54). 26 Ibid., ix. 27 Ibid., x. 28 Qtd. in C. Kegan Paul, William Godwin: His Friends and Contemporaries, 2 vols. (London: Henry S. King, 1876), 1:61. 29 William Godwin, Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and Its Influence on Modern Morals and Happiness, ed. Isaac Kramnick (1793; rpt. Harmondsworth: Pen- guin, 1985), 272. Further references to the text are to this edition and will be given parenthetically within the text (PJ). 30 Klancher's claim that Godwin became an educationalist only after he had renounced the ``theoretical ambition'' and ``philosophical totalization'' of Political Justice and had turned to the small-scale pragmaticism of The Enquirer, is clearly misguided (``Godwin and the Genre Reformers,'' 28). 31 William Godwin, ``Letter of Advice to a Young American: On the Course of Studies it Might be Most Advantageous for Him to Pursue'' (1818), rpt. in Pamela Clemit, ed., `Èducational and Literary Writings,'' vol. 5 of The Political and Philosophical Writings of William Godwin, 7 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp (London: Pickering & Chatto, 1993), 5:325. 32 William Godwin, `Òf Choice in Reading,'' in The Enquirer, 133; 135. 33 `Òf Posthumous Fame,'' in The Enquirer, 288±9. Notes 247

34 William Godwin, `Òf History and Romance,'' rpt. in Pamela Clemit, ed., `Èducational and Literary Writings,'' vol. 5 of The Political and Philosophical Writings of William Godwin, 7 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp (London: Pickering & Chatto, 1993), 5:300. Further references to the text are to this edition and will be given parenthetically within the text (``HR''). 35 William Godwin, ``Considerations on Lord Grenville's and Mr. Pitt's Bills, concerning Treasonable and seditious practices, and unlawful assemblies. By a Lover of Order'' (1795), rpt. in Mark Philp, ed., ``Political Writings II,'' vol. 2 of The Political and Philosophical Writings of William Godwin, 7 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp (London: Pickering & Chatto, 1993), 2:142. Thus, elsewhere in the same essay, Godwin, commenting on the wording in Lord Grenville's bill of the words ``government'' and ``constitution,'' asks, ``where is the philologist that will give me a secure definition of these two words?'' (135). 36 Klancher, ``Godwin and the Genre Reformers,'' 34. 37 William Godwin, `Ànalysis of Own Character, Begun Sep. 26, 1798,'' 1:60. 38 William Godwin, Caleb Williams [Things As They Are; Or, The Adventures of Caleb Williams], ed. Pamela Clemit, vol. 3 of The Collected Novels and Memoirs of William Godwin, 8 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp (1794; rpt. London: Pickering & Chatto, 1992), 3:266. 39 William Hazlitt, The Spirit of the Age: Or, Contemporary Portraits (London, 1825), 33. Godwin completed the manuscript of Political Justice early in January 1793, and had finished proofreading it on February 14. Ten days later he started writing Caleb Williams. 40 Godwin, Preface to the Standard Novels Edition of Fleetwood, 10. In his diary Godwin later recalled that Caleb Williams ``was the offspring of that temper of mind in which the composition of my `Political Justice' left me'' (qtd. in Kegan Paul, William Godwin, 1:78). 41 Having just read the manuscript of the novel, James Marshall wrote to God- win with some alarm, expressing his deep concern about the latest turn in his friend's career. Warning Godwin that he should simply stick to what he was good at, viz. writing political philosophy, Marshall continued: ``for depend upon it, the world will suppose you to be exhausted; or rather what a few only think at present, will become a general opinion, that the Hercules you have fathered is not of your own begetting'' (qtd. in Kegan Paul, William Godwin, 1:90). 42 See Godwin, Preface to the Standard Novels Edition of Fleetwood, 8±12. 43 Ibid., 10. 44 Ibid., 9. 45 Ibid., 10. 46 Ibid., 9. 47 Godwin, Caleb Williams,5. 48 Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment,6. 49 William Godwin to Shelley, Dec. 10, 1812, rpt. in Mark Philp, ed., Autobio- graphy, Autobiographical Fragments and Reflections, Godwin/Shelley Correspond- ence, Memoirs, ``Godwin/Shelley Correspondence,'' vol. 1 of The Collected Novels and Memoirs of William Godwin, 8 vols., gen. ed. Mark Philp (London: Pickering & Chatto, 1992), 1:80. 248 Notes

Chapter 11: Edmund Burke, Historism, and History

1 For this issue, see G.A. Reisch, `` Chao s, History and Narrative,'' History and Theory 30 (1991): 1±21, and D.N. McCloskey, ``History, Differential Equations and the Problem of Narration,'' History and Theory 30 (1991): 21±37. The standard example is always the butterfly in China causing a hurricane in the US. 2 This is, by the way, the lady who so famously aroused Rousseau sexually when spanking him. 3 J. Starobinski, Jean-Jacques Rousseau: la transparance et l'obstacle (Paris: Galli- mard, 1971), 19. 4 `Èigentlich kaÈmpften beide, Rousseau wie Burke, gegen denselben Feind, denn auch Rousseau gab dem AufklaÈrungsgeist einen gewaltigen Stoss durch seine Kritik des modernen Zivilisationszustandes.'' See Friedrich Mei- necke, Die Entstehung des Historismus (MuÈnchen: Oldenbourg, 1965), 270. 5 Edmund Burke, `Àppeal from the New to the Old Whigs,'' in The Works of Edmund Burke, 12 vols. (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1865±7), 4:176. 6 Ibid., 4:165. 7 He might even be prepared to concede to Rousseau that history is the tragic spectacle of human injustice and iniquity. But, as Burke argued in his ``Vin- dication,'' one may ``confess all these things, yet plead the necessity of political institutions, weak and wicked as they are.'' See Edmund Burke, `À Vindication of Natural Society,'' in The Works of Edmund Burke, 1:65. 8 Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France,in The Works of Edmund Burke, 3:346. 9 Cf.: ``darum sind die Vorurteile des einzelnen weit mehr als seine Urteile die geschichtliche Wirklichkeit des Seins.'' In the section following this claim, Gadamer expounds the role of ``Vorurteile als Bedingungen des Verstehens.'' See H.G. Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode: Wahrheit und Methode; GrundzuÈge einer philosophischen Hermeneutik (TuÈbingen: Mohr, 1960), 261. 10 For an exposition of the relevant weaknesses of Gadamer's argument, see Frank Ankersmit, De macht van representatie: Exploraties Deel II (Kampen: Kok, 1996), 226ff. 11 It may well be that Burke, who, as the author of A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origins of our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful, was so much more fascin- ated by the obscurity of the sublime than by the clarity of the beautiful, unwittingly carried over his aesthetics to his politics here. 12 Cited in Leo Strauss, Natural Right and History (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1965), 301. 13 Burke, Reflections, 296. 14 Ibid., 345, 346. 15 It certainly is a most surprising fact about Wahrheit und Methode that its careful and erudite author never pays any attention to Burke. 16 Immanuel Kant, `ÙÈ ber den Gemeinspruch: Das mag in der Theorie richtig sein, taugt aber nicht fuÈr die Praxis,'' in Kleinere Schriften zur Geschichtsphilo- sophie, Ethik und Politik (Hamburg: Felix Meiner Verlag, 1973), 85. 17 Let us agree with the prevailing opinion according to which the correspondence theory of truth gives the correct definition of the meaning of the word ``true'' (i.e. a statement is true, if and only if it corresponds to a certain state of affairs in reality). It follows from this definition that truth and falsity can Notes 249

only be established if the distinction between language and reality presents us with no difficulties. For if such difficulties would arise it would ex defini- tione have become impossible to use the correspondence theory of truth. So if one accepts the correspondence theory, one is automatically obliged also to accept this clear demarcation line between language and reality and vice versa ± hence, precisely that distinction which is put into question within the regime of wisdom versus folly. 18 Burke, Reflections, 443. 19 In the very first sentence of Erasmus's Moriae Encomium, he explicitly states that it is precisely the fools who hate folly most (see also note 17). 20 See chapter 30 of the Moriae Encomium; with regard to the last part of this essay it is of interest to note the Aristotelian link between wisdom and happiness suggested here by Erasmus. 21 As Foucault unusually succinctly puts it: ``car s'il y a raison, c'est justement dans l'acceptation de ce cercle continu de la sagesse et de de la folie, c'est dans la claire conscience de leur reÂciprociteÂ et de leur impossible partage'' (Michel Foucault, Histoire de lafolie aÁ l'aÃge classique [Paris: Gallimard, 1972], 44). 22 Qtd. in Foucault, Folie, 47. 23 Burke, ``Appeal,'' 188. 24 Burke even goes on to argue that in proportion that rights may seem to us metaphysically true, they must be morally and politically false (Burke, Reflec- tions, 313; see also Strauss, Natural Right, 307, 310). 25 Burke, Reflections, 274. 26 Ibid., 311. Or, as Tocqueville once succinctly put it: in politics ``nothing is more unproductive to the mind than an abstract idea''(Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America [1835±9; rpt. New York: Knopf, 1945], 243). 27 Burke, Reflections, 311. 28 Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (1976; rpt. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996), 35. 29 Burke, Reflections, 313. 30 One may regret that nowhere in his writings does Burke discuss the legitimacy of the Dutch revolt against Philip II of Spain. On the other hand, one cannot fail to notice his amazingly dispassionate view of the Civil War and his not unsympathetic assessment of Cromwell, described by him as that ``great bad man of the old stamp'' (see Burke, Reflections, 294). 31 Burke, Reflections, 308. 32 Edmund Burke, ``Letter to a Member of the National Assembly,'' in The Works of Edmund Burke, 4:41. 33 For an absurd exaggeration of these disasters to which Burke is typically prone, see Burke's ``Vindication.'' He there calculates the number of people murdered in the whole of history and, in his enthusiasm in this enterprise, loses sight of the fact that the calculated number even exceeds his estimate of the total number of people who have lived since the days of Adam. See Burke, ``Vindication,'' 24ff. 34 Burke, Reflections, 418. 35 Ibid. 36 As early as 1793 Friedrich von Gentz, that very influential conservative thinker of post-Napoleonic Germany, published a German translation 250 Notes

of the Reflections. For an exposition of Burke's reception in Germany, see Friedrich Meinecke, WeltbuÈrgertum und Nationalstaat (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1919),135ff. Characteristic is Novalis's wisecrack: `ès sind viele antirevolu- tionaÈre BuÈcher fuÈr die Revolution geschrieben. Burke hat ein revolutionaÈres Buch gegen die Revolution geschrieben'' (Novalis [pseud. of Friedrich von Hardenberg], BluÈthenstaub I [Heidelberg: Schneider, 1953], 340). 37 In order to avoid the unfortunate confusion that the word ``historism'' so often gives rise to in Anglo-Saxon countries, I emphasize that I use that word here not in Popper's sense, but as referring to the view of history and of historical writing that is ordinarily associated with the names of Ranke or Humboldt. 38 Cf.: `ìt is universally acknowledged that there is a great uniformity among the actions of men, in all nations and ages, and that human nature remains still the same, in its principles and operations. The same motives always produce the same actions. The same events follow the same causes'' (David Hume, Enquiries Concerning Human Understanding and Concern- ing the Principles of Morals, ed. L.A. Selby-Bigge [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972], 83). 39 Of course, this is a reckless simplification of a far more complex phen- omenon. Since Meinecke's book on the origins of historism the historist tendencies in many Enlightenment authors from Leibniz to Herder have often been pointed out. 40 The nature of Burke's traditionalism manifests itself most clearly in his conception of the history of the English constitution; though there is continuous change, change has, for Burke, always the connotation of adaptation, and never that of `òrganic'' growth, in the sense of a development, or of an unfolding of what was potentially already present. It is here that I would side with Regina Wecker and against Meinecke. Discussing Burke, Meinecke writes: ``hoÈchste Stufe des Traditionalismus aber war es [i.e. Burke's conception of history (F.A.)] vor allem dadurch, dass es ihm nicht um die treue Pflege geschichtlich uÈberkommener und bewaÈhrter Einrichtungen, Sitten, Vorrechte usw. uÈberhaupt, sondern um das innere seelische Leben handelte, das sie in einem einheitlichen Blutumlaufe durchflutet und sie dadurch zu ineinandergreifenden, miteinander verwachsenen Gieldern und Organen des staatlichen-gesellschaftlichen GesamtkoÈrpers macht'' (F. Meinecke, Die Entstehung des Historismus [MuÈnchen: Oldenbourg, 1965], 277). But this historist organicism is, as Wecker demonstrates, explicitly rejected by Burke himself; she quotes Burke when writing that ``these analogies between bodies natural and politic, though they may sometimes illustrate arguments, fur- nish no arguments of themselves'' [R. Wecker, Geschichte und Geschichtsver- staÈndnis bei Edmund Burke (Bern: Lang, 1981], 58). 41 For an exposition of the logical features of the historist conception of historical change, and for its implications, see my ``Historicism: An Attempt at Synthesis, History and Theory 34 (1995): 143±62; 168±74. 42 Cf.: ``man darf wohl aussprechen, dass sie [i.e. the administrative disasters resulting from Louis XIV's ìmperial overstretch,' as we would nowadays call it] fortwirkend die revolutionaÈre Bewegung hervorgebracht haben. Denn im Folge des misslungenen Vorhabens, dessen Idee alle Geister beherrscht hatte, aÈnderten sich die vorwaltenden Doctrinen und Tendenzen mit dem Willen Notes 251

oder auch gegen den Willen der folgenden Regierungen'' ± needless to say, a perfect example of Ranke's postulate of ``das Primat der Aussenpolitik'' (L. von Ranke, Ursprung und Beginn der Revolutionskriege 1791 und 1792,in Sammtliche Werke, 54 vols. [Leipzig: Duncker & Hamblot, 1867±90], 45:22, 23). 43 See Frank Ankersmit, History and Tropology (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1994), 150ff. 44 I should like to thank Jaap den Hollander for his invaluable advice for the remaining part of my argument. My exposition here is deeply indebted to his magisterial ``Conservatisme en historisme,'' Bijdragen en Mededelingen Betref- fende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden 102 (1987): esp. 396ff. 45 In fact, two other traditions should be taken into account as well in this period. In the first place we should think of the rediscovery of Stoicism in the sixteenth century. Neo-Stoicism, with its emphasis on the rectaratio and on logical argument, with its preference for deduction from first principles, and with its affinities with natural philosophy can well be seen as a transitional phase between Aristotelian (or Thomist) natural-law philosophy and its modernist competitor. In fact, Grotius is often said to have been the first to present a system of modernist natural-law philosophy. But Grotius's argument is neo-Stoicist rather than modernist (as in Hobbes, Locke, and so on). Secondly, there is the tradition of raison d'eÂtat thinking, which in a miti- gated variant was especially influential in seventeenth- and eighteenth- century Germany. This tradition easily mixed with Aristotelian practical philosophy ± I shall venture an explanation at the end of this chapter. Meinecke already observed the continuity between seventeenth-century raison d'eÂtat political theory and nineteenth-century historism (see Meinecke, WeltbuÈrgertum und Nationalstaat). It is to be regretted that he paid no attention to the variants of Aristotelianism in the period investigated by him: that would have provided him with additional arguments for his main thesis. Lastly, it should be observed to what extent textbooks on the history of political thought ordinarily present a caricature of the period between 1500 and 1800. For most often only the modernist tradition is expounded in such books, while the other three remain unmentioned. Not only does this obstruct a correct understanding of the political thought of this period, but it also renders incomprehensible the transition from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century. Within accounts focusing only on the modernist tradition, the emergence of history-oriented nineteenth-century political thought is something of an inexplicable miracle. However, this transition loses much of its mystery if we recognize that it resulted from a shift in the relationship between the four traditions. Because the modernist tradition was, in the eyes of most theorists, thoroughly discredited by its involvement in the French Revolution, the other three reasserted themselves. And, indeed, most of nineteenth-century political thought can be understood as a series of alliances of the other three traditions against modernist natural- law philosophy. 46 Surely another example of such unexpected re-emergence of political Aris- totelianism is provided by contemporary so-called communitarianism (one thinks of authors like MacIntyre, Taylor, Nussbaum, Etzioni, and so on). One wonders whether the communitarians, who so much like to present themselves as belonging to the politically progressive left, are sufficiently aware 252 Notes

of the inherent (Aristotelian, Thomist, Burkean) conservatism of their argument. More generally, the contemporary debate between the liberals or libertar- ians on the one hand and the communitarians on the other is, in fact, little more than a latter-day re-enactment of the conflict between the Aristotelian and the modernist variant of natural-law philosophy. And one cannot help thinking that a little more historical sophistication might render this debate more efficient and more to the point than it presently is. In any case, some historical knowledge might make it possible to avoid absurdities such as Rorty's: Rorty seems to believe that his well-known attack an epistemology is the most appropriate theoretical background to the embrace of a Rawlsian political Cartesianism. In fact, this attack it fatal to all political Cartesianism. But, arguably, the progressivism that contemporary intellectuals never dare to question makes them oblivious of historical subtleties such as the intrinsic conservatism of all political Aristotelianism. Nec lusisse pudet, sed non incidere ludum, to quote Horace. 47 Cf.: ``what appeared to the generations after Burke as a turn to History, not to say as the discovery of History, was primarily a return to the traditional [i.e. Aristotelian (F.A.)] view of the essential limitations of theory as distinguished from practice or prudence.'' Strauss even believed that Burke's Aristotelian- ism contained ``the most important part of his work'' (Strauss, Natural Right and History [Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1965], 302, 303). 48 Surely this is an echo of Aristotle. Thus Aristotle wrote: ``let us remember that we should not disregard the experience of ages; in the multitude of years between these things, if they were good, they would certainly not have been unknown; for almost everything has been found out, although sometimes they are not put together; in other cases men do not use the knowledge which they have'' (cf. Aristotle, Politica 2:5, 1264 a 1ff for this apt ``summary'' of Burke's political thought). 49 Aristotle, The Nicomachean Ethics, trans. and intro. David Ross (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 154. 50 Ibid., 1143b18±1144b5. 51 Its recommendations could be compared to recommendations to football players like ``do your best,'' ``try to win,'' and so on ± that is, very sensible recommendations, indispensable even, in the sense that one cannot play football if one does not know that one should try to win. But all real problems arise with the question of how to win. For a criticism of ethics as the foundation of political thought, see Frank Ankersmit, Aesthetic Politics: Political Philosophy Beyond Fact and Value (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1997), introduction (``Against Ethics''). 52 Strauss, Natural Right, 311. 53 P. Lucas, ``On Edmund Burke's Doctrine of Prescription; or, An Appeal from the New to the Old Lawyers,'' The Historical Journal 11 (1968): 58ff. 54 Edmund Burke, Abridgment of English History,in The Works of Edmund Burke, 7:462, 463. For a closely similar statement about the general development of the laws of England, see Edmund Burke, ``Fragment: an Essay Towards an History of the Laws of England,'' in The Works of Edmund Burke, 7:476±8. 55 Burke, Reflections, 274, 275. Notes 253

56 When addressing the French revolutionaries, Burke writes: ``you might, if you pleased, have profited of our example [of the Glorious Revolution (F.A.)], and have given to your recovered freedom a correspondent dignity'' (Burke, Reflections, 276). 57 Non-European countries, such as India, are a different affair. 58 In this context Kossmann's study of Dutch seventeenth-century political thought is instructive. For Kossmann demonstrates here that such a fusion or synthesis was already achieved in the Netherlands in the course of the seventeenth century, and he refers to this synthesis by the notion of politica novantiqua. Willem van der Muelen and Ulrich Huber (professor in Franeker) are presented by Kossmann as the main protagonists of this politicanova nti- qua. Since especially Huber was eagerly read and commented upon in eighteenth-century Germany, it is far from unthinkable that Dutch seventeenth- century political thought (whose originality was demonstrated recently in H.W. Blom, Morality and Causality [Ridderkerk: Offsetdrukkerij Ridderprint, 1995]) has been a major source of inspiration for eighteenth-century German political theorists. See E.H. Kossmann, Politieke theorie in het zeventiende eeuwse Nederland (Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche uitgevers maatschappij, 1960). 59 As Wolff himself commented: the book was written so that ``die theorie mit der Praxi bestaÈndig verknuÈpfft worden'' (qtd. in D.M. Meyring, Politische Weltweisheit: Studien zur deutschen politishe Philosophie des 18. Jahrhunderts [MuÈnster, 1965], 45). 60 Cf.: `ùm 1770 beherrscht die Philosophie von Leibniz/Wolff beinahe souveraÈn die katholischen UniversitaÈten SuÈd-Deutschlands und das Wolffsche Natur- recht hat dasjenige von Pufendorf und Thomasius ganz uÈberwunden'' (see M. Thomas ``Christian Wolff'', in M. Stolleis, ed., Staatsdenker im 17. and 18. Jahrhundert [Frankfurt am Main: Nietzner, 1977], 265). 61 For an account of the political thought of a Dutch admirer of Wolff, see W.R.E. Velema, Enlightenment and Conservatism in the Dutch Republic: the Political Thought of Elie Luzac (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1993). Velema here follows the thesis already defended by Kossmann in 1966 that Luzac should be considered an `Ènlightened conservative.'' For an elucidation of this striking oxymoron, see E.H. Kossmann, ``Verlicht conservatisme: Over Elie Luzac,'' in Politieke theorie en geschiedenis (Amsterdam: Bakker, 1987), 234±49. Koss- mann's (and Velema's) results are of interest here: for they strongly suggest that, in practice, this synthesis of Aristotelianism and modernist natural law will take the form of an `Ènlightened conservatism.'' It might well be that Kossmann's oxymoron is also applicable to the mainstream of German eighteenth-century political thought. 62 Meyring, Weltweisheit, 47. 63 Ibid., 79; see also the entry ``Politik,'' in O. Brunner, W. Conze, and R. Koselleck, eds., Geschichtlichen Grundbegriffe: Historisches Lexikon zur Polit- isch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland, 8 vols. (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett, 1972±97), esp. 4:831ff. 64 For an exposition of Conring's significance and his influence on the development of historical thought, see M. Stolleis, ``Machiavellismus und Staats- raÈson,'' in Hermann Conring (1606±1681): BeitraÈge zu Leben und Werk (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1983). 254 Notes

65 ``Klugheitslehre'' is now defined as ``Gedancken wie ein FuÈrst sich und sein Land koÈnne maÈchtig machen'' (see Meyring, Weltweisheit, 59). 66 The discipline that was developed in order to assist the state and its servants was ``statistics'' (literally, ``knowledge of the state'') and was characterized by Achenwall in the claim that ``statistics is stationary history and history is developing statistics.'' See A.T. van Deursen, Geschiedenis en toekomstverwacht- ing (Kampen: Kok, 1971), 9, and A. Seifert, ``Staatenkunde: eine neue Diszi- plin und ihr wissenschaftstheoretischer Ort,'' in N. Rassem and J. Stagl, eds., Statistik und Staatsbeschreibung in der Neuzeit (Paderborn: SchoÈningh, 1980). 67 L. von Ranke, Abhandlungen und Versuche,inSa Èmmtliche Werke, 54 vols. (Leipzig, 1867±90), 24:288, 289. 68 For an exposition of this notion and of its role in the writing of history, see Frank Ankersmit, Denken over geschiedenis (Groningen: Wolters±Noordhoff, 1986), 177±80. 69 Strauss, Natural Right, 295. Index

Adams, President John, 156, 157, BronteÈ, Charlotte, 105 160 Jane Eyre, 116±21, 232 nn. 30, 32, 33 Adams, Samuel, 14, 15 Professor, 118 Adorno, Theodor W. see Horkheimer, BronteÈ, Emily Max Wuthering Heights, 118 Alger, Horatio, 131 Brooke, Henry Alderson, Amelia, 96 Fool of Quality,86 Althusser, Louis, 183 Brosses, Charles de American English, 62±84 passim Histoire des navigations, 148±9 Anderson, Benedict, 107, 223 n. 5 Brown, Charles Brockden, 159 ``Arabian Nights,'' 123±28 passim Ormond, 101 Aristotelianism, 192, 202±11, 251±2 n. Wieland, 159 46 Buffon, Count de, 87, 135, 141, 142 Aristotle, 252 n. 48 Histoire naturelle, 141 Nicomachean Ethics, 204 Natural History,87 see also Aristotelianism Burke, Edmund, 12, 39, 94, 102, 164, Armstrong, Nancy 188±211 Imaginary Puritan, 104 Abridgement of English History, 206 Austen, Jane, 104, 105, 107 and historicism, 199±211 Northanger Abbey, 112±16 History of the Laws of England, 206 Pride and Prejudice,96 Reflections,94 Two Letters on aRegicide,95 Barlow, Joel, 10±25, 66, 69, 160, 213 n. Burney, Frances, 86, 89±93 13 Evelina, 86, 89±93, 97, 100, 101, 103 Advice to the Privileged Orders, 12, Burnham, Michelle, 229 n. 6 19±20, 23 Burr, Aaron, 161 ``Advice to a Raven in Russia,'' 23 Byron, John, 149, 240±1 n. 30 ``Letter to the National Convention,'' 22 cameralism (Kameralistik), 209 Political Writings, 13, 21±2 Cannassatego, 59 Vision of Columbus, 12, 66 captivity narratives, 104±21 Barrell, John, 72±3 Carey, Mathew, 100 Barruel, AbbeÂ Augustin de, 155±63 Carrol, James, 63, 64 Memoires, 155 Ceaser, James W., 137, 241±2 n. 35 Bayle, Pierre, 166, 169 Chase, Richard, 133 Bermingham, Ann, 115, 231 n. 25 Chastellux, Marquis de, 10±25, 51 Bishop, Abraham Essay on Public Happiness,11 Proofs of aConspiracy , 163 ``Progress of the Arts and Sciences in Blair, Hugh, 62 America,'' 12 Lectures on Rhetoric,62 Travels in North America,12 Bloch, Marc Chateaubriand, 29 Apology for History,44 civiliteÂ, 123, 126, 130 Bougainville, Louis de, 149, 151, 241 n. civilization, Asian, 239±40 n. 25 30 civitas,50 Brackenridge, Hugh Henry, 68±71 civility, 49±61 passim Modern Chivalry, 68±9, 223 n. 15 Clemit, Pamela, 171, 172 BronteÈ, Ann Cobbett, William, 91±101 passim, 157 Agnes Grey, 118 Porcupine's Gazette, 157

255 256 Index communitarianism, 251 n. 46 Remarks Concerning the Savages, conduct books, 92 49±50, 53±61 Congreve Remarques sur la politesse,53 Love for Love, 89, 93 Frederick II, 136±39 passim, 143 Connecticut Wits, 66, 68 Freemasonry, 153±65 passim Conring, Hermann, 209 Fromm, Erich, 125 conspiracy, 152±65 see also counterconspiracy Gadamer, H.G., 191±93 Continental Army, 15, 16 Genet, Edmond, 156 Cook, James, 149, 151, 241 n. 30, n. Gerbi, Antonello, 136, 141 35 Gibbon, Edward, 43 correspondence theory (of truth), 248 Memoirs, 173 n. 17 Glorious Revolution, 176, 199, 206±7 counterconspiracy, 152±65 Godwin, William, 166±87 cultural pessimism, 135±51 ``Analysis of My Own Character,'' 172 Daiches, David, 90 Caleb Williams, 101, 171, 185 Dalrymple, Alexander, 240 n. 29 Enquiry Concern Political Justice, Darnton, Robert, 126 170±87 Darrell, William Enquirer, 171±9, 246 n. 25 Gentleman Instructed . . . Happy Life, Fleetwood, 171 51 Memoirs, 96, 99 Darwin, Erasmus ``Of History and Romance,'' 179±86 Botanic Garden,95 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 205 Davidoff, Leonore, and Catherine Hall, Goldsmith, Oliver, 67, 68, 72 230 n. 18 Deserted Village,67 Family Fortunes, 111±12 Goodman, Dena, 56 Davidson, Cathy, 100, 223±4 n. 15 Gothic novel, 28 Davis, David Brion, 153 Gratian, Baltasar degeneration, of species, 135±51 Compleat Gentleman, 51±2 passim Gregory, Dr. John, 87±89, 103 Destutt de Tracy, 30, 216 n. 16 Father's Legacy, 87±8, 89, 91, 97±9 Diderot, Denis, 51, 60, 61, 151 passim Dorson, Richard, 127, 131, 132 Grimm, Brothers, 124, 125, 129, 130 Durey, Michael Kinder und HausmaÈrchen, 124 Transatlantic Radicals,4 Gunn, Simon, 233±4, n. 38 Dutch Republic, 212 n. 2 Dwight, Timothy, 66±70 passim, 99, Hall, Catherine see Davidoff 100, 157±62 Hamilton, Alexander, 160±1 Discourse on Some Events, 161±2 Hartley, David, 87±89 passim, 94±5 Greenfield Hill, 66, 68, 70 Observations on Man, 87, 94±5 Hartwicke Act Eagleton, Terry, 230 n. 15 see Marriage Act (1753) enlightened conservatism, 253 n. 61 Hazlitt, William, 185 see also Kossmann, E.H. HelveÂtius, 175, 177 Erasmus, 195±6 De l'homme, 178 Herder, Johann Gottfried, 122 fairytales, see nursery tales Volkslieder, 123 Fliegelman, Jay, 225 n. 35 Hibbert, Christopher folktales, see nursery tales Redcoats and Rebels,4 Foucault, Michel, 9 historicism, 188±211 Franklin, Benjamin, 30, 48±61, 135 definition of, 249±50 n. 37 Information for Those . . . to America, historiography and genre theory, 53±4 166±87 Index 257

Hofstadter, Richard, 242 n. 1 Matthias, T.J., 95, 99 Hollander, Jaap den, 250±1 n. 44 Pursuits of Literature,95 Hopkins, Lemuel, 66 Maupertuis, Pierre de, 148, 240 n. 27 Horkheimer, Max, and Theodor W. Meinecke, Friedrich, 200, 250 n. 40 Adorno, 167, 186 mercantilism, 58 Hume, David, 169±70 passim, 200 Montaigne, Humphreys, David, 66, 103 Of Cannibals, 49, 55 On the Happiness of America, 97±8 Montesquieu, 44, 51 Moore, Edward ideÂologues, 29±30, 35, 44 Fables for the Female Sex,99 Illuminati (Bavarian), 152±65 Morse, Jedidiah, 156±60 Ingolstadt, 153 Iroquois (Six Nations), 53, 55, 57 Napoleon Bonaparte, 23, 24, 30±2, 34, Irving, Washington, 131 136, 155 national language, 62±84 Jacobins, 155 Native American(s), 48±61 passim, 88, Jefferson, Thomas, 15, 16, 25, 30, 33, 135±51 passim 39, 135, 161±3 passim Native women, 55±7 Jemison, Mary, 229 n. 19 Neo-Stoicism, 251 n. 45 Jesuits, 143±4 Noble Savage, 34, 46, 141 Johnson, Samuel, 65±84 passim, 88, 91 nursery tales, 122±34 Dictionary,74 Nussbaum, Felicity, 86

Kant, Immanuel, 194 O'Farrell, Mary Ann, 86, 231 n. 27 Kaplan, Cora, 232 nn. 31±3, 233 n. 37 Ogden, James Cosens Keach, William, 224 n. 26 New England Illuminati, 160 Kennedy, Roger G. Orders from France,4 Pagden, Anthony, 50 Kerber, Linda, 98 Paine, Thomas, 33 Klancher, Jon, 171±2, 174, 184, 245 n. Common Sense, 102 4, 246 n. 30 Pascal, Blaise, 196 Klugheitslehre, 208±10 Pauw, Antonius, 237±8 n. 7 Knigge, Baron Adolf, 153 Pauw, Cornelis de, 135±51, 220 n. 84 Kossmann, E.H., 252±3 n. 58, 253 n. 61 Recherches philosophiques, 135±51 Percy, Bishop, Lacan, 110 Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, 123 Lamb, Charles, 129 Pernetty, Dom, 139, 145, 148 Landes, Joan B., 94 physiocrat(s), 59 Leavis, F.R., 104, 112 Pickerton, John, 88 Locke, John, 178 Enquiry into the History of Scotland,88 Some Thoughts Concerning Education, Pinch, Adela, 231 n. 21 87 Plato, 204±5 Lucas, P. 206 Polwhele, Richard, 95, 96 Unsex'd Females, 95, 99 Mably, 43, 166 Porcupine, Peter, 154 fig. 4 McKean, Michael, 230 n. 11 see also Cobbett, William McKendrick, Neil, 114 postcolonial theory, 222 n. 2 Madan, Martin, 93±4 Priestley, Joseph, 33 Thelyphthora, 93±4 primitivism, 135±51 passim Madison, James, 13 Puffendorf, Samuel, 54 Malthus, T.R., 1±2 Essay of the Principle of Population,1 Radcliffe, Ann, 112±16 passim Marriage Act (1753), 89, 94, 101 raison d'eÂtat thinking, 209±10, 251 n. 45 Marshall, James, 185, 247 n. 41 Ranke, Leopold von, 202, 210 258 Index

Raynal, AbbeÂ, 51, 54, 135 Symbiosis,4 Reign of Terror, 32, 100, 196 Richardson, Samuel, 77±84, 105±11 Tahiti, 151, 240±1 n. 30, 241 n. 34 Clarissa, 78±84, 105±11, 117 Tartar, Maria, 128, 130 Pamela, 77±8, 80, 83, 106 Tennenhouse, Leonard, 104 Ricks, Christopher, 86 see also Armstrong, Nancy rights of men, 197±9 Thompson, Stith, 124, 125, 130, 132 Robertson, Pat, Tocqueville, Alexis de, 12, 37 New World Order, 164 L'ancien reÂgime et lareÂvolution, 201 Robespierre, 32 Todd, Janet, 231 n. 26 Robison, John, 155±63 Trumbull, John, 66 Proofs of aConspiracy , 155±6 Turner, Frederick Jackson, 132 romance, genre of, 179±86 Twomey, Richard Ross, Sir David, 204 Jacobins and Jeffersonians,4 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 180, 188±90, 192 Vaughan, Benjamin, 222 n. 11 Confessions, 188±9 Vico, Giambattista, 169±70, 183 Rowlandson, Mary, 105±10, 127, Volney, C.-F., 26±47 228±9 n. 5, 229 n. 7 Description . . . United States, 34±5, 45 Rowson, Susannah, 80±4 passim, 85, Lessons in History, 32, 43, 45 86, 100±3 Ruins, 26, 31, 37, 38±42, 45, 47, 218 Charlotte Temple, 80, 83, 84, 100±3, n. 49, n. 55, 219 n. 66 107 Travels in Egypt and Syria, 31, 36±8 Voltaire, 136, 166 Sagan, Carl, 128 Candide, 150, 241 n. 33 Said, Edward, 36 savage, concept of the, 34, 46±61 Wallis, Samuel, 149, 241 n. 30 passim, 221 n. 87 Warner, Marina, 130 savagism, 49±61 passim Washington, George, 15, 25, 97, 99 see also savage Watson, Robert, 62 Schmitt, Carl, 198 Watt, Ian, 104 Shelley, Mary, 26±8, 47 Webster, Noah, 64±84 passim Frankenstein, 26±8 Dissertations on the English Language, Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 186±7 64, 70±1, 76 Ozymandias,27 Weems, Mason Queen Mab,27 Life of Washington,97 Silverman, Kaja, 231±2 n. 29 Weiser, Conrad, 59, 60 Simpson, David, 62 Weishaupt, Adam, 153±4 slavery, 17±18, 37±8 Whiskey Rebellion, 156 slave trade, 239 n. 18 White, Hayden, 166±70 Smith, Adam, 62 Wolff, Christian, 208 Smith, Henry Nash Wollstonecraft, Mary, 95 Virgin Land, 132 Female Reader,97 Smith, John, 127 Short Residence,96 social contract, the concept of the, 41, Vindication, 97, 99 42 Wordsworth, William, 72, 74±5, 79 Spivak, Gayatri, 233 nn. 34±5 ``Intimations of Immortality,'' 127, Steele, Richard, 109±10 134 The Spectator, 109 Lyrical Ballads,74 Stevenson, John, 62 Prelude, 128 Starobinski, J., 188±9 sublime, idea of the, 40 ``XYZ'' affair, 156 south Pacific, 146±51 Strauss, Leo, 204 Yolen, Jane, 131