Latino Youth Gangs in Central California: an Autoethnographic Understanding of Academic Aspirations and Success

LATINO YOUTH GANGS IN CENTRAL CALIFORNIA: AN AUTOETHNOGRAPHIC UNDERSTANDING OF ACADEMIC ASPIRATIONS AND SUCCESS

by Jonathan C. Hernandez B.A. (California State University, Fresno) 2007 M.A. (California State University, Fresno) 2011

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctorate in Education

Doctoral Program in Educational Leadership at Fresno State Kremen School of Education and Human Development

California State University, Fresno 2020 ii Jonathan C. Hernandez May, 2020 Educational Leadership

LATINO YOUTH GANGS IN CENTRAL CALIFORNIA: AN AUTOETHNOGRAPHIC UNDERSTANDING OF ACADEMIC ASPIRATIONS AND SUCCESS

Abstract

The purpose of this autoethnographic study was to examine academic aspirations and life experiences of Latino youth in and affiliated with gangs in Central California. For the reason that Bulldog, Norteño (Northerner), and Sureño (Southerner) gang members are well-known to recruit high school students, ongoing informal discussions from 2016 were conducted with high schoolers to understand their collective lived experiences in neighborhoods where gangs predominate. Students representing high schools located in Central California’s rural areas engaged in informal conversations and participated in seminars organized for outreach purposes over a 5-year period. It is these discussions, coupled with informal discussion with principals and teachers who work with these youth, that have helped to shape my thinking about how to best serve the academic needs of these youth who are often wrongly labeled “at-risk.” This autoethnographic analysis reveals that although Latino gang members emanated from different high schools and cities throughout Central California, they have similar lived experiences. Four common themes that that will be explicated in detail include (a) challenges that emanate from living in barrios (neighborhood), (b) challenges with family stability that complicate school success, (c) lack of knowledge or

iii mentorship regarding the college choice process, and (d) schools are not equipped to compete with the familismo (sense of family) bonds that gangs provided. Overall, this study helped interpret how the dominant culture plays an active role in inducing the identity and behavior of a subcultural group, specifically Latino gang members and affiliates. In addition, this research helps promote future discourse regarding Latino gang members and affiliates that can be extremely beneficial to parents, school personnel, community leaders, and educators in general.

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2020

California State University, Fresno Kremen School of Education and Human Development Doctoral Program in Educational Leadership

This dissertation was presented by

Jonathan C. Hernandez

It was defended on May 22nd, 2020 and approved by:

Juan Carlos González., Chair California State University, Fresno Educational Leadership

Albert Valencia, California State University, Fresno Counselor Education and Rehabilitation

Adrian Ramirez California State University, Fresno Career Development Center

Dr. Edwardo Portillos, University of Colorado, Colorado Springs Department of Sociology

vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I want to thank God for his unconditional love. During the course of my life I have had many ups and downs; nonetheless, I have come to understand that you are my protector through it all. Thank you for the continuous blessings and for never giving up on me. I am overjoyed to continue our relationship for eternity. I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my Dissertation Committee: Dr. Albert Valencia, Dr. Adrian Ramirez, and Dr. Edwardo Portillos. Thank you all for your willingness to join me on this academic journey, brothers. In addition, I would like to thank my Chair, Dr. Juan Carlos González. Thank you so much for your mentorship, expertise, and patience. I appreciate you and our friendship. Thank you to all of the students that helped inspire this dissertation. It took complete transparency and courage for each of you to share your perspective(s) and life stories. Although many of your responses ignited genuine transparency, I am forever grateful that each of you provided a front row seat into your lives. Next, I want to thank all of the teachers, professors, and colleagues who have continuously encouraged me to pursue my doctorate in education. Each of you has taught me invaluable knowledge that will continue to benefit me as a lifelong learner. Lastly, this dissertation is dedicated to my family. Thank you to my wife, Maribel Hernandez, my parents, Emilio and Elizabeth Hernandez, and my sister, Roseanne Hernandez. You have all played such a momentous role in my life and I am very proud to identify all of you as mi familia. Every single one of you has seen me at my worst. Nevertheless, over the years, you have each found a way to

vii demonstrate your support, encouragement and love that has pushed me to be my very best. Thank you for everything, as this demanding process could not have been made possible without each of you. I love you.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

LIST OF FIGURES ...... xi

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Statement of the Problem ...... 6

Historical Context of Gangs in Education...... 11

History of Gangs in Central California ...... 15

The Emergence of Sureño Gang in Central California ...... 15

The Emergence of Bulldog Gang Members in Central California ...... 17

The Emergence of Norteños Gang in Central California ...... 18

Purpose of the Study ...... 20

Importance of the Study...... 21

Research Question ...... 27

Summary ...... 27

Preview of Succeeding Chapters ...... 28

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 29

Challenges for Latinos Within the U.S. Educational System ...... 33

Challenges to Latino Identity Development ...... 42

Neighborhood/Barrio Implications ...... 44

Machismo Ideology and Influence ...... 49

Barrio Linguistic Norms ...... 56

Musical Influences from Chicano Rap ...... 59

Detrimental Effects of Labeling Latino Youth ...... 65

Challenges Promoted by Social Disorganization ...... 68

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Summary ...... 76

CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY ...... 78

Theoretical Framework ...... 78

Methodology ...... 84

Sites that Framed My Knowledge and Experience ...... 87

Youth Who Helped Me Frame My Knowledge and Experience ...... 89

Limitations of the Study ...... 93

Role of the Researcher ...... 95

Summary ...... 98

CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS ...... 99

Living in the Neighborhood/El Barrio: Effect on School Success ...... 100 Lack of Resources En El Barrio: Can’t Learn if You Can’t Make It to

School ...... 103

Nonverbal Communication En El Barrio...... 105 Lowrider Oldies and Chicano Rap Preferences En El Barrio:

What Is This Advancing? ...... 108

Relationship with Parents ...... 110

Homies with Aspirations: Looking to Flip the Script ...... 114

Gangs Provides a Sense of Belonging/Protection (Familismo) ...... 118 Gang Culture is Rooted in Familismo: Schools not Equipped

to Compete ...... 121

Familismo: A Brotherhood ...... 122

Summary ...... 125

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 127

Discussion ...... 127

Rural Areas and Poverty: No Excuse to Give Up on Our Youth ...... 132

Recommendations ...... 134

Recommendations for Further Research ...... 135

Recommendations for Practice ...... 136

REFERENCES ...... 140

APPENDIX A: AUTOETHNOGRAPHY DISSERTATIONS ...... 161

APPENDIX B: SELF-INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE ...... 168 APPENDIX C: EXPERT ANALYSIS OF SCHOOLS IN CENTRAL

CALIFORNIA ...... 170

LIST OF FIGURES

Page

Figure 1. Map of Central California’s major cities ...... 87

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

The transition from middle school to high school was going to be easy – or at least I thought it was. Toward the close of my eighth grade year, I made sure to spend the last few months hanging out with more kids from my hometown of Selma, California. I did this leading up to my middle school graduation, for the reason that I knew that in the ensuing months, it was back to public school for me after 2 years of private school. Needless to say, I was young and naïve, and certainly did not choose the best of friends as role models. I could not believe it! After years of begging my parents to send me back to public school, I finally had my dream come to fruition. Nevertheless, at that age, it did not matter whether it was private or public schooling; I definitely had a knack for choosing to be around students who I felt a strong connection with. Unfortunately, all of these students that I did “kick it with” had a commonality: they were all considered “troubled youth.” It was another blistering summer day in Selma, California; however, this day was certainly different, as it was my first day of summer school. I was excited to say the least. I mean, how could I not be? I was embarking on a new educational endeavor: high school. It was the summer of 1999, the year that legendary music artist, Prince, famously coined as the “party year.” My first week of summer school went great! I was meeting all kinds of new kids, making friends, and was easing into my role as an official high school student. In addition, this was a great time to accumulate credits before the regular school year began. My mother would often pick me up after school. Her gold Toyota Camry would shine in the sun like a diamond in the light. However, when she did not pick me up (usually at my request), I made sure to walk around town with my friends.

Often, I would go back to their homes, relax, and converse in teenage subjects. I was amazed at how my friends’ parents never seemed to be there. You see, I grew up in a strict household with parents that both had careers in the educational field, and it seemed that they were always home at a certain time. I was accustomed to my parents greeting me with a smile and asking me about my day when I got home. I often thought: How could my new friends’ lives be so different than mine? Going to different homes after school and meeting different kids “from the other side of the tracks” certainly introduced me to my first taste of culture shock. I would often be offered a can of Coors Light, Bud Light, or whatever else was in the fridge from my friends. Truthfully, although I attended private school for a couple of years, I had the same type of situations. The only difference that I found at that age was instead of my friends in private school, whose parents weren’t home and out working to afford their big house, nice cars and the expenses of private school tuition, my public school friends’ parents were out working just to keep the lights on. It was a big change in socioeconomic status between my previous school and my current situation – nevertheless, I enjoyed it. During the third week of summer school, some of my friends decided to take a couple of beers to campus. We wrapped them tightly into foil so they would be cold after the summer school class ended. At break, I did blab to a couple of my friends that I had the beer in my backpack. A few of my other friends did the same about their situation. We thought we were cool. Even a few of our friends planned to join us at Albert’s house after school. Man, his parents were never home. It would be the perfect time. While our 15-minute break came to a close, the school bell rang to notify us to get back to our classes. On our way back to class, my friends and I noticed that

3 the administration was doing their regular “drug checks.” Coming from a private school, I had no clue what this meant. I asked my buddy what the adults were doing in our classroom and why did we have to stand outside in the boiling sun? He told me that it was just a regular thing that they did in public school to see if any students had any drugs on them. He smiled and laughed at me asking me if I had ever seen such a thing. I told him no; however, in the corner of my eye I could see that there were now multiple adults in our classroom checking for anything suspicious. To my surprise, I became even more alarmed when I saw the K-9 dog heading to our classroom ready to sniff away at our backpacks. After about five minutes of searching, the administration team came outside and our Vice Principal stared at me for so long that I immediately thought of the worst-case scenario. “Back to private school for me,” I thought. Seconds later, the Vice Principal smiled, told me to enjoy my day, and that he hoped that I was enjoying my first few weeks as a high school student. To this day, I do not remember sweating as much as I did in that situation. Nevertheless, the plan was still on after school. As the four of us walked to Albert’s house, we all laughed about the situation that had taken place. We could not believe that we did not get caught! However, on our way home close to campus, another group of males walked up to us. Most of them looked our age, perhaps a little bit older. One guy started a conversation with my friend, Ismael, and I could tell that things were just not right. The young man asked Ismael if he had any money on him and then he asked all of us. I told him that I had a few dollars and proceeded to give it to him. He said “thanks, bro – I really need it. I like your shoes. You’re a Norteño, too?” I did not realize it, but I was wearing my bright red DC skateboarding shoes. I asked him what a Norteño was and everyone started laughing in unison – even

4 some of my new friends. Truthfully, I was just happy to have everyone smiling. Ismael explained to them that I am new and from a private school. Ismael also told the guys that I almost got kicked out of school hours earlier, for packing my bag with “adult beverages” on a day that we had a drug check from the administration. The laughter grew as they all gave me a high five. Before I could tell them my name and formally introduce myself, Ismael beat me to the punch and introduced me as Jon-Jon. The kid in all red looked me up and down, and then told me that his name is Frankie. He proceeded to tell me that I seemed pretty cool, and if I ever needed anything, for me to reach out to him. As we started to walk our separate ways, I did notice that Frankie had headphones on, so I asked him what he was listening to. “Ahhh…shit,” he replied as his friends were smiling. My friends give me a bad time because I’m listening to Sureño music. I’m listening to a dude they call Lil Rob, but you probably don’t know him. It’s all good, check him out sometime but don’t tell anyone that I told you. We don’t affiliate with those kinds of dudes.” I nodded my head and then we all shook hands and proceeded to go on our separate paths. We went directly to Albert’s house to enjoy a couple of beers (even though I couldn’t stand the taste of it). Albert asked me what took us so long and we all explained to him what had happened. “Oh, damn! You guys ran into Norteños?” Good thing Jon-Jon is wearing his red shoes…he probably fit right in,” Albert said. Everyone continued to joke around and we enjoyed our time together. The following week after school as my mother picked me up, I saw Frankie from a distance. He and his homeboys all decked out in red. They were by the school once again talking to some of the high school students. Although it seemed crazy at the time, I really idolized Frankie’s charisma and communication skills. I asked around about him and I found out that he was attending a nearby

5 continuation school. My friend Ismael knew a lot about him. He told me that Frankie preceded one of his family members that were gang related and is one of the youngest leaders of the Norteños. He also told me that he comes from a very tough life, where both of his parents were incarcerated and that he is currently living with his grandparents. Ismael continued to tell me that he also got kicked out of our school for carrying drugs on him but that he was a “very cool dude.” That freshman year I stayed connected with Frankie. One day he was standing outside in his usual spot in front of the high school. I was surprised to see him alone. I looked for the gold Toyota Camry, but my mother was nowhere in sight. I figured while I wait for her, I could just go over and chat with him for a bit. As I approached him, he smiled and gave me a handshake and a hug. “Yo, Jon-Jon! Where you been at, bro? I thought that was you in those bright ass red shoes! I need to get some new ones like that! Mine are getting old and dirty. How’s school going?” I told him that everything was great and how I really liked public school. “Yeah, man. I wish I was over here with you. I would be a junior this year,” he said. I told him that he could still get the opportunity, and that my parents knew the principal...so maybe they could…he cut me off in a frustrating tone and told me that he wished he would have made better choices. “I’m not like you, bro. You’re not like me. I grew up in this gang shit! You have a good thing going for yourself. I’m just here because I need to say goodbye to some people.” I asked him what he meant. He said “my grandfather just passed away bro, so me and my grandmother are going to move to Madera.” It was the first time that I saw Frankie emotional, not knowing what to do. For the reason that I knew that his grandparents were his legal guardians, and that he was close with his grandfather, I didn’t know what to say. He continued, “Yeah, man. I had big dreams, too. Like, to be the first one in my family to go to school and college. I

6 wish I could get out of this gang shit, but it’s in my blood. Take care of yourself, bro. I see your mom waiting for you over there - make sure and keep sporting those red shoes, okay?” We shook hands and gave each other a hug. That was the last time that I ever spoke to Frankie. Throughout my years in education, I have always had a knack for picking out the “Frankies” in my classroom, as detailed in the vignette above. This is particularly true with my professional experience in the P-12 sector and now as a college professor. I often wonder where their life choices will eventually lead them. Additionally, I still marvel what kinds of aspirations these students would have if they could simply depart the gang lifestyle that has been fully embedded into their family history. Ultimately, I feel the time is now to better understand the culture of the “Frankies” of Central California and understand the life behind those red shoes. The following section will start off by addressing the statement of the problem, which is a growing Latino gang presence in Central California. Next, research will identify the historical context of gangs in the education sector. Subsequently, an examination of three of the most prominent gangs in Central California which are the Sureño, Norteño and Bulldog gangs will be mentioned. Next, the purpose and importance of this study will be provided.

Statement of the Problem The presence of Bulldog, Norteño, and Sureño identities in California’s Latinx communities have served as one of the most problematic social issues that our state continues to experience, especially in the Central California region. Researchers such as Skarbek (2011) argued that gang culture is one of the umbrella terms that several Latinx youth populations claim that correlates to a class divide with other surrounding communities. With a steady movement of

7 gang issues that have bled into communities since the early 1990s, one cannot argue that gangs have the potential to influence neighborhoods and even more, our local schools. Estrada, Sanchez, Gilreath, and Astor (2017) stated that students who were reported to have incidents of violent behavior at their schools were at least twice as likely to be involved in gangs. Since the gang problems in the region have exponentially grown over the years, politicians as well as law enforcement have considered alternative methods to decrease the violence and spread of gang affiliation. Most recently, Miguel Arias who is a city council member from Fresno, California has demanded for supplementary investigation of a program better known as Advance Peace to reduce gang activity. “The way the program works is a community organization and community leaders identified these individuals, sign them up for mentorship programs for job programs, monitor them to make sure they stay out of trouble,” according to Arias, Fresno City Council representative for District 3 (Lei Lani, 2019). According to their official website, the Advance Peace (2017) mission is to interrupt firearm brutality in the U.S. rural areas by presenting options to gang affiliated citizens. This pertains to youth involved in offenses with a lethal firearm. Moreover, the program is designed to place these individuals in a personalized fellowship, which is better known as the Peacemaker Fellowship (Advance Peace, 2017). Lei Lani (2019) reported that there are comparable platforms in Stockton, CA, which is entirely private funding. It is also available in areas such as Sacramento, CA, that contributes to both city and private dollars. Advance Peace (2017) contended that by collaborating with gang members at the core of firearm conflicts, which is a critical issue for many cities in California such as Fresno, they will be able to provide a significant solution that

8 can result in less violence, thus, resulting in less gun activity. Advance Peace aims to bridge the gap among anti-violence indoctrination and a hard-to-reach population at the focus of brutality in rural areas, thus dismantling the sequence of gun hostility that could eventually modify the route of young men’s lives. This organization works with public and civic-constructed investors to launch reactive municipal-driven policies that attain high-impact results for those fixed in the succession of firearm violence. In addition, Advance Peace (2017) promotes a diplomatic solution to gang affiliation, on many occasions the organization could financially compensate former gang members who do want to make a positive change in their life. Understandably, although this unorthodox method of compensation can be considered extremely controversial to many people of the community, the Fresno police want to do everything in their power to limit gang promotion, especially when it can target youth such as high school students. According to the National Gang Center (2020a), gang affiliation is a subcultural trait that is embedded deeply into neighborhoods. Therefore, it becomes extremely improbable for students to depart this lifestyle when they enter academia sectors such as middle school and high school. Students who are involved in gangs, such as young Latinos, have the tendency to have specific attitudes, behaviors, and norms. Oftentimes, these cultural differences are easy to spot and for some other teachers and law enforcement it can become very difficult to identify. Gang members that are identified frequently engage in high risk activities and promote terrorization. In addition to these traits, young Latino gang members have been described by law enforcement agencies to engage in fighting on campus and are widely known to recruiting other peers as early as elementary school. Lastly, the usage of weapons, vandalism, illegal drug sales and sex

9 trafficking are also some of the commonalities that these youth tend to have (National Gang Center, 2020a). Consequently, the deficiency of a planned, supportive, and operational institutional security proposal can lead to more disruption and additional problematic issues within an educational setting. The National Gang Center (2020c) contended that it is not exclusively the obligation of the schools to produce and uphold a nontoxic learning atmosphere for all of their students, but that law enforcement and parents need to do a much better job of communicating with each other. Elements such as parental involvement carry the most weight. Nevertheless, to advance an inclusive proposal that recognizes operative, databased policies to examine gang concerns in the school setting necessitates a few aspects. These aspects include the direct involvement of “parents, law enforcement, school administrators and staff” (The National Gang Center, 2020b p. 3). According to Friedrichs (2009), parents must take a leadership role to communicate with their kids about the lifestyle of gang members and what it could eventually mean for their future. In addition, parents must also be able to spot signs of gang affiliation from their own children by creating meaningful dialogue with them. Most importantly, parents must recognize their own denial and seek appropriate intervention for their children. Moreover, Friedrichs (2009) reported that families need to be more open- minded on ways to help their children and this can be remedied through various trainings. Specifically, these trainings assist parents with the resources that they will need to aid their children out of trouble. Most police, educational and municipal-founded professionals agree that enlightening parents about gangs is significant. Therefore, it is imperative that law enforcement and the general

10 community work together and continue to build strong relationships to promote this awareness. The National Gang Center (2020b) also reported that the relationship between school personnel and local law enforcement must improve if they are to prevent gang activity for the future. This entails that school administrators accurately report that their school site does indeed have gang affiliation taking place at their school site, which is something that a lot of administrators have a difficult time reporting. Typically, this is for the reason of community outcry and insinuations of denial. Although denial is a real challenge for most parents or legal guardians, there are other factors that have been discovered. One of the more recent findings is that it becomes problematic for parents to accept the fact that their living conditions are centralized in areas that are widely known to be underserved and considered to be lower income (National Gang Center, 2020b). Gang prevention is something that has been ongoing since the report of increased violence and disturbances in communities; however, early identification and specific trends of gangs such as Bulldog, Norteño, and Sureño members have been more recently noted by researchers and law enforcement members. The National Gang Center (2020a) reported that evidence-constructed services and events intended to educate a youth’s judgment to connect with a gang have been mildly effective over the years. Some of these innovative prevention practices may include aspects such as consulting with law enforcement to bring in experts or speakers that have been connected with the gang lifestyle themselves. Similarly, to what my company organizes at RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS, having speakers engage with these specific students on a more personal level creates a valuable model of dialogue and trust that can assist educators in discovering more about the students that they serve each day. In addition, having specialized speakers that can

11 relate to these specific students may support relationships between police and teenage learners as early as middle school. Thus, constructing strong bonds is an effective approach in communicating with gang affiliated youth. “Bonding and positive relationships with law enforcement officers can influence student choices in the future” (The National Gang Center, 2020b, p. 12). More specifically, California schools have taken a more aggressive approach to gang prevention. In an attempt to create safe school environments, many school programs have focused on removing graffiti, promoting after school programs to get students involved on campus, and provide additional information on gangs to community members (Friedrichs, 2009). Over the past decade, many schools have even promoted a firmer dress code to avoid the representation of gang colors, which are red and blue for Norteño and Sureño members (Hernandez, 2017). In addition, Hernandez (2017) conveyed that high schools all over the U.S. have taken critical measures to ensure that an increased in security on school grounds and a closed campus after instruction restricts gang members from recruiting students. In some occurrences, institutions have utilized metal detectors to monitor weapons at outdoor fields and after-school athletic events. For the reason that gangs and gang violence have been a critical issue in Central California, and even more, to have these problems affect students in our educational systems as early as elementary school, I will be exploring the three most popular gangs that reside in this particular region of California. In addition, I will be further exploring how these Latino gangs have emerged and developed over time, the purpose of this work, and the significance of the overall study.

Historical Context of Gangs in Education Many scholars have argued that both P-12 and higher educational settings can be detrimental, disruptive, and provide numerous disadvantages for students,

12 especially those students and communities of color (Aleman, 2009). One of the more significant problems that this author points out is the genuine disinterests in the American White academic framework that they are exposed to daily. As a result, education has done an extremely poor job of showing students that people with the same race and ethnic backgrounds can succeed. Moreover, since Central California high schools are dominated by an overwhelming Latinx population, specifically, Mexican-American, it is imperative for students that identify as Mexican-American to have role models and be mentored by other influencers that personally resemble them. The manifestation of the Mexican populace in the U.S. has a rich history, particularly, the beginning of the 16th century. This is when Spanish travelers settled what were the northern regions of Mexico and presently known as the Western parts of America (Moore & Pinderhughes, 1993). The downtown plazas of both Los Angeles and Albuquerque were labeled as original settlement areas as the cities expanded in population. Both Mexican and Spanish settlers who lived in these areas became U.S. residents succeeding the conclusion of the Mexican- American War in 1848, though colonization from Mexico did not commence until the start of the 20th century (Pachon & Moore, 1981). Assemblies of people that resembled “gang-like groups” were reported to have first materialized in the Western provinces as early as the 1890s (Redfield, 1941). Latino gang expert (Moore, 1978) discussed that Mexican-American inner- city cliques in the Western area were known widely as palomilla, which in English is a label that can be translated into flock of doves. These palomilla groups made from a “male cohorting tradition,” initially exemplified in southern parts of Texas in the early 1900’s (Rubel, 1965). Over periods of time, these gangs would migrate along the trails of Mexico and continued onward to the southern parts of

California. The first Los Angeles gangs that were established due to this move identified themselves as “chico gangs” (Bogardus, 1926). The trajectory from Mexico to southern California eventually turned out to be a very popular destination for many boy gangs, or “chico gangs.” More specifically, states in Mexico such as Jalisco and Michoacán would eventually require their people to travel back and forth form the U.S. in search of better resources (Moore, 2007). These proceedings eventually transpired to the existence of Mexican street cliques in Los Angeles and most of the Western areas correlated to this (Valdez, 2007). After the close of the war between Mexico and the U.S. in 1848 succeeding the treaty of Hidalgo, the Mexican administration relinquished most of the southwestern region to the U.S. Many Latino citizens located in western states such as Nevada, Arizona, New Mexico, and California, became naturalized citizens due to this. “Many Mexican street gang members felt-and still often feel-that the U.S. stole part of their country from their ancestors” (Valdez, 2007, p. 94). Valdez (2007) contended that Latinos became isolated in their own native country. In addition, it was considered that Latinos were considered as second- class citizens. They often were treated as second-class citizens and were told to go back to their home, Mexico. In their mind, they were home, but now [their homeland] was part of the United States because of the annexation. They were in a country where they were not wanted, but they could not return to Mexico because of their new status with the United States. (Valdez, 2007, p. 94) In their minds, these people were home, but now their native land was part of the U.S. due to the annexation. Over the course of the next 50 years, border transformation was established within the boundaries of Mexico; however, the main stream of immigrants was really highlighted during the Mexican Revolution

14 from 1910-1920. According to Vigil (1988), these dual issues coupled to boost more than two million immigrants from Mexico to the U.S. in the next 20 years. Cultural and physical marginalization continued for years and played a very significant role in street gangs establishing their roots in Los Angeles (Vigil, 1988). The neighborhoods, otherwise known as barrios that were recognized were well-defined regions of Mexican migrants. This holds true even today in several rural areas in the Central California region. With seasonal employment opportunities such as agricultural labor, it is easy for one to fathom how these specific neighborhoods become standard over time. “They were located in geographically isolated areas that other settlers and developers had bypassed as less appropriate for habitation, and were further isolated by cultural, racial, and socioeconomic barriers enforced by ingrained prejudices of the Anglo-American community” (Vigil, 1993, p. 95). As a result, this condensed the barrios to additional forms of resistance to external powers. For the first time in its history, immigrants from Mexico were racially excluded between their homeland and the American culture to which they had voyaged. The most deprived group, known as Cholo youth, certainly had critical difficulties fully assimilating into an Anglo culture and identity issues were formed during this process (Horowitz, 1983). Lopez and Brummett (2003) stated that the cholo culture now felt that they had to fit into two different groups. Even today, many Latinos have stressed the fact that being brown and in America has these same correlating issues. Nevertheless, partaking in a Latino gang permits youth to declare Latino individuality, take loyalty in it, and refute “being enbacheado (“Anglicized”; Vigil, 1988, p. 42). In essence, this alternative youth group from the streets designed their particular subculture.

Many gang members that were developed in the barrios were also known as street youth. According to Pachon and Moore (1981), these individuals did not receive the support from their parents at home. Ultimately, these groups had similarities that enabled them to establish their own barrios for support, friendship and guidance.

History of Gangs in Central California

The Emergence of Sureño Gang in Central California According to Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles (2019), Sureño means Southerner in Spanish and is often the common reference that police use to reference a member of this particular gang. Although Sureños have really developed their territories across the U.S. faster than any other present street gang, their origins have always stemmed from areas of southern California such as San Diego and Los Angeles. Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles (2019) reported that the gang culture such as Sureños typically have specific shot callers that influence other gang members. This influence from the shot callers typically stems deep as it is usually older members that are given the most sought-after positions in the gang. Recruitment, initiation, and violence may not even be part of a shot caller’s way of life as it would be the members underneath them that would be doing most of this activity. In addition, there are several ties between the Sureños and Mexican Mafia (eMe) and although many Sureños do not personally know (eMe) members, a form of respect is established to form a sense of unity and brotherhood, according to the site. This form of respect has commonly been the number “13” that Sureños have been known to label all over cities through graffiti art and tattoos. The

16 number “13” is the 13th letter in the alphabet and thus signifying a bond between (eMe) and Sureños (National Gang Center, 2020a). According to Baca (2010), hundreds of other gangs originating in southern California identify as being Sureños. For this reason, that is why Sureños have really increased their numbers over time and have become the biggest street gang in the U.S. and other parts of the world such as Mexico. These members have been notorious for establishing themselves in rural cities, cities that resemble the kind of towns that we have here in Central California. In southern California, it is a common way of life to see Sureños fighting each other; however, once they are incarcerated, they are commanded by the Mexican Mafia to put their differences aside (Baca, 2010). The gangs from the north, also known as Norteños are the loathed enemy for any Sureño member according to Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles (2019). Sureños are also known as SUR members, which is an acronym for Southern United Raza. They are known to wear the color blue. According to the Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles (2019) website, one of the main reasons for the success of this group to thrive is their ability to adapt: Finding themselves in unfamiliar areas, they were drawn to the security and familiarity of Hispanic working-class communities and often formed protection groups. But like many ethnic communities in the United States, such as the ones that we have here in Central California, the smaller criminal sub-culture took root among the honest, hard-working people who sought a better life for themselves and their families. (p. 7) Baca (2010) reported there are three basic kinds of Sureño gang members: (a) those that grew up in areas of Southern California and identify as being Hispanic, (b) those naturalized in the U.S. but external of Southern California, including non-Hispanic affiliates, who have embraced the Sureño gang existence but have never been in Southern California, and (c) those born in Central America

17 and Mexico who spent minimal time in the U.S. but joined a Sureño gang in their own country. According to the author, the popularity of this street gang has grown so much over the years since the late 80’s, that they have methodically migrated and dominated the Central California region that was once led by the Norteno gang. Similarly, the Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles (2019) accounts that another critical reason to this gang’s heavy expansion is the swift transformation in colonization from the 1980’s. Many small cities have become more popular areas for Sureño members to locate for the reason that there is more open territory and less law enforcement to hinder their expansion. Moreover, territorial dominance over time has transitioned outside small rural communities and into larger cities on the East Coast. “Aside from California, this Sureño movement can be observed in the suburban and rural areas of states on the East Coast such as Maryland and Virginia” (Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles, 2019, p. 41).

The Emergence of Bulldog Gang Members in Central California According to the Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles (2019), The Bulldog Gang formulated from the Fresno 14 Gang, otherwise known as F-14. This popular gang was established in northern California and has been widely known since the early 1990s to be a serious threat in Central California. This gang managed to combine themselves with inmates from San Quentin Prison early in the 1980s and decided to utilize the Fresno State University mascot (bulldog) as their official logo, which is still utilized to this day (Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles, 2019). According to Criminal Justice Resources (2019), the research from this article, the F14 gang had connections to the Nuestra

Familia and Norteños, although they are their own entity. The color that represents this gang is red and members are often known to bark as a call sign to let other gangs know their exact affiliation. Bulldog members are known to fight Sureños and Norteños and take pride in being their own independent gang. Baca (2010) described the Bulldogs as one of the most prominent street gangs in Central California, especially during the era of the early 1990s where they dominated small cities and were very well known to promote in public schools, which is something that a lot of gangs were not doing back then. Although the Bulldogs still hold a true identity in the streets, especially in the Fresno region, it is believed that they now share the popularity with another gang that sports the same color (red) and that gang is known as the Norteños (Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles, 2019).

The Emergence of Norteños Gang in Central California A heated rivalry between southern and northern Latino gangs has existed for many decades. By the 1960s, the battle had really been prevalent inside prisons (CA Dept. of Corrections/CDC) where the prisoners affiliated with La Eme (The Mexican Mafia), most of which were representing areas of East Los Angeles. Nevertheless, Southern California regions had started to distance themselves and disregard members of La Eme who did not take the gang seriously (Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles, 2019). According to the Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles (2019), members of one of the most powerful street gangs, La Eme, looked down on their northern affiliates and decided to eventually branch off and create their own identity through their new label: Norteños. The Norteño gang was much different from other gangs in that their members were dominantly in areas of rich agriculture. For this reason, La Eme

19 members and other established street gangs would often refer to this new Latin clique as “Farmeros,” “Sodbusters,” and many other derogatory references. Ultimately, these labels created a lot of hostility as Norteños tried their best to create a new identity (Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles, 2019). Often, Norteños were being treated like second class human beings compared to other veteran street gangs. After numerous incidents of disrespect against non-EME members, the rage between gang affiliates certainly became prevalent. At San Quentin Prison in the fall of 1968, violence between the Northern and Southern gangs elevated to great intensity. Decades later, this friction between both sides shows no signs of declining (Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles, 2019). According to the Gang Profiles website (2019), by the mid-1970s, Norteño inmates were able to establish themselves as a real threat to not only the general public, but they were able to establish their identity within the prison system as a unit that demanded the respect of the gangs that were formed before them. It is during this time that these prisoners frequently utilized the letter “N” to imply their loyalty to the North, and for the reason that “N” is the 14th letter of the alphabet; it made sense to mark their territory with this symbol. Today, one can still locate the number “14” and “N” graffiti on most fences and buildings, especially in rural cities of Central California. Lopez (2008) in his study on Bulldog gang members in Central California contended that communities of color begin to resemble the prison in terms of everyday experiences with surveillance and social control. Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles (2019) reported that red is the color of choice for Norteño members. Years before Blood and Crip street gangs wore bandanas around their heads and draped them from their pant pockets; the state prison system provided inmates either red or blue bandanas to sponge

20 away the perspiration and grime during times of manual labor. In the mid-1980s as a result of a Folsom State Prison war between street gangs, associates of Nuestra Familia also began to sport the color red as a symbol of association. Soon after, their presence was felt among not only other Latino gangs, but gangs across the U.S. (Criminal Justice Resources and Gang Profiles, 2019).

Purpose of the Study Why is studying Latino youth gang members important to the world of academia? The motive of this research was to explore issues that have emerged within Latino gangs, specifically, within the rural communities of Central California. Moreover, this research study explored not only the development and complexities of the gang lifestyle; it uncovers the importance of identifying possible academic aspirations for Latinos who consider themselves to be involved in a gang or have some type of gang affiliation. According to Baca (2010), street gangs are formulated due to a wide range of social and economic factors. Additional motives entail that gang life provides a sentiment of family for these young children and that within this group; the children soon find that they have a lot in common such as issues of poverty. While other factors accord to why youth connect with gangs, these motives are some of the more common themes. In recent times, Latino gangs have been evident in middle-class areas, but close examination of these gangs, discloses that the foundation of this development is still found in the families' instability. Baca (2010) contended that in many instances, the families of gang members have moved from gang-infested neighborhoods, primarily due to reasons such as improved socioeconomic (SES) condition. A steadiness of deterrence, mediation, and subdual strategies are critical for success in most communities that endure a gang issue (Tsankov & Guyviiska,

2017). This statement holds true close to home as an overwhelming number of cities here in Central California face this problem every year. Additionally, youth are forced into gangs but seek out membership in an attempt to associate with other youth that have similar background deficiencies (Baca 2010). Baca (2010) revealed that Latino gangs in particular have infiltrated middle-class areas in rural cities. This infiltration is usually a result of families with children who are gang members moving into the area, which in turn attracts the local delinquent minded youth of that area who may potentially be interested by the gang lifestyle reputation. Therefore, some of the critical reasons to study Latino gangs are to investigate elements that are facing these gang members such as family implications (SES aspects, generational affiliation, identity issues, and many other influences). In addition, I intended to postulate that public foundations, including the family and educational environment(s), unsuccessfully meet the requirements of youth who feel less attachment to these institutions. Subsequently, these particular youth pursue an unconventional way of life to meet these needs through the gang. Ultimately, the purpose of this entire academic process is to examine two distinct points: a) to research and provide information that can benefit Latino students who are gang affiliated. b) to research and provide information to educators who may not understand this alternative gang culture that is entrenched in high schools.

Importance of the Study This study is an important contribution to the culture of academia. For the reason that gang involvement continues to exist in rural schools in Central California, especially among the youth that have been examined in this study, it shows proof that the traditions of street gangs still persist. In addition, questions

22 pertaining to how schools are responding to these issues and how school leaders may want to address these problems are often not addressed publically. Although the U.S. has been promoting more meaningful dialogue in diversity with movements such as Black Lives Matter and LGBTQIA rights, there is still a clear and visible lack of people of color in leadership roles that are taking a stand for gang violence that directly affects African-American and Latino populations. Patton, Harper, and Harris (2015) contended that Critical Race Theory (CRT) scholars argued that there is a severe lack of representation of people of color who hold a leadership position. This is considered by many CRT scholars not to be by accident, rather, by a controlled design structure. In this same piece the authors make it clear that Whites remain overrepresented in elite instructions of higher education and therefore control a majority of the narrative that take place outside places of education. McCoy and Rodricks (2015) echoed these words, explaining that CRT researchers count on particular approaches that are commonly not considered “traditional or scientific” to absorb and advance consciousness of people of color’s lived experiences. The authors identify the significance of experiential data as an asset and means for informing exploration. In academia, especially in the high school sector, aspects such as counterstorytelling are an indispensable factor to scholastic learning engaging a critical race agenda for young students to be introduced to. A study by the National Gang Center (2020a) stated that 45% of secondary school scholars reported that there was gang association within the institute. The majority of these students explained that they either knew of gang members personally, or they themselves identified as gang members. The National Center for Education Statistics (2010) also reported that 23% of students described that

23 there were gangs present in their school and that teachers really did not know how to communicate to these students. At the middle school level, scholars conveyed a lower occurrence of gangs than that reported by high school students (National Center on Safe Supportive Learning Environments, 2016). Furthermore, as gangs continue to establish themselves in educational settings across the country, their overall impact on students magnifies. Gang members such as Bulldogs, Norteños and Sureños are clearly known to incite fear among their counterparts and teachers, thus, resulting in an unsafe environment to learn for many students. Distracting teachers and a genuine lack of drive are some very common themes that educators such as Hernández (2012) have noted. Research by Schwab-Stone et al. (1995) established that kids who observe vicious actions in the community have a considerably greater possibility of lower performance in school as indicated by report cards and rates of retention. Overstreet and Braun (1999) revealed a substantial damaging association concerning civic violence exposure and grade point average at the middle school sector. Bowen and Van Dorn (2002) revealed that community violence exposure destructively inclined school grades for more than 2,000 middle and high school students. Bowen and Van Dorn (2002) stated that educators who openly communicated that they teach in unsafe environments typically try to leave their school sites. Therefore, school violence and the threat of it not only harm the youth that are directly being affected by its ramifications, it has a connection with quality teachers looking for other opportunities. It is widely known that school events and programs have been cancelled due to the fears of key interferences or violence during a school event. Here in Central California, this holds true as a football game in my hometown was cancelled due to gang violence that took place

24 with thousands of locals in attendance. Overall, the corporeal and the psychosomatic effect(s) of gang ferocity are more than likely to be harmful to the undergraduate culture and school’s educational attainment. The occurrence of school violence and crime can destructively influence student attendance, aptitude to avoid distress, and grades. These emotional feelings of self-doubt encourage the undesirable actions of not attending school and could lead to gang membership and mistreatments of substance abuse for students (Bowen & Van Dorn, 2002). Conversely, to fully understand how gangs have currently dominated in violent behaviors that develop overwhelmingly destructive media attention, one must look at the historical context from which Latino gangs originated. Gangs, particularly of Mexican-American origin, started forming in the 1930s and 1940s in East Los Angeles (Moore & Pinderhughes, 1993). Negative encounters with assemblies in other barrios, school representatives, law enforcement agencies, and other establishments coagulated them as extremely evident individuals in their communities (Vigil, 1993). Vigil (1999) explained that shot caller members from these neighborhood gangs in the barrios usually stemmed from smaller areas that lacked the resources for them to join bigger, more elite gangs. Therefore, these “boy gangs” were stronger in numbers and therefore established themselves as full-fledged street gang. Many people often wonder what it is that attracts Latinos to the street gang lifestyle. Vigil (1993) expressed that joining a gang provides new opportunities to demonstrate gang members’ abilities to show loyalty, embed cultural values and apply the skills that they learn from their higher ups. In addition, there appears to be an understanding of territorial-based structures that are normalized within gangs; a battle to overthrow territories and claim their own space is incredibly significant to gangs all over the world (Vigil, 1993). Even the linguistics over time

25 became very significant as “mi barrio” became more of a way to say “my family” or “my gang” (Moore, 1978). The deep attachment to gangs and barrios (neighborhoods) is incredibly distinctive to both larger and smaller towns on the west coast. However, neighborhoods have certainly increased the connection between gang member and their streets all over the United States. Hutchison (1993) reported that in cities in the Midwest, such as Chicago, neighborhoods were not established until the late 1960s which forced a lot of youth to cling to certain areas and territories within their own borderlines. Similarly, “Each new wave of immigrants has settled in or near existing barrios and created new ones, [providing] a new generation of poorly schooled and partially acculturated youths from which the gangs draw their membership” (Vigil, 1990, p. 56). Cities such as New York and Chicago have certainly had their fair share of gang problems that spans back to the Al Capone era. However, one of the most significant differences between large cities is that their issues stemmed from battles with additional ethnic/racial groups (Adamson, 1998). In disparity, Latino gangs such as Bulldogs, Norteños, and Sureños have drawn more of their strengths from their own ethnic history. Furthermore, Western Latino gangs are unique in that they did not undergo severe social disorganization as did larger cities such as New York and Chicago (National Gang Center, 2020c). According to Moore and Pinderhughes (1993), insufficiencies regarding monies did not become as prevalent as it was in the Chicago or New York Latin neighborhoods. Thus, research focuses such as CRT are extremely imperative for uncovering information about Latinos and their neighborhoods. Amaya (2007) referred to CRT work from two scholars that have been instrumental in ethnic/racial research in Samuel Ramos and Octavio Paz. These

26 two researchers have provided critical awareness regarding the historic effects on male individuality in Latin America. According to Amaya (2007), Ramos was a very extraordinary Mexican theorist, especially during the first half of the 20th century. He contended that this type of machismo was the result of a subordination complex ensuing from the Spanish Conquest that later contributed to sexualization and racialization: “Their works deal with deviant and violent masculinities in Mexico and these masculinities’ role in constructing a post-revolutionary Mexican identity” (Amaya, 2007, p. 3). Therefore, when we do cover Latino/as in our classrooms, it is typically from an exaggerated point of view that may involve stereotypes. Debatably, the deed of hypermasculinity is a reaction to the subservient role citizens of Latin America obligated as a result of the Spanish invasion (Hernández, 2012). Well over four centuries later, this counter-hegemonic enactment remains prevalent in the U.S. where Latinx people often endure forms of relegation due to subjects of race and ethnicity. Due to this, concepts such as machismo are performed in order to cope with microagressions and the frustrations that Latinos may be enduring in their living conditions (Giroux, 1986). Amaya (2007) explained that for many individuals, the concept of machismo is a way of existence, cultural philosophy, and a method of assessing or arbitrating other males. By assessing Latinos through this lens, individuals are linguistically influenced to see themselves and others through this societal structure. Therefore, through individualism and an analytical structure through which to reason, machismo can be described as both an exemplification of Latino identity and a linguistic practice of communication that demands others to perform that representation.

Research Question This study will address the following research question: How does gang membership and affiliation hinder the educational aspirations and academic success of Latino high school youth? This question will be answered through the lens of Critical Race Theory and Latino Critical Race Theory as my knowledge to understand these is primarily drawn from my extensive work and experiences working and serving Latino youth that are in gangs or gang affiliated. That said, these experiences and knowledge will be formally brought to light and examined through an autoethnographic method, whereby I conduct a detailed and extensive self-interview process about experiences that I know of as an educator and entrepreneur. In addition, it is my hope to best use my knowledge and experience to better serve youth and provide them with knowledge about the college going process and college culture.

Summary Estrada et al. (2017) have reported that gang culture has continuously evolved over time. This is particular true for Latino gangs that continue to recruit and access control over regions such as Central California. Nonetheless, with the emergence of three of the most prevalent gangs in Central California (e.g., Sureños, Bulldogs, and Norteños), researchers such as Durán (2013) and Paris (2012) endorsed alternative research methods in education to access a better understanding of these particular youth. The purpose of this study is to discover pedagogical methods to identify if there are possible academic aspirations for Latinos who are involved in a gang or have some form of affiliation. Additionally, according to Patton et al. (2015) the educational systems in the U.S. have traditionally provided a disservice to students of color by not acknowledging material that is culturally relevant to their histories.

Thus, examining groups such as Latinx youth through a CRT lens, specifically, Latino gang members and affiliates is much needed in the educational space now more than ever.

Preview of Succeeding Chapters The following chapters will provide a more comprehensive understanding of Latino gang construction. In chapter 2, identities such as machismo will be further explored along with an examination of the challenges that Latinos face within the U.S. educational system. A detailed analysis of other identities that socially construct Latino gang members will also be examined. Chapter 3 will provide an overview of the critical framework for this study. In addition, the procedures for organizing the data of this research, and how the study is going to analyze the data will be addressed. Next, chapter 4 will provide an autoethnography of my recollection of over 500 personal communication opportunities with faculty, staff and students from rural high schools located in Central California. Lastly, in chapter 5, the discussions and recommendations will be addressed.

29 CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

It was my junior year in high school where I became really involved in sports, clubs and music. I was meeting more people than I could ever imagine and I learned early on as a freshman that it was important to talk to everyone. When I entered Selma High School, a senior by the name of Phillip taught me that. He was actually the one who coined the nickname Jon-Jon for me back in those days. We had one class together, which I looked forward to: Men’s Choir. He certainly was not the best singer but he had the ability to make those around him comfortable. Nevertheless, I looked up to Phillip for the reason that everyone seemed to like him. It had to have been his genuine charm, confidence, and ability to communicate to different groups of people on campus that really intrigued me. As a result, when Phillip graduated, I made sure to continue the tradition of communicating with people who I felt were different than me. However, during the course of each school year we would lose some students – this was primarily due to relocation, teenage pregnancies, the inability to follow school rules, or gang affiliation. Nevertheless, it was a combination regarding all of the above. I remember one evening in my junior year running into my friend Joseph after track practice. As I was heading to the locker room to change, I noticed him in a corner of the gymnasium. He was leaning against the wall and looked incredibly distraught. I asked him if everything was okay and he replied gently, “she’s pregnant, bro.” His eyes were glistening like white porcelain and I could tell that he had done his fair share of crying. Joseph and his girlfriend had been in a relationship since our sophomore year. Man, at that age, a year seemed like an eternity to be with someone. I looked at Joseph and before I could muster any words he began to cry. I hugged him as he kept repeating to me: “what I am I going to do?”

Joseph was a well-known Sureño gang member who liked to play the tough guy in class. The truth of the matter was he tried his very best to keep his tough guy act every chance that he acquired; however, I knew the real him. The real him entailed an incredibly intelligent but incredibly insecure young man who had a history of getting into trouble (and often times unfairly). In fact, it was very normal for teachers to verbally disrespect him in front of the class, often times comparing him to his gang-affiliated brothers. I knew that hurt him deeply. I personally knew his older brothers, and besides the gang affiliation, there was nothing comparable to each of them. Nonetheless, here is a gang affiliated young man crying in my arms and needing a friend. His entire future was about to change and he knew it – I knew it. He came from a longline of gang members and he was just another product of the lifestyle. He had quite a few siblings who also followed the gang life. They were either in prison or had kids when they were in high school and decided to drop out. However, one of the greatest challenges for Joseph was that his girlfriend did not live too far from me. Similarly to my upbringing, his girlfriend, Hannah, had supportive parents and they lived in a very nice neighborhood. There were times during my freshman and sophomore year where my friends and I would go over to her house. My friend Michael was really interested in her best friend, Samantha, so by default I would go over to support my buddy. I actually had a good time when I was there as her parents reminded me a lot of my household. Hannah’s parents wanted the very best for their child and they were strict - but they were very fair. It was during our sophomore year where I noticed Joseph and Hannah spending more time together. They eventually got together, but I remember how

31 devastated her parents were. Similar to many of our teachers at our high school, they did not think much of Joseph. Again, I knew the real him so I would try to chime in with any positive remarks that I could, but Hannah’s parents were not having any of it. Now, a little over a year later, here is their daughter pregnant with a boy they refused to give a chance. Joseph dropped out of school immediately when Hannah became pregnant. To be honest, I thought for sure he was going to be another statistic. I thought he was going to mirror the life that his siblings created for their realities. I thought his life was over, however, it turns out that his life was just beginning. Joseph and Hannah gave birth to a beautiful baby boy several months after the news of her getting pregnant circulated around our community. Years later, they gave birth to their second…and then about a year later…their third child. During this time Joseph went back to school and earned his GED and then graduated from the same community college as I did. Ultimately, Joseph became the first member in his family to graduate from both high school and college. For students like Joseph, their expectation was to live day by day, go to school, and protect the people in their gang while they would be offered the same kinds of protection. It made sense: Joseph’s mother was a single mother who had five kids and worked two full-time jobs. She did the best she could, but was unable to be with her children as often as she would like. The gang provided several necessities to Joseph, similar to Abraham Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs: status, friendship, security and physiological needs (Mucedola, 2015). Although Joseph was a known gang member, he had aspirations to live a different life - the lifestyle of hard work and family values that he learned within his immediate family.

Similar to Joseph’s narrative, Raybeck (1988) argued that in spite of the risks that being gang affiliated possess, marginal mediations have been advanced for active gang associates. Sociological philosophies concerning gang development attempt to explicate why juvenile gangs progress and persevere in specific barrios rather than concentrating on individual-level risk elements. However, numerous active gang members and research has revealed that gang involvement ultimately satisfies roles that practical institutions such as school and the family are unable to achieve. According to Friedrichs (2009), one of the primary philosophies on reasons gangs form is social disorganization. Latino youth suffer from numerous well- being discrepancies including a greater occurrence of teen pregnancy and youth violence, while income insufficiencies and colonization prospectively contribute to these disparities in promoting a lack of overall youth well-being (Raymond- Flesch et al., 2017). Ultimately, these are all factors that can promote gang affiliation. For the reason that gang recruitment targeting youth is so prominent in Central California, one must recognize that there are factors influencing Latino youth to contribute to this particular lifestyle. In this review of literature, the research examines three of the overarching themes that bridges gang affiliation and contribute to youth participation. First, research exploring the challenges that Latinos face within the U.S. educational system will be examined. Next, research investigating Latino identity will be outlined through the lens of five critical themes Latino youth participate in which are: Barrio knowledge, gender knowledge, linguistic knowledge, cultural stereotypes and gang affiliation stereotypes. Lastly, the challenges promoted by social disorganization will be investigated.

Challenges for Latinos Within the U.S. Educational System Concerns regarding the injustices and challenges regarding Latino students to flourish in school have been well documented (Carter & Segura, 1979; Duncan- Andrade; Freire, 1970). Therefore, it is crucial to identify the collection of challenges that continue to distress high school students, particularly in Central California. Finn (1996) showed that students who have been reported to be from lower SES regions often feel that they are being forced out of school. Duncan and Brooks-Gunn (1997) contended that it is common for Latino students to lack essentials such as insurance and healthcare. Moreover, the lack of appropriate nourishment can make it extremely problematic for youth to focus on their learning. Nolan and Anyon (2004) have similarly looked into these implications as they reported that schools are creating disservices for students such as Latino gang youth who come from lower SES backgrounds. According to their research, students are severely lacking the proper tools to develop communication skills, job skills and emotional skills. The researchers assert that the U.S. educational organization is intended to develop young individuals of color and underprivileged students towards a life of delinquency. At school, it is said that vicious cycles of repetition eventually become a routine that is problematic to break away from (Nolan & Anyon, 2004). Moreover, Kim, Losen, and Hewitt (2010) conveyed that students who reside in lower SES locations are victims of focused prejudice and law enforcement inspection. It is known that Latino youth face unique psychological stressors compared to their White counterparts. Some of these barriers include ethnic discrimination,

34 acculturation concerns, and their below average SES status. According to Buchanan and Smokowski (2009), these stressors can contribute to negative life events, for instance, psychological illnesses and monetary stressors. Gang affiliated youth have reported an overwhelming commonality that their parents were not the best role models, typically involved with alcoholism and drugs (Martinez, McClure, Eddy, & Wilson, 2011). Furthermore, research shows that adolescence existing in underprivileged districts are more probable to familiarize themselves with Negative Life Impacts (NLEs) for instance, observing area vehemence (Covey, Menard, & Franzese, 2013). Although 26.6 % of Latino youth reside in insufficient areas, many Latinx children are at an increased danger of suffering from NLEs (Shea, 2012). Latinx families may also be at an increased threat for dangerous scarceness due to inadequate job prospects ensuing from immigration status, judgment, subordinate scholastic completion, or linguistic challenges (Ohlson, 2007). More precisely, Latino youth of Mexican-American heritage are more likely to experience NLEs for the reason that their families are unreasonably characterized among Latinos living in poverty (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012). According to Durán (2013), children in SES disadvantaged neighborhoods go through a plethora of issues that other neighborhoods do not get introduced to. Some of these issues concern interpersonal violence, troubled families, lack of hope or encouragement and often time’s may have the sole responsibility to look after their younger siblings due to their parents working multiple jobs. Similarly, Jensen (2009) contended that there are four distinct factors that families in gang infested areas typically face. These risk factors include emotional and social changes (e.g., moving from bad neighborhood to bad neighborhood due to new job opportunities), acute and chronic stressors, and health safety issues. It

35 is known that poor children in these areas that are often gang related are more likely to rely on their peers than they are their own parental figures or teachers. Jensen (2009) stated that mentors can be of assistance; however, most gang members spend more time with their “family members” in their specific gang. These internal and external challenges certainly have a direct negative impact on high school students. Huerta and Rios-Aguilar (2018) reported that historically both African-American and Latino males have similarities in the educational system for the reason that these groups have both been consistently marginalized throughout our history. According to Huerta (2015), when municipal high schoolers are presented with honors and innovative appointed classes, the students’ self-assurance and intellect of college level grounding falter. For example, in 2007, only 34% of Latinos in high school that completed their required classes registered for college, as opposed to 44% of Latinas (Pew Research Center, 2013). Another factor that hinders Latinos in school is the adjustment to life in a new country. For many students who have come to the U.S., their difficulties tend to be enlarged due to their mastery of the English language. In addition, the lack of American history and culture only increases their insecurities. Unfortunately, many of these students feel misplaced and search for other groups or peers that may feel the same way as them according to Ada and Beutel (1993). According to their research, they established that if Spanish speaking pupils are permitted to practice their personal linguistic traits naturally, they have a considerable negative experience piloting their way through an educational structure that may often label them as “problem youth.” As a result of this, student misbehaviors may result as a concern of educators’ absence of understanding the imperative role that language produces in hastening English attainment.

According to Ada and Beurtel (1993), most individuals in a community, unless they are physiologically or mentally compromised, absorb the dialect of their dominant group, utilizing it with affluence and competence. In regards to learning English in the classroom, many students are already equipped with this prior knowledge, thus, isolating students such as English Language Learners (ELL) students. “In communities where the use of written language is widespread, the process of acquiring reading and writing skills follows and complements that of oral acquisition, which certainly benefits their White counterparts” (Ada & Beurtel, 1993, p. 89). Additionally, for many ELL students, the complications associated with reading and writing in English are due to the disengagement with the educational culture, as well as the teacher’s incompetence to connect culturally and linguistically with Latinx students. Numerous youth who undergo trouble retrieving the proper school resources infrequently have the surviving capabilities required to overcome these academic assignments (Collier & Thomas, 1989). Furthermore, this language and cultural disconnect is personally experienced by many African-American and other marginalized students (Anderson, 1999). Starting in the late 1990s, there has been a significant increase in the demand for more multicultural and cultural sensitivity courses (McCoy & Rodricks, 2015). Professional development has also been in high demand to hopefully target educators who are unfamiliar in teaching cultures such as Latinx students (Diller & Moule, 2005). Similarly, Duncan-Andrade (2007) stated that: …in addition to the absence of teachers and professional role models, Latino students are also faced with a curriculum that too often reduces their role in the historical development of the modern world to that of a conquered people whose contributions are hardly worth mentioning. (p. 593)

Similarly, Antrop-González and DeJesús (2006) found that most educational institutions in the U.S. are teaching curriculum that is not culturally relevant to their particular audiences and can perpetuate the class-based positionalities of marginalized groups. Therefore, a lot of what the students are learning in the classrooms does not prepare them for success, but rather it strengthens their mindset and skillsets to work in the labor force. According to Yosso (2006), more than 75% of teachers in public schools that educate in the P-12 sector identity as White. This is extremely problematic for the reason that students of color make up a very high number of the student population, especially in places like Central California (Rice, 2020). District hiring processes do not replicate the pupils in which they assist; henceforth scholars of color do not get to experience educators who may mirror what they look like, have similarities in upbringings like barrio lifestyle, or have language resemblances. Therefore, instructors incline to teach core set of courses from their own understandings and cultural involvements (Latham, 1999). Shared practices among educators of color and scholars of color can authenticate and maintain their communal societal and cultural truths. Furthermore, the P-12 school systems across the country have been known to create hierarchies within school districts. In areas all over California and beyond, parents who have the financial means to send their children to private school often do so to better their child’s chances to have a successful future (Rice, 2020). Undoubtedly, parents who do not have the financial means to do so cannot experience these luxuries. Kozol (2005) reported that the poor environments of high schools that aid underrepresented and low socio-economic barrios are known to have students who do not have the motivation to continue their education and go to college. Kozol (2005) contended that the overall lack of assets and subsidy

38 of these institutes bounds their possibilities for learning basic fundamentals. Furthermore, mothers and fathers with financial assets have more power and guidance over the school’s management since they are better able to construct coalitions with the schools, while low-income parents are unable to grasp the same power and privilege (Kozol, 2005). In regard to privilege, there are many challenges that Latino parents, particularly migrant Latino parents, experience. For instance, parents that struggle with the English language have limited access to educational tools that can help assist their children. In addition, the language barrier does create discomfort for many parents to have basic communication with their children’s teachers. This is especially true for migrant families in Central California that are used to a highly mobile lifestyle and commuting all over the find work in the fields (López, Scribner, & Mahitivanichcha, 2001). For these reasons, many schools have issues in reaching out to these specific families. They may also have ongoing challenges in creating genuine bonds with the parents or recognize the effect of the SES obstacles that hinder their overall connection with their kids. While schools all over the U.S. have been trying to find some common ground between migrant parents, or parents that are considered to be English Language Learners (ELL), there have been many programs that have successfully modeled what it takes to take critical measures. López et al.’s (2001) qualitative research on parent contribution regarding migrant families included four school districts: three districts in Texas and one in Illinois. These school districts were designated for the reason that they were considered to be successful migrant serving programs. The researchers reported in their data that these districts were labeled as “prosperous” for the reason that they first acknowledged the SES challenges that hindered the parents’ contribution in their children’s achievement

39 in school. Additionally, they also had their faculty and staff, who are fluent in the Spanish language, periodically conduct workshops for ELL parents exclusively. This ideology of inclusiveness has proved to work for years now and other programs, such as boys and girls clubs across the country are taking notice (Karberg & Cabrera, 2016). According to Giroux (1986), this communication regarding specialized programs is dominantly catered to teachers instructing higher SES students and safer neighborhoods has been noted to be a main downfall in the educational system. As a result, when there is a collapse in comprehension, the pupil often retorts improperly to what researchers distinguish as unfair management. Commonly, this unconventionality is a developmental demonstration of the incongruity between the students’ lived representativeness and the school’s incompetence to generate suitable curriculum influences that have genuine importance for African-American and Mexican-American students and their socioeconomic realities (Duncan-Andrade, 2007). As young men continue to rebel in classroom settings and in their barrio populations, one must understand that there may be a lot more going on than just a child lashing out and having a bad attitude each day. Duncan-Andrade (2007) believes that having curriculum that is culturally relevant to students of color is a good way to start engaging students. For the reason that education in the U.S. has been from a White perspective, many researchers are echoing this incorporation of cultural influences. According to Vigil (1988), deprivations of appropriate interferences may amplify through an even larger socio academic breach and leak out into the communities. As a result, this could eventually motivate students towards unifying with a street clique where young men trust they are accepted and accepted by their peers.

It is clearly understandable how joining a gang and the benefits of its security may appear to be enticing for these young men. Many gang affiliates have conveyed a longing for a sense of family and acceptance. Therefore, Latinos have several critical incentives to join gangs throughout their years of youth. Some of these motives might include rigidities between parental figures, observations of firsthand discrimination and discernment in schools, community violence, and poverty, which all add to a teenager’s emotion of ostracism (Vigil, 1988). With an increased amount of research regarding students and their SES status, one may assume that stakeholders in educational settings would provide all the necessities for a child to succeed. Moje (2000) contended that most teachers and administrators are not prepared to support the needs of all students and this includes students who come from lower income neighborhoods. Whether educators are aware or not, the street life and what it entails have invaded neighborhoods and schools. Vigil (1999) reported that barrio influences and experiences are what transform these young boys into men according to their peers. “The streets remain the arena for what is learned and expected by others to gain recognition and approval” (Vigil, 1999, p. 230). As a result, educationalists need to formulate a counterattack, frequently, intuitive responses to gang- associated youth. In addition, these mentors must search for a chance to civilize and supply maintenance to an individual who lives unsettled and susceptible in social circumstances. They must look for the opportunity to promote academic aspirations for their students (Paris, 2012). With all of the research regarding barrio lifestyle and familial implications that has been published over the years, researchers are still trying to uncover if gang affiliated students can still be successful citizens in the U.S. In a study by DiPierro, Fite, Cooley, and Poquiz (2016), the focus on student aspirations was

41 evaluated. The authors targeted gang affiliated students in their high school to see if they could find any motivation or aspirations to go to college and alter their lives. What they found in their study was that students wanted to attend college; however, they did not know how to go about the process. The authors reported that it was very noticeable in the student responses that they did not have anyone in their immediate family that attended college and therefore could not assist them in their process. Latino high school males, specifically in the U.S. have more difficulties seeking the assistance to apply to postsecondary institutions and must establish a more genuine connection with their school counselors. Compared to their White counterparts in high school, many Latino students must take additional measures such as learning a new language and being technological savvy in order to ensure that their applications are completely filled out and submitted correctly, according to Plank and Jordan (2001). Regrettably, high school and higher educational guidance counselors are regularly incapable to properly serve these young scholars (McFarland, 2006). In regards to higher education, for many Latinos, the sustenance from college admission platforms is the solitary resource to achieve the needed assistances to complete their college admission process (Sanchez, Huerta, & Venegas, 2012). As a result, these data do not reach the students, including Latinos, who are in the most necessity (Plank & Jordan, 2001). Nevertheless, college access programs are inadequate in their scalability and funds to provide the desirable cultural affirmation racial and ethnic minority students require (Villalpando & Solórzano, 2005). According to González and Immekus (2013), in their study examining civic and instruction practices of Latino male youth (ages 14-24) in Central California, two specific findings were perceptible. These areas observed were connected to

42 the obstacles that Latinos in high schools were known to have. The first obstacle showed that the overall lack of connection with teachers (mostly White teachers) was extremely problematic. In consideration of these climate issues, the research indicated that Latino youth experience feelings of being in schools that belittled them. Secondly, the data showed that overall feelings of contempt contributed to their resistant behavior(s): such as skipping class and practices of disrespect to those that are in authority positions (staff, teachers, and administrators) at their schools. Inevitably, these were all indicators of overall challenges that hinder the development of Latinos.

Challenges to Latino Identity Development Similar to other minorities in the U.S., Latino males have additional challenges that can hinder academic success. Jewell (2020) reported that racial identity may be associated with coping flexibility among multiracial Latinx and White students. Coping flexibility referred to the ability to use a variety of diverse coping strategies depending on the needs of the situation (Jewell, 2020). Similar research uncovering identity issues regarding Latinx students have been ongoing. More in depth examination has shown that although students have been involved in gangs, the importance of being successful is still a priority. Huerta, McDonough, and Allen’s (2018) study identified that students established a concern for quitting the gang lifestyle before establishing an occupation or moving on from college. One alternative was signing up for the military, which to many students made logical sense to create a pathway to finance their postsecondary educational endeavors. This research challenges the dominant narrative of how young men of color discuss their support in assembling their thoughts and creating choices based on how pressures and aspirations help form their goals post high school.

Tajfel (1978) defined social individuality as the share of an individual’s self-concept that descends from his knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) organized with the importance and expressive connotation emotionally involved to that association. Undoubtedly, solid gang distinctiveness enhances any associate with awareness for self-respect and acceptance. A resilient gang identity additionally generates an emotional pledge to the assembly, causing the member to value the gang and its actions. Moreover, the gang works as a reference assembly, or in Rubel’s (1965) terms, “a generalized other,” controlling actions according to the gang’s norms and anticipations. Tajfel and Turner (1979) hypothesized that self-identity ascends through a sequence of in-and-out group contrasts that supports forms of distinctiveness to groups processes and gang organizations. According to their research, group individualities are designed in three steps. First, through social identification, individuals come to perceive themselves as members of an in-group and develop a sense of belonging. As noted above, a significant reason youth join gangs is for social support and a sense of belonging. Second, through social categorization, individuals distinguish this in-group from out-groups, which are groups to which they could, but do not, belong. Gang members, on average, are limited from conventional sources of success, such as education and high-status careers. Therefore, their viable groups are often circumscribed to members of other gangs. Third, through social comparisons, individuals evaluate their in-group to out- groups. If they find their in-group to be superior, the group will become a source of pride and self-esteem (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Moreover, their research indicated that if individuals evaluate an out-group as superior to the in-group, they will work either to improve the in-group or, if that is not probable, pursue

44 involvement in the out-group. Through these channels, gang identity emerges out of group developments involving in-groups and out-groups.

Neighborhood/Barrio Implications According to Delgado (1998b), gang examination has fundamentally been transcribed from a conventional, predominately male, White perception. The lack of cultural influences has been made prevalent over the years in academia; however, with an abundance of qualitative research education from scholars such as Solórzano and Yosso (2009) has made a place to create a voice for many gang affiliated members. An evaluation of the research discloses the necessity for a comprehensive examination of gang member chronicles to better enlighten current gang literature. Such an exploration would allow for evaluations between street gangs and high school students who participate in both of these organizations simultaneously. Additionally, current gang literature does not account for the result of space, societal roles and situational implications. According to Low and Lawrence-Zúñiga (2003), these are all critical elements to the understanding of cultural identification and formation, especially in the juvenile centers across the country. Juvenile participation in gangs is increasing exponentially. According to the National Gang Center (2020a), two out of five gang affiliates are under the age of 18. Recruitment has been a strategy for many street gangs for years. This is primarily due to the older member’s already experiencing incarceration and the probability of youth receiving lighter crime sentences (National Gang Center, 2020a). Additional factors as to why youth may resort to gangs include, but are not limited to, status seeking, individual motivation, personal safety, fun aspects, financial gain, and a sense of family (Muhlhausen & Little, 2016).

In California, the amount of gang affiliates has consistently increased since the early 1990s. According to the National Gang Center’s (2020b) data, Latinos accounted for almost half of total gang members in the U.S. (47%). Although the data combine all Latinos or Hispanic people in this category such as Cuban, South or Central American, Puerto Rican and Mexican, this percentage continues to grow. By the year 2023, Latinos are said to be the mainstream of all gang associates in the U.S. (National Gang Center, 2020c). In Latino rural communities, some additional factors may help explain the development and institutionalization of gangs. Historical experiences play a role in the gang creation, including a history of racial discrimination and financial burden. Muhlhausen and Little (2016) explained that children of migrants struggle to acculturate to the U.S. In this grueling process, youth are often designated to feel displaced, isolated, and alienated. Street gangs play such a prominent role in the lives of our youth because many of them come from families that are struggling financially, psychologically, and culturally. Many face the reality of living in single parent homes, witnessing domestic violence, being surrounded by alcoholic and drug addicted family members, experiencing poverty, and suffering discrimination (Muhlhausen & Little, 2016). Although there are various aspects that promote juvenile delinquency and gang interest, many scholars have only pinpointed a couple of traits. In a study by Fernandez (2011), he identified eight distinct factors that contribute to Latino juvenile delinquency nationwide: (a) insufficient public resources, (b) meager worth of educational amenities and threat for failure, (c) low income vicinities, (d) police interaction with adolescence, (e) absence of leadership in the community, (f) inadequate parental contribution/adequate role models, (g) lack of occupational prospects, and (h) monetary inequalities (Fernandez, 2011). These eight distinct

46 neighborhood-level factors are organized by the level of impact, as identified by Latino juveniles. Fernandez (2011) contended that the primary factor is trying to create an influence for these youth. Unsatisfactory community resources (e.g., after school programs, athletics) contribute heavily to this. According to the author, Latino students want to have a leadership role as an athlete would on a sports team and more than often the gang lifestyle can create a role for these members to highlight their qualities. Second, Fernandez (2011) stated that many students do not have internet services at their home; thus, resulting in a foreign understanding of technological advances once they are in the classroom setting. Third, according to Fernandez (2011), low-income neighborhoods are consistently part of the research that clearly indicates that housing projects are where a significant number of crimes in both larger and rural areas are often reported. Fourth, the interaction between law enforcement and youth in poorer areas does not seem to be increasing (Fernandez, 2011). With movements such as Black Lives Matter, this factor must be examined more thoroughly. According to Fernandez (2011), the tension between police and youth tends to be considered more reactive, rather than proactive. Next, according to Fernandez (2011), the unfortunate lack of leadership is apparent in most urban neighborhoods. Latino juveniles have been described to be transparent about their lack of positive role models within their communities. González and Immekus (2013) reported that brown men have dominantly been portrayed to be either drug dealers or perpetuated as gangsters. The sixth factor recognized by Fernandez (2011) stated that Latino youth have a higher rate of inadequate parental involvement, including single parents, parents who are incarcerated, or parents who are not present at home for reasons

47 such as long working hours. According to his data, it is not uncommon for parents to be working two to three jobs to take care of their families which in result positions young children to be home alone or take on parental roles themselves. Lastly, the seventh and eighth factors that contribute to overall juvenile delinquency, including gang activity, are the lack of employment opportunities and economic disparities in their neighborhoods or barrios (Fernandez, 2011).With all of these factors in consideration, it is apparent that students who are underserved in their school culture are discovering new ways to find their identities. For many gang leaders, this usually becomes an easy way to recruit many students who are feeling as if they do not belong in a society and where they are simply overlooked. Another factor that contributes to these feelings are the lifestyle that goes in directly in their neighborhoods, otherwise known as barrios. According to Lopez and Brummett (2003), the more that a Latino is exposed to gang lifestyle in their barrios, the more they are likely to actually join the gang themselves. This is due to many factors; however, the more critical reason is these children begin to see the loyalty and respect that these members get in their communities firsthand. Often, many older gang members have been known to drop out of school in the early years of their education and are known to talk down on educational endeavors with their younger prodigies (Lopez & Brummett, 2003). Comparisons to school culture and prison lifestyle are often communicated with younger students, painting a detailed picture of little to no control that students may have at their schools. In essence, the physical environment of schools continues to be mirrored after prison systems, and researchers have taken strong interest in this structure. Karberg and Cabrera (2016) contended that school sites are extremely similar to prison structures in that they are highly guarded by security guards, have

48 fences that keep them in their territorial borders and both must adhere to a person in charge. Moreover, students and prisoners both must walk in straight lines and failure to accomplish this may result in a punishment. Kennedy (1997) reported that this repetition negatively affects how Latinos may feel towards school and the prison system. There are similarities in the prison system and schools as young Latinos have been known to be targeted by law enforcement more so than their White counterparts. In the prison system many prisoners of Latin descent have reported that they have been targeted since they were young teenagers. Kennedy (1997) reported that Latino youth are often stereotyped by police officers for the reason that they often fit the description of gang members. Additionally, in barrios, Latinos are more likely to be targets of gang violence (Lopez & Brummett, 2003). According to Lopez and Brummett (2003), Latino adolescences develop the savviness to elude gang participation, and other times they simply make friends with gang members or simply connect with the gangs. There are all engagements that take time away from their scholarship and, thus, negatively impact their academic success (Lopez et al., 2006). Regarding the persecution of Latinos in Central California, in their study, González and Immekus (2013) reported that several of the young males in their research thought optimistically about the barrios in which they grew up. When the students did speak positively about their upbringing, it was typically regarding their friends and relatives, or having relationships with gang members so they would leave their families alone. In addition, students also did pronounce that drug sales and the usage of drugs was something that would be part of their living conditions. One student in their research openly admitted that he was beaten up, otherwise known as getting jumped by gang members, on his way home from

49 school and suffered a broken hand due to the altercation. He articulated distress in being able to concentrate on schoolwork after the beating. Ultimately, this 2013 study showed that gangs were affecting the safety and overall education of Latino males, whether they were sufferers of gang violence, intimidated by gang members, or had family members extremely involved in the gangs in their barrios. It is common to hear that gang members become heavily involved with their specific cliques due to their familial influences. Zatz and Portillos (2006) described that the overall culture of gang lifestyle can often span back to a gang member’s great-grandfather. These authors also mention that adults whose relatives belong to multigenerational gangs seem to be more accommodating of their children's participation in them, may advance standing from their children's actions, and perceive the gang as a barrio institution through which cultural norms of personal and family honor are played out. One primary reason that familial ties run deep in street gangs is that families simply do not move from the cities or neighborhoods in which raised them. Therefore, it becomes much easier to establish a unit due to familiarity and tradition. For many Latinos that grow up in the barrios, machismo influences and values fall under the umbrella of tradition.

Machismo Ideology and Influence The concept of machismo stems back to Spanish and Portuguese roots that are prevalent in Latinx culture today. According to Anzaldúa (2012), machismo has traditionally been regarded as an undesirable paradigm, although it is a complex paradigm with negative and positive individualities. Scholars such as Anzaldúa (2012) have identified egotism, hostility, authority, male supremacy, homophobia, and restraint of sentiments as negative characteristics of machismo. Although the media is prone to display the countless negative attributes that machismo has, there are several researchers such as Delgado (1998b) and

Hernández (2012) that have highlighted the positives. Machismo’s divided agenda sanctions for a more malleable understanding of masculinity through its positive traits. Aspects such as obligation, shielding the family, reverence, and earnestness ultimately comprise the positive aspects of this cultural concept (Evans, 2016). Regrettably, according to Evans (2016), these positive merits are subordinated in the Latino perception and the negative traits of machismo. Consequently, Latino men accentuate negative machismo or aspects of hypermasculinity as the norm when performing what it means to be masculine (Peña-Talamantes, 2013). Accordingly, investigation on the realities that machismo possess in society have dominantly been constructed from a negative point of view. However, Virgin (2017) has tested the limited classification of machismo as integrally negative. Chiefly, Virgin (2017) in a quantitative research study tried to “construct a measure that better represents the construct of machismo and to understand its relation with psychological functioning” (Virgin, 2017, p. 20). The research was coded using factor analysis that showed evidence of people constructing stereotypes about the images and portrayals they have seen through media outlets such as movies, television shows and social media outlets. Bergman (1995) theorized that Latinos are accustomed through societal norms and cultural outlooks to be authoritative, courageous, prosperous, and financially responsible for their families. This is especially true in Latino families where the women are stereotypically in charge of such roles as domestic work. In addition, according to machismo implications, men are supposed to not communicate their feelings or show any emotion. Physical power, cultural governance, and financial attainment are collective territory for men. According to judgements regarding machismo, the manifestation of feelings and interpersonal occurrence is established solely in the capacity of femininity (Bergman, 1995).

Thus, Latinos are educated from their fathers or other men in their life that performing life activities comparable to a female is considered as being weak and “less of a man.” Similarly, Sharpe (2003) argued that men have been educated throughout U.S. civilization and other nations to subdue their emotional state, elude openness, and present a stoic impassiveness. This ideology and belief system commences at an early age as young Latin men begin to transition into their teenage years. Consequently, for many Latinos, machismo becomes part of their identity for the rest of their lives. For many gang members, a separation from their parents has become a critical theme (Sharpe, 2003). Gang members have reported that they have unified with gangs because their mothers were too busy working and they felt a disconnection in their relationship. Often, gang members have indicated that their parents were into using illegal drugs and put that as a priority over their own relationships with their kids. Therefore, the problem is whether males can get past the destruction of juvenile harm from an early parting from one or both of their parents. Henceforth, the loss of a relational connection tied in with the agony of early departure results in a need for honest affection, with a scare of living through the suppressed anguish once more (Pollack, 1998). To better grasp the connection amid violence and gender role engagement, it is imperative to further observe cultural values and norms (O’Neil, Good, & Holmes, 1995). According to West and Zimmerman (1987), the construction of sexual characteristics cannot be elucidated simply as a genetic arrangement. It is believed that humans absorb cultural behaviors early in life that validate explicit ideologies of femininity and masculinity that are engrained within the culture that they belong to.

As further investigation on machismo undergoes examination, academics must evoke the particularly disorganized past of male depiction in Latin America. Machismo is a concept united in the midst of numerous Latin American countries due to shared historical practices (Stavans, 1995). Throughout history, most Latin American nations have been populated by European influences (Gutmann & Vigoya, 2005). Fixed in that rich antiquity is the shame of existence overpowered and raped by the colonizer (Stavans, 1995). However, the methods in which machismo as a paradigm established in certain countries within Latin America varied grounded on ethnic dissimilarities in the province and the distinctive historical actions in that community. The evolution of machismo characteristics has been established in different countries within Latin America. Cultural nuances and a wide range of historical events in certain areas of Latin America have been known to promote its core principles. For example, Chomsky (2011) believed that the Cuban Revolution had a very critical impact on the masculinity through Communist ideologies and Soviet sexology. Moreover, the various indigenous cultures within these countries had inferences for the refinement of modifications regarding machismo to each country. For example, Moje (2000) eluded that the vocation of Aztec men was to be aggressive and mollify their enemies and wage war. It is through these experiences of war where Aztec men would often exaggerate their dominance and heterosexual expectations. It is through these characterizations and belief systems that researchers are now beginning to understand the complexities and rich history of machismo. Mahalik, Cournoye, DeFranc, Cherry, and Napolitano (1998) revealed various gender roles that could lead to severe defense mechanisms. These roles include (a) sociocultural, which is regularly the central culture, having a substantial effect in

53 altering a man’s actions; (b) the principal culture interconnects its norms and beliefs through displaying through communication early on in a young man’s life; (c) an assembly or an individual in society (e.g., racial ethnicity, identical socioeconomic prestige, gender, and sex) may interpret how young boys 19 years old and under view or comprehend the normal behaviors of a governing culture; and (d) conditional on the individual, reception or denial of societal norms will regulate how the man will convey the level of his conventionality or individuality. Mahalik et al. (1998) claimed that the male process of growth is constructed through social construction such as gender norms that are established over time, and not biological construction. These authors also point out that children often model their parents’ behaviors, attitudes and beliefs when it is their time to be parental figures. Consequently, the social structure of masculinity advances through morals and norms cultivated early on through interpersonal communication with dominant people around them such as educators, peers, and parental figures in the home each day. Levant et al. (1992) recommended that the customary standards of masculinity include seven points: evading femininity, deterring emotionality, in quest of attainment and status, self-reliance, hostility, homophobia, and nonrelational outlooks toward sexuality. In regards to sexuality implications, there are many theorists that speculate how detrimental stereotypes in media and everyday conversation can be. Often, the belief that homosexuals are considered to be “weaker” or “more emotional” than their heterosexual counterparts is examined. Pleck (1995) contended that these socialized beliefs and values characterize and pigeonhole men into considering the unproductive achievement of gender role identity would cause homosexuality.

Thus, there has been much controversy regarding gender roles and how they promote a sense of socialization and chauvinism simultaneously. This is especially true when familial systems can play a significant role in how their children are raised and what types of value structures they will follow. Millett (2005) contended that firm gender sexism and socialization are the philosophies of a patriarchy that administers male dominance and a harmful psychological outcome on the good fortune of both sexes. His belief is that as long as heterosexual men continue to portray both homosexuals and women as “lesser than,” that it will be a learned system that will be passed down generationally. Scholars such as O’Neil (1981) agreed that the men’s masculinity will significantly hinder men’s probability to practice the positive effects of loving assets that are necessary for humans to thrive and live in a society together. In addition, he believes that men’s gender role clashes materialize from firm gender role socialization and prejudice. Nonetheless, these cultural distinctions may not be existing in all Latin American nations. In certain parts, such as the Caribbean, a shared cultural sense of togetherness can be discovered. According to Deagan (2004), both men and women in this culture share life practices such as farming and fishing. Moreover, this shared value system promotes a sense of working together and respect for both parties. According to Deagan (2004), aside from the historic links to machismo, Latinos gender normalization is also predisposed by the communications they have with other individuals. For example, the systems of communication they have with members that are close to them such as family and community members may expedite men’s understanding of machismo. In addition, the scholarship is also intuitive as they view other males in the Latinx community execute traits of

55 machismo and absorb via these interpretations. Furthermore, Latinos experience other methods of masculinity as they navigate their social realities, since machismo is not the only form of manliness implemented in the U.S. To focus the effect(s) of these understandings on Latino’s gender socialization, the following segment observes the Latino household, the Latino community, and hegemonic manliness (Deagan, 2004). The Latino family is a vital share of Latino students’ educational experience and overall success. Indeed, scholars have acknowledged familismo and education as primary standards within Latino families (Cauce & Domenech- Rodríguez, 2002). Familismo, or the importance positioned to family, refers to the family unity, intimacy, and interdependence that can be found in Latino families (Durand & Perez, 2013). These relatives include not only the primary family members, but also intergenerational and extended family members (Falicov, 2005). Figueroa, Pérez, and Vega (2016) proposed the significance that familismo institutes is due to the collectivist philosophy found in Latin America societies. For this reason, men remain to be the “man of the house” and be the breadwinners in their families. Expectations can develop a need to fix things around the house or show no signs of emotional distress. Sáenz and Ponjuan (2009) described that familismo often supports surrendering the desires of individuals over the necessities of the family. In addition to these cultural and familial traditions, one cannot argue that the neighborhood has a critical influence on individual’s linguistical condition. This includes individuals who may or may not have direct affiliation with gangs. The next section describes how barrio norms tend to influence the combination between Spanish and English dialects.

Historically, machismo has accumulated much stigmatization and stereotypes that have contributed negatively towards Latinos all over the world. However, as more Latinos continue to comprise a majority of the U.S. population, this traditional concept has drastically changed. According to Walters and Valenzuela (2020), the concept of machismo is not what it used to be. In their article, the authors point out that machismo over time has transformed into a male ideology that one should take responsibility, have honor, and establish characteristics of humility. In addition, this modern definition of machismo allows for males to maintain their aggressive behaviors, however, use them for such activities as establishing connections with others or incorporating more vulnerable emotions.

Barrio Linguistic Norms The mixing of English and Spanish language is common to hear among people, especially in western areas in the U.S. such as California. Often, the combination of these two languages has been declared as Spanglish. In many instances it is understood that those who use Spanglish employ their linguistical mixture as a way to highlight their dual identity (McFarland, 2006). Stavans (2003) reported that Spanish is one of the most complex languages in the world for the reason that the dialect changes across contexts. For example, Nuyorican Spanglish is often articulated by Puerto Ricans in areas such as New York; Dominicanish, the Spanglish style spoken by Dominicans; Istlos, the Spanglish for East Los Angeles and Sagüesera, the one spoken on South West Street in Miami. Other common terms for this type of mixture are called Caló, which is a preferred way to communicate by many California gang members. Stavans (2003) considered these verbal linguistic changes to be a merge of both Anglo and Hispano civilizations.

Conversely, academics such as Anzaldúa (1987) and Arteaga (1994) interpreted the practice of this linguistic blend as a method to prompt a hybrid identity and as a way to circumnavigate bicultural and bilingual representativeness. Belazi (1994) contended that Spanglish has developed from an urban dialect and has blossomed into the favored language of online communication among Latinx people in the U.S. In addition, it is often used as a significant instrument for U.S. Latinx authors to describe specific text(s) in their material. Gang members not only possess the ability to combine both English and Spanish, but there are several other nonverbal cues that they have that are known in their barrios. These may include a certain whistle to notify nearby citizens of their presence. In addition, there are certain phrases that communicate loyalty and machismo. According to Duran (2013), there are four essential principles of gang culture stemming from the barrio which are: (a) displaying reliability, (b) retorting fearlessly to outward coercions, (c) endorsing and shielding gang position, and (d) upholding an apathetic boldness towards the negative concerns of gang life. The first core principal according to Duran (2013) explained that displaying faithfulness (“I got your back”) is made through conflict and numerous life episodes of nonconformity met over time. Before young men join a gang, barrio youth experience society’s description of what it is like to be successful and White. Initially, this entails seeing life through a lens that promotes heavy doses of classism and racism within their communities. “The gang stresses truthfulness to its ethics because such devotion is the basis for the group’s development and its continued presence” (Duran, 2013, p. 151). Duran (2013) reported the second core principal that is verbalized (“putting in work”), typically has two meanings within the gang culture. The first meaning

58 is a reference of making sure that everybody in the community knows about the particular gang and what kind of power that they possess. The second meaning of putting in work means that members are doing more than their share of work (e.g., recruitment, committing crimes, acting in aggressive behaviors, tagging on fences to mark one’s territory, etc.) so that they may advance in the ranking of their gang. The suffering by Latino youth in the barrio motivates some members to hinder their internal pain and inflict their pain and frustrations on others inside or outside of their community. “It is through gang action, where Latinos start to test the second-class citizen classifications that mainstream society may hold against them” (Duran, 2013, p. 155). The gang members’ capability to govern their peers and community symbolically demonstrates that they are not substandard or measured by others. Third, according to Duran (2013), upholding gang rank (“representing the gang”) is lived day-to-day by exalting the gang’s symbols and position. Representing their hoods/barrios is strongly fortified by members and articulated with egotism. Group affiliation often entails embracing external signs of the group, such as cars, clothing, graffiti, nicknames, gatherings, dialogue, and tattoos (Duran, 2013). Lastly, the “smile now, cry later” attitude recognizes that life is short and that one should maintain a grim attitude. In the gang culture, it is widely known that due to shootings and other forms of violence that one does not know when their time on earth will be cut short. Therefore, gang members are often seen in their communities as more serious (Duran, 2013). Moreover, the image of the gang is constantly shaped by activities, gossip, and police or media attention that establish gang members as local celebrities (Hernandez, 2017). This form of celebrity also helps male gang members attract women. In summary, gang members enjoy a sense of accomplishment, prestige,

59 and belonging that contrasts to their life before the gang, when barrio residents of Mexican descent were virtually invisible. “Smile now often creates a sense of attraction for non-gang members: a perception that this lifestyle can improve life chances” (Hernandez, 2017, p. 166). In the gang culture, the media attention and demands for street respect lead to a glorified self that includes feelings of importance (Delgado, 1998b). Gang members report overcoming obstacles and doing things denied to the majority of people from their background. Delgado (1998b) asserted that gang lifestyles might include material possessions such as cars, money, and guns that ultimately are promoted in the music that Latino gangs listen to regularly in the genre of Chicano rap music.

Musical Influences from Chicano Rap Scholars have also examined Spanish-English implications in pop cultural influences such as music. This is especially true during the early 1990s and early 2000’s when the “Latin Boom” took its course in American culture. During this time, many musical genres that had the mixture of both Spanish-English found ways to incorporate fusions of political power in their lyrical content (Cepeda, 2000). Along with political power as context, many Latinos utilize their platforms to perform machismo through the music that they perform. As a result, many Latinos have found their voices through a genre of music that was created as a result of the Latin Boom in Chicano Rap (Cepeda, 2000). It is through this genre of music where Chicano Rappers are able to perform their cultural and societal identity. Delgado (1998b) reported that machismo in Chicano Rap emerged as a manifestation of homelessness and counterhegemonic identity. He explained that brown masculinity is a product of trying to assimilate into a country that has continuous challenges, such as battles

60 with law enforcement and racial barriers. Chicano identity through rap music is also a linguistic vehicle to stand up to law enforcement officials, educational associations, and government representatives who are usually part of a high-class culture. Performing rap music through a Chicano lens allows the artist and its listeners the ability to gain back a sense of influence, social consciousness while positively upholding cultural reinforcement. As a result, such behaviors such as machismo become much more than a cultural trait, rather, it becomes an attribute that can be identified as political. For the reason that Chicano culture is indiscernible inside conventional U.S. culture, more than often it is attached exclusively to Latino values (Hernández, 2012). While issues such as immigration and colonialism are all aspects experienced by many Latinos in the U.S., the label Chicano concerns a separate Latin belief system that is exclusive to Mexican-Americans. Delgado (1998b) contended that labels such as Chicano focus more on ideological and political influences within the barrios all over America. Moreman and Calafell (2008) report that the complexities are very difficult to comprehend for many Latinx individuals. “When trying to define and determine what it means to be Latina/o using the general tools and techniques of cultural understanding, Latinas/os find ourselves forced into discursive terms that may or may not capture who we are” (Moreman & Calafell, 2008, p. 314). Ohlson (2007) investigated the combination of Spanish-English in prevalent songs in the U.S. In her research, she utilizes Myers-Scotton’s context of the Markedness Model and suggested that the Spanish language shadows the civil liberties and requirements of unblemished dialogue and that English usage specifically is used as a model standard. As such, over time Spanish-English music such as Chicano Rap has certainly developed a prominent role in U.S. mainstream

61 culture. This is principally true for Latino rappers who have made a name for themselves starting in the early 90s. The emergences of emcees over the years have successfully translated verbal content that directly connect with Latino barrios, familial ties, run-ins with police and economic challenges (Ohlson, 2007). Although Chicano Rap is most often not seen or heard on television or radio stations across the country, scholars such as Delgado (1998b) disputed the manifestation of Latino identities inside media is advantageous in terms of exemplification. Since the early 1990s, artists such as Kid Frost, LSOB, Mr. Capone, Woodie, and Lil’ Rob have shaped attention to this synthesis of rap composition. This genre of music is indeed unique, as it characteristically explores the sphere of what it is to sustain Latino virility (Delgado, 1998b). Although there are several channels through which the communication of machismo is distributed and promoted in gang lifestyle, Chicano Rap music is possibly the most pervasive (Pérez Huber & Solorzano, 2015). While the machismo mindset extends through such networks as family and television, Chicano Rap is the solitary practice that most appropriately influences globally into contemporary, mainstream, and Latino culture (Hernández, 2012). Thus, Chicano Rap was examined in order to exhibit the manifestation of machismo and gangster existence. Explicitly, this research examined the inventive artistry of recording artist Lil Rob, who is a recording artist that has worldwide recognition and whose music is frequently described in chapter 4 of my research. As a prevalent artist with a career that spans from the early 1990s, he functions as an illustration of a Chicano Rap artist who embodies his Mexican roots through his lyrical content. Upstairs Recording Artist, Roberto Flores, also renowned as Lil Rob, was raised in La Colonia Gardens, which is notorious as a Mexican driven barrio on

62 the borders of San Diego, California (R. Flores, personal communication, May 18, 2010). He started producing music as early as 16 years old, and as other Chicano Rappers before him, he composes songs that deliver awareness to growing up in El Barrio (Hernández, 2012). Ultimately, Chicano Rappers such as Lil Rob perform Latinx awareness and identity consciousness through their lyrical performance. His personal considerations regarding his Latin characteristics become interwoven with layers of gang existence, relationships with women, drug issues that are common realities in El Barrio, narrations of alcohol and marijuana consumption that are also commonalities in these specific neighborhoods, and the normalization of machismo characteristics in the Latinx population. As Amaya (2007) explained, most current researchers’ sentiments of machismo delineate the concept as a form of hyper-masculinity that is robust, fierce, phallocentric, and in need of constantly proving himself (Hernández, 2012). Lil Rob’s album, 1218 Part 1, which is the artists most prosperous album thus far, the artist asserts a mainstream style of music, but does not yield to the governing culture that inspires less poetic importance on the Mexican- American/Chicano existence. In his track “Rough Neighborhood,” Lil Rob paints a narrative through lyrical content regarding his experience with living in El Barrio and getting shot in the face (Hernández, 2012). Moreover, through his verses, Lil Rob describes the harsh truths of life of imprisonment, which is a reality for many individuals that identify as being homies. Cultural identity can certainly be complex for many Latinos, especially those that struggle to find their balance between Mexico and U.S. ways of life. Lil Rob’s song entitled Summer Nights is his most prosperous track thus far. This song ultimately helped the artist advance into the Billboard Top 20 charts in 2005

(Hernández, 2012). Additionally, the song facilitated the descriptions of Chicano upbringing through portrayals of listening to oldies and having a female confidant. Furthermore, the lines “People think we look crazy but I think we look classy,” advances how Lil Rob distinguishes that Chicanos embed a diverse flair that is perceptible when compared to the dominant culture in the U.S. (Hernández, 2012). Ultimately, this comprises aspects such as the way Chicanos speak and dress. Lil Rob contended in this popular song that to him, this way of life can be acknowledged by many Chicanos as a stylistic practice of simplicity and standard conduct. There’s nothing wrong with the way we dress, the way we crease up, the way we take our time to look nice in our way. Just like that part in “Summer Nights,” when I say “People think we look crazy, but I think we look classy.” That’s just it. Being a class act. I want to follow the old Chicano Culture that is educating the ideas about rapping about these kinds things. It’s just my opinion, but I think the Chicano Rap lifestyle promote a sense of peace for many people like me. I like to say – we look gangster but classy, that’s what the style is if you ask me. (R. Flores, personal communication, May 18, 2010) Hernández (2012) conveyed that the popular song may contribute to mainstream stereotypes such as cruising in low-rider cars and having women around. Nevertheless, it is these types of behaviors and portrayals that may indeed create this unique identity for many Latinos. We definitely have our own way of doing things. Chicanos; we have our own slang. That’s what makes us different. We have our own stories to tell. Everybody has their neighborhoods and ours was the barrio, so you speak with more neighborhood influences. (R. Flores, personal communication, May 18, 2010) An additional element that divides Latino gang affiliates from other individuals in civilization is physical appearance (Hernández, 2012). Over time, Chicano Rappers have shaped a configuration of exhibiting distinctive features such as baggy clothes, shaved heads, and sporting bandanas and brim hats. This

64 expression has never categorically been accepted into mainstream conceptualizations of professionalism, however, still has a strong presence in barrios on the west coast. As a result, many individuals are quick in their judgment to pigeonhole these music artists as villains, troublemakers, and blue-collar citizens of society. Delgado (2009) argued that there are severe consequences for exhibiting these cultural and identity visuals in public when he stated: Brown thus becomes part of a scatological vocabulary that marks Chicanos as matter of out place but also as part of masculinist identity and cultural practice. As such, Brown can be marked as other and forgotten (marginalized) or highlighted (stereotyped) by the mainstream institutions and discourses in the U.S. (p. 155) “Brown” unifies us but also makes us susceptible to be attacked by other cultures. Through their musical context, Chicano artists such as Lil Rob generate expressions of identity and a need to belong and be accepted in the U.S. For the reason that Latinos have long been thought of to be foreigners the U.S., Chicano Rappers have formed their own niche to demand social and political equivalence. As a result, Chicano Rappers have conveyed a momentous voice in humanity (Hernández, 2012). However, over the years the detrimental effects of labeling have become a critical issue for many Latinx individuals, especially Latino youth. This is particularly true for youth who literally live out their experiences with the music they listen to (e.g., lower SES, sporting gangster apparel such as baggy clothes and red or blue colors, Chicano slang, etc. (Delgado, 1998b). In the next section, I will examine how the effects of labeling Latino youth continue to be harmful to the well-being of youth in education.

Detrimental Effects of Labeling Latino Youth The concept of labeling became very popular among scholars around the world in the 1960s. Raybeck (1988) described labeling as a vehicle that drives society to understand how they understand and make sense of how society defines irregular behaviors in their communities. In addition, the Civil Rights movement and Vietnam conflict contributed to an increased surge of labeling theory. What was once a study of how individuals perform their actions, after these significant historical movements in our nation’s history, a more centralized and focused view of how government actions examined labeling theory took place (Conchas & Vigil, 2010). More specifically, communication studies regarding the reactions of the government towards the individual’s deviant acts were now becoming more perceptible. According to Lemert (1951), there are two primary ways in which labeling can be understood. This entails the principal nonconformity and secondary eccentricity. First, the prime deviance described the process where an individual pledges some form of abnormal act and then is categorized by a judge after apprehension. It is understood that the label may reinforce and motivate an individual such as a Latino gang member to obligate to more criminal acts that are related with the label. As soon as this act is committed yet again, the individual will go before a judge and most often receive harsher punishment. Secondary deviance transpires when the label is useful. No definite command of an aberrant act is essential for somebody to obtain an irregular label under the perception of secondary deviance (Lemert, 1951). According to the author, someone perceives the individual connecting with criminal behavior and labels the person(s) according to her/his companions’ illegal conduct. Once this classification takes place, the person will pledge a deviant action as a response to

66 her/his unjust label and as a means of retaliating to those who unjustly labeled her/him. These acts, according to Braithwaite (1989), are what transpires when shaming is prevalent. According to Braithwaite (1989), labeling such as shaming, is a corporeal expression of the responsive reaction to a person’s wrongdoing. Ultimately, this sense of discrediting is intended to perpetuate senses of guilt for the victim. Therefore, although Latino gang members notably own up to their behaviors, there is a genuine sense of regret for making bad choices that is prevalent. Braithwaite (1989) contended that “performance is nothing more than somatic; whereas action is expressive due to the importance specified by civilization” (Braithwaite, 1989, p. 2). Rios (2011) contended that labeling is not just a development whereby educational institutes, law enforcement agencies and families defame young boys such as Latino gang affiliates, but it then becomes an opportunity for delinquency to persist or increase in communities. In the era of mass incarceration, classification is also a development by which groups of societal power defame and typecast young men in reaction to their unique label. According to Rios (2011), this can create a malicious sequence that reproduces the boys’ understandings with illegalization, which can be characterized as a labeling hype. In his study, he felt that the Latino boys that he communicated with felt that they were considered as outsiders, chastened, and rejected, occasionally leading them to a reality of bleakness and a “deviant self-concept.” Furthermore, he also discovered that the young men were trapped in a web of disciplinary reactions forced by institutions that branded them as irregular. According to Rios (2011), being “labeled for minor wrongdoings places the children at risk for being established additional, more severe labels” (Rios, 2011, p. 45).

Similarly, Kelley (2002) argued that the academic world his primality focused on a poor minority understanding of Black and Brown populations by formulating narratives that merely focus on compensatory behaviors and histories. Often, Kelley (2002) argued that academics embellish resistant strategies of these racial and ethnic people. Furthermore, the author goes on to describe some of the harsh conditions that his data exhibited, stating: The boys blossomed in an environment which had deprived them of the social and cultural capital that they needed to progress in school and the labor market. Therefore, they developed their own alternative social and cultural capital, which they used to survive poverty, persist in a violent and punitive social ecology, prevent violence, avoid incarceration, and attempt to fit into mainstream institutions. (Kelley, 2002, p. 98). Such masculinity challenges are extremely complex, and even more so when Latino gang affiliates are trying to find their way through their teenage years. According to Kelley (2002), expectations of maleness are stemmed from interactional coercions and offenses from a plethora of individuals including teachers, peers and parents. Therefore, the ideology of masculinity experiences is known to motivate social action towards outlets such as fighting and bullying that correct subordinating social condition. Ultimately, several forms of crime can be the end product for many youth growing up in this social construction. According to Schwab-Stone et al. (1995), it is believed that crime then becomes one of the paths that young boys turn to in evolving, validating and performing their machismo behavior(s). As such, misconduct is more probable when men need to demonstrate themselves as they are held responsible to a strict set of expectations. Kelley (2002) described that the young males in his study encountered endless examination regarding their manhood on the streets. Questions such as “Is he really a homie?” and “Is he really a man?” if responded in an undesirable

68 fashion, this typically caused stigmatization or persecution. At the early stages of being raised in their barrios, the young men sensed a continuous need to demonstrate their virility. Moreover, educational institutions challenged youths’ masculinity in the method of trying to modify each of them. Examples involved being communicated that they were not strong enough for having committed delinquency acts or that being in the criminal justice classification meant that they jeopardized being powerless. The youngsters responded to gendered institutional methods through their own gendered practices. Young men who did not follow this masculinity ideology ended up putting themselves in a susceptible position both on the street and in the institution they belonged to (Kelley, 2002).

Challenges Promoted by Social Disorganization Scholars such as Martinez (2014) contended that name of social disorganization often becomes unclear, as essentially has a process of rules that are in place in El Barrios. Similarly, Rios (2011) addressed that neighborhoods are in fact well organized, with gang members performing such norms as keeping an eye out for police, shot callers organizing their power and distinct nonverbal communication patterns that are exclusively utilized by people living in these areas. Research from Ennis, Ríos-Vargas and Albert (2011) reported that social disorganization, which primarily includes characteristics of poverty, crime, and family disruption has critical influence on youth. Shaw and McKay (1942) were the true pioneers of this theory analyzing neighborhoods in Chicago’s south side regions and discovered that there were numerous characteristics in these specific areas that contributed to the rise of juvenile crime rates. One neighborhood feature that Shaw and McKay (1942) discovered to be associated to criminal behavior was the physical condition of the community.

They reported that neighborhoods with the utmost felony levels were those positioned within or neighboring to areas of substantial commerce. Another neighborhood characteristic they discovered to be correlated to crime is the financial standing of the neighborhood, which was a parallel find to a vast number of Latino gang affiliates living in Central California. Shaw and Mckay (1942), in their study, uncover a couple of primary reasons as to why there seems to be a cultural difference in Chicago. The first characteristic found in their research was the physical status of the neighborhood(s). The authors reported that areas with the highest delinquency activities showed to be closest to heavy industry sites. In addition, the economic status of these neighborhoods was considerably lower paralleled to the north side of the city. Ultimately, they found that low SES regions were associated to gang violence and an increased level of delinquency reported at educational institutions. Secondly, Shaw and McKay (1942) found that areas comprised of more African-Americans were associated with heavier prejudices, however, seemed to be labeled with more crime and poverty implications. The authors noted that the frustrations of many people of color in these neighborhoods contributed to their individualized obstructions. Interestingly enough, almost eighty years later in the U.S., similar patterns are still prevalent in lower SES barrios. The last neighborhood aspect Shaw and McKay (1942) analyzed concerned the population configuration, discovering that regions comprising greater numbers of foreign-born and African-American leaders of households were correlated to higher levels of misbehavior. For the reason that delinquency rates altered while ethnicity stayed the same, the authors reasoned that it was not the ethnic configuration of the region that affected crime but the environments and

70 individualities of the neighborhood. Interestingly enough, almost 80 years later in the U.S., similar patterns are still prevalent. According to Boggess and Hipp (2010), one aspect that has been revealed to affect crime in a custom steady with communal disorganization is residential mobility. For instance; Bursik and Webb (1982) observed the workings of Shaw and McKay’s information over a 30-year period, constructed on three 10-year interludes. They established that unrelatedly of the precise groups of individuals moving in and out of neighborhoods, districts with greater levels of residential uncertainty also had advanced levels of criminal conduct; whereas those individuals undergoing residential stability reported lower levels of misbehavior. According to Boggess and Hipp (2010), residential mobility showed to be a significant factor linking criminality with social disorganization. Bursik and Webb (1982) studied the research of Shaw and McKay over a 30-year span and discovered that even though citizens would be moving in and out of neighborhoods, it was the neighborhoods with greater stages of residential uncertainty that had commonalities of criminal behavior. It is considered that individualities of neighborhoods engrained in social disorganization theory could perhaps influence the anxiety of corruption. Such as, the scholarship directed by Scarborough, Like-Haislip, Novak, Lucas, and Alarid, (2010) determined the effects of neighborhood individualities and specific characteristics and how they could affect the fear of crime perception within a neighborhood. The study took place on the outskirts of Kansas City, Missouri, where community members were probed with questions concerning the level of anxiety, neighborhood condition, community unity, and level of police/citizen contentment. Outcomes indicated that disorderly neighborhoods were a strong conjecturer for feelings of anxiety and fear of crime. Moreover, the results

71 regarding this specific research match up with other data that has been piloted on the subject of how district structure(s) and features can have a negative influence on the sense of overall security among civic members. Neighborhoods, commonly known as barrios, are often considered to be prevalent in rundown, loud, and deteriorating areas in cities where police are known to be heavily active (Scarborough et al., 2010). As a result, language and phrases such as “on the other side of the tracks” is used to differentiate the two sides of what is socially acceptable and deemed not acceptable in a city. This became prevalent when I interviewed myself for the findings in chapter 4. However, what is also ubiquitous is a genuine need for extra-curricular activities for these students to engage in while living in barrios. The overall lack of extra-curricular activities may be a contributing feature that explained the connection between criminal behavior(s) and social disorganization. Swisher (2008) reasoned that the forms of actions that are structured and constructive in social and developmental facets of life are more probable to be established in well-off neighborhoods. It is through these outlets whereby more privileged youth obtain a healthier youth developmental effect impelling youngsters to participate in non-delinquent actions towards other people. According to Swisher (2008), it is possible that an association between juveniles participating in safe, community permitted activities can create an outlet for youth that could potentially keep them from breaking the law. Community zones that are poorly organized are more likely to offer fewer prospects for controlled events that youth can partake in, therefore, impacting commitment in misbehavior (Swisher, 2008). According to Kominiak (2018), it is believed that many Latinos who do not have an interest in gang activity simply have other outlets to consider in their

72 neighborhoods (e.g., sports activities, choir/music functions at school, and leadership roles that are presented to them at their schools). Unfortunately, kids that do live in impoverished conditions simply do not have these same opportunities. Therefore, the conversation of why some Latinos commit to gangs and why some do not must be observed. Tapia, Kinnier, and MacKinnon (2009) surveyed 43 high schoolers who identified as being Latino and gang affiliated. Their study also gathered the perceptions of non-affiliated Latinos. The data revealed that affiliated gang members were more probable to feel divided from their relatives. In addition, affiliated gang members reported a disconnection with their own Latin heritage. The authors noted that gang members testified that their family incomes and grade point averages were significantly lower than those of non-gang members. As Tapia et al. (2009) said “[g]ang members seemed to feel more deprived and lost; thus, these individuals perhaps were likely to be attracted to becoming a part of a group that offered the possibility of a new way to obtain personal empowerment and affiliation” (p. 236). Furthermore, Tapia et al. (2009) detected that Latinos comprise 47% of the racial/ethnic blend of gangs in the U.S., which is the largest population of any race/ethnic group. Vigil (1999) understood that a lack of cultural distinctiveness and a loosened logic of precedence cause a radical transformation in family dynamics. In his study on SES implications regarding Latino youth, Vigil (1999) detected commonalities with parental figures doing their best to make ends meet by managing tensions from manual labor work and financial priorities. Consequently, parents were spending less time at home with their kids. This severe lack of time spent with their children were a contributing factor of why Latino gang members

73 described to join the gang – they simply had new family members that they could confine with outside of their home. Similarly, Craig, Vitaro, Gagnon, and Tremblay (2002) acknowledged some of the fundamental causes of why Latinos are attracted to the gang lifestyle. The researchers discovered that factors such as depression and constant thoughts of apprehension as a common thread among gang affiliated youth According to the researchers, once these youth drift in the direction of people who exhibit similar outlooks and actions, development of those involved in gang activity continues to widen. Overall, the gangster life may be appealing to specific individuals that need somewhere to belong. Acknowledged by Schmitz and Christopher (1997), the look of a gangster is an application within itself. Schmitz and Christopher (1997) commented, “[g]ang members are seen as role models; their appeal comes, in part, because they represent an alternative to traditional collectivism and modern individualism” (p. 424). Gang affiliates do not follow the procedures of a mainstream society and at a time in a youngster’s life when he or she is unfulfilled by the guidelines recognized by parents or the general public, their clique may offer each of them a refreshing alternative. Burnett and Walz (1994) reported that the impression on gangs not only distresses students who are involved in the gang themselves, but it can also directly affect the students who are not gang affiliated. They pronounced, “Although many gang members acknowledge the importance of the educational objectives of school, school is much more important to them as a place for gathering with fellow gang members for socializing and other more violent activities” (Burnett & Walz, 1994, p. 2). While educational departments may be an area where gang members can socialize and recruit, much research has gone into what educators can do to limit their communication or enhance teacher efficacy.

Craig et al. (2002) reiterated the necessity for operative gang hindrance in high schools to deliberate the progress of gangs. As youngsters mature, their crimes become more severe and the level at which they transpire becomes more common (Vigil, 1999). Vigil (1999) noted, “As a result, street bonding is reinforced by school bonding, thus affirming and solidifying a pattern of action and reaction that mixes street and school cues and rules, with the former sometimes overwhelming and dominating the school scene” (p. 274). As a result, the sharing of gang material becomes incredibly valuable for educators. According to Gottfredson and Gottfredson (2001), the institutions that deal with higher frequencies of gang commotion is commonly positioned in unsystematic communities while the schools are primarily deemed as hazardous. The combination of violence and misconduct negatively impact student perceptions about their own environment. Students who have outlooks of being unsafe are less probable to be associated with extracurricular activities and are more likely to be absent from school. Consequently, these factors contribute to the likelihood that these students will be introduced to gang membership (Bowen & Van Dorn, 2002). The National Gang Center (2020a) reported that gangs incline to progress in high crime spaces within socially underprivileged neighborhoods such as barrios. Moore and Vigil (1993) agreed that the awareness of community elements contribute to youth involvement, and outlines four distinct civic circumstances that transpire to foster the evolution amongst youth from an assembly of associates to a well-organized gang. Fuentes (2005) stated that first, the absence of adult supervision becomes very problematic. For instance, many students have conveyed that when they do have adult supervision in the home there is minimal interpersonal connection such

75 as mentoring and relationship structure. Initially, schools and family members are unsuccessful in providing emotional support. Secondly, due to the fact that students are not contributing their time and energy to extracurricular activities at school they are seeking other alternatives such as drug usage and violence. Third, the likelihood of obtaining a reputable job that pays well is extremely scarce. For the youth that join gangs, the obligation to their new affiliates becomes more significant than a job. Lastly, for the reason that these youth have minimal supervision and concentrated time alone at their homes, their living situations become an abundant opportunity for them to come together to partake in criminal behavior. Wyrick and Howell (2004) contended that gang member similarities far outweigh their differences, thus, resulting in a bond that is problematic for schools to promote their agendas. In addition, Wyrick and Howell (2004) asserted that deprived accomplishment in school, particularly at the basic levels, may eventually develop strong risk factors for gang attachment. Meager performance in academics is often supplemented by undesirable characteristics such as labeling of the student by instructors, which significantly take down self-esteem. Self-esteem is incredibly essential for the overall development of youth and is a necessary fragment of an individual’s necessities, according to Abraham Maslow (1987). Additionally, his work regarding motivational theory comprising a 5-tier model of human needs remains popular in today’s academic settings. According to Maslow (1987), at the most intricate level of human development, individuals require sleep, shelter, and food to stay alive. The succeeding level of needs is for a person to feel safe (Maslow, 1987). In regards to a school locale, requiring a sense of belonging and feeling valued at their

76 institutions is imperative for any human being, which includes members unified by gang affiliation.

Summary This chapter provided a comprehensive review of theoretical literature concerning the challenges of Latinos within the U.S. educational system. Some of these challenges have entailed coming from lower SES areas, lacking school essentials, and the absence of culturally relevant curriculum that can ultimately perpetuate positionalities of marginalized groups such as Latinos. Next, an evaluation of Latino identity development was examined through racial identity. Subsequently, life experiences in El Barrio such as growing up in low socioeconomic status (SES) areas, and the generational and cultural influences of machismo were also examined. The significance of distinct linguistic norms also influenced gang members and affiliates. This is noteworthy for the reason that it provides a sense of pride and identity among Latinos. In addition, musical preferences influences such as Lowrider Oldies and Chicano Rap were also examined in this chapter to provide more insight on how these nonverbal communication factors create a form of resistance and survival towards the dominant culture in the U.S. In the following section, this chapter provided insight on the detrimental effects of labeling. Such examples of labeling reported to have negative implications of defaming gang affiliates and gang members, thus, creating opportunities for learning institutions to minimize Black and Brown populations. Lastly, Latino youth and the challenges promoted by social disorganization were observed in this chapter. Some of the effects of social disorganization included an overall lack of extra-curricular activities for many Latinos living in barrios (which promoted their interests in joining gangs), inadequate performance

77 in academics due to a shortage of teacher support and guidance (which significantly lowered student perceptions of self-esteem), and a basic need for students to feel safe in their household.

CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY

The purpose of this chapter is to present both the theoretical framework and methods used for this study. For the framework, Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Lat Crit were employed to better examine dialogues of race and racism in modern color blind and post-racial cultures. For the methods, this chapter will describe the autoethnographic methods used.

Theoretical Framework Critical Race Theory (CRT) devised in U.S. law schools, conveying concerns of influence, race/ethnicity, and discrimination to report the liberal concept of color blindness, and contends that disregarding racial dissimilarity maintains and disseminates the status quo with its intensely traditional inequalities to racial minorities (Martinez, 2014). Crenshaw coined the term critical race theory (CRT) in the late 1980s, and it soon began to draw much attention to scholars of color around the world (Harper, 2018). According to Harper (2018), not only were scholars of color taking notice of this theory and the realities that stem from being a person of color, especially in the U.S., it challenged many politicians and stakeholders that have never considered the realities that face people of color each day. Ultimately, the foundation of this theory was to describe how colorblind the U.S. had become in a society where an individual’s racial identity no longer had an effect on one’s SES (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). Crenshaw and Thomas (1995) contended that CRT was coined among lawful intellectuals such as Bell, Delgado, and Crenshaw who maintain that racism and White authority were crucial foundations of the American legal structure.

Early supporters reasoned for an appropriate, historicized investigation of the decree that would investigate ostensibly unbiased notions such as meritocracy and neutrality, which, in practice, tend to reinforce White supremacy. Crenshaw and Thomas (1995) eluded that the combat and oppression in regards to people of color were key objectives of early critical race theorists; fundamentally, they sought to modify the status quo, not just evaluate it. Finally, the concept of CRT was deemed to be interdisciplinary, depicting from a wide range of scholarly philosophies, including postmodernism, feminism, and Marxism. According to Hill-Collins and Solomos (2010), Bell is often considered as the pioneer of CRT research. Bell held the roles of lawyer, professor and civil rights activist during this career that made significant theoretical contributions. One of the main contributions that Bell took part in was the case of Brown v. Board of Education. This movement was an outcome of the egocentricity of exclusive Whites instead of a yearning to desegregate schools and advance the education for Black children. Bell was also widely known for resigning his faculty position at Harvard Law School due to the inequalities and hiring injustices that female faculty members of color were experiencing on campus (Bonous- Hammarth & Allen, 2005). Other notable CRT scholars were Alan Freeman and Richard Delgado who both recognized that discrimination is rooted in the national system of the American culture. Both of these men spent their days contributing their time and research alluding to this unjust reality (Myers-Scotton & Jake, 2000). This unjust reality strengthens the dominant culture in American society, a society that has always considered Whites to have a privilege in many areas including education (Bliss-Holtz, 2011). CRT is the methodical lens that inspects existing power organizations based on White privilege, which ultimately

80 disseminates the marginalization of people of color. According to Delgado (2009), CRT discards the traditions of liberalism, meritocracy and often paints a fabricated narrative that everyone who works hard can achieve wealth, authority, and opportunity while overlooking systematic disparities. CRT in academia identifies that the empirical consciousness of students of color is authentic, proper, and perilous to understanding, examining, and cultivating others about racial subservience in the field of education. Moreover, Delgado (1998b) contended that critical race educational studies interpreted this information as an asset and appeal overtly on the student of color’s lived understanding by including such approaches as storytelling, family histories, memoires, and narratives. According to Smith-Maddox and Solorzano (2002), a study of how race, discrimination, and other systems of coercion develop in the experiences of societies of color is channeled by the five main tenants of CRT which are: (a) centralizing race, xenophobia, and various procedures of interconnecting coercions knowledgeable by People of Color, (b) stimulating dominant beliefs that defend the subordinate positions of People of Color shaped by structural coercion, (c) concentrating and employing experiential awareness as the grounds for research on societies of color, (d) utilizing an interdisciplinary outlook that intersects the limitations of academic disciplines to solve research questions, and (e) covering an unregretful position for racial righteousness for groups of color. A principle of CRT exists in in its obligation to the uniqueness of experiential data as noted through multiple narrative perspectives (Solorzano & Delgado, 2001). For the reason that Whites often do not frequently recognize the familiarities of people of color, CRT distinguishes and has industrialized the methodology of counter story to communicate racial realities. These realities are from people of color while also providing a means to challenge “the myths,

81 presuppositions, and received wisdoms that make up the common culture about race and that invariably reduce minoritized people (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). However, by writing and creating meaningful dialogue against the oftentimes one- sided stories existing in a dominantly White perspective, CRT scholars shed much needed light on the academic culture. In addition, CRT work highlights how society is not motionless, but is assembled by people with essential language, stories, and also silences. In addition, CRT narrative identifies experiential data of the non-dominant as legitimate, appropriate, and critical to understanding, and analyzing racial subordination (Schwartz et al., 2010), and a CRT scholar builds counter story with a deep commitment toward social justice and elimination of racial oppression as part of the broader goal of concluding all forms of oppression (Dixson & Rousseau, 2006). Narratives, otherwise known as counter stories, contribute heavily to the importance of the understandings of people of color. These narratives investigate the division of White supremacy and continue to provide a voice to those that have been dismantled by White supremacy Durán (2013). Counter stories take their traditions from cultural customs of oral histories, known as cuentos, which are essentially family histories and parables (Solorzano & Yosso, 2009). This is very significant in preserving the history of marginalized groups whose experiences have never been legitimized within the dominant history. It tests the concept of laissez-faire and meritocracy as colorblind or “value-neutral” within humanity while revealing racism as a focal thread in the fabric of the American base. Non-dominant histories regularly go unaccountable and are often barred from a traditional White academic setting. This permits the continuance of the dominant dialogue where narratives of European Americans are principal and are

82 acknowledged as reality. This is no different in the P-12 educational system in the U.S. Furthermore, these critical stories regarding people of color are often not found until college, where a student of color typically has to take a more focused class, such as African-American History or Chicano Latino Studies (Dickson- Gomez et al., 2017). Personal and cultural narratives have long been a vital skill for many educators to implement in their teaching repertoire. According to such researchers such as DeCuir and Dixson (2004), implementing this in educational lessons can be beneficial for students of color. “Counter-storytelling is a means of exposing…normalized dialogues that perpetuate racial stereotypes. The use of counter stories allows for thought-provoking privilege discourses, the discourses of the majority, therefore, serving as a means for giving voice to marginalized groups” (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004, p. 27). According to Howard (2006), dominant groups such as White Americans have the authority to regulate public dialogue. Whites in Western nations have transcribed the official history of the U.S., customized the educational systems, preserved the media, focused the movement of funding, disproportionately swayed the political culture, and occupied the seats of control in most social organizations. Howard (2006) contended that because of our social position as a White, dominant group, we have had the power to quiet or construe other people’s voices and cultures. Because of this sustained methodology, CRT scholars promote the use of counter-story. Solorzano and Yosso (2009) argued that to make room for marginalized voices (e.g., gang affiliated youth), educators must promote conversations of race and ethnicity in U.S. educational organizations. It is with this change where

83 specific theories such as LatCrit can be implemented to better serve our Latinx students. In addition to CRT, Latina/o critical race theory (LatCrit) is similar in many regards, but “focuses more specifically on the experiences of and realities of Latinos” (Villalpando, 2004, p. 42). This research and observation is particularly noteworthy towards people of color, which directly affects youth that comprise the Latino gang affiliated demographic of students that contribute to this research. Stefancic’s (1997) research also identified how LatCrit complimented CRT. Specifically, LatCrit provides a voice to the marginalized people of Latin descent that have been struggling to find an identity in the U.S. Stefancic (1997) stated that: LatCrit Theory calls attention to the way in which conventional, and even critical, approaches to race and civil rights ignore the problems and special situations of Latino people—including bilingualism, immigration reform, the binary Black/White structure of existing race remedies law, and much more. (p. 1510) According to Pollack (1998), LatCrit theory scholarship conveyed a Chicana/o, Latina/o cognizance to CRT in investigating racialized deposits of subservience based on one’s immigration position, sexuality, culture, dialect, accent, and family name. Academics have used this in addition to CRT to reinforce an added viewpoint in addressing educational disproportions in higher education (Villalpando, 2004). LatCrit is a theoretic division of CRT that has established a focused perspective on CRT studies but from a Latina/o perspective. This critical approach in academia permits researchers to observe experiences to Latinx people in relation to semantics and immigration status that are utilized to outrank Latinx citizens. This framework helps to better express the intersectionality of structures of tyranny for Latina/o communities (Solorzano & Delgado, 2001).

Lopez (2008) refined his examination further, utilizing the theoretical framework of discriminatory nativism to recognize how visual illustrations of Latinx people in the U.S. represent and maintain principles of foreignness and denial of belonging. Furthermore, it is believed that racist nativism afforded Latinx citizens as a systematic plan to inspect a method of racism marked by substantial anti-immigrant emotions that builds discernments of Latina/o immigrants as “dangerous,” “criminals,” and challenging U.S. economic resources. Discriminatory nativism is a form of prejudice that: (a) transpires in historic and modern-day contexts, (b) crosses with other forms of subjugation, and (c) is grounded on existent and observed migration status (Martinez, 2014). LatCrit framework is extremely significant to the study of people of color and the Latino youth that I work to support through my advocacy, scholarship, and speaking engagements. For the reason that these youth acknowledge that they are in gangs or affiliated with gangs, informal discussions, support, and knowing that someone values their perspectives.

Methodology For this study, autoethnographic methodology will be deployed. Autoethnography encompasses many factors that play a role in how one can interpret lived experiences. Researchers such as Ellis (2004) believed that autoethnographic research entails writing about personal understandings and its relationship to culture. Furthermore, Hernández and Gonzales (2015) contended that this specific type of research is ideal to discuss personal testimonies, especially for scholars of color and underrepresented research. Autoethnography as a method has definitely been beneficial to use for doctoral students who enter doctoral programs with a wealth of knowledge and experience, as I have as a long-serving faculty member and business entrepreneur.

Since 2018, a total of 26 dissertations have been examined (see Appendix A). Moreover, in the last 5 years, over 80 autoethnographic dissertations have been collected. Autoethnography is gaining popularity in the academic culture, and many scholars such as Chang (2008) believe that it is due to the fact that autoethnography incorporates multiple levels of consciousness. This particular form of qualitative research was selected because as a Professor of Communication it overlaps with writing practices in disciplines that I often draw from, such as sociology, psychology, and communication studies. According to Gee (1996), research entailing autoethnography becomes challenging as it becomes rather difficult to internalize and interpret, nevertheless, is one of the most beneficial skills that a researcher can practice. Additionally, I also chose autoethnography because as the owner of a company focused on student success and empowering youth, over time, I have developed expertise and knowledge working with students that have been labeled as troubled youth. In addition, for the reason that culture is comprised of self and others, autoethnography is not a study simply of self. Autoethnography is a study of self as the main character with others as supporting actors in the lived experience (Chang, 2008). I do believe a self-study is critical on this issue due to the sensitivity and lack of knowledge from educators regarding gang members and gang affiliates. Overall, by utilizing this method of qualitative research I was able to challenge myself as a researcher. Although many of the stories that these young men shared with my team and I can certainly be considered as honest, courageous, and eye-opening, these were also some of the most difficult narratives that I have heard due to the sensitivity of the topics. My autoethnographic research is not meant to use the words of the approximately 25,000 youth I have shared my

86 knowledge with in the last five years as a speaker, or the approximate 500 informal discussions I have had with principals, teachers, and youth. Rather, through autoethnographic analysis, I draw upon my knowledge and experiences related to helping youth and provide them with pathways to educational success. My quest to understand how to help gang involved and affiliated youth succeed academically began formally in 2016, through the formation of RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS. RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS is a motivational speaking company based in Central California that conducts seminars all over the country targeting a wide range of student success topics such as college readiness, life after high school and how to obtain career aspirations. Through my experience as a speaker with RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS, this gave me direct access to help, counsel, and mentor youth directly and indirectly involved in gangs. Next, after trying to obtain IRB approval to have formal interviews with youth fell short due to COVID-19 and the high-risk implications, I decided instead to draw on a larger database on knowledge, that being my recollection of the approximately 500 informal discussions on the subject of at risk youth. Drawing upon this databased of knowledge, I then proceeded to modify the protocol I was going to deploy with youth, so that I could interview myself (see Appendix B). My self-interview lasted approximately 95 minutes, and was recorded, transcribed, ad analyzed for themes. Not only were themes drawn from my self-interview, but also from my recollections and knowledge of over 30 years of experiences living in barrios, having family members in gangs, and committing to professional energies on helping these at-risk youth. Next, I analyzed the self-interview and developed themes that the use of constant comparative analysis and closely tying those themes to my research question. Fram (2013) described constant comparative analysis as an applicable

87 and inductive process of finding data through constant recoding. The four major themes in my findings came out of the constant comparative analysis, but this was also supplemented with 30 years of knowledge, recollections, and advocacy work.

Sites that Framed My Knowledge and Experience Central California is composed of eight distinct counties located as far north as Stockton, California to southern cities such as Bakersfield, California (as listed in Figure 1). However, in the middle of Central California there are cities such as Fresno and Visalia. Central California is located in the middle of the state, in the center of such landmark cities such as San Francisco and Los Angeles.

Figure 1. Central California: Center Yourself (2018). Regional Maps. Source: https://centralcalifornia.org/location-advantages/maps/

In a California statewide study that identified gang membership in high schools, the Central California region reported to have the highest percentage of gang members in schools at 9.1% (Estrada, Gilreath, Astor, & Benbenishty, 2016).

Startlingly, this statistic proved to be at a higher rate than in most northern and southern areas in California, which includes Los Angeles. Estrada et al. (2016) revealed that areas such as Los Angeles and San Francisco reported gang identification just fewer than 8.0% respectively. These findings propose that in every geographic region across the state of California, there is a ratio of about one in every 10 to 12 students who will identify as a gang member. According to Buenrostro (2018), students that identify as Latino make up the majority of student populations in Central California. This statement also holds true for most of the student populations across the state. In Fresno County there were reported 132,755 total students that were enrolled in the P-12 sector. From this, nearly 65% of the total enrollment reported to be Latino. Moreover, in Kern County, the numbers were nearly identical, with Latino enrollment at 123,343 and 65% of the total enrollment identifying as Latino. Kings County had a total enrollment reported at 20,285 students, and their Latino percentage totaled 70%. Lastly, Tulare County reported to have 80,655 students in their P-12 school systems with a total of 78% of students reporting to be Latino (Buenrostro, 2018). As a result, it is noteworthy to address that my team and I have had the pleasure of speaking to students from these counties and that represent these particular demographics. With my personal communication with principals in these areas, I have come to discover that many speakers that are used for personal development for students are generally White. Thus, this leaves space for our group of speakers at RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS to come in and bring an alternative experience for students in Central California. According to Buenrostro (2018), Latino students all over the state of California are exceedingly socioeconomically deprived. In his study, a report of over 80% of high school Latino students have fell into this statistic of deprivation,

89 a number that includes Central California. Latino scholars have also been known to attend high-poverty schools than any other student group (Buenrostro, 2018). Therefore, it becomes incredibly important for students of color, especially Latinos, to see and hear from successful Latinx professionals outside of their neighborhoods. Often, role models such as actors and actresses on television do not bear a resemblance to the same cultural background as their viewers. Thus, it becomes essential for educators to show brown and black children what is possible for their futures if they can identify with individuals who look like them and come from the same areas (Fuentes, 2005). Over the years in my professional career as a public speaker, I have had countless experiences engaging and creating discourse with gang affiliated students. Since 2016, this has led me to cultivate a rich data collection of perspectives. Although I will not be using all of the findings that I have collected in the past, I will be formulating a collection of common themes that I have experienced within talking to gang members and gang affiliates for this dissertation. In addition, this concentrated data that I have recollected has more centralized and focused material regarding LatCrit and CRT implications. Similar to my vignettes at the beginning of the first two chapters of this dissertation, I decided to focus on smaller, more rural high schools comparable to my experiences at Selma High School for the findings.

Youth Who Helped Me Frame My Knowledge and Experience After collecting these data over the years through means of motivational speaking seminars, I was then able to convert my dissertation material into an autoethnography. If we are to understand the complexities of gang life, it is important that diverse voices and perspectives are heard. Henceforth, throughout

90 my experiences speaking to youth all over Central California, I have been able to construct detailed themes that gang members and gang affiliates have disclosed. It is my visualization that given the small samples and our focus on youths' observations of gangs and the greater community, this study will be considered as exploratory (Zatz & Portillos, 2000). It only took about three seminars to discover what some of our main strengths were as a motivational speaking company. I remember vividly after one of our sessions, the principal and vice principal of the high school came up to me and asked if we could do an additional colloquium to a specific group of students after school. Although some of our team members were exhausted, we agreed to their request. The next thing I knew, there were close to 15 students who came in and took their seats. Truthfully, we had not prepared for an additional seminar. We had already addressed the entire student body at a rally, organized some breakout sessions for juniors and seniors and we were ready to call it a day. Nevertheless, there we were staring at a group of young men (all Latinos) and asking each of them generic questions such as “how they liked school” or “what did they do for fun outside of school?” I looked confused at the principal and vice principal that were in the room, almost asking each of them for assistance through my nonverbal communication. Both men smiled at me, looked at each other, and then requested for me to tell the young men about my success story as they walked outside of the classroom with the door wide open. In that moment, I noticed something. In fact, I noticed something very special. I observed that these administrators provided my team and I with our own space to create an environment for these young men. While I was verbally reintroducing myself to the students, I walked by the open door to see if

91 the principal and vice principal had left entirely, but they were sitting on a bench conversing with each other about 15 yards away from the classroom. Ultimately, they trusted in my team to deliver a genuine message that was much different than what we had delivered early that day. Needless to say, for the next hour we delivered one of the more memorable seminars that I have ever been a part of. At the conclusion of our seminar, each young man came up to us to shake our hands and thank us for our time. Some students even asked for pictures. There we were, smiling with these boys as if we were Hollywood stars! As they gathered their belongings and walked away from the classroom, the two administrators walked back into the classroom. They thanked me for our time to provide an additional seminar. The principal then notified me that all of the Latinos who had been part of the discussion were all labeled as troubled youth and had some type of gang affiliation. He said that he was in one of the breakout sessions earlier that day and heard me speak and felt that I would be able to connect well with this particular demographic of students. My team and I looked at each other in shock. All of the boys we talked to seemed to be charming, humorous, and above all, extremely respectful. Our experience with the young men certainly provided us with a new perspective regarding gang affiliates. A week later the same principal sent me an email that changed my life. He told me that the student body had great admiration for our team and that we were unlike any other speakers that visited their campus. Additionally, he expressed that the troubled youth students that we had spoken to kept inquiring on when we would return. He said that we “struck a chord” with these particular students and they seemed to be more excited about coming to campus. At the end of his email he asked, “So, I knew you guys would be good – but what exactly did you talk

92 about if you don’t mind me asking?” He continued to explain that we had a lasting impression on the kids. It took me some time to ponder what exactly we had talked about. In fact, I read the email in the morning; however, it literally took me almost the entire day to respond to his question. Honestly, I never really put what we do into perspective – I just knew we had something different than just speaking. Finally, I responded to the email explaining that we were simply not afraid to be completely transparent with these students, and that many of the students verbally reciprocated their own feelings during our time together. The following week, he sent me an email requesting for three more days of additional seminars with gang affiliated students exclusively. These seminars eventually turned into a safe space for these students to turn to. I eventually discovered through administration that the Latinos we spoke to in our first seminar had all affiliated with the Norteño gang. Eventually, after building some rapport with these students over the course of a couple of months, the students verbally expressed that they had affiliation with this particular gang and had more connections stretching from their rural town all the way to Bakersfield. Although they lived a completely different lifestyle than me, I felt that we had bonded over many familial, social, educational, and cultural topics. Over time, I began to journal my experiences with the students and then eventually, I created a self-interview questionnaire (see Appendix A) that was implemented to our focus groups. In due course, word got around fast in regards to our student success and the next thing we knew – our team was speaking to thousands of students in the morning at local high schools, and later in the afternoon we were speaking in more intimate sessions with gang affiliated

93 students. It is noteworthy to mention, that the majority of students we communicated with either affiliated as: Bulldogs, Norteños or Sureños. Ultimately, what was uncovered throughout all of the seminars resulted in four common themes: (a) the first theme resulted in a collective understanding that each of their personal living situations growing up in El Barrio was parallel to one another, (b) the majority of youth noted that their personal relationship with their parents drastically differentiated between their mother and father, (c) the general lack of academic aspirations, even more, the lack of knowledge about their next steps after high school was similarly detected, and (d) the notion that gangs ultimately provide a sense of belonging (Familismo) was also revealed in responses. Lastly, additional themes were revealed throughout the seminars conducted by RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS.

Limitations of the Study According to Hatipoğlu (2020), the year 2019 was the beginning of the respiratory virus known as the Coronavirus (COVID-19) infection that established in Wuhan City, China and quickly made its way around the world. This virus, which became a global pandemic, literally forced people all over the world to live from their homes and avoid large groups of people. In essence, the year 2020 played out to be one of the most challenging years to be a researcher as schools and businesses all over the world shut down face-to-face interaction, thus, only allowing communication via online resources. Consequently, many of the schools that we had scheduled to visit through RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS were not able to contribute due to this virus. If we would have been able to visit these schools, this would have provided addition key and timely knowledge about present concerns and challenges of gang members and affiliates.

Secondly, in regards to some of the limitations to autoethnographic research, some of the restrictions that have been ongoing are the abilities to be authentic and self-disclose information properly. According to Lapadat (2017), autoethnographic research can become a struggle due to revealing certain experiences about others or about oneself. For many scholars, this can become problematic in that autoethnographic information encourages one to be practice transparency (Lapadat, 2017). Third, Esterberg (2002) implied that if a researcher really wants to uncover what people experience, they must personally observe the actions for themselves. This may entail living with a group of people, experiencing culture from an outsider’s perspective or simply observing participants’ neighborhoods. As each seminar was conducted, I could not help but to ponder if some of these students were being candid or were simply telling me what I wanted to hear so they could fulfill their duties. Nevertheless, similar to Dimitriadis (2009) and his research regarding gangs from the Southside of Chicago, a more hands-on approach, with more time with each student would have been extremely beneficial. The informal discussions that were conducted provided me with what I desired; however, it certainly takes some time to build rapport with people (especially youth) and this includes Latino gang members. I feel that if I had additional time with each of the students, it would have enabled me to connect with each of them on a deeper level, and as a result, obtain richer data. Lastly, although our team understands the many benefits of speaking to Latino students, regrettably, we have not yet concentrated on Latinas that are also gang members or gang affiliates in Central California. This is primarily due to teachers, principals, and administrators that have not requested for these types of

95 seminars. According to Nusinov (2009), Norteña and Sureña gang members hold a strong presence in the state of California, however, often go undetected from researchers and analysts. Therefore, the demand for these types of seminars and research is certainly critical to the overall culture of gangs. As an entrepreneur, I feel it would benefit our team immensely if we could add female speakers to our team so that they could build rapport with other Latinas, similarly to what I have established with the Latino youth in this study.

Role of the Researcher RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS is a motivational speaking company in which I own and have been managing since 2016. Over time, our team has developed immensely. We have added new speakers to our lineup and we have been invited to speak all over the country. Ultimately, this is what has built my expertise in this personal and professional development space. With over 500 personal interviews with students in the P-12 sector (see Appendix C), and my research interests focusing on over 60 articles pertaining to gang culture, my team and I have been highly requested to speak to specific demographics of students, particularly students that identify as gang members or gang affiliates. It is over the course of this time we have had more schools invite us to come speak to their students who were labeled as “high risk” or “troubled youth” students. During these seminars, we developed an understanding that most of the students that fell into these categories were gang related or had some type of gang affiliation. At the conclusion of these seminars, I would ask the principals if it was suitable to chat with students about their experiences with being a Latino high school student in Central California, more specifically, a student that openly

96 identified as being gang affiliated or had some type of affiliation. I was astounded as to how transparent these students were in sharing their information with my team. After a few of these discussions, and with the permission of the students, their parents, and school administrators, I decided to record and transcribe their responses so that we could share our findings to other institutions or for other educational purposes. Thus, that is why autoethnography is critical in this analysis. I believe it is very noteworthy to disclose my positionality as the primary researcher. I am a proud Latino from Central California that grew up in a household where education and dreams were promoted by both of my parents daily. As much, my parents have over 65 years of professional experience spent in the field of education and ultimately both retired from this vocation. While I attended high school, I did notice a trend among my counterparts. This trend involved young Latinos joining gangs, lacking the proper resources to succeed in education, dropping out of school, and continuously searching for positive role models to show them an alternative way of existing. However, through my lived experience, I have also come to discover one of the most critical issues in the educational system and that is mentors not being able to connect to these students, and even more, possessing an inability to genuinely listen to and value these particular students. For decades, Latinos have continued to be one of the main growing ethnicities in our public schools here in Central California and the number continues to rise (National Gang Center, 2020c). Although many teachers in the public school sectors in this region are aware of the gang issues in our local high schools, I have often questioned what kind of reinforcements we are providing to Latinos at these institutions? Moreover, how do teachers communicate to these youth?

My education has certainly come full circle in that I was able to listen and learn more about the “troubled youth” that are located in the high schools near me. Although this experience became emotional, I could certainly identify with many of the frustrations, anxieties, and at times, feelings of anger that these students revealed during my time spent with each of them. As I mentioned early on in this dissertation, I, too, was labeled as a troubled youth. Through personal communication we were able to have an open dialogue that created a sense of community and trust that I will remember for the rest of my life. It was a wonderful experience getting to know each of these students as they openly expressed their lived experiences (whether painful or positive). Before becoming a full-time professor and teaching college students, I was a young scholar that became intrigued with how gangs operate. After inquiring for many years about this, and through my speaking ventures working closely with the P-12 sector and as a Professor of Communication, I have been asked more and more to do breakout sessions with students who are labeled as troubled youth or that have gang affiliation ties to them. In fact, being a communication scholar has enabled me to obtain a richer understanding of these particular students and steer away from classifying each of them as troubled youth, as I feel it labels each of them in a derogatory manner that ultimately sets them up for failure. In essence, my line of work as an instructor, researcher and speaker has been leaning towards this topic for quite some time now. Unequivocally, this dissertation topic has developed organically throughout my years in education and as an observer. After further discussions with my chair and committee members, we ultimately decided that this autoethnography would be extremely beneficial to not only me as a higher-educational professional and doctoral student, but that the findings would benefit our entire region once completed. Moreover, not only am I

98 fascinated in learning more about gang members and their imperative stories, I am very interested in learning more about concepts such as machismo, identity, and the multiple construction theories in which each of these young gang members will or will not follow in throughout their youth.

Summary This chapter provided the theoretical framework and methods used for this study. In regards to the framework, Critical Race Theory (CRT) and LatCrit were utilized to examine concepts such as race and racism. Autoethnographic methodology was then introduced to demonstrate its impact in qualitative studies. Specifically, autoethnographic research is identified to encompass many factors that play a role in how one can interpret lived experiences and above all, interpret these experiences through a method of self-reflection. Next, the school sites of rural high schools that my team and I have delivered seminars to all over Central California was presented. In the following section, information regarding the youth that helped me develop my knowledge and experience were revealed. Subsequently, the limitations of this study were examined and lastly, the role of the researcher was described.

99 CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS

I mean, I got shot in the face when I was 18. That was life changing for me because every time I would leave the house, my mom was crying and balling her head off. I saw how bad it hurt her and the bills were not going to get paid, the insurance wasn't going to get paid because I was 18 years old. I saw her crying because she couldn't pay the hospital bills. I don’t know why I affiliated with them. I mean, my brother and uncles used to do it. And then me, I just grew up around it too, but I was more part of the music side, and always involved in the music. Personally, I stayed away from it as much as I could but it was always around me. I'm really not sure why Latinos join gangs, because I mean, a lot of people say they need to belong to something or need a group around them that feels like family. A lot of these kids say they don't have a family to hang out with and talk to. But then again, if you are to join a gang you go join with the gang that's supposed to be like your family. Older people right now should be talking to younger men and telling them not to do certain things like join these gangs. It's just not cool where you're going to end up. And it is true that you're going to end up dead or in jail. So if that's your family now really, I mean, they should be taking care of you in a whole different way and setting you up on a different path – hopefully, a path where you can succeed as a Latino in this world. (Upstairs Recording Artist, Lil Rob, Personal Communication. Jan. 25, 2020).

In my personal interview with Upstairs Recording Artist, Roberto Flores, who goes by the stage name of Lil Rob, he openly acknowledged his concerns for young Latinos who elect to be involved in gang life. During my time communicating with Lil Rob, he discussed his past experiences associating with gang members in his community. Specifically, he talked about their communication style; clothing, lack of interest pertaining to academics, the brotherhood that gang culture can promote, and frequent run-ins with the law. The individual themes that Lil Rob shared during our interview were instrumental, for the reason that his responses echoed what many of the students from rural areas in Central California had described. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the research question how does gang membership and affiliation hinder the educational aspirations and academic success of Latino high school youth? Four distinct perspectives from gang

100 members and gang affiliates that ultimately echo Lil Rob’s responses will be explored. These perspectives are (a) challenges that emanate from living in barrios (neighborhood), (b) challenges with family stability that complicates school success, (c) lack of knowledge or mentorship regarding the college choice process, and (d) schools are not equipped to compete with the familismo (sense of family) bonds that gangs provided. Lastly, by utilizing Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Lat Crit (LatCrit) as analytical tools for many of our discussions over the past five years, I was then able to recollect and interpret student responses through means of autoethnography.

Living in the Neighborhood/El Barrio: Effect on School Success The first theme that transpired after conducting seminars with gang members and gang affiliates associated with growing up in El Barrio. During our seminars, I would often make references to the ice cream man (palateros) or the corn man (elote man) that often sell their delicacies on hot summer days in Central California. I began to notice how big the student’s smiles were when we talked about food, especially, if I was referencing food items that one could find in El Barrio. I took particular notice that our team was not only providing relatable information to these youth, however, we were talking about the realities that stem from being a person of color. In essence, we were discussing issues of CRT. Although I openly shared stories of my childhood with the students; an upbringing that entailed two loving parents who devoted their professional careers to the educational field and living life in the suburbs, I made it very clear that I was well aware of the El Barrios of Central California. The more I shared about my experiences visiting my friends and family in El Barrio, the better I was able to connect to students on a more humanistic level. In addition, our talks provided a

101 space to share our experiences and cultural differences that were simply not talked about at their schools. In due course, they each started to develop their voice and explain their living situations. Although many of the responses were lighthearted, many of the students eventually opened up to a deeper level of communication to share more personal information about their neighborhoods, self-worth, and pride. As a result, how does living in El Barrio hinder the educational aspirations and academic success of Latino high school youth? During the informal discussions, I learned that youth insinuated that their neighborhoods were highly probably to have illegal drug activity circulating their streets, common sounds of gun shots at night, harassment of law enforcement figures, and the inability to afford educational necessities such as computers or access to the internet. As I examine student narratives, I recall a moment where a young scholar shared with me that his teacher was racist and had picked on him consistently throughout the school year. He said that his math teacher was White, and that he would make it a priority to bring up unnecessary topics such as immigration and methods of border patrol. The student explained to me that one day after class he was getting ready to pack up his belongings when suddenly the math teacher asked him to stay in the classroom. Although it was time for their break, the student agreed to stay. The student told me that his teacher had closed the door so nobody could see their interaction and then proceeded to ask the student where he lived. Before he could respond, the teacher smiled and said something like, “I bet you live on the southeast part of town, huh? That’s where all of you people stay – in the barrios.” The math teacher then proceeded to bring up the topics of immigration and his frustrations with our government. I asked the student when this incident occurred, and he notified me that it happened the previous year and that he talked to his

102 counselor about it, but nothing happened. The counselor just replied, something like, “yeah, he can be like that sometimes, and you just have to learn how to deal with it.” It is noteworthy to mention how experiencing racism in a school that is dominantly Latino could still create implications that can hinder school success for students. Irizarry and Raible (2014), in their article regarding Critical Race Theory, explain that social stigmas continue to exist, especially in relation to Latinos who can be considered by the dominant group to be troublemakers or criminals. When asked what obstacles or challenges that these young men see get in between them and their hopes for the future, I remember that most of the students collectively highlighted that their neighborhood(s) would be a critical factor. Although many of the students expressed that they tried their very best to stay away from gang members and that their parental influences had “warned them” about these particular individuals, they would run into gang member on their way home from school. In essence, it was inevitable that they would have to communicate on their commute to or from school. Moreover, as I recollect many experiences from speaking to youth, I am drawn to the fact that their views of law enforcement fluctuates from student to student. Nonetheless, in my personal experience, most of the youth addressed that they have very little trust for police in their neighborhoods and schools. For example, one young man at a high school near Visalia opened up to me about his experiences with police at his school. He said something like, “cops around campus always talk to me to try and get information from me but I am way too smart for that. That’s all I would need is to be a snitch and end up missing.”

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The student went on to describe his daily routine of getting called over by cops, at break time, him “telling the cops what they want to hear and nothing more.” Instead of getting livid with this young man for telling me that he regularly lies to police officers, I felt a genuine sense of understanding from him. I was truthfully in awe of his intelligence as well, knowing that if he did give the police too much information that it would eventually cause harm on him (or his family). According to Jensen (2009), many youth that are capable of communicating with law enforcement regularly do for the reason that they could provide false information to help preserve their territories. I feel it is necessary to mention, although none of the students acknowledged that they were living in “poor” conditions during my time speaking to each of them, they individually had clear indicators that their families struggled financially. As a Professor of Communication, I found it extremely interesting the way these young men utilized their language to steer away from the word “poor,” although admitted to a genuine lack of resources.

Lack of Resources En El Barrio: Can’t Learn if You Can’t Make It to School What I learned through several discussions was that students did not have the luxury of having their parents drop them off at school or take them around town in their vehicles. Therefore, students said that they walked to school (or around town) when they needed to get somewhere. In addition, many youth communicated that their parents utilized public transportation or scheduled a carpool with their friends to get around due to their vehicles “needing maintenance.” One day a student shared with me that his mother tried to buy a car with the money that she had been saving up. He said that she was very excited to provide

104 transportation for her family, only to get denied by the “White man” who was in charge of the car dealership. I empathized with the young man, and asked him if his mother had told him about that particular experience, and he replied that she did not tell him that story. He went on to share that he was actually present when the man denied her. Exasperating stories such as these are difficult to hear. Even more unsettling, is the fact that these young men through their lived experiences are identifying racism and discrimination firsthand. Nevertheless, through our discussions, we are able to pinpoint major components of LatCrit and create meaningful dialogue. Kiehne (2016) reported that discussions utilizing LatCrit is a critical and conscious way to get to the root of issues such as discrimination, socioeconomic status, sexuality and marginalization. At a high school near Bakersfield, one student joked about how hot it was to walk around town in the blistering temperatures. This is especially true in Central California, as summers rise up to well over 100 degrees. He commented that his parents did not have access to “wheels,” however, kept a smile on his face throughout his response. I found it remarkable how many of the students in class remained to be positive when talking about their lack of transportation. Moreover, during my time communicating with the students about their hobbies, it became very evident that many of these students understood that they lacked certain indulgences such as video games and internet access. Thus, many of the youth understood that they lacked specific privileges than other students had access to at their schools. Nevertheless, although participating in video games can be considered to be a distraction for many students measured by parents, educators, and researchers alike, this was just one more aspect of life that gang affiliated students did not get

105 to experience due to financial reasons. In addition, I found it noteworthy to examine the significance that an absence of internet access can have on a child living in the 21st century. While our discussions did not really pertain to video games, somehow, a wide range of students seemed to mention them in our discussions. Naturally, most students in high school have some type of experience with typing or being able to comprehend the basics around a computer, however, most addressed that they “do not know much about a computer.” Moreover, students described that they did have a smart phone and utilized internet access via their cellular phones. As an educator, I find it extremely problematic to solely use a cellular device for educational purposes. Primarily, this is due to physically printing out homework, uploading assignments online, or any other challenge that can be determined by simply not having direct access to a computer and printer. Lastly, when asked upon students to have each of them share about their neighborhoods, students would express implications that they were tired of seeing the same things every day, tired of worrying about their families, or addressed minimal exposure to cities outside their barrio. I remember one student said something like, “planes were only for the rich kids at his school” and that he did not know anyone in his immediate family or neighborhood that “goes on vacations like that.”

Nonverbal Communication En El Barrio What does nonverbal communication have to do with education? In addition, why are such nonverbals such as throwing signs and tagging important to the culture of education? First, according to Fernandez (2011), nonverbal communication among gang members creates an identity for these individuals and promotes exclusivity.

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Most often, this type of exclusivity is not experienced at their schools. Secondly, by resisting formal education, gang members and affiliates are finding ways to validate informal communication. Third, by displaying gang signs in neighborhoods, these nonverbal communication symbols can be a practice of territorial implications and survival (Fernandez, 2011). Moreover, Calabrese and Noboa (1995) reported that educators need to understand that gangs have always existed within the U.S. and need to improve on how they view their students. According to the authors, gang codes such as throwing signs and tagging are elements that promote individualism, hence, creating power for youth within their communities. In regards to the thousands of students that I have communicated with over the years, students would often talk that about influences from their Barrios that ultimately taught each of them how to communicate in an alternative style. Within this framework, particular types of clothing were also significant indicators to signal that one may be gang related. According to many of the students during our discussions, displaying colors such as red or blue were strong indicators that one could be affiliated with a gang. In addition, specific shoes such as Nike Cortez’s or baggy pants made by Dickies or Ben Davis were also heavily mentioned. Shaved heads are also the preferred hairdo for many of these gang members. Lastly, in my data I found that the majority of students mentioned graffiti art as a way to communicate with their gang or other gangs around town. I remember vividly during one of our seminars one student asking me about communication studies and what it entailed. He actually cut me off while I was providing a lesson in front of the class. He said, if I recall correctly, “Yo, H! Do your college students learn about nonverbal communication in your classes? You

107 do know that we have our own language that we use through hand signals – maybe

1 you could use some of our examples in your class?” Before I could gather my thoughts, the young man proudly threw his “sign” representing the Sureño gang that he was affiliated with. Truthfully, it took me a couple of minutes to have the students settle down as they all burst out in laughter. Some students even smiled and proudly threw up “their signs” that resembled the letter “S” which stands for southerners. I think the students thought I was just going to skip over what they had presented in front of the class; however, I decided to make a lesson out of the situation that had transpired. I continued to explain that the young man was absolutely correct in his assessment and that gang signs are certainly a form of nonverbal communication. I promised the young man that I would utilize his example in my college courses and give him “verbal credit.” To this day, I still use “throwing signs” as an example when covering nonverbal communication. While gang communication may seem to not have meaning to a world beyond the gang, it does. For me as a communication professor, I use this as examples of communication. And youth I talked to, nonverbal communication is a mean to preserve an aspect of their culture within the walls of the school –a place where they consider their culture not to be welcomed. According to Bliss-Holtz (2011), nonverbal communication in gang affiliated neighborhoods are extremely common among gang members, especially with hand gestures known as “throwing signs.” When recollecting how it is that gang members communicate with one another, the prominent story that I hear over

1 All quotes of youth that are presented in this chapter are either quotes as I recall them, or reconstructions to reflect as close as possible as I remember them.

108 the last five years was that youth “throw signs.” Throwing sings means that youth use hand signals to outwardly display the gang they are affiliated with. There are also specific graffiti markers “known as tagging” that gangs like to display to show their dominance over a particular area of a city. (Bliss-Holtz, 2011). The official website of LAPD (2020) reported that Latino gangs that are dominant in their area use graffiti to identify themselves and mark their gang’s territory. This is an indicator and community reminder that they portray a powerful presence within El Barrio. Some of the “tagging” may include a member’s nickname, a gang’s name or this could have been due to a gang assignment of initiation for a new member or recruit.

Lowrider Oldies and Chicano Rap Preferences En El Barrio: What Is This Advancing? What I learned from the majority of students during my visits is the majority of them had a significant commonality in their music preferences. This commonality was portrayed through their inclination for listening to Lowrider Oldies, a genre of music that was established in the 60s and 70s. This was particularly noteworthy to hear for the reason that all of the students are still teenagers. Nevertheless, most of the young men explained that they grew up listening to this specific genre for the reason that their older siblings or family members listened to them. In addition to Lowrider Oldies as a music preference in El Barrio, a majority of young men communicated that Chicano Rap Music was the most common for them to listen to when they were with their homies. When asked what type of artists a Latino gang member might listen to regularly, students addressed that Too Dope, Woodie, Guero, Mr. Criminal, Mr. Capone and Lil Rob were among the popular artists. It is extremely noteworthy to declare that some of these

109 recording artists identify (claim) as being affiliated with Bulldogs, Norteño or Sureño gangs. Thus, if a subject identified as being involved with one of these gangs (e.g., Bulldogs, Norteños or Sureños) they would tend to listen to an artist that mirrored what they represented. Therefore, why is the music preference significant in examining gang members and affiliates? McFarland (2006) contended that Chicano Rap is a genre that challenges forms of oppression that Latinos, particularly Mexicans, face daily in their neighborhoods/El Barrios. Moreover, unlike Hip-Hop music that was originated in New York City, this alternative rap sound developed in specific geographic locations in inner-city Los Angeles, where Black and Latinos have dealt with police brutality (McFarland, 2006). Thus, gang members and affiliates such as the students that we have talked to in this study can identify with the lyrical content and relate to the material on a more personal level. Above all, what does music have to do with education? Delgado (1998a) argued that genres such as Chicano Rap serve as a vehicle to express Latino identity, oppose political ideologies reinforced by the dominant culture, as well as provide a sense of pride in culture. Back in the 1990s, I remember artists such as Kid Frost performing rap songs that promoted Brown pride and unity. Particularly noteworthy, when Kid Frost’s hit song La Raza (the people) made it to MTV, it was the first time that I had the opportunity to see a Mexican-American on an American music show. As a result, many students that I went to school with started to take a keen interest in their English courses. Inevitably, Brown students everywhere were motivated to create meaning through their words. McFarland (2006) described that Kid Frost became the sole music artist that paved the way for many Chicano Rappers today. Furthermore, according to

110 the author, Kid Frost’s music created a style of Hip Hop that educated Latinos, particularly Mexicans, on subject matters such as social justice and civil rights. While conversing with one of the students in 2018, I noticed how his demeanor changed significantly when talking about music. He seemed incredibly passionate about Chicano Rap, so I asked him who some of his favorite rappers were. With a broad smile, he quickly named 7 artists in a span of just a few seconds. After a long pause, he explained, “but my favorite Chicano rapper of all time is Lil Rob!” I wanted to smile right back at him and tell him that I have conducted personal interviews with the recording artist, and that we now knew each other on a first name basis, but I allowed him to share what he personally enjoyed about his music. The young man smiled and said that he loves the way that Lil Rob “puts it down for the brown side of town.” He explained that artists such as Lil Rob paint a picture of what it is like to live and survive in El Barrio. In particular, the student shared with me that this particular music provides people in El Barrio with a voice and something to connect with. According to Lopez (2008), people tend to keep music and social movements in two completely different categories; however that is not the case with the genre of Chicano Rap. The relationship between this genre of music and the twenty-first century Immigrant’s Rights Movement proves that music can be a powerful vehicle to communicate the voice of a social movement and thus, create social change.

Relationship with Parents The second common theme that was uncovered in my personal commutation with youth was a collective understanding that there is a substantial difference in how these young men view their parents. An overwhelming

111 correspondence transpired throughout all of the seminars in that most of these young men that I spoke to did not have a relationship with their father. Consequently, how do these circumstances hinder the educational aspirations and academic success of Latino high school youth? As I examine my experiences with youth, I recall that many students described a lack of father figures in their household. At the start of 2020, before COVID-19 became a global pandemic, I was granted with the opportunity to speak at a continuation school. Many of the students that were in the seminar affiliated with the Norteño gang. When discussions about “what keeps you going” ascended during our seminars, many of the youth responded that their mother had a significant impact in their lives. With the absence of their fathers, the young men frequently commented on their love and admiration that they each possessed for their mothers. I discovered that many of the students felt apologetic that they were doing “bad in school” because they would admit that their mothers try their best to provide for their families every day. Moreover, students added that they understood the decisions that they made and continued to make through gang affiliation were distressing family members such as their mothers. However, they often commented that they try to sells drugs because it is “very hard to find a job” at their young age. Interestingly enough, after recollecting additional themes, the youth overwhelmingly expressed that they felt some type of “responsibility” to take care of their siblings. Most of the youth conveyed that they were the oldest of their siblings and therefore felt the obligation to take care of their families. Interestingly enough, “taking care of their families” did not just include their brothers and sisters, however, most of the young men addressed that they felt that they needed

112 to contribute to the household because their parents either “told them that they had to” or “they just felt that they needed to.” According to Lee (2019), in most scenarios, children have both of their parents to help nurture their decisions throughout their high school careers. It is during these 4 years whereby youth are planning out the rest of their lives. This entails obtaining good grades, applying to colleges, and staying active in their social roles. However, when a child is missing their fathers to help them during this nurturing time, it often becomes a common trait for both young men and women to seek out featherlike mentors in their communities (Lee, 2019). Rothrock (2017) in his study utilizing LatCrit, addressed that the term “community” tends to be exploited in everyday communication, and in neighborhoods that are underserved as El Barrio. The article describes that many educators (even at the elementary level) utilize the word community but fail to fully define what it means for each individual in regards to their life at home. Therefore, the word “community” should be explained through a method of critical consciousness pertaining to each individual in the classroom (Rothrock, 2017). Not only does this dialogue of community create critical consciousness for the students, it provides an opportunity for educators to understand how the functionality of LatCrit can be infused into their teaching lessons and discussions regularly. Additionally, Beaty (1995) reported that children who are abandoned by their fathers before the age of 5 suffer devastating interpersonal and psychological complications than do children who have both of their parents in their lives. The study goes on to explain that there is a significant change in male behavior once boys enter middle school. Studies have indicated that young men without fathers have shown to be more aggressive and will “tend to lash out” or cause more

113 trouble in the classroom as a coping mechanism to earn respect (Beaty, 1995). This is particular noteworthy as many of the youth that contributed to this study addressed that they had a history of taking out their frustrations at school or at home with their mothers and siblings. Cauce and Domenech-Rodríguez (2002) reported that the three stages of adolescence: early adolescence, middle adolescence, and late adolescence are formed by parental figures in the home. For the reason that all subjects overwhelmingly communicated that they “needed to be responsible at home” leaves each of these young men with a sense of safety, and overall absence of basic human needs. Some of the most essential needs for any human to thrive in society include a five-tier model, coined by Abraham Maslow. These needs are: physiological needs, a sense of safety, love and belonging, self-esteem, and self- actualization needs (Deagan, 2004). One could easily identify how imperative it is to have parental figures in a home to teach their children about these five-tier models of human needs. However, as mentioned previously, most of these students grew up without a father figure. Thus, many of the Latinos stated that they “had to grow up a lot faster than most kids at their school.” Ultimately, this meant for them to be a support system that entailed physical and emotional responsibility over their siblings. Due to these unfortunate circumstances, an overwhelming number of older gang members have reported to admit stages of deep depression stemmed back to their childhood (Crandall et al., 2020). Although implications of depression were not addressed in our seminars and in this data, the detrimental effects of “growing up fast” certainly is something to consider when deliberating why these young men even consider joining the gang culture in the first place.

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According to Sharpe (2003), taking on a parental role is very common among teens who are gang affiliated. This is typically due to the reason that the parent(s) are working nonstop to provide for their children and simply do not have the ability to be at home when their children return from school. Therefore, there is commonly a member of the family who must be in charge of household tasks such as making sure all the children in the home are fed, bathed, and when sick – they are attended to. This leaves a critical amount of responsibility for a teenager to endure and it undoubtedly was portrayed in these informal discussions.

Homies with Aspirations: Looking to Flip the Script Third, the overall academic aspirations from students seemed to be nonexistent at first, but after building rapport with each of them over time, I was able to gather a genuine sense of motivation for attending college, career goals, and discussions about starting a family one day. After one of our discussions at a high school in southeast Fresno, two boys came up to me to ask questions about college. They openly expressed that that they would be the first members in their families to graduate from high school and attend college. I told the young men that many of my students at the institution that I teach at are also the first members in their family to attend and graduate from college, and how proud that makes me as a professor. I told them that I would love to be there at both of their graduations. Next, I asked the young men where they were planning to attend college after high school and they told me that they would be attending the local community college, and then transfer to a CSU or UC institution. Both young men even made it known that they wanted to have the same class schedule due to their ambiguity and nervousness going to “a big school” or a school “far from home.”

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Before I left the classroom, both youth provided information about what they wanted to do for the rest of their lives, besides being in a gang. One student talked about being his own boss, working on cars and “telling other people what to do” is what I recall him saying. The other teenager confessed that he had always possessed a love for science and wanted to do something in the medical field. I told them that I knew quite a few people in both of those industries and through hard work and focus, that they could also accomplish their career aspirations. However, what stunned me the most was how both young men talked about the importance of obtaining a stable career so they could be financially responsible for their future families. The boys, and many other boys like that that I have interacted with over the years, asked me about my career and confessed that they never really have a lot of teachers that “look like me” or “understand me.” I know they did not mean any harm in what they were referring to, however, I asked for them to elaborate. One of the boys seemed to be embarrassed by his own remark, as his face was as red as a stop sign. However, he continued with this question. Something like, “Professor H, I mean, like, are there a lot of professors that look like you at your college? Sometimes I’ll walk by the college just to see what up, but I just see brown students. Are there a lot of teachers that are Mexican in college?” I was simply shocked by this young man’s question. I did not feel any form of disrespect; rather, I continued to tell him that he notices things that others simply do not. I continued to tell him that a lot of the full-time faculty that I work with is White and that he should read some articles regarding Critical Race Theory CRT. When I verbally referred to this it seemed as though he had seen a ghost. However, I proceeded to tell him that his question created critical consciousness regarding the topic of race, and that it was a perfect example of CRT. I smiled, and

116 encouraged him to take classes that encompass this type of research when he attended college Writer and Watson (2019), using the method of autoethnography and the theoretical framework of CRT in their research, outline many of the challenges that faculty of color have to experience in an academic setting that has traditionally been set up for a White, dominant culture. In their research, powerful stories are communicated by two faculty members of color who describe their experiences working in a university setting. Nevertheless, these students were perfect examples that one can utilize CRT as a platform to discuss issues pertaining to race and equity to promote critical thinking skills. Ultimately, these are the conversations that most people do not get to hear. There I was standing in front of two young men that genuinely had a plan for their futures. It was a beautiful experience indeed, however, the more that my team and I are granted with the opportunity to speak to students – the more we experience these types of moments that are special to us. After several talks about academic aspirations, there appeared to be a clear indication that role models did exist within each of their communities. These role models ultimately entailed older gang members known as “OGs” (original gangsters) located in their neighborhoods/barrios that had significant influence over them. I was very familiar with the term OGs, as I have come to experience many conversations with many older gang members who are still active or decided to leave their cliques. In my personal experience, if one is genuinely interested in having some profound, inspiring, and meaningful dialogue opportunities, I suggest for you to visit your local barbershop, as you will eventually cross paths with someone that has a story that is often times better than a Hollywood thriller. In my hometown of

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Selma, California, I personally try to get out to the “shop” every Saturday to listen and learn from some OGs that are getting their hair groomed. I have shared multiple stories with my experience with OGs in the rural communities of Central California with the Latinos that I share space with at our seminars. Collectively, we have all agreed that OGs have indirectly taught hard work, familial responsibility, and pride for their neighborhoods. As might be expected, these are valuable lessons not taught in the everyday classroom curriculum. In addition, one of the more prominent subpoints that the majority of students declared was the lack of teacher support that they experienced at school. I remember one student implying that “teachers, staff, and administration at their schools knew who they were individually and would consistently disrespect them.” When asked what these adults at their school would do to make these young men feel this way, the youth collectively said that adults at their schools would “label them because of who they would hang out with on campus.” Kennedy (1997) contended that youth are often labeled for several reasons at their school sites; however, one of the more prominent motives may include a “guilty by association” method of labeling. Often times these young kids are written off in the system due to their affiliation with other adolescents such as gang members. Even though they themselves are not in the gang, I think a lot of teachers take into consideration that they too must be involved in a life full of misconduct and revulsion. (Kennedy, 1997, p. 27) Although many of the boys that I have spoken to state that they have experienced a lack of support and guidance from their counselors, teachers, and administrators at their school sites, I noticed that many of the boys have utilized this for personal motivation. In fact, I have encouraged this mentality as I; too, have shared these frustrations and experiences in education.

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I recall on one discussion pertaining to this topic in the fall of 2019. The high school was located about 20 minutes east of Stockton, CA and involved over 30 gang members and affiliates in one classroom. To this day, that is one of the largest gang member/gang affiliate seminars that we have conducted. Before the event even started, I had one student that did not waste any time introducing himself to me. After a few questions regarding his school experience, he shared with me that he always “gets sent to the office” because of his clothing. He continued to tell me that he often gets frustrated; however, what he shared with me next was something that I will never forget. The boy looked me dead in the eye an told me that “it’s okay that teachers write me off, because I’m just going to work hard and grind in school so I show them that I can do it.” I smiled at him, shook his hand, and told him that often times “success is the best revenge.” Thus far, the youth have really understood how vital it is to keep their composure and strive for excellence in their academics, even through unfortunate circumstances, such as professionals in the educational sector that are giving up on specific students such as gang members and affiliates. Nevertheless, our message to these students is to focus on their academic aspirations and imagine what they could each do beyond high school if they continued with that same positive attitude.

Gangs Provides a Sense of Belonging/Protection (Familismo) Fourth, the last common theme that I recall during my time spent with these incredible youth was that the gang ultimately provided a sense of belonging for each of them. When asked for the interpretations and opinions of why young Latinos join gangs, the youth had similar conclusions. I recall that their responses indicated that their lack of time spent with their own families (e.g., mothers and

119 fathers at work, parents have drug issues themselves, added stress taking care of their siblings, etc.) resulted in them finding alternative ways to seek the attention and affection that they needed. Ultimately, a sense of belonging was at the forefront of each individual’s’ response. In their study, Dunlap and Russell (2015) explored the success of Homeboy Industries, which is a non-profit agency that is devoted to help assist current and former gang members through means of employment and personal development. By utilizing a theoretical lens from CRT, the authors report that creating a sense of family and support is what promotes acceptance. Similarly, after learning from many of the students during our discussions, an overwhelming amount of students reported that their friends were now considered “their family.” In the spring of 2019, I conducted a seminar at a high school about 20 miles west of Fresno. The principal had notified me that I would be talking to a group of students who were identified as Sureños, and who were well known in their small community. However, unlike many of the principals that I have communicated with over the years, this principal seemed to remain positive and hopeful that each of the boys could still “turn their lives around.” I was particularly nervous to speak at this high school, for the reason that the principal seemed to genuinely care for all the students at this school site (even those students that identified as being gang members or affiliates). In my experience, working with as many schools as we have, I can honestly address that many of the principals treat gang affiliated students much differently than other students on campus. For instance, at one high school I remember vividly how a known “gang member” applied to UCLA and was accepted, however, was not invited to get his picture taken with the rest of the study body that had been

120 accepted to UC colleges. Unfortunately, I cannot help but to think that his was simply due to his affiliation with the Sureño gang. Nevertheless, there I was talking to this small group of students, providing them with some insight on what they could do after they graduated high school. After I spoke, the principal had invited me to stay for some Q &A time and the boys seemed excited for me to stay, so I agreed. During our session, one of the young men asked if he could “get personal” with his question. I agreed that I would answer anything openly and honestly. He then asked me what my relationship was like with my parents. I explained to the young man that my parents throughout the course of my life have always been incredibly supportive in everything that I do. And that is where the young man literally stood up in front of the class and verbally cut me off. I vividly recollect that the young man quickly asked two more questions, somewhere in the lines of, “do you feel like you’re loved by them and would you do anything to see them happy?” I responded with a definite “yes” to both of his questions. He sat back down in his chair delicately, smiled, and to my recollection, stated, “you see, that’s what most people don’t get about us. We have a family right here that we feel loved by, and best believe I’ll do anything to make them happy.” To this day, his perspective is one that I firmly believe all educators need to hear. As our time came to a close, I talked to every single young man that stayed after school for our seminar. I was thrilled to hear how grateful they were to have a principal that “had their backs,” and “valued” each of them as people, and not as gang members. Before I left, the principal came up to me in tears and confessed that he tries his very best to show these kids a “better way.” He told me that the reason that he has a soft spot for these youth is that he grew up about 15 miles away from campus and was a gang member. He told me that a teacher at his high

121 school eventually changed the course of his life during his sophomore year, and that his teacher had also admitted to be a gang member. Before I left, the principal told me that it takes a true role model to look past their membership and affiliation and see them as the unique individuals that they are. He said something like, “as crazy as it sounds, we need more people to love them for who they are – these boys see each other as family because their brothers, uncles, and fathers probably grew up into the same situations. Often, they are misunderstood.” After my experience spending years communicating with these students, I can only draw upon the conclusion that role models in the community and teachers at school simply do not and cannot compete with men that can provide safety for these young men and their families. Although many students did say that they had at least one teacher at their school that made a positive impact in their lives, one cannot argue the motivations to join a group of peers that have similar struggles and living conditions.

Gang Culture is Rooted in Familismo: Schools not Equipped to Compete In addition to a sense of belonging, I learned that a significant number of students expressed that they were encouraged to join a gang due to some form of familial connection. As a result, a collective understanding in my observations was that schools are simply not equipped to influence students as much as their everyday mentors, which can be from their own bloodline(s). During the course of the discussion when asked about their role models, a majority of youth confessed that they were influenced heavily by their older brothers, cousins, or uncles. Moreover, when asked about more details about their barrio, one student addressed that he is a third generation C. St. Chico. Although C. St. was not the literal name of his gang, he was implying that he is a third generation Latino who

122 grew up in the same neighborhood (C St.) as his grandfather. I recall him saying something to the nature of, “My grandfather gets a lot of respect around here because he started this all. My father got into the gang after him and by tradition I was able to join.” According to Jankowski (1991), it is extremely common for family members to pass on the affiliation to the next generation. Although this behavior has been noticeable among cultures such as African-American and Hmong groups in the U.S., it is much more popularized within the Latinx community. In his research study it was reported that 32% of Los Angeles fathers he interviewed acknowledged that they had been members of the same gang to which their children now belonged, while 11% reported that four generations of their family had membership in the same gang. Undoubtedly, this is a trend that expands all over the state of California and in middle regions of the state such as Central California. Moreover, while familial tradition certainly plays a significant role in the final decision of to join a gang, membership is not necessarily guaranteed to be inherited. Therefore, although it is extremely rare, young men may choose to join opposing gangs for a plethora of reasons. Nonetheless, the primary reason one would elect to join a rival gang typically has to do with the treatment and upbringing of the child. If the child has been consistently disrespected, abused, or simply has a falling out with a family member who is gang affiliated, it may lead young men to devote their loyalty somewhere else (Sanchez-Jankowski, 1991).

Familismo: A Brotherhood What does a brotherhood have to do with education? I recall many of the youth referring to each other as “brothers” when conducting our seminars. Their commitment to each other and the genuine bond that the young men established

123 seemed to be deeply rooted. This brotherhood, that seemed to be formulated over duration of time, was a reminder to each of the young men that their loyalty and trust solely belonged to each other. As a result, it is very difficult for teachers, staff, administrators and often, other students at their schools to earn this kind of exclusivity into their lives. In addition, it was apparent that over the course of time, this trust between their brothers was generated through implications of CRT, which were most often lived experiences that entailed stressors. Family stressors may encourage youths to generate family-like associations in the groups to which they belong, and as such, these relationships may represent a concept known as fictive kin. According to Stack (1974), fictive kin refers to individuals who are unrelated biologically or by marriage, but use familial labels (e.g., brother or sister) to signify relationships characterized by conviction, mutuality, and promise to commit to one another. Fictive kin naturally originate in settings where people have inadequate access to economic resources and familial networks. This was a vital reason as to why students joined their specific gangs. Moreover, the insecurity and unforeseen predicaments that characterize these lifestyle settings may quickly transform a friendship into deeper, more reciprocal, fictive kin relationships such as brotherhood pledges with one another. Fuentes (2005) reported that adolescents have a strong need for approval and affirmation as they develop a social self in relation to others around them, especially in their own neighborhoods, communities and schools. This identity progression takes on another dimension with youth who are not experiencing consistency in esteem and acknowledgment. According to this particular study that entailed Latino youth from a rural area in Minnesota, youth experienced a need to protect themselves and seek affirmation in places or by people who would

124 accommodate these absence. This was regularly fulfilled by joining in gang activity. Furthermore, youth, when asked to elaborate on their hobbies confessed that “really did not have anything to do.” Similarly, Fuentes (2005) reported that Latino youth verbalized that they also decided to join the gang for the reason that they ultimately needed something to keep them entertained. Moreover, the assurance that gang members would be there for them provided a sense of purpose and form of confidence for many undirected youth. This ideology of familismo stems from not only the positive correspondences in the gang culture such as a sense of brotherhood, loyalty, and identity, but it clearly has ties within negative structural traits such as being labeled by a society that does not seem to accept these individuals for who they really are. According to Rice (2020), the national database that keeps track of gang affiliated adolescents, it is said that nearly 90% of gang associates are of color. Moreover, before reforms were enacted in 2017, minors were the only group required to be notified when they were added to the database. Although law enforcement professionals have been instructed to delete youth who stayed out of trouble for a five year period, police could update the database anytime by seeing and stopping them where gangs may operate, such as their own neighborhoods. Thus, one can easily cognize how much stress goes into living in specific parts of town. In addition to this sense of brotherhood, gang membership appears to open up opportunities such as fun, parties, girls, money and status. For the reason that many Latino youth feel alienated at their schools and at home, one must understand that these are still teenage boys who desire the need to have teen conversations with their peers. The gang membership undoubtedly allows these

125 conversations to materialize. “Latino youth may not feel affirmed in school because of language barriers or academic achievement, or because of their status as youth of color and/or with second class “undocumented” status. (Fuentes, 2005, p. 26). As a result, this newly found brotherhood allows young men to experience what their peers may be experiencing at their school sites. California’s gang database, CalGang, comprises 90,000 to 150,000 identities who may be affiliated as gang members (Rice, 2020). However, the implications of this are extremely problematic for the reason that these numbers have the likelihood of being inaccurate and resulting in an increase of stereotypes and labeling in rural communities similar to the areas that were examined in this study. According to Rice (2020), police can add someone to this database if you have any type of affiliation with known gang members. Examples of this may include giving a ride to a gang member in your car or engaging in social activities such as having lunch with known gang members. Rice explained that it is particularly noteworthy to address that individuals who are known to be gang affiliated have harsher legal consequences and sentencing guidelines.

Summary In summary, the youth generated a portrayal of the many harsh realities that gang members and gang affiliates. Four distinct themes were revealed during our informal seminars that include (a) challenges that emanate from living in barrios (neighborhood), (b) challenges with family stability that complicates school success, (c) lack of knowledge or mentorship regarding the college choice process, and (d) schools are not equipped to compete with the familismo (sense of family) bonds that gangs provided. More specifically, students addressed the issues of gang identity and perilous anxieties regarding home life. Throughout the dialogues, students were

126 able to reflect on some of their personal hindrances and difficulties at school. Although their responses indicated a critical lack of support from their teachers, these findings also presented substantial information in regards to how Latino gang affiliates felt that their peers at school were also judging them unfairly. Consequently, the absence of being accepted at their schools and belonging to something that they felt apart of were the primary reasons that students felt an overwhelming disconnect with their current education and future aspirations. The concluding chapter provides a summary of the research findings, a discussion of the themes findings, and final recommendations. Additionally, the following section addresses my conclusions regarding experiences with living in an impoverished area, lack of parental influence, implications of familismo within gang culture, and the collective disinterest for future educational achievements and aspirations. Finally, I offer recommendations for future research and practice.

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CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Discussion The summary of the findings as supported by qualitative measures confirms that students that contributed to this work demonstrated a collective understanding of their gang affiliation. Although perspectives from three different gangs in this study were examined, (e.g., Bulldogs, Norteños and Sureño gang members) all gang members and gang affiliates collectively had distinct similarities. These correspondences were divided into four themes that collectively described: (a) low-socioeconomic living conditions, (b) a lack of parental influence, (c) positive motivation for their future and academic aspirations, and (d) the notion that their gangs provided each of them with a sense of belonging. First, all of the young men that have attended our seminars seemed to have a firm awareness about their specific living conditions in El Barrio. Although students did not literally utilize the words “poor” during any of the informal discussions, common insinuations of “things always falling apart” or living in a community “where all I see are rundown homes” was consistently mentioned. Evans (2016) study on childhood poverty was conducted by youth participants over a 15-year period. This is especially important for the reason that the youth in his study were similar in age to all of the students in this research. According to the author, impoverished children in the study had more antisocial conduct such as aggression and bullying, and increased feeling of helplessness, than kids from middle-income backgrounds. The study also reported that kids from particular neighborhoods such as El Barrio have more chronic physiological stress and more deficits in short-term spatial memory.

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Second, students overwhelmingly noted that their personal relationship with their parents differentiated. This was particularly noteworthy to observe as many of the youth praised their mothers in admiration. However, when the conversation shifted themes to describe life with their fathers, a significant number of the youth stated that “they have not seen their fathers in a long time” or simply that they “had no connection with their fathers.” However, it is through these transparent responses from students that eventually stemmed an overwhelming abundance of positivity. Over time, we were delighted to hear how many of these students embraced living in El Barrio. Together, we often made jokes and laughed at specific things one would only see growing up in these areas of town. Although we did communicate about their frustrations, it was rather refreshing to hear that students were making the most out of their living situations. Even more, they took enormous pride in being raised in El Barrio. Often, I would use the whiteboard in the classroom to list some of the negatives aspects of living in their neighborhoods. Although it was rather easy for them to complete this task, I then challenged each of them to talk about the positives. While one student was talking about waking up to the smell of Mexican food on a Saturday morning, another student was engaging in the conversation and telling their own story of playing outside in the sprinklers when the summer time blossomed in Central California. I will always remember the motivational speaker who came to talk to our leadership class at Selma High School when I was a senior. He did a similar lecture, highlighting the benefits of coming from a rural city and seeing past the limits others (or ourselves) have set. With uncovering the positives of growing up in Barrios and having students reflect on taking pride in each of their living

129 conditions, I firmly believe that it reinforces a positive mindset for each student to prosper. Second, what does the relationship with their parents have to do with academic success and aspirations? The complications between their home life and often not having a male role model certainly play a vital role in each Latino we speak to. As the research in this dissertation indicates, the lack of not having a father can certainly become detrimental. Karberg and Cabrera (2016) contended in their study that positive characteristics from Latino fathers and their overall involvement have the potential to safeguard children from negative effects of socioeconomic hindrances. In addition, in their study regarding Mexican-American fathers in particular, the authors noted that reports of optimism were directly linked with their teen’s competence in school and social activities. However, one of the more critical findings in the study was that fathers’ income and education are linked to better children’s cognitive and social outcomes. These effects ensued to be both direct and indirect through its influence on the quality of home experiences parents provide for their children (Karberg & Cabrera, 2016). However, what transpired throughout my personal experience talking to young Latinos seemed to differentiate with a lot of the research that has been cited in this document. Perhaps it was the way our team was able to build genuine rapport with these young men over a course of time, or maybe students felt a personal connection with me as a familiar brown face talking with them, instead of talking at them in a seminar. Nevertheless, many students described that their living conditions without their fathers as a blessing, and indicated that their plans for each of their futures was to do “better than their fathers.”

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Third, one can easily understand that if parental influences or educators fail to help motivate and mentor young Latinos that this will lead each of them to a life of ruin. As a result, this ideology and belief has produced much research over the years indicating that academic aspirations would be improbable due to the harsh living conditions that these particular youth face daily. For example, Huerta (2015) contended that across the U.S. only half of Latino males graduate from high schools. In addition, some of the explicit barriers that Latinos who are eager to enroll in college are faced with are inadequate attention and reverence from their institutional leaders. In the study, it is reported that Latino males enrolled in high schools who want to attend postsecondary education must commonly depend on timely and accurate information provided by their school counselors. Additionally, Rios (2011) contended that the social and academic challenges for Latino males in schools are multifaceted. One cannot point to a specific educational moment and attribute Latino males’ failure to simply label their home life, attending under-resourced schools, or overrepresentation in special education and school suspensions. Thus, these contributing factors and life contexts influence how Latino males engage or disengage in school. However, in my experience, what transpired over the course of getting to know these young men on a more personal level, proved to be much different than what my references and research suggested. Although students did lack a significant amount of resources (in comparison to their counterparts at school), many gang members and affiliates were certainly motivated to attend college or a university, thus, establishing academic aspirations and personal goals. Often, students would show me their grades displaying clear senses of pride with their academic achievements.

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On a personal note, I felt that their accomplishments were incredibly impressive for the reason that many of the youth held jobs outside of school. Their jobs regularly consisted of manual labor work. Often, when I would converse with these students, I would ask them why they needed to work so hard at such a young age. Similarly, they would reply that they wanted to contribute financially to their family at home. Even more, many students shared with me their plans to be financially stable and make their dream careers a reality. After much conversation with these young men, I am certain that they have what it takes to accomplish this. Last, similar to the research that was addressed in the review of literature; many youth implied that joining their elected gang was like “joining a family that they never had.” Not only did the data reveal that the gang provided each of them with a sense of belonging, it also revealed that these students did not feel comfortable at home or at school and thus, gang affiliation united the young men to fulfill their social and emotional needs. According to Taylor (2013), there are several reasons as to why young men join gangs, with the sense of belonging typically being the primary motive. However, there are additional reasons as to why these young men join gangs and they include a feeling of safety, the gang seemed very understanding and accepting of them, affiliation with a gang is a quick way to earn respect, it may enhance their masculinity and reputation of being tough, the possibility of making money and experience positive attention from young women and the opportunity for delinquency and violence as a release of frustrations from their home life. Similarly, Davis (2008) contended that gangs provide components of security in a world that is often too dangerous for individuals alone. Fundamentally, joining their brothers in a unified group means that they do not have to be alone all the time. For many youth, the decision to be at home with

132 their parents is not an actual choice due to a plethora of reasons such as their parents working multiple jobs, parents devoting more attention to younger siblings, or drug and alcohol issues that parents of gang members often face. In addition to the four themes examined in this study, there were also significant issues that transpired throughout the research. For the reason that rural schools were used exclusively in this dissertation, one must consider developing a better understanding about these particular communities as they often deal with an overabundance of difficulties that can be remedied.

Rural Areas and Poverty: No Excuse to Give Up on Our Youth Rural high schools similar to the institutions examined for the purpose of this dissertation play a vital role in their communities serving many functions beyond education. Given the prevalence and significance in their communities, rural schools merit more attention than they have previously been provided. These institutions often act as the center of social, recreational and cultural life in their communities. In addition, schools provide multiple job opportunities for many educators looking to gain valuable experience in the educational field. (DeNisco, 2019). For the reason that rural areas are small in size, rural schools are often overlooked by researchers and policy analysts. However, according to a report from the Center for Public Education, nearly one-half of school districts, one-third of schools, and one-fifth of students in the United States are located in rural areas (Harper, 2018). Much research has shown that rural communities often have issues of poverty (Harper, 2018) that other areas simply do not have. Some of these aspects include underfunding throughout educational institutions in rural areas, teacher

133 shortages, reported lower academic scores from students, and clearly, a significant presence from gang members and gang affiliates. However, throughout all of this utilizing my lens as a researcher and Professor of Communication, I see much wealth and opportunity for these areas to not only survive – but to thrive. Throughout my experience in education, I have had many teachers that have forever engraved their care, interest, and genuine love for me into my mind and heart. Although these educators differentiated in age, race, religious affiliation, political ideologies, socioeconomic status or preference in sexual orientation, they made the most out of their opportunity to profoundly impact their demographic of students. As an educator, it is my personal belief that we must do better to be a support system for all children, which includes students who may be gang members or gang affiliated. Many of these children have countless difficulties inside their homes and in their neighborhoods, and do not need an additional destructive environment at their schools. When I decided to take on the emotional responsibility of describing gang youth and gang affiliates through an autoethnographic perspective, I often would hear responses from my colleagues such as “that’s great that you’re trying to help those students,” or “that is important work because they need help.” Though, what I have come to realize in my experience is that gang members and gang affiliates do not need our help. What they need is for people to see them for who they are: intelligent, charismatic, and often humorous young men that take on more responsibilities than the average student at their high school. What they need is for people to understand that they are human with difficulties just like everyone else in the world. What these youth need is for people to stop judging and start listening.

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In summary, although it has always been my intent to teach students throughout this entire process, in truth, these particular students who identify as gang members and gang affiliates have taught me. They have taught me to be empathetic towards others, the value of loyalty, and with a little bit of trust – that it is acceptable to be as transparent as I want to be. I will forever hold these experiences close to my heart and am looking forward to continue my exploration of gang members and gang affiliates. The overall purpose of the research is to explore and develop knowledge, to serve as an education opportunity, provide an opportunity for reflection, and to promote action (Moore & Pinderhughes, 1993). This approach takes into consideration what Freire (1970) described as necessary in order for change to occur: Teachers and students (leadership and people), co-intent on reality, are both Subjects, not only in the task of unveiling that reality, and thereby coming to know it critically, but in the task of re-creating that knowledge. As they attain this knowledge of reality through common reflection and action, they discover themselves as its permanent re-creators (Freire, 1970, p. 69).

Recommendations This study was successful in generating substantial data from the students by using a qualitative approach. Utilizing both the CRT and LatCrit framework lenses also proved to be noteworthy to access the mindset and interpretations of youth gang and affiliates, particularly in the Central California region. Nevertheless, in my pursuit to explore information regarding Latino youth gang members and gang affiliates, I noted three primary recommendations for further research that would certainly benefit the educational culture. The recommendations for research include (a) examining research on rural community demographics across the U.S. (b) identifying research for best practices on how to

135 create interpersonal dialogue from gang members and gang affiliates and (c) a further examination of data regarding Latino youth gangs in Central California and (d) supplementary research regarding Latina gang membership and gang affiliates.

Recommendations for Further Research First, follow-up studies should consider examining rural schools across the U.S. Although I was able to successfully complete a wide range of seminars in rural high schools in Central California, it did become very challenging to access approval from administrators for the reason that similar studies parallel to this project are usually conducted in larger cities. Furthermore, school districts all over America would tremendously benefit from conducting more research that targets the specific community demographic that these rural areas are comprised of. Second, there is a critical need to further explore the question: “What type of advice would you give to your sibling(s) if they were involved in a gang?” To my recollection, an astounding majority of young men openly expressed they would not recommend the gang lifestyle to their siblings. Many of the youth also confessed that most of their friends in the gang would say the same thing about their younger siblings. Virgin (2017) reported that although young gang members know that they are committing acts that could get them in trouble with law enforcement for the rest of their lives, they often believe that they are doing these acts to better the lives of their siblings through means of protection and financial gain. Third, more research regarding gang members and gang affiliates needs to be targeted towards the Central California region. In my extensive literature review and personal time spent researching the critical topic of Latino youth gangs, I often found that my research focused on much larger cities across the U.S. This was particularly noticeable when trying to locate gangs in California, which

136 often led me to cities such as San Diego, Los Angeles, and San Francisco. Therefore, further research on gang members and gang affiliates located in the Central California region must be amplified. Last, research regarding female gang members must be further explored. Although our team has had numerous opportunities to speak to a male dominated demographic of students, many of the Latinos reported that there is a strong presence of young women that have gang membership or affiliation. Furthermore, after much research on the topic of Latino gangs, it becomes very apparent that there is a critical need to examine the perspectives from women all over the U.S. Thus, accessing these types of female viewpoints would add value to the academic culture as well as create space for scholars that would be interested in this focus of work.

Recommendations for Practice After many years of having the distinct pleasure in working alongside youth that are gang members and gang affiliates, I have designed a list of recommendations for educators and educational institutions to consider. As a result, there are five recommendations for future practice. First, there should be programs and professional development opportunities for educators and administrators to undergo so they could better understand this unique group of individuals at their schools. For the reason that both my research data and personal recollection indicate that gang affiliated students feel uncomfortable at their school sites, I feel it is absolutely necessary for educational leaders to pursue other methods and strategies at their school sites. Second, an additional recommendation for educators and educational institutions would entail hosting professional speakers (similar to my company at RISE 2 IT PRODUCTIONS) to create collaborative efforts to partner with rural

137 high schools. In my professional experience as a researcher and entrepreneur, I find that endorsing educational and personal development seminars regularly would greatly benefit the students. Specifically, these seminars would be targeted towards teachers and administrators who would like to improve their pedagogical practices at their institutions. In addition, partnerships such as these would expectantly promote communication skills that are often not taught in the high school sector which include public speaking, interpersonal communication, and intercultural communication. Having speakers and mentors that are willing to be transparent with gang members and gang affiliated students would expectantly increase mutual trust; thus, create endless opportunities to expose students to higher education. Third, educational workshops targeted to parents who have youth that identify as gang members or gang affiliates should be made available. In addition, I strongly believe that this needs to be implemented at the elementary/middle school level of academia, as many students are recruited in these grade levels. In Moreover, after my personal experience working with students, I did come to understand that many of the youth had parents who did not speak English proficiently. Therefore, I feel it is imperative to have evening workshops provided in English and Spanish for parents who may be interested. A prime example of these workshops is rooted in the works of existing programs such as Parent Institute for Quality Education, otherwise known as (PIQE). Through this national organization, parents get a head start in becoming actively engaged in their children’s education and futures. According to their official website, PIQE (2020) provides multiple support systems for low-income families, which would certainly provide a wide range of parents that are located in the rural communities of Central California.

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Fourth, educators and educational institutions that incorporate Chicano Rap as a vehicle for students to improve their writing would be educational, yet, innovative. Not only would students get the opportunity to practice their creative writing skills, but they would also have a space on campus to practice their individuality, expand on their aspirations, and to be expressive. With much of the research that has been examined in this dissertation, one can easily see how valuable music can be for students to learn, have fun, and expand on social and political movements simultaneously. Existing organizations such as the Puente Program can certainly assist in incorporating a voice and identity for youth. In addition, this program administers over $600 million annually in grant funding that supports student success and projects that would be similar to music workshops (California Community Colleges, 2020). By having programs such as Puente help in the development of these Chicano Rap workshops, students will discover groundbreaking strategies that will keep them on campus and give them something to look forward to. Last, and I cannot stress this enough, especially for educators, creating a positive environment for individuals to prosper is critical to one’s well-being. It is my personal belief that there is no substitute for showing genuine interest in another individual. Therefore, reserving some time each day to exchange dialogue with each student regarding their personal interests is a wonderful opportunity to listen, learn, and love. According to organizations such as the National Coalition Building Institute (2017), particular educational policies and strategies for teacher training is essential for student growth. In their organization, students learn approaches for encouraging teamwork, collaboration and stress the promotion of diversity issues.

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Thus, learning new information from this organization will help youth build respect among diverse groups outside of their neighborhoods and communities.

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APPENDIX A: AUTOETHNOGRAPHY DISSERTATIONS

Abu-Khader, S. (2019). Musical bridges: Crossing the divide of where fear meets music: How autoethnography contributes to an evolving cultural identity through multiple musical worlds (Order No. 27539601). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2316054434). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2316054434?accountid=10349 Anderson, T. (2019). We (she, me, her) are not in communication: An autoethnography of a black college administrator (Order No. 27736969). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2366903489). Retrieved from https://search- proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2366903489?accountid=10349 Bell, S. A. J. (2019). Living is resisting: An autoethnography and oral history of street dance activism in los angeles (Order No. 13897800). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2300175230). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2300175230?accountid=10349 Cashore, D. (2019). Listen for the desert: An ecopsychological autoethnography (Order No. 13811213). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Sciences and Engineering Collection. (2293978357). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2293978357?accountid=10349

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Dissinger, M. E. (2019). On the journey to becoming culturally responsive in a high school choir classroom: A white woman's autoethnography (Order No. 13883718). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2239982892). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2239982892?accountid=10349 Gerbig, W. (2019). Collaborative autoethnography exploring leadership in faith- based social enterprise: Stories in technology-based business as mission (Order No. 13427205). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2271793049). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2271793049?accountid=10349 Harrington, M. M. (2019). Oral health care: An autoethnography reflecting on Dentistry’s collective neglect and changes in professional education resulting in the dental hygienist being the prevention-focused primary oral health care provider (Order No. 22623517). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Sciences and Engineering Collection. (2307397280). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2307397280?accountid=10349 Huff, K. (2019). Critical mentorship for black girls: An autoethnography of perseverance, commitment, and empowerment (Order No. 13864882). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection; Publicly Available Content Database. (2216588477). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2216588477?accountid=10349

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Irons, B. (2019). Becoming within entangled spaces of artistic practice: An illustrated autoethnography (Order No. 13883981). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2338596099). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2338596099?accountid=10349 Jeansonne, C. C. (2019). Superheroes in the classroom, or: An autoethnography of great power, responsibility, and community in a critical media pedagogy (Order No. 27725711). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2355992098). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2355992098?accountid=10349 Kantsepolsky, B. (2019). Exploration of barriers to and enablers for entrepreneurship at subsidiaries of multinational corporations: Analytic autoethnography (Order No. 27548901). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2320953191). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2320953191?accountid=10349 Kos, B. A. (2019). An autoethnography of T9Hacks: "designing a welcoming hackathon for women and non-binary students to learn and explore computing" (Order No. 13860744). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Sciences and Engineering Collection. (2232952533). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2232952533?accountid=10349

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Kout, Y. (2019). Breaking down the enchantment: A critical autoethnography of video gaming (Order No. 13810356). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection; Publicly Available Content Database. (2272842074). Retrieved from https://search- proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2272842074?accountid=10349 Lewis, C. (2020). Mobility and persistence: An autoethnography of a tied-migrant military spouse doctoral student (Order No. 27741763). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2386290290). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2386290290?accountid=10349 Oliver, K. Y. (2019). Life after death: An autoethnography of a Teacher’s journey through personal grief and loss (Order No. 27739048). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection; ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Sciences and Engineering Collection. (2364153379). Retrieved from https://search- proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2364153379?accountid=10349 Orloff, J. (2020). Using nonduality to ameliorate early childhood trauma: An autoethnography nonduality in action: A universal healing method (Order No. 27736823). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2375515410). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2375515410?accountid=10349

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Phillips, A. L. (2019). The influence of adult mentors on my life: An autoethnography (Order No. 22621463). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection; Publicly Available Content Database. (2305191202). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2305191202?accountid=10349 Purcell, W. H. (2019). Holding tight to the tail of a shooting star: An autoethnography of unschooling as just education (Order No. 27547537). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2342583908). Retrieved from https://search- proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2342583908?accountid=10349 Quiroz, J. (2019). Unveiling my belizean reality: An autoethnography on the influence of the kriol language on my identity and learning (Order No. 13861393). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2250246975). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2250246975?accountid=10349 Reid, N. F. (2019). Exploring ecological empathy and artistic creativity: An autoethnography of a visual artist (Order No. 13815151). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Sciences and Engineering Collection. (2270019840). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2270019840?accountid=10349

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Sipho, D. D. (2019). Through the eyes of an african american female educator: An autoethnography of culture and race (Order No. 27592305). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2322786784). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2322786784?accountid=10349 Troncoso, O. A. (2019). Leading students from central office: An autoethnography of a new latino superintendent in a texas public school district on the border (Order No. 27548144). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2334771610). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2334771610?accountid=10349 White, I. L. (2019). In a class called special: An autoethnography (Order No. 13881297). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2228835176). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2228835176?accountid=10349 Willis, J. (2019). From midterms to naptime: An autoethnography of the affects of intersectionality on an african american single parent college student (Order No. 13865683). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2243665106). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2243665106?accountid=10349

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Wright, A. T. (2020). The autoethnography of a marginalized black special education student earning a college degree (Order No. 27955163). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global: The Humanities and Social Sciences Collection. (2394959010). Retrieved from https://search-proquest- com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/2394959010?accountid=10349

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APPENDIX B: SELF-INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE

Aspirations and Academic Success:

1.) How does gang membership and affiliation hinder the educational aspirations and academic success of Latino high school youth?

2.) What do my academic aspirations have anything to do with the academic aspirations of youth in gangs and those with gang affiliations?

3.) What are some specifics that Latino youth have addressed to indicate that they have college aspirations?

4.) What are some specifics that Latino youth have addressed to indicate that they have professional (career) aspirations?

5.) What types of support systems are schools currently creating to help aid Latino youth gang members through high school? How do these systems support academic success?

6.) Are high school educators teaching aspirations and success to students who may not be interested in pursuing a traditional college/university? How does this effect gang members or gang affiliates?

7.) What have some of the successful high schools in the U.S. implemented in their curriculum to help advance gang members and gang affiliates?

Family:

8.) What do parental connections have to do with succeeding in schools, and how can youth that undergo a lack of connection with their families maintain motivation in schools?

9.) What does familismo have to do with education?

10.) What are some of the pressures that older siblings have in the household? Do these pressures contribute to students joining gangs?

El Barrio/Community:

(11) How can educators utilize CRT/LatCrit to discuss life in El Barrio? How can this help Latinx students in the classroom?

169 (12) What are some of the commonalities that Latino youth gang members and gang affiliates have in regards to their experiences living in El Barrio?

School (CRT/LatCrit Perspectives):

(13) What are some psychological stressors (if any), that Latinos have compared to their White counterparts? From a pedagogical standpoint, what can educators do to address these issues in their classrooms?

(14) How have Brown men been portrayed in the media to influence perceptions? How does this influence Latinos in the high school sector?

(15) Have I ever experienced discrimination in school, perhaps because of my economic condition, race/ethnicity, gender, or accent/language? And if so, how did my counselors or teachers help me address this discrimination?

Gang Implications:

(16) What are some of the negative stereotypes that media promotes towards Latinos? Utilizing a CRT lens, what kinds of things do I see every day?

(17) What do I think are the main reasons young Latinos join gangs?

(18) What type of advice would I give to my sibling(s) if they were involved in a gang?

(19) Are there any similarities that gang members have at my school? (e.g. clothing, preference in music, behavior, etc.)?

(20) Why has gang examination been transcribed from a conventional, predominately male, White perception?

170 170

APPENDIX C: EXPERT ANALYSIS OF SCHOOLS IN CENTRAL CALIFORNIA

ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS: -AL Connor Elementary School -Kepler Elementary School -Ducor Elementary School -Fremont Elementary School -Reagan Elementary School -Roosevelt Elementary School -Washington Elementary School -Washington Colony Elementary School -Wilson Elementary School

MIDDLE SCHOOLS: -Abraham Lincoln Middle School -El Monte Middle School -Grant Middle School -Navelencia Middle School -Rafer Johnson Middle School -Reedley Middle School -Washington Academic Middle School

HIGH SCHOOLS: -Burton Unified School District -Cesar E. Chavez High School -Clovis High School -Delano High School -Duncan Polytech High School -Fowler High School -Granite Hills High School -Laton High School -Lindsay High School -Madera High School -Madera South High School -Marina High School -Mission Oak High School -McLane High School

171 171 -Orosi High School -Parlier High School -Reedley High School -Reedley Middle College High School -Robert F. Kennedy High School -Sanger High School -Sea Side High School -Selma High School -Washington Union High School -West High School -Wonderful College Prep Academy -Woodlake High School

COLLEGES/UNIVERSITIES: -Arizona Western College -Brandman University (Hanford, CA) -Brandman University (Lemoore, CA) -Clovis Community College -College of the Sequoias -Fresno City College -Fresno State University -Porterville College -Reedley College -West Hills College (Lemoore, CA)

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