A naive victim or a willing ISIS devotee? – Deserving or losing your human rights
- A critical discourse analysis of two British newspaper’s framing of Shamima Begum and her human rights
Frida Garvill
Department of Media Studies Master Thesis 30 hp Media and Communication Studies Course Global Media Studies (120 hp) Spring Semester 2020 Supervisor: Kari Andén-Papadopoulos 2020-07-12 A naive victim or a willing ISIS devotee? – Deserving or losing your human rights
- A critical discourse analysis of two British newspaper’s framing of Shamima Begum and her human rights
Frida Garvill
Abstract
Between 2011 and 2019 around 900 British citizens left the United Kingdom to travel to Syria and join militant groups such as the Islamic State (ISIS) (EPRS, 2018, p.33). After the fall of the so-called caliphate the issue of prosecuting and/or bringing citizens back was widely debated in Europe, especially in the UK, who was accused of taking a drastic measure to the dilemma, causing a political rift in the nation (NPR, 2019). At the center of the debate, both in the media and in parliament, was a young woman called Shamima Begum, who was deprived of her UK citizenship in 2019. This event lead to a debate on human rights and if Begum had had hers violated (The Times, 2019).
Previous research has shown that the ethical media discourse on human rights is multifaced, contested and strong in its ability to incite certain worldviews in society (Sampaio, 2016, p.2). Furthermore, previous studies argue that women tend to be framed differently from men in the media when they are involved in conflict, terror or war (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.30). In addition to this, western media tends to use Muslim women as a symbol of difference by stereotyping them in terms of culture and religion (Brown, 2011, p.716).
This study aims to trace the width and depth of UK media’s discourse on human rights issues and the debate on foreign fighters over the political spectrum, through the case of Shamima Begum. Building off of framing theory and previous research on the framing of females and Islam, it asks how the Guardian and the Times, two national British newspapers, prioritizes the aspect of human rights in their reporting on Begum’s case. This by asking what frames they construct and how these frames compare and differ between the two outlets and the years 2015 and 2019. The material, constituted by articles and images, was analyzed on the base of Critical Discourse Analysis and Framing theory.
The results find four different frames used. These frames are the Naïve victim, the Imperfect victim, ISIS radicalisation and the Willing ISIS devotee. The frames propose opposite standpoints of the newspapers both in their view on Begum and her guilt, and ultimately her human rights, perhaps aligning their discourse with the polarized political one in the UK. The study also shows that aspects connected to Begum’s gender and religion to some extent are prioritized in the framing of her, ultimately affecting the view of her end her fundamental rights as a human being.
Keywords Framing; the UK; Human Rights; Shamima Begum; Foreign Fighters
Table of Contents
1. Introduction ...... 1
2. Aim & Research Questions ...... 2
3. Background ...... 3 3.1 Media, Human Rights & the UK ...... 3 3.2 The Case of Shamima Begum ...... 4 3.3 The 1981 British Nationality Act ...... 7 3.4 UDHR & Article 15 ...... 7
4. Theoretical Frame and Literature review ...... 8 4.1 Entman’s Framing Theory ...... 8 4.2 Sampaio’s Levels of Depth ...... 10 4.3 Framing Islam ...... 11 4.4 Framing Female Fighters: Mothers, Monsters & Whores ...... 12
5. Method ...... 13 5.1 Critical Discourse Analysis ...... 13 5.2 Critical Linguistics ...... 15 5.2.1 Transitivity ...... 15 5.2.2 Nominalization ...... 16 5.2.3 Lexicality ...... 16 5.3 Multimodal Analysis ...... 16 5.3.1 Angles of Interaction & Distance ...... 17 5.3.2 Representation & Collectivization ...... 18 5.4 Agency, Character & Responsibility ...... 18 5.5 Combining Framing & CDA ...... 19 5.6 Limitations of the Method ...... 19
6. Material & Sampling ...... 20 6.1 Material ...... 20 6.1.1 The Guardian ...... 20 6.1.2 The Times ...... 21 6.2 Sampling ...... 21 6.2.1 Limitations of the Sampling ...... 23
7. Results ...... 23 7.1 The Guardian 2015 ...... 23 7.2 The Guardian 2015 Imagery ...... 23 7.3 Problem Definition ...... 25 7.4 Agency ...... 25 7.4.1 Textual Analysis ...... 25 7.4.2 Visual Analysis ...... 27 7.5 Character ...... 28 7.5.1 Textual Analysis ...... 28 7.5.2 Visual Analysis ...... 30 7.6 Responsibility ...... 31 7.6.1 Textual Analysis ...... 31 7.6.2 Visual Analysis ...... 31 7.7 The Naive Victim-frame ...... 32 7.8 The Guardian 2019 ...... 33 7.8.1 The Guardian 2019 Imagery ...... 33 7.8.2 Problem definition ...... 34 7.9 Agency ...... 36 7.9.1 Textual Analysis ...... 36 7.9.2 Visual Analysis ...... 39 7.10 Character ...... 40 7.10.1 Textual Analysis ...... 40 7.10.2 Visual Analysis ...... 43 7.11 Responsibility ...... 44 7.11.1 Textual Analysis ...... 44 7.11.2 Visual Analysis ...... 45 7.12 The Imperfect Victim-Frame ...... 46 7.13 The Times 2015 ...... 47 7.14 The Times 2015 Imagery ...... 47 7.15 Problem definition ...... 48 7.16 Agency ...... 48 7.16.1 Textual Analysis ...... 48 7.16.2 Visual Analysis ...... 49 7.17 Character ...... 50 7.17.1 Textual Analysis ...... 50 7.17.2 Visual Analysis ...... 51 7.18 Responsibility ...... 53 7.18.1 Textual Analysis ...... 53 7.18.2 Visual Analysis ...... 55 7.19 ISIS Radicalisation-Frame ...... 55 7.20 The Times 2019 ...... 56 7.21 The Times 2019 Imagery ...... 56 7.22 Problem Definition ...... 58 7.23 Agency ...... 59 7.23.1 Textual Analysis ...... 59 7.23.2 Visual Analysis ...... 61 7.24 Character ...... 62 7.24.1 Textual Analysis ...... 63 7.24.2 Visual Analysis ...... 66 7.25 Responsibility ...... 68 7.25.1 Textual Analysis ...... 68 7.25.2 Visual Analysis ...... 70 7.26 Willing ISIS Devotee-Frame ...... 71 8. Conclusion & Discussion ...... 71 8.1 The Frames ...... 71 8.2 Framing Begum’s Human Rights ...... 73 8.3 Framing Begum as a Muslim ...... 74 8.4 Framing Begum as a Young Woman ...... 75 8.5 Framing Begum in UK Political Discourse ...... 77
9. Afterthought & Further Research ...... 79 9.1 The Case of Shamima Begum ...... 79 9.2 Further Research ...... 79
10. References ...... 81 10.1 Digital sources ...... 81 10.2 Printed Sources ...... 82
Appendices ...... 84 Appendix A...... 84 Appendix B ...... 97
1. Introduction
Since conflict arose in areas around Iraq and Syria in 2011, thousands of EU nationals travelled or attempted to travel to the warzones to join insurgent terrorist groups such as ISIS (‘Islamic State’). In 2019, around 900 individuals from the United Kingdom had left their homes to travel to Syria (EPRS, 2018, p.33). When the Islamic State lost its stronghold in 2019, the Security Council of the United Nations mandated that all countries with citizens who joined the terrorist group were responsible for bringing them home and before the law (The New York Times, 2019). US president Donald Trump also encouraged countries to repatriate their citizens, tweeting that: “The United States is asking Britain, France, Germany and other European allies to take back over 800 Isis fighters that we captured in Syria and put them on trial” (The Guardian 2019).
While some European countries, especially France, prepared to bring back citizens from the area, the UK appeared more resistant, for example claiming that they could only assist people that found consular help in Turkey (The Guardian, 2019). It was clearly noted that the issue caused a political split in the UK. One side of the spectrum, with Home Secretary Sajid Javid at the frontline, claimed that they would not hesitate to prevent Britons in Syria from returning, then deemed as taking a “hard line” in response to the issue. This while others urged that the UK could not “make people stateless” (The Guardian, 2019). The UK has been accused, together with Denmark, of taking “the most drastic measures” in preventing the return of foreign fighters (NPR, 2019). In 2019 only 40 people out of the 900 had been prosecuted in the UK and around 100 individuals had been stripped of their citizenship, a political move that in some cases can be considered a human rights violation, if leaving an individual stateless (Maher, 2019, p.29). In addition to this “hard line”, previous research has shown that UK media tends to blend questions of human rights and refugees with a discourse on security, threats and terror, possibly inciting a form of xenophobia (Moore, 2017, p.450).
One of the individuals deprived of their citizenship was Shamima Begum, who left her home in east London in 2015 to travel to Syria with her two classmates. The case got quite a bit of attention by the media at the time, and when she was discovered in a Syrian detention camp four years later it was called “the scoop of the decade” (Press Gazette, 2019). Begum’s case has been said to not only represent many like it, but also highlight legal and political facets in UK policies and terror laws (Maher, 2019, p.29). If this is the case, it is interesting to focus on
1 Shamima Begum in medias reporting, pinpointing how different sides of the political spectrum and media discourses deal with and prioritize legal issues such as human rights, but also Begum as a person. Especially since newspaper discourse in the UK previously have been accused of being tinged with xenophobia in relation to human- and refugee rights (Moore, 2017, p.448).
Using Entman’s framing theory, this study seeks to explore if certain facets are selected and prioritized over other events or issues (Entman, 2004, p.5), in the reporting on Shamima Begum’s case and her human rights. Noting how Begum is being framed might help say something about the media discourse on human rights, foreign fighters and the political rift in the UK. Analyzing this particular case can be said to be valuable for the field of research since Begum’s media presence appears to be in stark relation with British political discourse and the revoking of her citizenship (Maher, 2019, p.29). In other words, this study will not isolate the framing of her as a female or a Muslim but rather include and connect it to the discourse on human rights, to examine wheatear these facets are prioritized in the framing that ultimately affects the overall view/discourse on Begum’s fundamental rights. This is especially interesting considering previous claims that UK media is tinged with xenophobia in similar cases. Furthermore, since Begum has been seen as a catalyst and a representative for a wider political debate, it is worth noting the media’s potential to reflect and reinforce a political discourse on human rights.
2. Aim & Research Questions
Aiming to trace the width and depth of UK media’s discourse on human rights issues and the debate on foreign fighters over the political spectrum, this study seeks to investigate two British national newspapers that differ in their political standpoint. Drawing from framing theory and critical discourse analysis, this study will examine how the Guardian and the Times discursively frame a complex human rights issue. This by looking at the frames constructed around the case of Shamima Begum, and how they compare.
To examine how a topic of human rights is discursively framed, this study asks:
- To what extent, and in what ways, do the Guardian and the Times respectively prioritize the issue of human rights in their reporting on the case of Shamima Begum?
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In order to address this main research question, two sub-questions were posed:
- What frames are constructed by the Guardian and the Times in their reporting on Shamima Begum?
- How, and to what extent, do these frames compare/differ from each other between the two media outlets and the years 2015 and 2019?
3. Background
3.1 Media, Human Rights & the UK
Sampaio argues that the ethical discourse on human rights is multifaced and contested. Reporting on human rights in the media should, in the best of worlds, provide a system that at an early stage addresses anticipated issues to hinder violations. In other words, media could, and should, contribute to the protection of human rights by providing debate and awareness. However, a dismissive approach, like silencing or misrepresenting human rights issues might appear if thoughtful media- research and production is not done. Or, worse, it might be applied consciously (Sampaio, 2016, p.2). Sampaio argues that this is vital to remember, stating that it would be naïve to only discuss media’s potential to promote human rights while forgetting the violations of them that media historically have had the capacity to agitate (2016, p.34). In other words, the social role of the media can influence societies, inciting certain worldviews, like racism or xenophobia. Therefore, when studying media and human rights, it is of great importance to focus, not only on its positive accounts and effects, but the potential for instigating negative feelings or responses (Sampaio, 2016, p.34).
Klein (2011) places the media’s reporting on human rights in an ideological context, arguing that a certain dismissive pattern in the reporting points to an attempt to promote or legitimize a certain worldview (p.43). Klein exemplifies this dismissive approach with the framing of certain issues. Poverty and discrimination, for example, might be framed as simply economic issues, a result of something uncontrollable, and not as violations of rights (Klein, 2011, p.43). Klein underlines the importance of media coverage on human rights, to help audiences and decision makers make sense of issues in conflict or the treatment of someone that might
3 be considered part of “the others” (Klein, 2011, p. 60). For example, clearly stating the basic rights of a migrant or asylum seeker is vital when discussing anti-immigration legislation.
According to Moore (2017), news stories in the UK have been tinged with a discourse on human rights and refugee rights. However, it blends with that on terrorism and fears about extremism, and recent research has shown an increase in this discourse in newspaper coverage between 2011 and 2016 (p.448). In the media’s reporting on the refugee-crisis in 2015, Moore finds that the crisis of war that people were fleeing from faded away to the background, while the central crisis was depicted as the one in Europe and the UK. Dilemmas of security, threats and a division of “us” and “them” creates a certain frame of the issue (Moore, 2017, p.452). Moore states that one way of legitimizing a denial of human rights constitutes a “differentiating of the self”, meaning that a creation of “us” vs “them” makes it easier to go around a potential human rights issue (Moore, 2017, p.450).
How media discourse treats or frames a human rights issue can then be argued to be very much linked to, not only the political discourse, but the view a society overall has on a certain dilemma. This highlights the importance of examining how the media treats topics of human rights, the UK being a fine example in this case. With a “political rift” caused in the nation over a subject linked to human rights (The Guardian, 2019), it is interesting to examine how media frame the situation and Begum’s case, and how it might be linked to an on-going or underlying political discourse.
3.2 The Case of Shamima Begum
On February 18th, 2019, UK Home Secretary Sajid Javid is in Parliament discussing the government’s actions in dealing with UK nationals returning from Syria, the so called “foreign fighters”. While speaking in great numbers and context, an individual name appears, mentioned by a Dr. Offord. He claims that: “There is huge concern in this country about the return of Shamima Begum.” To this, Javid states that he cannot discuss any individual cases, nevertheless, in regard to this individual, he says: “We have all seen and heard the remarks that she made in the media, and we can all draw our conclusions” (Hansard Parliament UK, 2019).
4 Building off of this, there might be questions on who this Shamima Begum is, appearing in Parliament discussion. Furthermore, why there is a huge concern about her return, what remarks she has made in the media, and what the conclusions are that can be drawn.
In 2015 three teenage girls left their homes in east London to board a plane to Turkey from where they would enter Syria and join the Islamic State (IS). The story got a lot of attention in the media at the time, who generally dubbed it the “Bethnal Green schoolgirl-case”. One of these schoolgirls were 15-year old Shamima Begum. Behind her she left a devastated family and concerned authorities. In July the same year it was reported that she might have gotten married to an IS-fighter (The Guardian, 2015), after that she was not heard of again until 2019.
Four years later, the ISIS-stronghold has fallen, and people are fleeing the area. Times reporter Anthony Loyd finds a 19-year old, pregnant woman in a Syrian detention camp. She says that she is one of the Bethnal Green girls, her name is Shamima Begum, and she wants to be brought back home. This initial article and interview with Begum tell the story of her time in Syria and her two children, who both are deceased. Her wish is to be brought back to the UK, to be able to save her third child, who was yet to be born at the time. Loyd’s article in the Times is later named “the scoop of the decade” (Press Gazette, 2019) and a “commendable piece of investigative journalism”. That “represents a significant public interest story which has opened up an important issue for public debate” (The Times, 2019).
In other words, this article sets of a question and debate on what should happen to Begum, a British citizen who left for Syria four years ago. Should she be allowed to return, and if not, what will happen to her? The case highlights the complexity of a situation where foreign fighters affiliated with a group like ISIS are captured. Voices supporting Begum’s case points to her young age at the time of her departure. She was a child, who since then has suffered extreme emotional and psychological traumas. This while Sajid Javid, UK Home Secretary at the time, stated that his government would not try to repatriate Begum or others like her. This despite the fact that the government legally is obligated to allow citizens to return home (Maher, 2019, p.29). A way of preventing Begum, and others like her, from returning to the UK is to revoke their British citizenship. This would mean that the government were to be relieved of some of their legal obligations, however, it is a violation of human rights and British law to make an individual stateless (Maher, 2019, p.29).
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Begum was stripped of her UK citizenship in February 2019, a few days after she was found by Loyd. In an effort to trump the previous mentioned international law, Javid and the UK Home Office turned to the British Nationality Act of 1981, claiming that Begum was eligible for citizenship of Bangladesh due to Bangladeshi heritage. This was confirmed by immigration lawyers but denied by Begum’s family. If eligible for citizenship somewhere else, she would not be rendered stateless (Maher, 2019, p.29). However, the government of Bangladesh publicly stated that Begum did not hold an actual citizenship and would not be allowed into the country. If she were to go there, she would face a death penalty (BBC News, 2019). It was also publicly communicated that Begum and her husband, a foreign fighter from the Netherlands, were not welcome in his home country either (Dutch News, 2019). In the wake of the revoking of Begum’s citizenship, her third child died in the camp, three weeks after being born (The Times, 2019).
The questions arising from this case, then, are concerned, not only with ethics and responsibility, but with the legality of the UK government’s decision to revoke Begums citizenship, since she appears to be left stateless and stranded in a Syrian camp. It might also be asked on what grounds this decision was made, exploring, not only the 1981 British Nationality Act, but also Begums involvement in ISIS activity.
Commenting on her own case in a video-interview with ITV News, Begum says: “But I’ve heard that other people are being sent back to Britain. So I don’t know why my case is any different to other people. Is it just because I was on the news four years ago?” (ITV News, 2019).
Returning to Javid’s initial comment in Parliament, stating that “We have all seen and heard the remarks that she made in the media”, it seems two opposing actors in this case both mention the media as a crucial actor. Does Shamima Begum’s name appear in Parliament because she was on the news? Did the UK government draw conclusions from her appearance in the media, and did they base any decisions off of it? These are all hypothetical questions of course, however, looking to the media seem to be essential in this case. Asking how Begum has been framed in the media might then possibly help in seeing, not only how these media outlets deal with human rights issues but also answering the speculative question on why Shamima Begum can’t come home.
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3.3 The 1981 British Nationality Act
The British Nationality Act is an act of the UK Parliament concerning British nationality. It has been effective since 1983. Section 40(2) of the act allows the government to “by order deprive a person of a citizenship status if the Secretary of State is satisfied that depravation is conductive to the public good”, and if this individual has acted in ways “seriously prejudicial to the vital interests of the United Kingdom”. In other words, the British Nationality Act states that an individual can have their citizenship revoked if they have done something to harm the country or if it is for the good of the public (1981 British Nationality Act).
However, it is also stated that a citizenship can not be revoked if Home Secretary “is satisfied that the order would make a person stateless”, this in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Nevertheless, the British Nationality Act adds that a citizenship can be revoked if there are “reasonable grounds for believing that the person is able, under the law of a country or territory outside the United Kingdom, to become a national of such a country or territory” (1981 British Nationality Act).
It has been understood that Home secretary Javid claimed that Begum posed some sort of threat towards the UK, due to her affiliation with ISIS, and that she is eligible for Bangladeshi citizenship. All this would then be in accordance with the 1981 British Nationality Act of revoking a citizenship (Maher, 2019, p.29).
3.4 UDHR & Article 15
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, 1948) states in Article 15 that ”everyone has the right to a nationality” and that ”no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality” (UDHR, 1948). In other words, Article 15 lays out a foundation for a legal relationship between individual and state. The enjoyment and benefit of a state’s protection of different rights lies in the legal bond one might have towards it, in other words: if you lose your citizenship you can not claim to have your rights adhered to by that state (Adjami & Harrington, 2008, p.94). However, it can be argued that there are some gaps in this legal framework, that binds states to certain acts in the name of international law.
7 The exertion of Article 15 and the question on nationality has lied with the individual state, however, this state sovereignty to regulate citizenship is not absolute. The Permanent Court of International Justice decided that certain matters regarding nationality was not solely within domestic jurisdiction of a state, and could be overruled, depending on the development of current international relations (Adjami & Harrington, 2008, p.95). The basic distinction regarding Article 15 and the sovereignty of state’s decisions on citizenship is the recognition that all human beings should have at least one citizenship and that the lack of any, statelessness, is a human rights violation resulting in acute vulnerability. Even if it lies with each individual State to determine, under their own legal framework, who are its nationals, this basic notion must be recognized in the same way that decisions must follow other international conventions and customs. Regarding nationality, there are some principles that prohibits ethnic and racial discrimination, which can be found in Article 2 of UDHR. In other words, upholding the UDHR and Article 15 means opposing acts that withholds or withdrawals nationality based on discriminatory decisions of gender, race or ethnicity (Adjami & Harrington, 2008, p.109).
Worth noting is also that a stateless individual legally is to be distinct from a refugee, who should be protected under the 1951 Refugee Convention. However, it has been declared that a stateless person should be placed under the same convention by de facto, the practical reality over the last decades have proven that it often is not the case (Adjami & Harrington, 2008, p.95).
4. Theoretical Frame and Literature review
4.1 Entman’s Framing Theory
Robert Entman (2004) defines framing as “selecting and highlighting some facets over other events or issues” (p.5), usually to promote a certain perspective. This idea then, proposes that an actor can aim to create a compelling frame, by excluding some understandings and conveying others in a certain way. Framing can be thought of as a conscious act, for example a government aiming to gain political leverage by framing issues in a way that benefits them (Entman, 2004, p.4-5)
8 Entman discusses functions of framing, that interrelates with each other in creating a certain perspective. The most crucial one according to Entman is the problem definition. This is the function of the frame that deem certain conditions or effects as problematic. In other words, it takes a stand on a dilemma, supporting or opposing it. The second most important function would then be the proposed solutions, or remedies, as Entman calls them. This can also be considered a stance on an issue: proposing how to best solve it. Further, functions such as identifying causes for the problematic condition and including a moral judgement are perceived as functions in the creation of a frame (Entman, 2004, p.5-6).
It is particularly the support or opposition that Entman argues make up the frame, in the form of words or images. Here Entman claims that the most influenceable frames often employ terms that are culturally prominent, charged with emotion and understandable to members of the culture. Frames that can evoke a cultural vastness are the most efficient, and this trumps repetitiveness of elements in the frame, that can also be considered a common strategy (Entman, 2004, p.14).
This idea of frames using concepts culturally resonant arises from the theory of schemas that adheres to the human memory. Schemas might also be called knowledge networks, meaning that an idea or concept has a network of memories or connotations attached to it, evoking feelings that then will be associated to the concept. This idea underpins the theory of framing well, proposing that an image or a certain metaphor or word can spread activation in the knowledge network and induce feelings on the matter. This, then, also highlights how a frame can be created in the way that information is presented. If the initial framing on a matter evokes certain feelings, then there might be reason to believe that these feelings follow in all engagement on the matter. For example, Entman claims that political leaders have an ambition to impose their frame on an event as soon as possible after its occurrence, building a view on it that will guide people and their emotional responses in all future reports (Entman, 2004, p.7). This is how Entman explains the success of frames that adheres to schemas that are culturally expansive, since they evoke uniform responses amongst the public (2004, p.14).
Entman’s theory of framing is useful to this study, since investigating what aspects that are being prioritized over others can help shed light on the treatment of human rights in media discourse.
9 4.2 Sampaio’s Levels of Depth
Sampaio (2016) discusses framing of human rights in the media, but primarily calls them levels of depth. From her epistemological approach in exploring human rights issues in the news, the three levels of depth (frames) are presented as: shallow, medium and deep. Sampaio argues that these levels of depth can provide an understanding of how the subject on human rights is being understood in the production of news (p.67).
The shallow depth of covering refers to a short news report that does not provide any background information or any context or details on emotional aspects such as suffering or the preposition to care. Instead it provides factual knowledge, usually with an exclusive perspective. While this sort of coverage suggests a distant engagement with the issues at hand, these reports often come from a neutral and factual angle (Sampaio, 2016, p.70). However, one might be able to identify Entman’s function of problem definition even in a shallow depth report. The medium depth type of coverage usually involves some sort of commitment to the human rights issue at hand. The reporting is more creative and engaged, involving background content or an analysis including a plurality of voices or a perspective with deeper knowledge. As opposed to the shallow depth coverage this level somewhat analyses the meaning of the information being conveyed (Sampaio, 2016, p.71), perhaps entailing more of the framing functions proposed by Entman. The final approach, the deep depth coverage is not very frequent in the news, according to Sampaio. Instead, it is most commonly applied outside the formats that exists in daily news. Texts that have a more investigative approach, or even exposés, carry this level of depth since they present and provoke reflexive questions on the politics behind human rights. This level then goes beyond the reporting and can even adopt what Sampaio calls the “idealized democratic role of journalism as a public watchdog” (2019, p.72). When and if this deeper level offers a discussion of some sort, with a plurality of sources or a deep narrative on one, several of Entman’s framing functions might be identified.
The argument Sampaio is making with the three levels of depth is that they may result in different interpretations of a subject and that much is said about the unsaid. A dismissive approach to the reporting on human rights can be as useful to note as the coverage itself. A shallow depth of the coverage does not always mean reduced quality of the reporting, and it must then be analyzed based on both representation and presence as well as the production of the news – the frame (Sampaio, 2016, p.76). This process of thought, then, is most useful in
10 this study’s aim to pinpoint how the topic of human rights is treated and prioritized in discourse.
4.3 Framing Islam
Brown (2011) argues that western media repetitively makes Muslim women a symbol of difference regarding what she calls “homogenous European liberal space”. This meaning that a stereotyping of women and their culture or religion, often Muslim, is prioritized in reporting on ongoing events (p.716). While Brown’s research mainly focuses on gender and the framing of female suicide bombers, it also casts light on the marginalization in media. If certain worldviews are promoted or legitimized through media’s reporting, it might indicate a failure of recognizing the complexity of some events or issues (Brown, 2011, p.707). Brown gives the example of suicide bomber Muriel Degauque, and the coverage of her death, where her Muslim identity was constantly prioritized before her as an individual person (Brown, 2011, p.716). Within this context, it is highlighted that media operates from a set of linguistic practices that is part of the process in creating meaning and a view of the world. If used in a certain purpose or way, it can help in constructing a view on social problems and enemies, leaders, threats and security. Brown gives the example of mass media’s reporting post 9/11 and “The War on Terror”, where Islam was often framed in a homogenous way, situated in a violent and threatening context (Brown, 2011, p.706).
Boyle & Mower (2018) points to similar framing in the media, about conflicts in the Middle East, the war in Syria and emergence of the Islamic State. The fundamental critique of the wide range of coverage is “proposed creation of an increased fear and misunderstanding of Islam”, often referred to as “Islamophobia” (p.206). These authors claim that Western news media have, and historically always have, had a limited understanding of the Muslim world, often engaging in discourse that many could potentially find offensive (Boyle & Mower, 2018, p.206). Media uses frames in its reporting, in an effort to simplify, structure and interpret events. Used intentionally or unintentionally, framing of issues can lead to certain perceptions at the receiving end, ultimately affecting public views (Boyle & Mower, 2018, p.207).
If Western media has a limited understanding of Islam but nevertheless prioritizes it in its framing of issues, there are reasons to contemplate the outcome. Since the dilemma on
11 returning foreign fighters to the UK to some extent involves or connects to Muslims and Islam due to the ‘Islamic State’, it is of great importance to keep this sort of framing in mind. Not only because it can point to how the discourse treats and understands Islam, but also how/if these aspects are prioritized in reporting on human rights issues, somewhat affecting the view of them.
4.4 Framing Female Fighters: Mothers, Monsters & Whores
Sjöberg and Gentry (2007) claim that women consistently are denied agency in media’s coverage of terrorism or criminal acts. Just like men, women can commit violent acts for many different reasons, and they sometime see it as the primary mean to a political end. However, in news media, they tend to be characterized differently in accordance with gender stereotypes (p.4). In the set of discourses that constitute gender (often divided in to the masculine and feminine) “deviant women”, women who commit crimes or violent acts, are portrayed as being the opposite of the idealized gender norms. These traditional stereotypes prompt that women are naturally sensitive, emotional and nurturing, something that does not go well together with acts of terrorism or crime (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.6). It can be argued that a female’s violent acts almost always are seen through the lens of gender, as a way of understanding and explaining the situation. From this point of view, Sjöberg and Gentry presents the three narratives/frames that have been used widely when explaining women’s violence. These are Mother, Monster and Whore (2007, p.30).
The frame and narrative of the Mother suggests that a woman have acted primarily in the role of a mother, either out of nurturing or vengeful reasons. This points to a proposed instinct all mothers carry, which limits a woman’s involvement in any act. The frame of the Mother reduces a woman to a traditional female task, transforming a political act to one of maternal nature, the traditional essence of womanhood. The nurturing mothers are often portrayed as being useful in the organization, maybe by taking care of the home and its children. However, the vengeful mother, who acts violently in revenge of her children, is acting in the role of a mother nonetheless (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.33).
While the frame of motherhood speaks to the stereotypical womanhood, the Monster narrative instead points to the flaws that disrupts femininity and womanhood. Sjöberg & Gentry claims that women who act in violence are labeled mad or bad, both abnormal traits in the nurturing
12 and protecting nature of the ideal woman. According to this stereotypical idea of femininity, women are not supposed to be violent, and therefore violent acts points to a deviance from norms, which in turn must be the reason for the violence (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.36). In the same way that acts are performed due to the fact that a woman is a mother, her violence can be explained with the monster frame, simply stating that there is something wrong with her. She is depicted as mad or evil, inhuman, since actual sane human females would never be violent (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.37).
The Whore-narrative is recurrent in the media, sexualizing evil acts. This can be done by linking women’s sexuality to violence, through their abnormal need for sex, or men’s ownership of their bodies. In other words, violent acts supported or performed by women are explained by characterizing the women as sexually deviant (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.46). A very common variety of the Whore-frame is centered around male control and ownership of female bodies. This view suggests that the men are choosing the violence for the women, who are simply reduced to political pawns, they never had a will and they never had a choice (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.49).
All these narratives exclude the idea of a woman with intellectual capability to make deliberate choices. They are only bound to violence and terrorism because of a man, they only act in a supporting role of a mother and caretaker, or they are simply evil and mad. When dissecting the frames it can be argued that they all target womanhood, making it the core of women’s personalities. These gender narratives eliminates actual personal motivations that potentially exists and brushes off the idea that a woman made a deliberate choice to commit a criminal or violent act (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.51).
With Shamima Begum’s case in the spotlight, representing many like it, it is unavoidable to note her role as a woman. This previous research can then help in understanding how certain facets of her womanhood might be lifted, used or prioritized in the framing of her case. Furthermore, how a certain framing might alter the overarching human rights discourse.
5. Method
5.1 Critical Discourse Analysis
13 According to Fairclough (2010), and other researchers with a realist approach, there is a reality of social life that exists weather we understand it or not (p.4). Discourse can be claimed to be part of the shaping of social structures in this reality, as well as being shaped by them. The aim of studying discourse, then, is to present explanations and interpretations of different areas in this social reality, often by pointing to aspects that could be improved. In other words, this sort of analyses involves critique, which can be considered normative, due to its fundamental view of a good society, how things in this social reality ought to be (Fairclough, 2010, p.8). Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is then concerned with relations of inequalities, and thereby power, in the production and effect of discourse. Power relations and ideology can be said to be closely linked to one another and discourses are often believed to be of ideological nature in its elements, language and structure. However, ideology, according to Fairclough, is both separate and tied in with discourse. Ideology can be a discursive event in itself as well as a process in transforming discourse (Fairclough, 2010, p.57).
CDA is concerned with social relations, complex in the way that they exist in themselves but also between each other; relations between relations. These might be relations within a discourse or relations of power to or in a discourse, also involving objects or actors. This dialectal form of analysis is then open to interdisciplinary work, allowing different disciplines to interact and complete each other. The theoretical framework and methodological tools of CDA can be constructed based on the object of research, as a process originating from different theories and disciplines like linguistics, sociology or political science (Fairclough, 2010, p.4).
The framework of CDA is useful when interested in the production of discourse in relation to a certain phenomenon. By exploring how a discourse shapes other discourses or is being constructed through text there might be results pointing to further questions on the meaning that is being communicated and how discourse can be used for certain purposes (Bryman, 2012, p.537). This meaning that it can be assumed that the studying of discourse not only gives an account of what goes on in society or what this society looks like, but a process in which meaning is created. Thereby, CDA research has asked questions on specific discourse development and structure in a production of power or social dominance, this in relation to ideology, class, gender, race, discrimination and so on (Van Djik, 2015, p. 468). This creation of meaning of different aspects is often emphasized with the role of language, as a sort of
14 power resource than can be linked to ideology (Bryman, 2012, p.536). From this notion of language, critical linguistics often emerge as an approach within Critical Discourse Analysis.
5.2 Critical Linguistics
It can be argued that the focus on language does not propose a reality per se, more the idea that language helps in shaping it. In other words, to use language is to be part of a social activity, and social phenomena can be shaped in this process of usage (Bergström & Boréus, 2005, p.326).
When using critical linguistics within CDA, one works with the text in relation to its context by pointing out common language and its power in what is being said (Bergström & Boréus, 2005, p.280). Structures in language can be identified in accordance to the function they might fill in the creation of meaning. Categorizations and systems of language are often fundamental, representing an unconscious view about an event or the social world. The critical part of this approach is mainly the idea that formulation of a text can be compared to other possible ways of describing something (Boréus & Bergström, 2017, p.155).
5.2.1 Transitivity
Common tools in a linguistic approach are the concepts of transitivity, nominalization and lexicality. These are all part of digging deeper into the language used, to be able to say something about what might be “hidden” underneath (Bergström & Boréus, 2005, p.281). Transitivity has to do with processes, actors and circumstances, three building blocks that can be used in creating a certain view of something. The process is an event, or the depiction of a happening. How it is described might change the perspective on it, and this can be done with one single word. For example, stating that somebody was “forced to go to Syria” is very much different from saying that somebody “went to Syria” (Bergström & Boréus, 2005, p.282). In this process, actions (connected to but not always the same as agents) are often present. There are different types of action: material, verbal and mental. The material action is one that can be observed by someone else, the verbal action is concerned with statements, speech and expressions, while the mental one has to do with someone’s thinking (Boréus & Bergström, 2017, p.157). The second building block is concerned with agents and participants, human or non-human. The distinction between agents and participants is that agents do things themselves while participants have things done to them. In other words, agents often perform
15 actions while participants might be perceived as goals or victims of the action. The most typical agent is a human taking action, while participants might be non-human (Boréus & Bergström, 2017, p.158). The third aspect of transitivity usually ties in with the first one: circumstances often refer to time and place of an event, a basic part of depicting it, nevertheless an important one (Bergström & Boréus, 2005, p.282).
5.2.2 Nominalization
The concept of nominalization can be tied in with an interest of transformation, when adjectives or verbs are replaced by a noun. Using this concept in analysing results might propose how a more complete description could have been made. This is most commonly tied in with the agents of a text, and the actions made. In the process of depicting something, verbs or adjectives might be used in a way that directly affects the outcome of the depiction. By examining participation in a text, one might be able to say something about other ways of describing an event. For example, stating that “X was forced to go to Syria” excludes a participant from the depiction, namely the actor executing the force. The event would change if it instead was described as “Y forced X to go to Syria”. Questions on blame and responsibility does not arise as easily, or are misplaced, if participants or agents are missing in the text (Boréus & Bergström, 2017, p.159).
5.2.3 Lexicality
Lexicality studies words systematically to make out the meaning and usage of them. This might be done by deeming wordings as statements, questions, offers or commands, all carrying different meanings behind them. The lexical approach can also be used in investigating extensive use of words that somewhat holds the same meaning. Over-using words that exists in the same area of meaning might indicate an aim to depict something in a certain way, perhaps as problematic (Boréus & Bergström, 2017, p.160).
5.3 Multimodal Analysis
While analyzing language is of great importance, it is nowadays uncommon for it to create meaning on its own. Imagery plays a key role in the production of meaning (Machin, 2007, p.415). A multimodal approach proposes that all modes of a text needs to be considered, both written language and the visuals that are embedded in the same context (Machin, 2007, p.4). Multimodal texts can hold potential symbolic values and relations, especially between people
16 depicted in imagery and the viewers of it. These relations can often be connected to power and in a multimodal context, Björkwall (2017) distinguish three main types of power relations. These are the power attributed to the reader or viewer, power given to people in the text and finally the power that is equally set up between them. Worth noting is that these are symbolic relations of power, and might not necessarily represent actual power in real life (p.180). According to Machin, there are different ways of positioning a viewer in relation to an image and the ones depicted in it. These semiotic resources can encourage certain views and interactions on an actor or an event and involve representation, angles of interaction and agency (Machin, 2007, p.109).
5.3.1 Angles of Interaction & Distance
Björkwall explains camera angles as a perspective of images and one of the most vital resources for creating symbolic power. These angles can easily be connected to the types of power relations that can appear from images. Photographs that depict someone from an angle above the person can symbolically place the viewer in a position of power, looking down on the depicted person. A photo taken from below suggest a power attribution to the person in the image, and an eye-to-eye angle proposes some sort of equal power relation (Björkwall 2017, p.180). Machin calls this angles of interactions, arguing that we associate height with power and status, meaning that an image where the reader is being looked down un imposes the feeling of the person in the image owning power. Therefore, the readers relation to or feelings for an image changes with a raised or lowered angle (Machin, 2007, p.114). Positioning an image in relation to its viewer also involves distance. Machin suggest that the distance in the image represents social distance and potential intimacy or remoteness (Machin, 2007, p.110). This way of thinking of symbolic distance suggest that people tend to keep their distance from people they do not want to keep in touch with or care for and get close to those that they consider part of their group of association, presenting more individual traits. However, closeness in a photo might also suggest a feeling of threat or claustrophobia, depending on how we feel about the person in it (Machin, 2007, p.116). Björkwall also discusses distance, calling it symbolic distance. In accordance to Machin, Björkwall claims that it suggests social relations of closeness to the person in the image. This has a lot to do with how an image is cropped. Far away distance is impersonal, but an image cropped so that people are seen is more personal (Björkwall, 2017, p.183).
17
5.3.2 Representation & Collectivization
This idea of impersonal versus personal relations relates to the idea of representation in images. The way people are represented in pictures very much affects how someone might view them. Showing individual traits of a person suggest intimacy and can be a way of humanizing someone. This is opposed to collectivization, where people are only shown in anonymous, hegemonized groups, distancing them from the viewer since individual traits and motivations might be less easy to define (Machin, 2007, p.118). Collectivization is closely related to the concept of categorization of visual representation. Culture attributes of clothes or symbols is a way of grouping people together under a certain category, or through biological categorization that highlights stereotypical physical traits, evoking positive or negative connotations in the viewer (Machin, 2007, p.120). Another part of representation deals with participation and agency: who does what and what gets done? This part is about determining who in the image that has agency to do something. Sometimes there might even be impression of agency where there is none, affecting how we view or feel about someone depicted visually (Machin, 2007, p.123).
5.4 Agency, Character & Responsibility
According to Entman, the Problem Definition is the most crucial function of a frame (Entman, 2004, p.5-6). Therefore, a part of the method in analyzing the material of this study was to distinguish the overall problem definitions of each outlet and year respectively. From the problem definitions that were initially sketched out, combined with the tools of the method, three categories materialized as measurements of sort, useful in further analysis. These were Agency, Character and Responsibility. They were deemed suitable categories of “measurements” considering the method’s tools of processes, actors and circumstances of transitivity as well as agents and participants, nominalization and representation. Furthermore, when discussing a human rights case and an individual in the media, the three seem important in the construction of a view/frame. Agency, Character and Responsibility were used consistently to categorize the analysis, both textually and visually. Produced from and then combined with the problem definition, these aspects are argued to help construct frames. For example, one major problem definition in 2015 was the one of social responsibility and blame, responsibility is then a useful category to sort the analyzation under, as well as agency,
18 since these two can be argued to go together. Furthermore, the 2019 coverage produced problem definitions regarding Shamima Begum’s guilt and persona, and considering the importance to study representation, character was a useful category. In other words, agency, character and responsibility are argued to be helpful in analyzing how a frame is constructed when reporting on legal facets such as citizenship and prosecution.
5.5 Combining Framing & CDA
Both van Djik and Fairclough highlights the interdisciplinary functions of CDA. van Djik even emphasizes this notion by pointing out that the more general term for the approach is now Critical Discourse Studies. This since it can move between theories and methods of different nature and areas (van Djik, 2015, p.466). If CDA aims to investigate discursive practices, often in terms of power, it is very compatible with the theory of framing, that proposes categorization and organization of certain perspectives and experiences (Entman, 2004, p.4-5).
Lindekilde (2014) argues that discourse and frame analysis belong to the same area of analytical framework. Both perspectives aim to interpret the elements that constitutes social interaction, with focus on how ideas, culture and ideology can be used in creating patterns through which we understand the world (p.2). The combination of discourse and frame analysis is in the process of defining and creating meaning about social reality. These two approaches then share the basic ontological and epistemological perspectives on reality (Lindekilde, 2014, p.3). Framing and discourse analysis are social constructivist approaches and therefore go well together (Lindekilde, 2014, p.9).
5.6 Limitations of the Method
Validity refers to a study’s capability to measure/investigate what is most relevant in context. In other words, it asks whether the study performed is answering the posed research questions, and if the method is suitable to do so (Bryman, 2012, p.43). Since this study aims to investigate media discourse and frames applied in it, framing theory is a suitable foundation for the research, and Critical Discourse Analysis a useful complement. This because CDA is concerned with relations of power within a discourse, and its method can be altered based on the research, in this case with focus on linguistics and visuals. Together with
19 framing theory and analysis, it is possible to use the tools of CDA to distinguish the facets that might be lifted or highlighted in the discourse, making up the frames.
However, a general limitation of CDA is that meaning is never really fixed, but rather open to interpretation. This is very much part of the method, that in some ways lack explicit techniques in performance, making it difficult to replicate. For example, different results might have been found if the three categories in the analysis were not Agency, Character and Responsibility. CDA might also be considered vague in its terms and definitions, and therefore it is of uttermost importance for researches to be clear on the study’s concepts. Transparency is then considered key in efforts to enhance validity and reliability (Bryman , 2012, p.47). In this study, efforts have been made to explicitly state the tools used in the CDA, such as the linguistic and visual tools accounted for in the method chapter, and thoroughly taking the reader through the analysis, to offer a view of all the steps made, hopefully strengthening the transparency. A disadvantage of this thorough account of the analysis is obviously the quite large amount of text, however it was deemed necessary in explaining how results came about.
6. Material & Sampling
6.1 Material
The Guardian and The Times can be argued to be somewhat opposite in their political stance. This fact makes it interesting to study and compare the two, to be able to say something about a wide range of political discourse. Furthermore, both newspapers are national with old roots, and can then be thought to be quite widely known in the UK.
6.1.1 The Guardian
The Guardian was founded in 1819, promoting liberal values from the start. With traders and merchants as founders, the Guardian is often associated with the middle class and linked to the Labour Party. However, it is often considered to be center-leftist in its political stance. The Guardian endorsed the Labour Party in the 2017 election, and it has promoted pro-EU candidates in later years, without endorsing specific parties (The Guardian, 2019).
20 6.1.2 The Times
The Times claim to be Britain’s oldest national daily newspaper. It was founded in 1785 and since then it has supported both New Labour and the Conservatives politically. With its sister title the Sunday Times it is the biggest selling print newspaper in the UK and it has been voted Britain’s most trusted national newspaper by the Reuters institute for journalism (Times, 2019).
The Times have columnists connected to both the Conservative Party and the Labour Party and has historically varied in its political support. However, during the 2019 conservative leadership election, the news outlet endorsed Boris Johnson (Times, 2019).
6.2 Sampling
The goal of this study’s sampling was to strategically find material relevant to aim and research questions. This is most commonly described as purposive sampling (Bryman, 2012, p.418). Using the search-function at both news outlets, the category “Shamima Begum” was detected and the material was constituted by articles under this category. This because the aim and research questions focus on Shamima Begum as a case, and this way of sampling then narrows down the material to articles involving her.
In 2015, the Guardian published a total of 17 articles that were non-opinion pieces under the category of Shamima Begum. This was considered a relatively small number that stretched between February and July and therefore all articles were studied.
In 2019, 56 articles were published by the Guardian under the same category. Out of these articles 38 were studied. These were chosen based on their date of publication, aiming to get one article from each new day. On some dates, for example in February 2019, there were several articles about Begum posted on the same day, articles were then chosen based on their relevance and the focus on Shamima Begum. Articles reporting on or debating her case were chosen over articles where her name was briefly mentioned in a larger context. If several articles on the same date all had a focus on Begum, the article chosen was the one that contributed with new information to the study. This information could be connected to her legal battle, her situation in the camp, or comments and quotes from herself, from politicians
21 or her lawyers and family. This way of sampling aligns with Bryman’s take on variety, where purposive sampling aims to ensure samples that differ from each other in key characteristics, to be relevant to the research questions (Bryman, 2012, p.418).
The same approach to sampling was used on material from the Times. In 2015 the Times published 50 articles under the category of “Shamima Begum”. Out of these 29 were studied closer. The articles where chosen based on relevance and even distribution over time. In 2019 the Times published 156 articles under the category of “Shamima Begum”. Out of these 33 were studied closer, chosen on the same premises as stated above. Worth noting is that the sampling and material is concerned with articles from the Times, and not its sister title the Sunday Times. This to delimit the study, since the Times is already published seven days a week, but also due to the fact that the Sunday Times to a greater extent include columnists and political commentators and this study aimed to look at more general and “objective” reporting.
All images that appeared in the chosen articles were studied, however, those discussed in detail were the ones who stood out or appeared most frequently. Images deemed as “standing out” were those who either aligned very well with the text and other imagery or opposed it in some way. For example, a photograph of a police officer was chosen from the Times, since it was used several times and was very similar to other photographs of police officers, therefore used as a sample that “represented” many like it. Furthermore, images assessed as strong and different from the rest were deemed as standing out, for example a photograph of a child holding a Kalashnikov, or images that appeared misplaced in relation to the text. In other words, images that did not show anything that was being told in the text.
The study was delimited to examining articles from 2015 and 2019. This since Begum appeared in the media for the first time in 2015 when she left for Syria and being found in 2019, having her citizenship revoked then. Articles published in the years in between were not examined since the study aims to investigate how Begum’s case is framed, and she was unaccounted for until February 2019. Furthermore, the study did not examine articles published in 2020 since it would be an open-ended demarcation.
Articles and images making out the material for the study can be found in Appendix A-B
22 6.2.1 Limitations of the Sampling
Due to the fact that the sampling method for this study was not based on probability but instead purposiveness, it does not allow for generalization (Bryman, 2012, p.418). Even though an obvious limitation, the study’s aim was to investigate the framing of Shamima Begum by the Guardian and the Times, and therefore purposive sampling was the most suitable sampling technique, to be able to place the material as close to the research questions as possible. This since the goal is to focus on particular characteristics of material that are of interest. However, this sort of sampling and the way it has been done in the study makes it hard to replicate since another researcher might not have the same criteria for choosing articles deemed most relevant etc. Attempting to minimize this hinder, transparency around the sampling procedure has been attempted.
In regards to attaining the material, a subscription was required to access articles from the Times. This might be considered a hinder and is therefore worth mentioning.
7. Results
Articles from the Guardian and the Times in 2015 and 2019 were studied both textually and visually from the aspects of problem definition, agency, character and responsibility. The intention of these aspects was to use the linguistic and visual tools mentioned in previous chapters, to help outline the frames used in discourse.
7.1 The Guardian 2015
The Guardian mentions Shamima Begum for the first time on February 20th, 2015, in the article “UK police launch hunt for London schoolgirls feared to have fled to Syria”. The coverage of the story stretches mainly throughout February and March, and Begum is mentioned one last time in July the same year, before her case gets picked up again in 2019.
7.2 The Guardian 2015 Imagery
The imagery, selected in accordance with previous sampling chapter, from the Guardian 2015, is discussed in detail later on and therefore listed below. This to provide guidance and oversight of the visual material. The surveillance footage is by far the most frequently used,
23 however it is mixed up with images of other actors mentioned in the text, like police and family. The images mentioned and discussed below can be found in Appendix B.
- Surveillance footage (numbered “1” in Appendix B) showing Begum and her friends carrying at least two bags each at an airport and going through customs. The footage is blurry and taken slightly from above, stereotypical for its kind. Begum is wearing a veil in this footage, and the other two girls jackets, one of them with the hood pulled up. They are walking in a row, the imagery catching them mid-step, underlining the action of them walking forward. Furthermore, the survelliance footage shows them walking through the security control/customs at an airport. These images show them individually and is put together side by side. All of these individual shoots are frozen mid-step, again highlighting the action of walking forward.
- A picture from a press conference (number “2” in appendix B) that London police held together with the families of the girls. The image show some of the family members, standing in a row, all facing the camera with sad expressions. One of them is holding a teddy bear and another a sweatshirt. The women in the image are wearing veils. The background is dark grey and the photo is cropped relatively close, by the knees of the people and then slightly above their heads, positioning the viewer somewhat close to them.
- A closeup of a Scotland Yard police officer (number “3” in Appendix B), an older man with a serious and concerned look on his face. The photo is taken from an even angle and the man is looking down. His uniform is in clear focus, the police hat with the logo very visible together with the gradings on his shoulders.
- A closeup of a father of one of the girls (number “4” in Appendix B), taken from an even angle, looking concerned and sad. He is looking down, wrinkling his forehead, with the mouth slightly open, as if he is thinking of saying something. The photo is very closely cropped, not even showing his neck or the top of his head.
24 7.3 Problem Definition
In the 2015 Guardian articles, there are two main problems depicted: the first one being the girls leaving their homes and that it was possible for them to do so, the second one the ISIS propaganda who lured them to it. The first problem definition is straightforward and important to the discourse. The girls left for Syria and no one stopped them, which is considered a huge problem. The very fact that it is defined as a problem sets the tone for all of the coverage, it implies that these girls are somehow worth worrying about, worth being saved. Of the 17 articles posted in 2015 under the category Shamima Begum, the majority of them are published the weeks following the initial story. The coverage then turns more sporadic, when something new in the case seem to appear. The first article mentioned above tells the story of the three girls who left their homes, believed to be headed for Syria. Emphasize is put on their safety and the article includes descriptions of them that could help with identification. The public is encouraged to contact the police with any information that could help them find the girls and reunite them with their “devastated” families. The last article, published in July later the same year, breaks the news that two of the three girls reportedly have gotten married to “older men” that are Islamic State fighters and that they are situated in Raqqa.
The second problem definition that refers to ISIS propaganda in the UK could, without the first problem definition, take over the entire discourse and shape it into a different manner. Instead, the second problem definition is one that ties in with the first one, perhaps causing the issue. In between the first and last article, the coverage mainly focuses on any news about the whereabouts of the girls, tied to the first problem definition, as well as the ongoing debate in the UK and internationally. While tracing the girl’s steps and exploring their backgrounds and lives, there is an effort to pinpoint where the responsibility should lie, as well as discussing ISIS propaganda and the danger of it.
7.4 Agency
7.4.1 Textual Analysis
Frequently mentioned throughout the 2015 coverage is “ISIS propaganda” and “radicalisation”. The girls are referred to as having been “manipulated”, “lured”, “mislead” and “radicalised” by the Islamic State. The pointed-out problem of radicalisation is depicted
25 as people being “indoctrinated by extremists online” or having their “minds poised”. Begum and her friends, then, are repeatedly described as having “fallen” for ISIS propaganda, or the “lure of IS”. In one article they are even described as “Gifted students lured by ISIS”. This depiction somewhat suggests that these girls have had something done to them. They have been manipulated, lured, mislead and radicalised by ISIS, they have fallen into the grip of the extremists. Furthermore, Begum and her friends are often referred to as “missing” in the 2015 coverage. It is stated that “The girls went missing /…/” and they are described as having “disappeared” from their homes. Again, these lexical choices might indicate a sense of something happening to the girls. Instead of them doing something themselves. This then ties in with transitivity and its process and actors.
By portraying Begum and her friends as having been “mislead” or “manipulated”, having “fallen” for ISIS and then going “missing”, “disappearing”, they are reduced to participants. Participants lack agency and have things done to them. This changes the meaning behind an event, since the process is also affected. The girls have not simply travelled or gone to Syria, they have been lured there, which inevitably might affect the view we have on them and the event itself.
Building off of the idea of Begum as a participant low in agency, looking at other actors and nominalization is also of interest. If the girls are described as having been manipulated and lured by the Islamic State, ISIS is undeniably an important, and active actor in the discourse. The militant group are, throughout the 2015 coverage, described in terms of their radicalisation and manipulation of Begum and her friends, and many like them. However, there are also more explicit depictions of the group, such as: “The most feared terrorist group in the world” and “appalling death cult”. In an article published in May, it is debated whether the story of young women fleeing ISIS in Syria are Begum and her friends, however it is concluded that it is not. Nevertheless, the article tells the story of girls “escaping” ISIS and being “haunted by ISIS militants”. Using the word “escaping” might suggest that the situation they were in was not completely voluntary, just like the fact that they were “haunted”, as if the ISIS militants were their prison guards. In the month of Mars there is news in the coverage stating that: “British girls were helped by Syrian middleman”. It is an appearance of a “ISIS middleman” that is captured in a video “helping” Begum with friends get into Syria. The term “Syrian middleman” somewhat suggests that ISIS is present
26 everywhere; from manipulating “British girls” in the UK, to assisting them in their journey, and then “capturing” them in Syria.
In other words, throughout the coverage of the girls and their fate, ISIS is present as an actor painted with fear and terror. Positioning ISIS as an actor alongside Begum and her friends, who have things done to them by the group, differentiates the two parties. On one hand we have young schoolgirls, teenagers enjoying typical teenager things, and on the other we have a “death cult” who lures and mislead these young girls and trap them. This image is further enhanced in the last article, published in July, where it is announced that two of the three girls have gotten married. It is described how they got to choose between “older men” that had been “approved” by ISIS and then later married them in ceremonies also “approved” by the group. Again, the girls are situated inferior to ISIS, who now makes decisions for them.
In this somewhat victimizing portrayal of Begum and her friends that is consistent between February and July, there are some irregularities. In an article published in Mars the possibility of the girls stealing jewelry and gold from their families to fund the trip is debated (and denied by family members). This is the first article that proposes that the girls were “intending to be jihadi brides”, a term previously not used. Suggesting that they are also doing it with an intent, differs from the general coverage that portrays the girl’s departures as “disappearances”. In the same article the girls are further being handed more agency in the sentence “if they decide to come back”, indicating that there might be an active choice the girls can make. Furthermore, the July-article also states that the girls “fled to join ISIS” and states that their families are still “clinging to the hope that their daughters would want to come home”. This phrasing, although not used in majority, does point to the idea that the girls made a choice to join, and have a choice to come home.
7.4.2 Visual Analysis
The surveillance footage shows blurry images and the girls from a distance, usually with an angle from slightly above. It can be argued that this sort of imagery commonly is used by authorities in search of someone. Perhaps a missing person or a criminal on the run. In this case, the police, government and families are searching for the three girls, and in the context of the textual discourse that victimizes them, the footage can be said to align with it. The blurry images can be claimed to enhance the view of the girls as “missing”, underlining that
27 there has been a “disappearance”. An example of a headline connected to this image is one that reads: “’Syria-bound’ teenagers: airlines must do more, says David Cameron”. In other words, the surveillance footage is paired with headlines that questions other agents and their agency in stopping the girls, assigning them responsibility for their departure. However, the image itself show clear signs of agency: carrying bags, going through security at an airport, leaving. This then clashes with the lack of agency the girls are assigned throughout the text.
It is worth noting that the repetitive usage of these images might be due to the lack of others, however it highlights the relation between text and imagery. The girls do have agency in the footage but are portrayed in writing as missing girls. It can be argued that these images then state that the girls left willingly, while the text tries to rationalize this obvious agency. Furthermore, toying around with the idea of surveillance footage used to find missing victims or criminals, it is somewhat easy to comprehend that with a different meaning conveyed in text, the images could be perceived as showing criminals instead of missing girls. This could then propose that if more attention is given to the imagery, a different view of the girls, their agency and responsibility might arise.
7.5 Character
7.5.1 Textual Analysis
The three girls, even though named in the very first article, are continuously referred to as “girls”, “teenage girls”, “young girls” and “schoolgirls”, lexical choices that are also very much present in the headlines. This way of depicting Shamima Begum and her two friends might point to a sort of coverage that seek to highlight young age and perhaps also a kind of innocence that “should” be connected to it. Especially considering the repetitiveness and the usage of different words with the same connotations, that perhaps seek to underline certain aspects.
Throughout the coverage of the story and the mapping of their background, community, school and families, this theme is present. Shamima Begum is for instance described as “liking normal teenage things, like watching Keeping up with the Kardashians”. The acts leading up to their departure are also wrapped in a manner that fits a teenage schoolgirl. In several of the Guardians articles it is repeatedly mentioned how a letter from the police,
28 informing the girl’s parents about one of their friends who left for Syria, was “hid in schoolbooks in the girl’s bedrooms”. One article, published in Mars, also focuses on a list found by one of the girl’s families. It is a list of things they need to pack, buy or do before their departure. The Guardian choses to mention some of the items on the list that are “phone, boots, bra, underwear and epilator”. It is also mentioned that the list was written on the page from a diary and that the girls might have been seen shopping at a mall. Putting forward these specific things might point to an effort to highlight aspects connected to a “typical” teenage girl.
Further contrasting the three girls and the group and place they left for, is the concept of nationality and belonging. Somewhat often, they are not only referred to as “schoolgirls” but “UK schoolgirls”, “London Schoolgirls”, “British schoolgirls” or “Bethnal Green schoolgirls”. Adding the nation, city and area they are from, might signal a sort of belonging. It can be said that they then are not just girls from somewhere, but young teenagers from a community, city or country a reader might identify with and feel close to. The ongoing debate around their departure rendered in the media is centered around “bringing them back” and working, hoping and praying for their “safe return”. The families of Begum and her friends are present in almost every article in the 2015 coverage. Their open letters and statements are described as “emotional”, the family members depicted as grieving. This might further indicate that the girls belong with their families in Bethnal Green, London, and in the UK. This is especially highlighted in the article from July, announcing the marriage of “two Bethnal Green schoolgirls”. It is stated that “they were gifted students”, somehow marking a transition through the marriage, from schoolgirls to brides of ISIS fighters. This while their families express grief over the news. Nevertheless, the reference to Bethnal Green and the UK, and the statements from their families, somewhat still signals that that’s where they truly belong and that their presence in Syria and their marriage positions them in danger.
It can be argued that this portrayal of the girls as innocent schoolgirls mislead by an evil group like ISIS, weather it is exaggerated or not, is vital when considering Shamima Begums later fate. This because the view of a “death cult” trapping schoolgirls, marrying them off to older men, puts her and her friends, not only in an inferior position, but in a position of danger. A young girl “disappearing” or going “missing” is in need of help, as well as someone who has been “manipulated” or “fallen” into the hands of something evil. Perhaps more importantly, someone who is in danger, in need of help, is a victim.
29 While the Guardian includes a plurality of voices (police, government, family) in almost every article throughout 2015, there is one statement that stands out. While the majority of articles include statements from police and governmental officials promising to do whatever they can to bring the girls back, one article includes a different view. The article is published in February and includes a quote from conservative member of parliament that says that she has “no sympathy for so-called A-grade girls travelling to Syria without doing their homework on IS rape and murder of women”. By including the quote, the Guardian offers a parallel view of the girl’s character and otherwise victimizing portrayal.
7.5.2 Visual Analysis
Due to the sparse imagery much of the characterization of the girls lies in the surveillance footage. As mentioned previously, this kind of footage can be considered as searching for someone who is missing or a quest to hunt down a wanted person. The characterization can then be argued to form in the relationship with the text.
An image of some of the girl’s family members is included in one of the articles, headed “Police failed us, say families of girls feared to have gone to Syria”. The image is from a press conference they held together with the police. The picture is taken from an even angle, a majority of the people in it facing the camera. They all wear serious, concerned looks on their faces and one of the girl’s fathers is holding a teddy bear. The angle of the image, and the way the people in it look straight into the camera, suggest an equal relationship and a somewhat short distance. The family members are not being looked down at by the camera and the viewer, and they are close enough to maybe evoke empathy and reaction, paired with the headline. Especially since the teddy bear connects to the textual schoolgirl-narrative where someone who went missing is grieved for by their family. However, there is not much physical agency in the image alone, the people are simply standing there. This might suggest that the only agency they have is pleading to the public, police and government to help find their daughters, and try to reach them through the media. They appear as pleading and helpless in the photo, which might further enhance the empathy with the viewer and a view of the families as victims. Images of the girl’s families also help show them belonging somewhere, once again underlining that they are not girls from just somewhere, with anonymous families, but daughters whose disappearance is being grieved for, relatively close to the viewer/reader. Paired with the headline, agency is suggested in accusing the police,
30 assigning responsibility to them. Evoking feelings of membership and belonging can then point to a police force who has not only failed the girls or their families, but all of the community.
7.6 Responsibility
7.6.1 Textual Analysis
One of the main functions of the first problem definition in the 2015 coverage is social responsibility. When asking how teenage girls could have gone to Syria without anyone preventing them the issue is thrown around between family, school, police, government and airlines. The Guardian is asking what is to be done now, who could have previously done what, and what can be done in the future. In other words, it is insinuated that someone should be held responsible for the girl’s departure to Syria, however, it is not the girls themselves. On the contrary, focus is mainly placed on government and the police, but also on the families of the girls. Since the second problem definition, ISIS propaganda, is very much part of the discourse, it can be argued that it places further responsibility on the government, asking how to protect UK nationals from it. It also portrays ISIS as responsible for the deed of luring young British people to Syria. This way of assigning and debating responsibility supports a view of the girls as victims, since blame and responsibility is thrown between others, and is never really appointed to them.
7.6.2 Visual Analysis
In the midst of the debate surrounding the question on how this could have happened, and who is to blame, an article published in Mars includes a photo of a police officer and of one of the girl’s fathers. The image of the police officer is a close up, he is dressed in uniform and he is looking down with a serious look on his face. The angle of the image is at av even level of the officer’s face and the camera, positioning the viewer in an equal position. The image of the father, further down in the article, is very similar to the one of the police. It is a close up of his face, he is looking down with a sad expression and the angle is at an even eye-level. These two images in the same article go under the headline “Families of Isis runaways demand Scotland Yard apology”, somewhat positioning the two men opposite each other, but still in similar terms. The similarities between the images can be said to highlight the dilemma of responsibility, that seems to be the problem. Blame is shifted around and they are both upset
31 about the situation, wanting the bring the girls back to the UK. The lack of agency in both images further points to this view of a sad dilemma where responsibility is hard to assign, since opposing actors appear so similar. This then aligns with the textual discourse that does not place responsibility on a single actor but discusses the case from different angles and actors.
7.7 The Naive Victim-frame
The overall coverage in 2015, both textual and visual, portrays Begum and her friends as victims with lack of agency. The girls are victimized through referral to their young age, and schoolgirl-behaviors, their helplessness when “disappearing”, being “lured” and “manipulated” and “falling into the clutches of ISIS” and their lack of agency in contrast to ISIS. They can be argued to be considered victims, naïve teenage girls, both in their “radicalisation” and departure, but also in Syria, where they have things approved for them, and possibly would be haunted by militants if they tried to leave. They can also be claimed to be portrayed as being in danger through the visuals consisting of surveillance footage. The agency they carry in this footage is trumped by the textual references of them being lured and mislead. In addition to this, the problem definition, as previously mentioned, further frames them without responsibility or conscious choice, the problems defined are things that happened to them.
Furthermore, in regard to responsibility, a majority of the articles include the background story to their departure, and several articles explore the lives of the girls, their community, school and families. It can be argued to be viewed as an attempt to pinpoint where things went wrong and where responsibility should lie, however, this again ties in with an underlying will to explain and rationalize the girl’s actions. Further, in seeking this explanation through their background and family highlights the image of them not making conscious choices. It indicates that something in their family or their background made them do it, since normal teenage girls in normal circumstances would not.
It is possible to connect not only the presence of the family in the coverage to this frame, but also the indicated belonging previously mentioned. By examining and referring to the girl’s families and backgrounds, characterizing them as “UK Schoolgirls” or “Bethnal Green girls”, there is not only a background implied, but a sense of belonging. If their families and
32 background where not depicted and explored in the coverage, they might appear as more strange and distance to the reader. Painting a background and life of the girls creates an image of them having a home. This way of characterizing them can then also be argued to point to a belonging, in Bethnal Green, London and in the UK.
Looking at agency, responsibility and character throughout the 2015 coverage shows that all categories deem the girls as low in agency and responsibility. They are denied conscious, political choices and responsibility for their actions. They are depicted as having things happening to them. Put differently, Shamima Begum and her friends are being framed as victims. However, it is impossible to argue that they were taken to Syria as inarguable victims, they did leave willingly. This is then rationalized through the above mentioned functions, building a view and a frame of naïve victims.
7.8 The Guardian 2019
In 2019, the Guardian published 56 articles under the category of Shamima Begum. Out of these 38 were chosen and studied, based on relevance and even time distribution, mentioned in the material and sampling chapter above.
7.8.1 The Guardian 2019 Imagery
The imagery, selected in accordance with previous sampling chapter, from the Guardian 2019, is discussed in detail later on and therefore listed below. This to provide guidance and oversight of the visual material. As can be seen, Begum is very much the focus of the imagery, however, photographs from the camp in Syria are included, as well as individual images of Home Secretary Javid in action. The images mentioned below can be found in Appendix B.
- A photo of someone holding a photograph of Shamima Begum (number “8” in Appendix B). This image is used in variety, cropped in different sizes, sometimes showing the hand holding the photo and sometimes focusing in on Begum. She is sitting next to a child who’s face is covered by the fingers of the person holding the photo, with her head turned slightly. She wears a faint smile on her face, dressed in a red jacket and not wearing a veil.
33 - Images of Begum from the camp in Syria (number “5” in Appendix B). These are very similar to each other and always show Begum, covered in a black niqab that only reveals her face. She is always sitting down, never really looking into the camera. In one of the photos (number 6 in Appendix B) she is holding a small bundle in her lap, that is her newborn son.
- The surveillance footage from 2015 (number “1” in Appendix B) showing Begum and her friends carrying bags at an airport and going through customs, sometimes cropped and zoomed in on only Begum.
- Image (number “7” in Appendix B) of Home Secretary Javid speaking with his hand raised and pointing with a stern, almost frowning look on his face. The background is completely dark and Javid is wearing a dark suit, highlighting his raised hand and face, mid-sentence.
- Images from slightly above, showing the setting of a Syrian camp where children are seen walking around alone amongst tents (number “10” in appendix B) and what appears as trash of different sort. They are behind a fence, and you can see the camp stretching out further. One photo (number “9”) also shows dirty buckets and water cans, and women dressed in niqabs around them, with their backs turned towards the camera.
7.8.2 Problem definition
In the article that starts of the 2019 coverage of Shamima Begum, her case and situation is described and then put in a larger context. It is stated that “The issue of Britons who fled to Isis-controlled territory is a nightmare for the UK authorities”. Further it is said that “For those who engaged in fighting and terrorism, officials are clear they do not wish them to return”. Building off of this, the dilemma of foreign fighter’s dependents, partners and families is described as a “trickier issue”. It is mentioned that Begum is being examined as a potential danger to British national security.
34 These outtakes from the February 14th article is quite representative for the rest of the 2019 coverage in its problem definitions. The first one being the return of foreign fighters who engaged in combat. It is stated that authorities “fear a flood of battle-hardened Britons returning”, and the Guardian offers different statements from officials, lawyers and experts throughout the coverage. Should these people be brought back, charged and put in prison? Should they be de-radicalised? What would be best for them and for the country?
The Guardian also offers examples of how other countries deal with returning foreign fighters. This problem is claimed to have caused a “political split in the UK” with a lot of “heated debates”. The Guardian notes that there are many “ethical and legal facets” that come into play when considering repatriating people.
The debate around the problem of returning foreign fighters spills out over, or is perhaps rising from, Begums case. The central question is not simply about letting foreign fighters return to the UK, but about letting Shamima Begum come back. She is described as “the hardest of cases” and a majority of articles include statements from lawyers, human right’s activists, government officials and experts. The Guardian depicts it as a “spectrum” with people at both ends, opposing or supporting her return to the UK. While discussing the broader context of returning foreign fighters, she is often brought up as an example, making the problem definition sway towards her case. The question that this problem definition asks, is if Begum (and others like her) should be allowed back, and what should happen to them.
Following the first problem definition, it is eventually reported, just a few days after the initial article, that Begum has been stripped of her citizenship. The issue at hand is that there is a “fierce debate” whether it was legal or not. Home Secretary Javid made the move based on information that Begum would be eligible for citizenship in Bangladesh, meaning that she would not be left stateless. The Guardian continuously points out that “It is illegal for any country to make its citizen stateless under the UN law”, saying that if Begum is not eligible for citizenship in Bangladesh, Javid’s decision “goes against several articles of the European convention on human rights”. In other words, the second problem definition is in regard to Begums citizenship and whether the power Javid exercised over it was legal or not.
The coverage then, is centered around finding out if Begum in fact is eligible for citizenship in Bangladesh. Lawyers and family members of Begum withholds that she has never been to
35 Bangladesh, nor does she speak any Bengal. Eventually, the government of Bangladesh makes a statement saying that Begum is not a citizen, nor is she welcome there. This furthers the debate of Begums fate and citizenship. Essential to this discussion is the 1981 British Nationality Act that Javid has referred to in his decision, and the United Nation’s human rights and article 15.
The third problem definition appears later in February, after the death of Begums newborn son. It is the one of wives and children of foreign fighters that live in refugee- and detention camps in Syria. The Guardian depicts conditions in the camps as “appalling”, “squalid” and “life-threatening”. When it is reported that Begums son has passed away the Guardian writes that “The death raised fresh questions about conditions in camps and put protection obligations on vulnerable children”. In other words, the problem defined is that people, mostly children, are in danger, and that something needs to be done. Again, the debate is supported with statements from several angles. The UK government claims that it is too dangerous for officials to travel to Syria, where they have no diplomatic presence, while others accuse them of not taking responsibility for their citizens.
“In the wake of Begums baby son’s death”, the Guardian writes that “The argument that UK officials would be risking their lives by going to the camps appear unconveyed given the number of foreign journalists that seem quite able to visit the camps”. This somewhat shapes the problem definition, hinting that it not only has to do with people stranded in camps, but also a government unwilling to help them. At one point it is even stated that Whitehall has “turned its back” on reports of British children dying.
7.9 Agency
7.9.1 Textual Analysis
In the 2019 coverage there is not much conflict around Begum’s choices back in 2015. She is continuously described as “leaving” the UK and “joining” ISIS, without conflicting statements on free will. Therefore, when her background story is being told or summarized for context in these articles, she is assigned agency in her departure. Her case is being picked apart and discussed on the premise of her “decision to leave the UK and join ISIS”. In some articles the decision is further being motivated, stating that she “fled to Syria to marry an
36 Islamic State fighter”. The depiction of her leaving the UK as a conscious decision is crucial to the debate that later unfold around her case.
However, this initial agency assigned when looking back is the only one with actual physical agency. Begum is found in a Syrian camp in February 2019 and several months later she has not physically moved by her own will. The only agency Begum can be claimed to have is tied to verbal actions, when she speaks through media or lawyers representing her. Essential to her whole case is her initial act in February 2019 when she is found by a Times-reporter, asking to be brought home for the sake of her unborn child. This act is described by The Guardian as “thrusting her case back into the spotlight”. Begum is described to have “called on the British people to have sympathy for her”. Further, when her citizenship is revoked and when she loses her baby three weeks after giving birth, she is not depicted as doing anything. This might be explained by the fundamental fact that there is no access to her. The Guardian reports that even Begum’s lawyer cannot access her at times, not even for her to sign papers to appeal the revoking of her UK citizenship. Simply put, she is depicted as being “trapped” in the Syrian camp, not able to do anything about her own case, except speak to those who come to her. The Guardian describes her as being left in “a state of limbo”, which very much indicates lack of agency.
The verbal action continues as soon as reporters or lawyers do get access to her, she makes statements on ISIS, her time in Syria as well as her case and citizenship. A lot of her statements are pleading, to the UK people and government. She asks them to “show sympathy” and to “have mercy”. Later on the Guardian reports that she “asks for forgiveness” and says that she “is willing to change”. With the help of her family and lawyers she also makes an appeal to the Higher Commissions Court in regard to her UK citizenship. She is described as remaining “trapped in Syria”. The Guardian often underlines her lack of agency by reporting that her lawyers or family cannot get in touch with her, and that she cannot go anywhere or do anything in particular.
Throughout the 2019 coverage, the Guardian at times presents quotes from Begum regarding her presence in the media. She is described as believing that she “harmed her case by talking to the media and drawing public attention to her situation”. Begum is quoted saying: “I didn’t want to be on the news. I wasn’t the one who put myself on the news.” With its coverage, the Guardian then somehow points to a lack of agency in connection to the media:
37 Begum did not choose to be on the news back in 2015, and now the media has harmed her case. This indicates her having something done to her, which is contradicted by her using the media to bring her message to the UK and, according to the Guardian, “thrusting her case back into the spotlight”.
While the Guardian assign Begum with mostly verbal agency, material agency is assigned to the government and its representatives. They are depicted as “ignoring” and “turning their backs” on the situation in the Syrian camps, and eventually stripping Begum of her citizenship. This act is central to most of the 2019 coverage which then ultimately forms the perception of the UK government as an actor rich in agency. Depicting Begum as “trapped” in Syria, and the UK government as having the choice to bring her back or not, makes Begum a participant and the government a real actor. The actor then has the power to perform actions that affect the participant. The decision of Begums fate, going home, being prosecuted, or remaining in Syria, is in the hands of the UK government. However, the nature of the event makes it complicated in itself. Even if Begum is depicted as not having agency in the decisions around her citizenship, she is portrayed as having agency when leaving the UK in 2015; the very action that put her in the situation in the first place. The Guardian somewhat notes this ambivalent situation in its coverage, asking what Begum did or did not do between 2015 and 2019. The ultimate question then is if the act of simply travelling to Syria is enough to get your citizenship revoked, or if she actually did something illegal while there. Briefly stated, it can be claimed that the Guardian mainly portrays Begum as a participant, stuck in the camp. There is not much speculation about her actions during her time in Syria, and therefore no agency assigned to her. Instead, the UK government is assigned agency, and their actions are somewhat questioned.
Home Secretary Javid, a part of the UK government, is often singled out as an actor with agency. The decision to strip Begum of her UK citizenship is often assigned directly to him and there is some speculation around motives he might have had. The Guardian reports that the decision “prompted criticism saying that he was seeking to exploit populist feeling without proper attention to the law”. In addition to this the Guardian questions whether his action was an attempt to “further his ambitions of becoming prime minister”, it is also stated that “conservative politicians feel their hardline on Begum is not only justified but politically popular”. Javid is described as “preparing for an attempt to become conservative leader when he revoked Begums citizenship”. This is to say that the coverage does not only assign
38 Javid and his government agency in the Begum-case, but also conscious, personal and political intent with a single actor.
7.9.2 Visual Analysis
A frequently used image in the 2019 coverage is initially a photo of a photograph. A hand, belonging to a person we cannot see, is holding a photograph of Shamima Begum. She is turned slightly to the side and looking into the camera with a light smile. She is not wearing a veil. This image is used further, however it is cropped closer and closer, focusing on her face in the photograph. Initially, when the full photo is being used, it can be argued that Begum is not assigned much agency, since she is merely a photograph being held up by someone else. It somehow indicates that she is not present, and that someone else has to show her face and perhaps make her voice heard. Put together with the text, that tells the story of a British girl who joined ISIS, one might get the sense that the photograph also represents a “before”. Someone is now holding up a photo of what Begum used to be. A regular girl in Britain. The thing that marks the sharpest contrast to other images of Begum is that in this photo she is not wearing a veil, the transition then might propose some sort of agency.
The image is used in a wide range of articles. The headlines of the articles where this photo appears vary from: “After ISIS: What happened to the British foreign fighters?” to “Begum would face death penalty in Bangladesh”,“Begum loses appeal” and ”Begum says she regrets publicizing her desire to return home”. One might argue that a majority of the articles then somewhat supports the image of her lacking agency, being stuck somewhere in a camp.
Further, there are images of Begum in the camp. There is an apparent lack of agency in these pictures, that show close-ups of her not doing anything in particular, not even showing emotions or looking into the camera. There is also one image of her holding her baby that is used in conjunction with the news on the baby’s death. In the image Begum looks away from the camera, down at her baby. Together with the tragic news, the image can be said to underline her lack of agency as a mother, not being able to save the life of her children.
On the contrary to the images where Begum is not seen as doing anything, the use of the surveillance footage suggests something else. The footage is from her departure in 2015 and is focused on Begum walking through security at the airport. This very much suggests agency
39 in her, not only moving physically, but going through something that symbolizes further movement; leaving one place for another. The image is paired with headlines such as “London schoolgirl who fled to join ISIS wants to return to UK” and articles that debate whether she should be allowed to return to Britain or not. The use of the image then highlights something crucial in the debate, namely that she had agency in her leaving. She chose to leave the UK for Syria. As discussed above, regarding the use of surveillance footage in the 2015 coverage, there is a distinction to be made when using this sort of imagery. Surveillance footage can be argued to be used either for tracking down wanted people, or to find people who have gone missing. If assigned agency, which it can be claimed that Begum is in this discourse, it might paint a picture of her in the footage as a wanted person. A wanted person in turn can be considered someone dangerous, maybe a criminal. Perceiving someone as a security threat or a criminal very much affects opinions on punishments or other legal moves, like removing a citizenship.
Images of governmental officials somewhat suggests agency in their act of debating the dilemma. Paired with the text that reports on political acts such as revoking a citizenship strengthens the sense of agency in images portraying the home secretary.
7.10 Character
7.10.1 Textual Analysis
The depiction of Begum as a person can be said to be ambivalent. In the initial article in February 2019, when she has been found by a reporter in Syria, she makes some statements that will follow her through most of the Guardians coverage of her case. These statements are also used against her by government officials that the Guardian quote later on, in regard to her citizenship. By those supporting the revoking of her citizenship she is mainly described as “unremorseful”.
When making her initial plea to be brought back to the UK, it is said that Begum was “tracked down in Syria, where she has no regrets about joining ISIS”. This way of describing it might suggest that someone who has been looked for is found, while not really wanting to be, since she does not regret going there. Further, it is stated that she is “unrepentant about travelling to Syria, but has asked to come home for the sake of her unborn child”. Mentioning
40 the remorselessness in conjunction with her wish to be brought back somewhat defines the ambivalent view of her. It is this lack of remorse that will come to haunt her, it is even said that she lost her citizenship due to her “joining ISIS and reaffirming her commitment to the terrorist group”. The Guardian, although somewhat investigating what Begum did during her time in Syria, and whether the removal of her citizenship is legal or not, continuously return to her initial statements. It is said that she gives “conflicting accounts of the so-called caliphate”, and the situation is often depicted with references like “although Begum had shown no remorse /…/”, and “despite her lack of remorse /…/”. She is described as “almost unrepentant” and as having “disavowed her ties to the UK while at the same time asking to be allowed home”.
Amongst these statements that can be argued to point towards remorselessness, are other quotes from interviews with Begum that can be said to characterize her in relation to Islam and ISIS. First it is claimed that Begum has “expressed support for the murder of journalists” that were considered a “threat to the caliphate”. She is also quoted as having compared the ISIS terrorist attack in the Manchester arena to airstrikes in Syria performed by western allies. Further, she tells the story about seeing a “beheaded head in a bin” and it “not fazing her at all”, this because the deceased is referred to by Begum as an “enemy of Islam”. It is also stated that “Begum fears not seeing her Dutch jihadist husband who she said she still loved very much”.
These statements do come from Begum herself, however, how they are used is in the hands of the media. For example, the comparison Begum makes between Manchester arena bombing and airstrikes in Syria can really be considered a statement grieving the death of innocent people. However, the headline of the article reads: “ISIS Briton compares Manchester bombing to western airstrikes”. There are reasons to believe that the Manchester bombing has very traumatic and sad connotations for people in the UK and the west and putting it alongside someone who joined the terrorist group who took responsibility for it, and a comparison, might spark strong feelings. Put differently, depicting Begum as being in a “state of limbo” can also suggest that she is somewhere between the UK and ISIS. Where does she belong?
Some of the quotes, supporting murders and expressing opinions of ISIS, certainly suggests a belonging to the terrorist group and a sort of apathy for serious events. In addition to this she
41 is also described as “still” loving her “jihadist husband” which suggest that she loves someone connected to ISIS, despite what he/they have done. This can be argued to connect and characterize her in terms connected to ISIS, an enemy of the west, and it does not go well together with her wish to return to the UK.
However, the Guardian’s coverage clearly states and repeats the fact that Begum is a British born citizen. References such as “East London schoolgirl”, “Bethnal Green schoolgirl” and “British teenager” remain from the 2015 coverage. Perhaps this is a linguistic choice to connect the stories, however Begum’s rights as a British citizen are continuously brought up by the Guardian. Although these media nicknames remain, she is more often than not referred to by her full name. “ISIS bride” and “teenage Islamic bride” are also references occurring, again pointing to an ambivalent view of her and her belonging.
After having her citizenship removed Begum is quoted, not only as regretting talking to the media, but also as “asking for forgiveness” and being “willing to change”. These efforts could indicate an apology for joining and agreeing with ISIS, and a will to change the views she previously expressed, distancing herself from the terrorist group. In October 2019 an article states that “now Begum has stopped wearing the black face veil”. Although her veil and appearance has not been central to the Guardians coverage of her, it appears as a mark of something. Perhaps a transition from ISIS, that many might connect to the niqab.
There are other linguistic choices that might point to a characterization of her. First and foremost, her age seems to be central to the depiction of her. “British teenager Shamima Begum”, “teenager”, “schoolgirl”, “19-year old” and “pupil” are reoccurring references to her. Her young age, 15 years old at the time of her departure, is also frequently mentioned. In one article, quotes from an interview with her husband are used. The reporter is described as having asked the man if “he thought marrying a 15-year old was acceptable”. The referral to her young age might suggest a form of vulnerability and someone who might not be fully responsible for their actions.
In contrast to this, Begum is also portrayed in the light of being a mother. “Speaking from a refugee camp, nine months pregnant” she tells the story about how her two children both passed away and how she fears for the life of her unborn baby. Begum herself expresses her wish to return to the UK, in the role of a mother, saying that she wants to come home so that
42 the baby will be well taken care of. It might be argued that her motherhood is posed as the main reason she should be saved, both by herself and others. Having lost two children and awaiting her third in a Syrian camp underlines a vulnerability that the Guardian lifts through referral to her as a mother. Furthermore, when her third baby dies after three weeks, it becomes an essential part of the debate on responsibility and her fate. Being a mother who lacks the resources to care for her child or save their lives might be argued to be the epiphany of helplessness.
7.10.2 Visual Analysis
The images of Shamima Begum in the camp (numbered “5” in Appendix B) are similar to each other, often cropped and somewhat blurry, since they are screenshots from a video interview with another media source. It points to the difficulty to access her and might be a reason for the sparse imagery in the reporting.
In these images Begum is wearing a veil that covers everything except her face. She rarely looks straight into the camera and is never portrayed from a distance. There are no excessive details to the images, they are cropped to focus on her face. The facial expressions in these images are hard to read, there are no clear emotional attributes. These images are paired with headlines such as “Isis Briton faces move to revoke her citizenship” and “Will the plan to remove Begums citizenship succeed?”. The imagery then, is placed in the midst of a serious discussion on citizenship and her future, and they align with the view of her as “unfazed” since she does not appear to show any emotion in relation to these events. This then, might align with the depiction of her as unremorseful.
There is also the distinction of the veil, separating the imagery from the “before” photo of Begum. As previously mentioned, it adds to the ambivalent coverage of her. On one hand it helps represent an innocent “before”, the young British girl that Shamima Begum might really be, but on the other, the image is paired with headlines such as “What happened to the British foreign fighters?” Even though there is nothing in particular in the text that firmly states that Begum has been engaged in combat, the private image of her is put under the label of “foreign fighter”. If the images of her in the camp were to be used under the same headline, it can be argued that it would still represent Begum in the hands of ISIS in Syria. Potentially this is someone who fell for propaganda and has changed because of it. However, using the
43 private image of the British girl, not wearing a veil, might indicate to the viewer that the “ISIS foreign fighter” part of her was present even before she left for Syria, inevitably changing the perception of her and what one might consider just actions regarding her UK citizenship. On the contrary, it might also suggest that the British girl, wearing no veil, was radicalised and then ended up in a Syrian camp.
7.11 Responsibility
7.11.1 Textual Analysis
The question of agency in this case is very much related to responsibility. Mainly, the question of debate is the government’s responsibility, both in protecting UK national security and saving citizens in need. The Guardian paints an image of pressure “mounting” over the government in referral to the Syrian camps, saying that “UK government is being urged to move rapidly to help stranded families of British foreign fighters”. It can be argued that there is an underlying sense of responsibility present, one that not only raise the question of it but also questions decisions. As reference in the situation, the Guardian often reports on what other countries are doing with their citizens and how many foreign fighters that get to return to other nations in Europe. In contrast, the UK government is mentioned as having an “apparent reluctance” to bring people back and “leaving British children to die”.
Putting British citizens, especially children, on one side, and a government portrayed as reluctant on the other, paints a picture of responsibility being misplaced or ignored. This is especially the case when it comes to the death of Begum’s baby, the so-called “catalyst” for the debate on repatriating children from Syria. In some instances, Javid is assigned responsibility for the actual death of the baby, since he did not do anything to help Begum. Furthermore, there is an underlying referral to responsibility in the debate on Begum’s citizenship. While the Guardian roams the field, seeking an answer to if it was a just decision to revoke it, the coverage often comes back to legality. When stating that someone’s action might have been “illegal under international law”, it might be claimed that this someone is being irresponsible. This founded on the notion that following the law is responsible, and breaking it isn’t. In other words, without taking a stand in the dilemma, the Guardian still insinuates that Javid’s decision might have been not only illegal but irresponsible. As a
44 government official, he has then failed in his responsibility to protect and look after his citizens.
However, the question of responsibility is also somewhat extended towards Begum. The earlier mentioned agency she had in her conscious decision to leave the UK and join ISIS seems to be considered in terms of responsibility by the Guardian. If someone does something willingly and consciously, it can be claimed that the person is also responsible for their own actions. By including quotes and statements from politicians, experts and lawyers on different sides of the “spectrum” the Guardian is questioning whether Begum ultimately is responsible for her own situation, since she left in the first place. The opposing sides of the spectrum confirm or deny this. Some claiming that she was only a teenager, a child, at the time of her departure, and that she was a victim of ISIS propaganda. Others state that she left willingly and since then has “reaffirmed her commitment to the terrorist group”.
After her citizenship was withdrawn, the Guardian states that Begum “took full responsibility for leaving”. Although leaving can be considered the very thing that put her in her current situation, it might be possible to argue that someone owning up to their actions and taking responsibility for them, is in fact, responsible. Nevertheless, the way agency is assigned in majority, and the characterization of Begum together with the overall problem definition, might suggest the view of the government having more responsibility, and failing to fulfill it.
7.11.2 Visual Analysis
Despite the fact that a majority of the images do not depict Begum as having agency, it can be argued that she is not portrayed as a victim visually. All images of her are from an even angle, not looking up or down at her. With her not showing any apparent emotions in the imagery, it might further the argument that she is not visually depicted as being a victim in a terrible condition and place, perhaps therefore not carrying much responsibility.
However, other images from the camp do appear in the coverage. Images of children are taken from above (numbered “10” in Appendix B), with them looking up at the camera and appear under headlines such as “Up to 3,000 Isis children living in ‘extremely dire conditions’”. This suggests a difference in power, the children in the camps are in need of help. This aligns with the problem definition of governments saving children of their citizens
45 in Syria. It also goes hand in hand with images of Home Secretary Javid. He is seen talking, perhaps giving a speech, pointing with his whole arm and hand with a firm look on his face. His pose and whole appearance suggest some sort of power, which is enhanced by the article talking about the government’s decisions in cases regarding British nationals in Syria. Dividing the agency in this manner then indicates, just like the text, that the government and Javid are the ones with the most responsibility, especially when it comes to saving children.
7.12 The Imperfect Victim-Frame
The textual and visual analysis suggests that the government has more agency and therefore more responsibility than Begum. However, it is worth noting her agency in leaving the UK to go to Syria, and the responsibility that comes with that act. Amongst other things, this points to an ambivalent characterization of her. On one hand she is portrayed as unremorseful and, in some way, emotionally unavailable while on the other it is suggested that she is trapped in Syria, helpless and in some aspect a victim.
By looking at agency, responsibility and character, both visually and textually, it can then be argued that the overall frame applied is one of victimhood. This because the portrayal of her as having agency in leaving and then being unremorseful is trumped by other factors. These being her young age at the time of her departure and her apparent helplessness in the role of a mother. In other words, it can be argued that her lack of agency prevents her from taking full responsibility. Furthermore, when agency and responsibility is being assigned primarily towards the government and its representatives, it suggests Begum in an opposite position, perhaps as a victim. By investigating the legality of her case and referring to human rights the coverage can also be claimed to underline how Begum has been trapped in a complex situation, making her a victim of international debate, politics and perhaps an illegal act, proposed as a human rights violation.
The ambivalent view of Begum can then be argued to make up the entire frame of the 2019 coverage. Her being a victim indeed, but due to her statements and some of her actions, an imperfect one.
46 7.13 The Times 2015
In 2015 the Times published 50 articles under the category of “Shamima Begum”. Out of these 29 were studied closer both textually and visually.
7.14 The Times 2015 Imagery
The imagery, selected in accordance with previous sampling chapter, from the Times 2015, is discussed in detail later on and therefore listed below. This to provide guidance and oversight of the visual material. In conclusion, this imagery departs from the three girls, their families and authorities to some extent, including images of different nature and scenery. The images mentioned below can be found in Appendix B.
- The surveillance footage from 2015 showing Begum and her friends carrying bags at an airport and going through customs (numbered “1” and “13” in Appendix B).
- Imagery of police officers. One image is a closeup of a police officer (number “14” in Appendix B), taken slightly from underneath, he is looking straight into the camera with a stern look on his face. The second one (number 12) shows two officers sitting next to each other behind some sort of speaker podium. They both wear serious looks on their faces and appear quite helpless and still. All imagery of the police officers clearly show their uniform with their badges and marks of ranking.
- An image (number “15” in Appendix B) with a small child that is sitting in front of a black flag with white text, “holding” a Kalashnikov put in place by being strapped around the child’s neck. The child is somewhat smiling and looks at someone or something behind the camera.
- An image (number “11” in Appendix B) showing men in what looks like some sort of protest, burning an American flag while raising a black one with white text on it. It is a chaotic scene where it looks like people are shouting, pressed tightly together against the barricade fence, while the flag burns.
47 7.15 Problem definition
The main problems depicted in the 2015 coverage are the three missing girls that went to Syria, as well as people in general getting “recruited” by ISIS. In the wake of this there is also the problem of responsibility. Who is responsible for the fact that the girls could get away?
Even though the problem is depicted as general, Begum and her two friends are central to the debate. Their case is described as the “missing schoolgirls controversy” in a larger context of “Hundreds of British youths” that have been “drawn to Syria”. The problem of people leaving the UK to join ISIS is then at a deeper level a problem of propaganda and radicalisation. People are portrayed as having been “radicalised and duped by poisonous ideology of Islamist extension while at home on the internet”. There is also a certain side depicted to this problem, which is sexual grooming aimed at young girls.
Imbued in the first problem definition is the fact that ISIS is a dangerous terrorist group. This of course puts the missing girls, and others like them, in danger. It can be claimed that this then enhances the second problem definition of social responsibility. The debate in Britain is portrayed repeatedly, stating that “questions have been raised over how the girls managed to make their plane journey without either airline or UK border agency repatriating them”. Attention is given to Turkish Airlines, the UK government as well as the school and families of the three girls.
7.16 Agency
7.16.1 Textual Analysis
Begum and her friends are more often than not named “Runaways”, when describing how they “slipped away from their homes”. This can be argued to be essential in the further portrayal of them, since it is implied that a runaway has ran away from home. Running away suggest choice and agency and immediately, headlines and preambles paint an image of three girls who made an active choice. They are also frequently named “jihadi brides” which implies an intent to get married as well as being a militant Islamist. In other words, a name that implies agency.
48 The sense of the girls owning agency goes throughout the 2015 coverage, depicting them as having an “intention to slip over the border into Syria” and “having made contact” with family but “showing no desire to return to Britain”. Further, the Times at moments predicts or implies agency, for example stating that “they will not have committed a criminal offence until they become involved in terrorism operations in Syria” or writing that they ran away to “become jihadist brides”.
However, agency is not only assigned to them in their departure or their unwillingness to return, but also in their past and the time leading up to them leaving. On one hand, they might be considered victims of radicalisation online, however, there is a certain agency implied when describing that the girls followed people linked to ISIS on social media. Following someone’s account could signal agency and a will to see what they have to say. Further, the Times tells the story of how the girls are “thought to have funded their journey to Syria by selling jewelry they stole from their families”. This does not only suggest agency and intention, but also a depiction of character, that will be brought up in the next section. The story of the stolen jewelry is denied by the families.
In other words, Begum and her friends are depicted as having agency, even if it waivers at times, in correlation to stories on propaganda and radicalisation. Government, police, school, airlines and families are not depicted as having much agency in the debate on responsibility. Or, put differently, they did not have agency in the girl’s departure. Later on, their agency is put towards trying to find the girls, bring them home, and prevent others from going.
7.16.2 Visual Analysis
The most frequently used imagery in the 2015 coverage is surveillance footage from the airport, where Begum and her friends are seen carrying their bags, walking through customs at the airport or towards a bus in Turkey. This suggest obvious agency, seeing the girls carrying luggage and walking through security to board a plane or a bus. In addition to the text that refers to them as “runaways”, it can be argued to erase questions about the nature of the footage. It can be seen as used for showing and tracking down these teenagers that ran away, and not as much searching for missing, innocent girls. In addition to this, the images are used under headlines questioning the responsibility of airlines and the police, for example: ”Syria runaways failed by UK Security”. The imagery then stands in stark contrast to the text,
49 that distributes blame and responsibility to other actors, while the footage shows the girls simply walking out. This might be argued to enhance the image of them as having agency. It is worth mentioning the frequent use of these images might be due to a lack of others at the time.
In contrast to these images, where the girls are seen moving and therefore performing an act, images showing authorities are still. A majority of these images are close-ups of officials with concerned looks on their faces, not insinuating much agency. This correlates with the text that somewhat portrays authorities as paralyzed and helpless in the girl’s departure. It might be argued that this strengthens a depiction of runaways who slipped out of the country to join a dangerous group, voluntarily and with steady intentions.
7.17 Character
7.17.1 Textual Analysis
Except being dubbed “runaways” by the Times, Begum and her two friends are also named “schoolgirls”, “jihadi brides”, “jihadist brides”, “British jihadi brides” and “would-be- jihadists”, this at a time when they have not entered Syria nor gotten married. As mentioned above, this way of naming the girls implies agency and an intent to get married in a militant Islamist environment, which can be argued to categorize them in a certain way. It suggests, not only that they left the UK willingly, but also that they did so with an intent to, not only join, but marry into extremism and terrorism. It is a category of young girls that can appear strange and perhaps even dangerous. Merely naming them “jihadi brides” can then be argued to label them as something closely connected to ISIS, that might be considered an enemy of the west and the people there.
Further in the depiction of character, the Times several times brings up who the girls followed on social media before their departure. This might be an attempt to explain and point to radicalisation online, however, it might also result in labelling the girls. One article tells the story of one of the girls following a radical person on Twitter, who posted “a picture of a soldier standing over a dead child”. This detail is very off-putting and mentioned in a much larger context about the girl’s departure. It can be possible to argue that it also is a detail that creates a certain view of the girls. It can be thought that if they actively followed people online who posted such gruesome content, they must be deviant in themselves. In addition to
50 this, there is the story about the stolen jewelry. The article itself presents this and includes the denying comments of the families, however, the headline states that “Runaway girls stole jewelry to fund Syria trip”. This can be claimed to add to the image of them as intentionally “bad” or deviant, further suggesting character traits and reasons that they left for Syria and ISIS.
Furthermore, an important depiction of character is the one linked to physical appearance. Shamima Begum is at one point described as “a British citizen of Bangladeshian heritage” wearing “a black hijab”. Their social media accounts are also portrayed as containing images of them and their friends, all “wearing hijab”. It might be possible to argue that the veil is essential in the characterization of Begum and her friends. It implies a connection to Islam, which later in the coverage in turn is linked to ISIS. When it is known that the girls reached Syria and the ISIS stronghold, the Times writes that women there are “required to be permanently veiled”. Furthermore, one article speculates about the whereabouts of the girls, saying that three “black-clad figures” were seen “in full burkas, armed with Kalashnikovs”. However, it is stated that “the clothing made it impossible to verify identities”. In other words, it is impossible to say if these three women seen are the Bethnal Green girls, nevertheless, the physical appearance is described in relation to them. This then puts the three British girls in the same category as the ones described: in full burkas armed with Kalashnikovs. The full burka and carrying militant weapons might be off putting to people in the west, somehow symbolizing ISIS, their terrorism and their fighters, who require women to be veiled. A Kalashnikov can also be argued to disrupt the stereotypical view of a young woman. To some extension, then, the veil might also be considered to represent the religion of Islam.
7.17.2 Visual Analysis
Some images used throughout 2015 are more startling than others and might even appear misplaced. In an article that reads “Airline is facing new questions about runaway schoolgirls”, the top image shows a small child. It is sitting in front of a black flag with white text, “holding” a Kalashnikov put in place by being strapped around the child’s neck. The child is somewhat smiling and looks at someone or something behind the camera. The image text reads: “Aqsa Mohammad, who went to a private school in Glasgow, posted this image on Twitter”.
51
Any image of a child with a deadly weapon might be considered off putting, especially when it is as young as in this image. A child can be said to represent something innocent and unspoiled, while a weapon like a Kalashnikov represents war and terror, something a child should not be a part of. Therefore, the thought of someone strapping this weapon around a small child to pose for a photograph can be considered gruesome and deviant. In addition to this, the child is sitting in front of a flag that can be argued to evoke connotations to ISIS. Consequently, it can be claimed that the image represents the evil things ISIS does, to children and others.
Further, it is worth asking what this image has to do with Begum and her friends, the “runaway schoolgirls” and the airline that “faces new questions” about their departure. The person that is mentioned as having posted the picture in the image text is not mentioned anywhere in the article. If the article deals with questions raised towards Turkish Airlines, and their responsibility for the three girls leaving, what is the image of the child doing there, placed on top of the text? It might be argued that the usage of this image is to enhance the fearful view of ISIS, and thereby what these runaways are running towards; a gruesome place where deadly weapons are strapped to smiling, innocent babies. Put differently, the image of the small child with the weapon can be argued to characterize not only ISIS, but Begum and her friends in a certain way.
Tied to this is the article about the father of one of the girls that is told to have been a part of a “hate filled rally” with “convicted terrorists”. The image used in the article is quite strong, showing men burning an American flag while raising a black one with white text on it. It is a chaotic scene where it looks like people are pressed tightly together against the barricade fence, yelling, while the flag burns. It can be argued that the use of this image, just as the publishing of the article itself, characterizes not only the man, but his family and daughter. It insinuates that her home environment is connected to this and perhaps that her trip to Syria is fueled by hate. Also, a flag can be argued to be a strong symbol, and the burning of it enhances the message in the image. If it can be taken for granted that the USA is some sort of western ally to the UK, then the burning of an American flag at a “hate-filled” protest with “convicted terrorists” definitely characterizes the people involved. This characterization might even be claimed to depict them as “others” or some sort of enemy.
52 Furthermore, surveillance footage can be argued to be used to look for missing people or tracking down wanted criminals. Used in this case, it can be characterized as both. However, agency being assigned to the girls in the text can be claimed to enhance the agency and movement in the imagery, and therefore somewhat characterize it as the girls “being on the run” from authorities. Worth noting is also that the surveillance footage of Begum and her friends is not only frequently used in the coverage of them, but in the coverage about foreign fighters in general. Several articles talk about other British people leaving for Syria, or those that were stopped at the border. Here, the three girls are just mentioned briefly as reference, but the images of them are being used. One article reads “Trio stopped on way to join Islamic State”. It tells the story of how the police stopped three teenage boys at the border, they were returned home. Begum and her friends are mentioned in context since it is stated that “The swift intervention was in stark contrast to the case of the missing east London girls”. In other words, the article is not centered around the girls, but still they act as front figures for it while those returned home remain anonymous. This is the case with several articles, and it can be argued to provide reasons to believe that they are “representing” cases similar to them. This then, could point to an evident form of character; if they represent people joining ISIS, are they not also representing ISIS themselves?
7.18 Responsibility
7.18.1 Textual Analysis
The problem definition of social responsibility is shaped by different actors throwing the responsibility for the girls and their departure between them. The main actors are the UK government, police, Turkish Airlines, Turkey and the school and families of the girls. The underlying question posed is where blame should be put, who was responsible for looking out for the girls, and who is responsible for their departure being possible. The police, Scotland Yard, is said to have the responsibility to “prevent tragedies” like these, and that “the three girls were not kept under watch by counter terrorism detectives”. It is also asked “where the government was” at the time. The Times early states that “questions have been raised over how the girls managed to make their plane journey without either airline or UK border agency repatriating them”. Further, it is claimed that “pressure was also growing on home office to explain how the girls flew unchallenged to Syria”. Turkish Airlines is put on the spot by the claim that they have “now flown at least four unaccompied schoolgirls on the path
53 towards ISIS”. It is asked if “the education authorities are doing enough to counter extremism” and if the family did enough. The debate is watered down to the simple question “Why the girls were not stopped from leaving the country”.
By raising questions about the responsibility of all these different actors, the girls are excluded from the problem, at least in terms of actual responsibility. The issue is debated, even bringing in social media companies, asking about their “obligation to stop propaganda”, and the government’s efforts to stop radicalisation. It can be argued that agency is connected to responsibility, that someone who performs acts can be held accountable for them. However, in this case, the girls can be considered to have agency when leaving, but the ones depicted as carrying the responsibility are the actors that had no agency or did nothing to stop the girls. It is not quite clear why this responsibility does not extend to the girls. It might be linked to their young age, but this is not particularly explicit except for some references to them as “schoolgirls”. It is also possible that all other actors represent security, safety and borders of a community and country, and that they are responsible for their citizens. However, this is not explicit either, but could be claimed to take form in the ruction between Turkey and the UK, that are accusing each other of “failing” to keep the girls safe.
The debate regarding responsibility is ongoing throughout the 2015 coverage and all previous mentioned actors are present. However, it might be worth mentioning the emphasize that is being put, not only on the families of the girls, but Muslim families in general. First, it is stated that “Muslim parents play a key role” in preventing young people joining ISIS. It is also said that “Muslim families who blame the police when their children join IS are embracing victimhood”. The “prime responsibility” is quoted as belonging to the parents and further, many “Muslim parents” are described as reluctant of reporting their children due to fear of “stigmatisation”.
Furthermore, one article features a father of one of the girls. It is said that “A father who blamed police for failure to stop his daughter from going to Syria once appeared alongside convicted terrorists at a hate-filled protest”. The article can be said to insinuates that his daughter had been in an extremist environment and that the father was somewhat responsible for this, and in turn her joining ISIS. Whether the situation and the responsibility are interpreted this way, placing a family member of one of the girls in the same “hate-filled”
54 context as “convicted terrorists” can be said to not evoke positive feelings. A terrorist brings fear and terror, and on top of that a convicted one is known to be guilty of it. In other words, it does not reflect well on the family background and in turn his daughter. It can be argued that it connects with, not only the deviant characterization of the girls, but the one of Islam and Muslim families.
Worth noting is also that ISIS is part of the debate on responsibility. However, they are not amongst the actors that ask what they could have done to stop them. On the opposite, they are somewhat portrayed as responsible for the girls leaving, by luring or radicalising them. The group is also mentioned as responsible for different terrorist attacks and can therefore be said to carry responsibility for recruiting people and performing bad deeds.
7.18.2 Visual Analysis
If agency equals responsibility for the acts performed, it can be argued that the repeated use of the surveillance footage assign responsibility to the girls. However, in relation to the text, it can be said to suggest more agency than responsibility, since the text in terms of responsibility focuses on other actors. It can then be argued that the images of the girls going through customs at the airport instead strengthens a view of obligation and responsibility. The text questions why for example the airline did nothing to stop the girls, and the image then shows them simply walking through customs. The same applies for the police and the family. The girl’s agency in the footage underlines the failed responsibility of actors mentioned in the text.
Adding to this argument is the photos of government officials with no apparent agency. Concerned looks on their faces, cropped somewhat close suggest a pressing issue that they initially failed at preventing. It can also be claimed that it together with the text creates an image of the main responsibility being with these actors.
7.19 ISIS Radicalisation-Frame
By depicting the main problems being that these three girls, and many others, have left the UK to join the militant group, ISIS can be considered the root of the problems. Furthermore, by assigning agency to Begum and her friend through both image and text, it appears clear that they joined this extremist group willingly. That they ran away to a dangerous terrorist
55 group without any authorities doing anything. Characterization tied to Islam through references to the veil, Muslim parents and ISIS in general suggests an underlying attempt to place the girls closer to the Islamic State and what it stands for. In this effort, positioning them with “the others”, they appear deviant and perhaps even as owning evil intentions when leaving for Syria. If the root of the problem is ISIS recruiting people from the west, they can also be argued to be the ones mainly responsible for the entire situation. This then leaves the UK authorities with the responsibility to handle the problem.
In other words, the 2015 coverage in the Times can be argued to, through depiction of agency, character and responsibility, focus on the malice of ISIS, that seem to allocate through things tied to Islam. Begum and her friends are depicted as runaways, a result of ISIS propaganda and radicalisation, escaping responsibility for their act. Therefore, the frame, looking at the common denominators mentioned above, can be said to be one of ISIS propaganda and radicalisation.
7.20 The Times 2019 In 2019 the Times published 156 articles under the category of “Shamima Begum”. Out of these 33 were studied closer.
7.21 The Times 2019 Imagery
The imagery, selected in accordance with previous sampling chapter, from the Times 2019, is discussed in detail later on and therefore listed below. This to provide guidance and oversight of the visual material. As can be seen, there is a width to the imagery in 2019. Most of it focuses on Begum or women in the Syrian camp, while photographs of UK authorities is sparse. The images mentioned and discussed below can be found in Appendix B.
- An image (number “22” in Appendix B) of Begum sitting alone on a bench towards a house wall is undeniably the most used image in 2019. She is dressed in a black niqab with the face-veil lifted. The image is taken from an even eye-level and she is looking straight into the camera with an expression that is quite hard to read. She is not smiling, exactly, but not showing any other explicit emotions either. Her hands with black gloves are placed in her lap. The photo is taken from a distance that shows her full body, however, the image is used in a variety of forms, cropped by her waist and
56 sometimes even her neck, positioning the viewer closer to her face.
- Image of Begum with her child in her lap (number “6” in Appendix B), looking down at it while sitting, dressed in a niqab. Behind them is dirtground, some sort of stone building and a trashcan. No one else is visible in the image, and Begum is raising her hand, covering the face of the child.
- Surveillance footage from 2015 showing Begum and her friends carrying bags at an airport and going through customs
- Image of President Macron and President Salih (number “21” in Appendix B), both behind speaker podiums, involved in a fierce talk with hands raised and forward- leaning, concentrated body positions. Behind them are the European Union flag together with the flag of their countries, France and Iraq, making the image quite colorful.
- A photo of someone holding a photograph of Shamima Begum (number “16” in Appendix B). This image is used in variety, cropped in different sizes, sometimes showing the hand holding the photo and sometimes focusing in on Begum. She is sitting next to a child, with her head turned slightly. She wears a faint smile on her face and is not wearing a veil.
- Photos of a women in niqabs in a Syrian camp, walking out of frame/away from camera with children behind them that looks straight into the camera (number “19” in Appendix B). The surroundings do not offer anything except for tents or dirt roads, trash and an armored car. Another image (number “20”) shows a woman in Niqab walking with a child a few steps behind, away from the camera.
- Image of three women all covered in veils walking with their backs against the camera (number “18” in Appendix B). One is carrying a child that looks back over the woman’s shoulder and another is carrying a weapon.
57 7.22 Problem Definition
The 2019 coverage could be argued to deal with the overlapping question on the “threat from British IS fighters and jihadist brides” that wants to, or have already returned, to the UK. However, looking at the angle the issues are brought up with, it can be said that Shamima Begum is at the center, somewhat representing it. The Times describes the initial article under the category of Shamima Begum, the one where a Times reporter finds her in a camp in Syria, as a “commendable piece of investigative journalism”. They also state that it “represents a significant public interest story which has opened up an important issue for public debate”. In other words, the article about Begum, and perhaps Begum herself, is mentioned as a catalyst for the debate on returning foreign fighters. Further it is said that “Begums case highlights lack of terror laws” in the UK and that weather Begum returns to her family in London or not “the saga has highlighted a crucial issue”. Stretching beyond this, the Times also claims that Begums case has “highlighted a dilemma facing many EU countries”.
Embedded in this problem definition, or perhaps the premise of it, are the Syrian camps and the conditions in them that the people there have to live under, described as “living hell for cold and hungry”. The question on what to do with foreign fighters is inevitably tied to the place where they currently are, and the pressing situation that foreign governments have to deal with. In this part of the problem children of the foreign fighters appear at the center of the dilemma and debate.
The first problem definition, that asks what is to be done with returning foreign fighters/Begum is then consequently imbued with questions on responsibility and guilt. There is an underlying question on what Begum actually did in Syria, what her role was in the caliphate. These underlying questions are somewhat thought to then answer the main question: should she/they be allowed back to the UK? However, the queries on her time in Syria that follows throughout the 2019 coverage can also be argued to form another problem that is somewhat difficult to define. It is the problem of Begums character and persona, that lead to and link up with the question on what should happen to her, both before and after her UK citizenship has been revoked.
This problem definition, that deals with Begums persona asks not only questions about her “alleged membership of the fundamentalist terror group IS” and her “claims” about “only
58 being a housewife”, but also about her essence as a person. Her choices are debated in terms of “brainwashing” and “Stockholm syndrome”, in an effort to pinpoint who she is, and thereby if she is worth saving. It is even explicitly asked if she was “a naïve victim or a willing IS devotee deserving of banishment and exile” and if she is a “cold and calculating woman or chocked and traumatized”. Consequently, when it is reported that her citizenship has been revoked, the problem definition appears close to Begum as a person and not in broader terms of justice, human rights and international law. Even though this is brought up, the premises of right and wrong in the case stays with Begums actions and character a majority of the times. The thoughts behind this problem definition will be further discussed and explained in the textual analysis below.
7.23 Agency
7.23.1 Textual Analysis
Using the article featuring Begum when she has just been found by a Times reporter as a steppingstone, it can be argued that she has verbal agency. The headline of the article reads: “Shamima Begum: Bring he home, says Bethnal Green girl who left to join Isis.” In other words, she is asking for something, which can be seen as an act, even though a verbal one. It is also paired with the physical act of her leaving to join ISIS. It is even stated that she “with these words, and the act of lifting her niqab” has “ended a mystery”. She is now telling her story. However, Begums verbal actions does not stop there. She is quoted as having said that she does “not regret” going to Syria and that a beheaded head in the bin “didn’t faze her at all”. Begum is depicted as speaking “with anger and ave of ISIS and the caliphate” and as appearing “unrepentant”, showing an “apparent lack of remorse”. It is also stated that she is “reluctant to denounce the crimes perpetrated by IS”.
Consequently, her speaking to reporters equals verbal agency, and what is then presented in the articles can be argued to somewhat paint an image of extended agency. If the verbal agency supports a certain side, ISIS and their actions, it can be argued to suggest further agency with Begum, who can be seen as stepping over, or choosing to remain, at that side. By saying certain things to a reporter, she is picking sides, a sort of implicit agency.
However, this agency then collides with the initial request to be brought back to the UK and asking the people “to have sympathy” for her. Depicted as someone who “left the UK to join
59 ISIS but now wants to return” sums up a conflict in agency directed at opposite sides, resulting in an ambivalent portrait that is discussed further in terms of character and responsibility.
Furthermore, besides the current request to be brought back and other comments regarding ISIS, she is depicted as having had agency in the past, which might reflect on her present. It is stated that she “fled Britain to join Isis” and that she “ran away from home”. Further, it is said that “the decisions of the London schoolgirls who left stable family backgrounds to become part of a terror organization was emblemic of the cult like attraction to ISIS.” Put differently, Begum is depicted as having made not only a decision to join a terror organization, but also leaving a stable family background. Insinuating that there was indeed a stable family background can be argued to suggest that there were no external conditions in her homelife that led her to the decision to travel to Syria. The decision was her own, very much suggesting agency and conscious thought. One article summarizes this view of Begum and her agency by saying that she herself is considering “the catastrophic set of choices which led to the revocation of her citizenship and the loss of all three of her children”. Here it is explicitly written that Begum made choices that lead to her current situation, highlighting not only her agency in the case, but her responsibility and guilt.
Nevertheless, Begum often do appear as having little to no agency, especially in regard to her citizenship being revoked. This decision is taken by someone else and there is nothing she can do except making an appeal through her family and lawyers. It is said that she is in the camp facing “the uncertainties of her future”, she is depicted as waiting, not being able to do anything else. However, it is also said that “one certainty is that Begum will be keeping lawyers busy for some time”, insinuating that she cannot do much herself, but that her case is causing actions with others. If this is considered agency is debatable.
In contrast to Begum, stuck in a camp in the desert, the UK government and Home Secretary Javid is depicted with agency. This initially takes form in the debate on what to do with Begum, portraying Javid as the one with the power of decisions. Further, the act is performed, stripping Begum of her citizenship. In the debate that follows, where Javid’s “controversial decision” is debated, the agency remains with him and the government. Javid is quoted quite frequently and can therefore be seen as depicted with agency, weather it is in a positive or negative light.
60
In 2019 the IS stronghold is reported as having fallen, however, ISIS is still present as an agent in the discourse. The agency of the group is mainly depicted through their “manipulation”, “radicalisation”, “brainwashing” and radical “online influence”. Put differently, IS are frequently portrayed as having agency in drawing foreign fighters to Syria. Furthermore, the Manchester arena bombing, and the London bridge terror attack are brought up, which suggest acts performed by, or in the name of IS. It can also be argued that these specific acts bring up negative emotions and connotations that strengthens a certain view of ISIS and their agency.
Worth noting in the 2019 coverage on Begum and her case, is that the media itself is depicted with agency, or at least tied to the agency of Begum. It is stated that there was a “media frenzy” that “resulted” in Begums citizenship being revoked. Moreover, it is said that “Begum was made effectively stateless after pro-Isis comments she made in the media”. It can then be claimed that the agency is tied to Begum, who speaks, but to some extent also to the media, that is said to have caused a “frenzy”. Although Begum can be argued to be the essential actor, speaking through the media, it is crucial to note that the media is an actor in the discourse that cannot be removed. Begum never spoke directly to the government, Javid or the British people. She always spoke through the media. If their agency can be considered trumping Begums is debatable, nevertheless they should be considered as agents in the discourse and situation.
7.23.2 Visual Analysis
An image frequently used in the 2019 coverage is the one that is posted with the initial article and it represents the rest of the imagery of Begum used quite well (number “22” in Appendix B). It features her sitting alone on a bench towards a house wall. She is dressed in a black niqab with the face-veil lifted. The image is taken from an even eye-level and she is looking straight into the camera with an expression that is quite hard to read. She is not smiling, exactly, but not showing any other explicit emotions either. Her hands are placed in her lap. The photo is taken from a distance that shows her full body, however, the image is used in a variety of forms, cropped by her waist and sometimes even her neck, positioning the viewer closer to her face.
61 This image does not propose agency. Begum is depicted as alone, sitting with her hands in her lap, stuck, simply waiting. A majority of the headlines and image captions supports this view, reporting that “Isis Bride Shamima Begum would face death penalty in Bangladesh” or “Shamima Begum moved to new camp after threats from other jihadi brides”. She is not depicted as doing anything in particular, on-going events regarding her case, or even her own movement, is out of her control. However, the text surrounding the image can be seen as suggesting a belonging to ISIS and a threatful group of jihadi brides, which is not agency in itself, but proposes something beyond a lonely teenage girl simply sitting on a bench. Furthermore, for the critical eye that seeks to explore her character and persona, the lack of agency, or perhaps emotion, can suggest a view of her as quite cold and unemotional. This will be further explored below, when discussing Begums character through imagery.
Begum’s lack of agency goes throughout the coverage, taking form in imagery of her simply sitting down, with or without the baby in her arms. In the photos of her with the baby she is looking away from the camera, down at her child. This image at one point appears under the headline “Isis bride Shamima Begum’s son dies after falling ill at camp”. This enhances the sense of her not having agency in the situation. She cannot save her child. There is a helpless sense in these images, she is not depicted as doing anything at all and rarely looks straight into the camera, the previously mentioned image being the exception. The only photo where Begum is depicted as having clear agency is the old surveillance footage from 2015, where she is seen walking through customs carrying a bag, on her way to Syria. This then supports the view of her having agency in leaving, suggesting that she made an active choice that lead her to her current situation.
In contrast to Begums portrayed lack of agency are the politicians and officials that are photographed in action. They are behind speaker podiums or in front of journalists, giving speeches and debating issues with raised hands or firm faces. In combination with images of Begum sitting with her hands in her lap, this suggests that a majority of the agency is with the governments and politicians. Not only in the way that they are able to make decisions about Begum, but also in them moving and debating the issue. This might also somewhat suggest that Begum, sitting still in a camp, causes action in other places.
7.24 Character
62 7.24.1 Textual Analysis
First and foremost, when investigating the characterization of Begum, it is important to note how she is referred to. In the Times 2019 coverage she is more frequently called by her full name, now singled out from the previous group of three schoolgirls. However, more often than not she is, in combination with her own name, referred to as an “ISIS bride”, a “Jihadi bride” and a “Jihadist bride”. It is possible to argue that a categorization of her firstly as a bride, suggests a female role that might lack agency. Perhaps even more so when husbands of these brides are described as “terrorists” and “fugitives convicted of terrorism offences”. There is also the obvious suggestion that an “ISIS bride” has somehow married into the group, proposing a belonging to them. Further, a “Jihadi bride” suggests her being, or marrying to be, an Islamic militant. It can be claimed that the essential use of “bride” somewhat suggests the role of someone who is married off, or someone who intentionally joins an alliance. The categorization can then be said to depend on the surrounding discourse and the rest of the characterization.
Throughout 2019 Begum is regularly described as “unremorseful”. A majority of the times this view of her arise from the initial comments she made about not regretting joining ISIS, and not being fazed by a beheaded head in a bin. Further she is depicted as speaking with “harsh words about beheaded western hostages” and being “reluctant to denounce the crimes perpetrated by IS”. Involving fragments of the west, referring to hostages held by IS, or terrorist attacks performed by them in western countries, very much suggest a division of “us” and “them”. From the point of view of the Times, “us” would be the UK and the west, and “them” being ISIS. This, then, is very much a part of the categorization of her. By lifting these comments again and again, debating them and her persona, it can be argued that she is positioned with ISIS, a “them” that is an enemy of the UK and the west. An enemy that beheads people from the west and terrorizes them in their own countries. In other words, her “apparent lack of remorse” furthers the distance between her and the UK.
An article that somewhat stands out in the midst of the debate on Begums case, is one about legal aid. It is reported that Begum has been granted legal aid for her appeal on the removal of her citizenship. Added to this discussion is then an article that states that “Families of London Bridge terror victims are denied legal aid”. These families will not be granted state funding for legal representation. Shamima Begum is mentioned in this article as an “extremist granted
63 funding”. Again, she is being positioned on the opposite side of the UK. This time not only of the country and the west in general, but against families of victims who died in a terror attack. Perhaps even a terror attack performed in the same spirit as the group Begum willingly joined. Stretching it a bit far, the article could be argued to implicitly suggest that extremists, the perpetrators responsible for a terror attack and the deaths of people, are granted legal aid from the UK while families of the victims are not. Once again Begum is fused together with extremists and ISIS in general.
About this situation, a spokesman for the Legal Aid Practitioners Group tells the Times that the decision made about Begums legal aid is based on justice and the rule of law, and that “legal aid has to be granted to people that we don’t like”. This quote then acknowledge the purely legal reasons behind the decision, connected to democracy and justice, but also suggests that Begum is not liked. One question rising might be who “we” are in the situation, who is it that does not like Begum? Is it the Legal Aid Practitioners Group, the government, the people of the UK or all of the above? Building off of the thought of a western/British “we” and a “them” that is ISIS, it is again quite clear where Begum is positioned.
In addition to this her family is quoted as being “sickened by the comments she made”. Portraying a family disowning or condemning their daughter publicly can be argued to strengthen the sense of her as deviant, an outlaw whose actions cannot even be forgiven by family members. With her family being in the UK, this is something that can be said to underline the distance to her further.
Furthermore, in connection to Begums family, a story from 2015 is brought up again, telling the tale of how Begum and her friends “used stolen jewelry to fund flights to Istanbul”. The family denied that this happened in the article from 2015, nevertheless the story appears again in 2019, without the family’s comments on it. This can be argued to be seen as an effort to portray Begum and her friends in a certain way, perhaps as conscious teenagers who not only left, but stole from their families to join ISIS. Again, the distance to the family, and the conscious choice to abandon them, can be argued to position Begum further away from them, and consequently the UK.
Even when Begum is somewhat portrayed as a victim, there is an ambivalent characterization of her. For example, one article reports that she has been moved from one camp to another
64 due to threats from “fellow jihadist women”. This portrayal might be seen as somewhat confusing. If Begum is living under such threats that she has to be moved to another camp, are those “jihadist women” really her fellows? It can be said that these “jihadist women” are portrayed as menacing and dangerous, Begum being a victim of their behavior. However, at the same time, in the same sentence, she is bundled together with them through the simple word “fellow”, suggesting that they are associates in some form, that she is like them. In other words, even when she is a victim of some sort, it can be said to still be highlighted that she is in fact deviant, still belonging to a jihadist community.
Another ambivalent portrayal of Begum is tied to agency and her consciousness. At times it is suggested that she might have been vulnerable to “manipulation and potential brainwashing”. This would propose that she is a victim and somehow not responsible for or conscious of her own actions. However, at times Begum is described as “intellectual and articulate” when reflecting on her past choices. This then, on the contrary to the idea of her as a victim, suggests a person that is somewhat conscious about her choices.
Begum is also depicted as a mother. She is referred to as a “young mother” that has a “overwhelming desire to ensure her unborn child’s safety” and to return to the UK. When her baby is born and later deceased, the Times writes that the child is buried outside the camp “forgotten by all apart from his mother”. This sort of reporting might suggest an image of Begum as a grieving mother, a sort of victim. However, the same article quotes witnesses that claim that “she stood tearless as her baby was buried”. It might then be argued that the characterization of her as a mother one might feel sorry for, is quickly withdrawn with contradicting portrayals. The Times asks if Begum is a “cold and calculating woman or shocked and traumatized”, the underlying question to the characterization and categorization of her.
Fundamental to the conflicting view of her is obviously her quoted desire to return to the UK and asking for sympathy, while not regretting going to Syria. It might even be argued that the whole characterization of her is built off of this.
An obvious way of characterization can be argued to be tied to physical traits. In the initial article of 2019 Begum is described as “lifting her veil” by telling her story to the Times reporter. This might be a stylistic choice to enhance the sensational feeling of a mystery.
65 However, the usage of the veil as a symbol might also be argued to be tied to Islam and thereby ISIS. It can then be argued that she, by lifting her veil, connected to ISIS and Syria, is turning her face towards the UK. Even though this portrays Begum as turning to her home country, it can be considered to, in a greater context, make the veil a symbol of ISIS.
Furthermore, in the last piece of 2019 it is said that Begum is “no longer covered by black hijab but wearing open faced veil and sneakers”. It is then stated that “she denies that she dressed to create an impression”. It can be argued that the description of her not wearing a black hijab suggests her distancing herself from ISIS, however, the other comment proposes that she is using the veil to create/change an impression of herself. As can be seen, this is denied by Begum in the article, nevertheless the idea is present and a potential question is what the reporter asked or insinuated by commenting on her physical appearance.
7.24.2 Visual Analysis
As previously mentioned, Begum does not show any explicit emotions in any of the imagery of her in the 2019 coverage. She does not appear happy but not sad or devastated either. The frequent use of the same images in different forms might be due to a lack of access to her in the camp, nevertheless the images help shape the view of her and her character. With the initial photo (number “22” in Appendix B), where she looks straight into the camera sitting on a bench, almost smiling, as an exception, she rarely faces the camera in images from the camp. This way, the viewer seldom needs to face her head on and meet her gaze. This can be argued to distance her from the reader, perhaps giving an impression of her as fleeting and evasive or merely unattainable.
Furthermore, there is a lack of clear emotion in all photos of her. This adds up to the simple view that she does not seem sad or more importantly, regretful. This is of course supported by the surrounding text, that frequently brings up her “apparent lack of remorse”. Paired with images of Begum with a somewhat blank, or at least hard-to-read, expression on her face, underlines this argument. Not showing explicit emotions can be argued to not only point to lack of remorse but also indifference of the situation, even when the headline reads “Isis Runaway Shamima Begum stripped of her citizenship”. In addition to this, when it is stated in headlines and captions that she is facing death penalty in Bangladesh or that her case is being wildly debated, the images of her as indifferent and calm might appear ignorant and entitled.
66 This, just like her comments on her journey and ISIS, does not go well together with her wish to return to the UK.
A private photograph of Begum, held by someone, is also used to some extent in the 2019 coverage. It is cropped in different ways but shows Begum leaning in towards an anonymous child, smiling slightly and looking into the camera. She is not wearing a veil. With the same, almost mysterious, facial expression and slight smile, the obvious difference is just that, the veil. It can then be argued that the veil becomes a symbol of transition between Begum before Syria, and Begum in Syria, post ISIS. The image of a “before” could be argued to show a “innocent” side of her. However, at one point when this photo is used, the caption reads “Begum said she didn’t regret going to Syria because it ‘made me stronger’”. This then proposes an opposite view of her, almost suggesting that she now is on the other side, that her innocence has been “spoiled”. Above and beyond that, she does not regret it.
The veil continues to be an important symbol, not only of Begum herself and her character, but of other women in Syrian camps. It is fundamental for the collectivization of them. Intentional or not, all images that show people in the camp are taken from a distance, with women completely covered in black niqabs. This might of course be due to the fact that the niqab is what women there wear, however, this imagery erases chances of individualization. Only seeing them from a distance makes them an anonymous group, distanced from the viewer. Worth noting in this collectivization of these women, is that Begum, who has “lifted her veil” become some sort of a representative for the anonymous group. One image, showing a woman in niqab walking away from the camera with a child has a caption that reads “Decision to strip Begum of her citizenship left her isolated at camp”. The woman in the image is not Begum, however, with the anonymous distance it might as well be, especially with the referral to her in the caption.
Further, most images of these anonymous women show them walking away from the camera, insinuating that they are turning their backs on the viewer and maybe even their home countries. One of these images show three women walking away from the camera, all covered by a veil of some sort. One of the women is carrying a child that looks straight into the camera, and another is carrying a weapon over her shoulder. We do not know who these women are, or where they are walking, however, the caption reads: “Home Secretary said some jihadist brides took children to Iraq and Syria”. Together with this sentence, the image
67 can be said to show women, anonymous and collectivized as “jihadist brides” as turning their back on the UK/west, armed, to carry their children into war. Worth noting is that while the women remain anonymous in the imagery, the children are often seen facing the camera while being led or carried by the women. This underlines the sense that innocent children are being carried off into something by their mothers. This very much imposes a sense of these women as deviant, and since they are collectivized and extended to Begum, it helps in shaping the view of her character.
7.25 Responsibility
7.25.1 Textual Analysis
Due to Begum being found in a Syrian camp and days later having her citizenship revoked, the coverage in 2019 focuses quite a bit on the UK government and their responsibility in the situation. This responsibility can be argued to be debated rather than assigned by the Times. Articles are imbued, both explicitly and implicitly, with the argument that the UK government has a responsibility to enforce laws that help deal with issues of returning foreign fighters. The government is also depicted as having “failed” at their responsibility to prevent people from “getting radicalised and joining ISIS”. These responsibilities appear quite clear, while the responsibility to actually bring people back is more of a debated issue. What responsibility does the government actually have in the case of foreign fighters and Shamima Begum?
The Times appear to seek the answer to this question in Begums belonging and guilt rather than in jurisprudence. First and foremost, this has to do with the question of what she did in Syria and how involved with ISIS she was. Is she a “naïve victim” or an “IS devotee deserving of banishment”? If her guilt adds up it is as if she is responsible herself and the removing of her citizenship is fair.
Nevertheless, there is the fundamental issue of the alleged Bangladeshi citizenship that Begum might or might not be eligible for. This is crucial since Javid’s decision to revoke her citizenship would be considered illegal if it rendered her stateless. The focus, however, is not as much on the legality of the decision as it is on the citizenship status and Begum herself. Nevertheless, the decision is described by the Times as a “controversial legislation”, the matter is at times brought up in terms of human rights laws and it is stated that the decision
68 would be illegal under international law if Begum could not attain a citizenship in Bangladesh. This then assigns, not only a responsibility in making a decision in the first place and looking out for UK citizens, but also a responsibility in dealing with the consequences and upholding international law and human rights. However, it can be argued that the matter is not problematized beyond these factual, and quite rare, statements.
The government is also depicted as having a responsibility to act when debating British children in Syrian camps. This responsibility is discussed together with other European countries and governments and their approach. However, the responsibility over children of foreign fighters is depicted as building off of their parent’s citizenship status. Begums child, for example, was born after she was stripped of her citizenship and is then claimed to not count as a British citizen. Therefore, the UK government’s responsibility does not extend to this child, or others in similar situations.
It can be argued that portraying and characterizing Begum as someone far away from the UK, a non-member and a non-citizen of the British community, can make the situation seem more fair. Especially if she herself is responsible for her own actions. As mentioned previously, the Times even states that a “willing IS devotee” would be “deserving of banishment and exile”. In other words, the coverage appears to deem involvement with ISIS as guilt, and thereby responsibility. However, when Begum is depicted and quoted as “unremorseful” it might be possible to argue that she is not taking responsibility for her own actions. In one article it is stated that she is “talking with calm reflection as she considered the catastrophic set of choices which led to the revocation of her citizenship and the loss of all 3 of her children”. This very much suggests, not only action, but responsibility. Begums set of choices have led to her losing her citizenship and the death of her children, in other words she is responsible for her situation. With the previous mentioned mentality, being responsible for the situation could also be argued to equal a deserving of banishment. This could then be underlined by the fact that she appears as not taking responsibility for her actions. The argument would also be connected to agency, somewhat claiming that her previous agency and now verbal agency equals responsibility.
The 2019 coverage also includes some hints about Begum’s responsibility as a mother. She is said to have a “overwhelming desire to ensure her child’s safety”. This can be argued to be a very human desire and a pressing issue for a mother. However, together with the sense that
69 she is responsible for her own situation sheds a different light on her motherhood. Her previous actions to join ISIS casts a shadow over her trying to shoulder her responsibility as a mother. She is not able to take on this responsibility and save her baby, due to the “catastrophic set of choices” she has previously made.
To summarize, Begums previous agency is somewhat claimed to equal responsibility, that in turn suggests a legitimization of her situation in the camp and the UK governments decision.
7.25.2 Visual Analysis
Following up on the children, it can be argued that they in general evoke thought on responsibility of parents. Painting the image of these women bringing their children into war also suggests that they then are responsible for the tragic situation of children stranded in Syrian camps. Furthermore, it can also propose that they have failed their responsibility as parents and mothers. Since the collectivization of the women is extended towards Begum, it is possible to argue that she then also is responsible for giving birth to children in the caliphate, and in turn their deaths. This can be said to be highlighted further, since she somewhat “represents” other cases even in imagery. One example is the image of Begum with her baby under the headline “Isis bride with five sons lose UK citizenship”. The article is not about Begum or her case, however, the image of her and her baby is used for it. This can be argued, again, to point to a mother who failed in her responsibility as a parent and is represented by Begum whose baby died.
The fact that the parents are portrayed as failing in their responsibility, and that the children are the ones facing the camera in the imagery also points to a duty, through the angles of interaction. The duty and responsibility of the government and the home countries of the foreign fighters. This then ties in with the problem definition of what to do with citizens in Syrian camps, and more importantly, their children. The images support the text, that somewhat suggests that the most pressing issue and responsibility the governments have, are these children. The children are being looked down at by the camera, or looking back at it while being taken out of frame, suggesting that power lies somewhere else. This is underlined by one image of a mother and child with the article headline reading: “45,000 children of Isis are ‘ticking time bomb’”. It can be argued that the children in text are the ones lifted as most
70 vulnerable, innocent and in need of help. The images highlights this, by having the anonymous mothers turning away and the children looking back to the camera, perhaps to their home countries, begging for rescue.
7.26 Willing ISIS Devotee-Frame
Defining main problems as what to do with Begum and people like her, and figuring out what they are responsible for, results in an investigation of character and potential deserving of banishment. Begum’s previous agency in leaving for Syria, and her verbal agency in showing no regret, overshadow her current lack of agency in the camp. Further, the characterization of her as deviant, allied with Islamic militants, unremorseful and somewhat entitled is not only explicitly stated, but also connected to Islam and ISIS, mainly through the symbol of the veil. Further, the UK government is depicted as responsible, primarily for British citizens, especially children. However, this responsibility can be seen as rising from the failed responsibility of parents, Begum somehow representing them. It can be argued that Begums agency, that is tied to her deviant character, equals responsibility for her situation. Responsibility in turn equals guilt, and therefore a view of her as a willing ISIS devotee that is deserving of banishment and exile.
8. Conclusion & Discussion
8.1 The Frames
The analyzation of the material and the aspects of problem definition, agency, character and responsibility distinguished four different frames. These differ between years and outlet, while also sharing some common traits.
The Naive Victim-frame, used by the Guardian in 2015, portrays a young female victim mainly through the lack of agency and responsibility. Reduced to participants, Begum and her friends simply have things happening to them while other actors are left with responsibility and blame. The lack of agency and responsibility is paired with a depiction and problem definition of the girls being in danger, constructing the victim-part of the frame. Further, by characterizing Begum as a young, missing schoolgirl that has fallen into the clutches of a militant group, there is a certain naiveness to the portrayal. Put differently, it is not possible to argue that Begum was taken to Syria since imagery show her leaving willingly. A
71 rationalization of this young girl’s decision is then made through the characterization of her and her agency and responsibility, constructing a sense of her being naïve, lacking personal motivation, however still a victim.
In 2019, the Guardian continues to construct a frame of a victim. This is mainly done by depicting Begum as low in agency compared to the UK government that own, not only the power of agency, but the responsibility for its citizens and upholding international law. Deprived of her UK citizenship and potentially stateless, the Guardian look to Begum’s young age and position of vulnerability when discussing agency and responsibility. The overall problem definition, concerned with the human rights violation of leaving an individual stateless and the horrid conditions of the camp, ultimately deems Begum a victim in the situation. However, the characterization of her, that is ambivalent due to her victimhood and vulnerability but also her initial choice to leave the UK and the comments she has made in the media, deem her as imperfect. In other words, it seems apparent that Begum is in a vulnerable state, legally a victim, however her agency in traveling to Syria and joining ISIS seem to equal some sort of responsibility and therefore guilt. This is then different from the depiction of her in 2015, when she was still considered an innocent schoolgirl and a naïve victim without agency and responsibility affecting her character. It can be argued that a victim carrying guilt and responsibility is not innocent and pure in a stereotypical view, however, under international law she would still be considered a victim due to her statelessness. In 2019 then, it can again be argued that the Guardian is rationalizing a young girl’s questionable decisions, dubbing her somewhat divergent and imperfect, since the stereotypical view of a young female victim is someone who has not performed any controversial acts. This resulting in the Imperfect Victim-Frame.
The ISIS Radicalisation-Frame, used by the Times in 2015, is mainly made up by constructing a problem definition around ISIS propaganda and assigning the group agency and responsibility. Even though ISIS is depicted as the antagonist and root of the problem, and not Begum and her friends, the girls are assigned agency and responsibility in seeking out the propaganda online and then leaving to join ISIS. Furthermore, the characterization of them as runaways with agency and their family background suggests ties to Islam through references to the veil, Muslim parents and ISIS in general. This can be seen as an underlying attempt to place the girls closer to the Islamic State and what it stands for. What differentiates this frame from the one used by the Guardian at the time is the Time’s focus on the malice of
72 ISIS, that seem to allocate through things tied to Islam. This then strengthens the characterization of the girls but also their agency and responsibility, casting a shadow over them as potential victims of radicalisation. Instead they are runaways, conscious of their own acts, however, their running away from home is a result of ISIS radicalisation.
The Willing ISIS Devotee-Frame, that can be distinguished in the Times coverage in 2019, mainly arises from a problem definition trying to pinpoint Begum as a person, an investigation of character and potential deserving of banishment. Begum’s previous agency in leaving for Syria, and her verbal agency in showing no regret/not taking responsibility, overshadow her current lack of agency in the camp. Further, the characterization of her as deviant, allied with Islamic militants, unremorseful and somewhat entitled is not only explicitly stated, but also connected to Islam and ISIS, mainly through the symbol of the veil. It is stated, from the Time’s point of view, that someone who willingly devoted themselves to ISIS is deserving of exile and banishment. Begums agency then, that is tied to her deviant character, equals responsibility for her situation. Responsibility then equals guilt, and therefore a view of her as a willing ISIS devotee that is deserving of her current position as stateless in the camp.
The main difference between the two outlets overall is that one dubs Begum a victim, although an imperfect one, while the other deems that she is deserving of banishment and exile for willingly joining a group that spreads propaganda and radicalisation. In other words, she appears to be a victim of a human rights violation on one hand and a perpetrator deserving of her position as stateless on the other, especially when looking at the frames from 2019. Put differently, the Guardian questions the legality of the depravation of Begum’s citizenship, while the Times accepts, and perhaps excuses it.
It is then interesting to investigate and discuss how the human rights issue is prioritized in the reporting and what aspects that effect this prioritization within the frames. What it is exactly that makes Begum imperfect, although a victim, in the Guardian’s discourse and deserving of banishment in the Time’s.
8.2 Framing Begum’s Human Rights
By placing focus on international law and human rights, the Guardian provides debate and awareness of the legal facets of Begum’s case. This is done through constant referrals to and
73 quotes from legal experts, human rights organizations and lawyers, hearing all sides of the situation. This kind of reporting can be argued to inescapably construct a view of the situation as a potential human rights issue, since it is clearly stated and debated. There is no way around the obvious facts. According to Sampaio, this awareness and debate counts as contribution to the protection of human rights and would equal what she calls the medium depth of human rights reporting (Sampaio, 2016, p.34). The Guardian then adheres to this, and to the basic notion that the upholding of human rights should oppose discriminatory aspects of gender, race or ethnicity (Adjami & Harrington, 2008, p.109). The Guardian acknowledges that the position of statelessness is considered a situation of acute vulnerability (UDHR, 1948), prioritizes it in their reporting, and therefor deem Begum a victim. However, it might be possible to investigate how many discriminatory aspects that exists within the imperfect part of the 2019 frame, which will be lifted later in this discussion.
On the contrary, the Times, by prioritizing aspects of Begum as a person and focusing less on the potential human rights violation that is just mentioned briefly, can be argued to be dismissive in their human rights reporting. Put differently, they can be said to prioritize certain individual facets of gender and religion over the human rights issue. Klein (2011) claims that a dismissive pattern in human rights reporting can point to an attempt to promote or legitimize a certain worldview (p.43). This worldview then, might be able to connect to Sampaio’s theory on dismissive media’s potential to incite racism or xenophobia through distorted coverage of human rights (Sampaio, 2016, p.34). This ties in with the fact that the Times focus on Begum as a person often is linked to Islam and her as a Muslim. In other words, it can be argued that if the Times is of the political view that Begum should not be allowed to return, the dismissive reporting on human rights can be said to be used to legitimize actions that would prevent her from doing so. Above and beyond this dismissive reporting, she is framed as deserving banishment and exile mostly by being portrayed as deviant and belonging to “the others”, possibly inciting some sort of xenophobia or islamophobia.
8.3 Framing Begum as a Muslim
A common trait between the frames applied by the Times is a focus on ISIS and Islam. The religion and the veil can be argued to become a symbol, not only for Begum herself, but for ISIS as well. Boyle & Mower, who mention Islamophobia in their research, claim that there is
74 a lack of understanding of the Muslim world in the west, and that media discourse is then shaped in terms of fear (Boyle & Mower, 2018, p.206). It is then possible to argue that this fear, primarily tied to ISIS, is being prioritized in the reporting on Begum. Depicted as part of the group and “the others” she is differentiated from the UK and appear as strange and possibly even a dangerous enemy. Furthermore, an argument of the revoking of her citizenship is that she is a threat to the UK, underlining this sort of framing on terror and security, and Entman’s theory on knowledge networks. By bringing up events and terms that are culturally prominent, the Times can induce the fear and terror from the London bridge terror attack or the Manchester bombing to cases like Begums. This is the very underpinning of framing, suggesting that schemas can spread activation in people’s minds and induce certain feelings (Entman, 2004, p.14). In this case, feelings of terror and perhaps and islamophobia, which is then prioritized over the human rights aspect of the case. This goes hand in hand with Brown’s claims on stereotyping of Muslim women. Brown namely states that western media at length make Muslim women a symbol of difference. A stereotyping of these women, different from the “we” of the west, is prioritized in reporting on ongoing events (Brown, 2011, p.716). In other words, it can be argued that the discourse the Times produces is not uncommon, but perhaps unfair, since ethnicity and gender seem to alter the view on Begum’s human rights, which, according to the UDHR, is not allowed (UDHR, 1948).
For comparison, the Guardian can be said to not focus on and prioritize Begum’s religion or even her supportive statements about ISIS. Her religious background or devotion is not discussed and her and her family are not characterized in stereotypical Muslim ways. Instead, as previously mentioned, her basic rights as a human are lifted and debated, creating a view of issues above nationality and ethnicity, something universal that applies to all and should be prioritized in cases like this. However, even though it appears as the Guardians view of Begum as imperfect is not mainly connected to her religion or ethnicity, it is worth investigating the aspect of her womanhood.
8.4 Framing Begum as a Young Woman
Previous research has shown that the violent acts of a woman more often than not are portrayed and framed in the media through the lens of gender, in an effort to rationalize and explain an event (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.6). When constructing discourses of gender,
75 divided between what is seen as masculine and feminine, females who commit crimes are then portrayed as opposite of the traditional gender norms. The traditional view of a woman is then one who is naturally sensitive, nurturing and emotional, traits that does not pair well with terrorism or violence (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.6). For example, it is possible to question the Guardians Naïve Victim-Frame in 2015, asking if a young Muslim woman must be a submissive victim of some sort, excluding any potential political aspects or personal motivation. Would Begum be depicted in these passive terms if she was a young male leaving the UK to travel to Syria? Is it her gender, or the lens through which we view gender, that makes her a victim? Would her case have gotten the same amount of attention, causing a “media-frenzy” if she were male? A media-frenzy that may or may not have affected her future.
With this lens applied over gender and the stereotypical feminine traits, it is interesting to note that Shamima Begum continuously, by both the Guardian and the Times, is described as “unremorseful” and “unfazed”. Now, Begum is not known to have performed any acts of violence, but she did run away to join a terrorist group, and this is what she has no regrets about, even though being stranded in a camp, having lost three children.
It can then be argued that she does not appear to be sensitive, nurturing or emotional. In fact, this is the very essence of most of the results coming out of the visual analysis, especially from the Times. This supports the depiction of her as “unfazed” by everything going on around her and her own part in it. When reporting on the death of her baby, or the removing of her citizenship, the news is paired with images of her emotionless, sometimes almost smiling. The portrayal of Begum as deviant can then be argued to be an effort to place her on the opposite side of gender norms of femininity, somewhat explaining her persona and actions. Possibly also why she should not be forgiven or helped, why she is flawed.
Sjöberg & Gentry often connects this sort of portrayal in the category, or frame, of monster. This narrative point to traits that disrupts femininity and womanhood (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.37). This aspect can also be argued to be what makes Begum an imperfect victim in the Guardian’s discourse. If the stereotypical woman is nurturing and sensitive, she would not commit any illegal or violent acts, and should therefore be considered a victim in a situation like Begums. However, as clear by now, Begum does not fit into this idealized concept. Her womanhood has been disrupted by her actions, words and her failed motherhood, what can be
76 claimed to be the very essence of womanhood. Her femininity has been spoiled. She differs from the general idea that young females are innocent and somehow pure, making her an impure and imperfect woman. In the Guardian’s book her human rights still matter and make her a victim, since statelessness according to the UDHR equals “acute vulnerability” (UDHR, 1948), constructing a combination resulting in the frame of the imperfect victim. However, the Times uses Begum’s disrupted femininity to characterize her as wicked and bad, very much following the previously mentioned monster narrative.
It is then possible to debate the frames surrounding Begum’s case with her womanhood at the center. This since her disrupted femininity appears to be prioritized to some extent by both the Guardian and the Times. The Guardian deems her as imperfect while the Times lets the monster-narrative feed into the view of her deserving banishment. The difference, however, is that the Guardian deems Begum as a victim nevertheless, due to her acute vulnerability as stateless, while the Times do not. Meaning that the Times to some extent has prioritized aspects of gender above the fundaments of human rights.
8.5 Framing Begum in UK Political Discourse
If the very essence of framing theory is that certain facets are highlighted and prioritized over others, looking at how the Guardian and the Times frame Begum can tell us in what way they prioritize a human rights issue in their reporting.
It is possible to conclude that there indeed are some facets that are lifted and prioritized in the framing of Begum, overshadowing her fundamental human rights. The Times practices a discourse where frames made up by aspects of religion, ethnicity and gender are prioritized in the reporting of an actual human rights case, overshadowing, or excusing, the issue. Begum as a young Muslim woman is mulled over to greater extent than her as a human being and certain aspects of her are highlighted to be used against her, legitimizing the government’s decision. This while the Guardian to some extent highlights Begum’s role as a young woman when framing her from beginning to end. However, it is not prioritized in the overall construct of a human rights discourse, where the depravation of Begum’s UK citizenship in fact is considered a violation of human rights and reported on accordingly.
77 This might indicate that the two newspapers, widely rooted in the UK, and on different sides of the political spectrum, align their discourse with the political one, different in the way they frame Begum, but also in their treatment of human rights. It can be argued that this diversion then mirrors the political split that the case of foreign fighters in Syria has been said to cause in the UK. This split, that made the UK interesting to examine in the first place, can then be argued to stretch above and beyond the issue at hand. If the two outlets stand on opposing sides of the political spectrum, and their reporting mirrors the political discourse, there might be more to say about it. By looking at the framing of Shamima Begum, and thereby the issue overall, the general view on, not only politics, but human rights, creep in. If the Times, who can be said to lean towards and mirror the right in their reporting, prioritizes ethnicity and gender over fundamental human rights, what does that say about the political right in the UK, and xenophobia and islamophobia in UK society? Furthermore, since the UK somewhat stood out as taking a “hard line” on this issue, it is valuable to investigate what surrounds or underpins it.
The political polarization that caused the nation to be indecisive in the repatriating of foreign fighters, materializes in the case of Shamima Begum, exposing political frames and motives. Motives that can be argued to go beyond Begum herself. If Begum is a sort of catalyst, political views and agendas can be underlined and reinforced with the help of her case. Portraying her as belonging to “the others”, a security threat, can highlight a political aim to keep the nation and its citizens safe, or perhaps a populist rhetoric. While pointing out her vulnerability and the violation of human rights is a way of criticizing and undermining established, governing power.
In a nation that is politically polarized, a case like Shamima Begum can be argued to be used as a political poll or catalyst and is therefore interesting to study. Especially when it comes to human rights, that should be fundamental and universal. With the help of the media, who reflect and reinforce the political landscape, it might be possible to distinguish where friction arise, when fundamental values such as human rights collide with other strong, societal and stereotypical systems of beliefs. If the media not only mirrors but reinforces these different values, studying the prioritizing of them is vital. Investigating the framing of Begums case can help uncloak not only political agendas but views on ethnicity, race and gender and weather these discriminatory aspects can be prioritized over or affect the fundamental rights of a human being.
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9. Afterthought & Further Research
9.1 The Case of Shamima Begum
Shamima Begum is an interesting case to study, mainly because she was at the center of the debate on foreign fighters, both in the media and in UK Parliament. This might be explained considering the media seeking profit and sensation. The story of an impure, female victim and ISIS devotee might appear interesting, sensational even. It might be possible to argue that Begum did not only draw attention to herself and her case, coming to represent many like it, due to her statements in the media, but her role as a young woman in combination with these statements. Did Begum end up in the center of media’s spotlight because it is easy to twist, turn and ponder the acts and character of a young woman? Would a Muslim man be easier to write off as guilty, and therefore not as interesting to report on?
The excessive coverage of her persona and situation is astonishing, possible due to the ambivalent view of her. A naïve victim, a runaway schoolgirl, turned into a potential criminal, spoiled and imperfect, in some eyes deserving of exile. When not reading about her case, it is only possible to view the imagery of her, sitting still, with her hands in her lap in a camp far away. She is almost smiling, slightly, while the surrounding discourse and events are constituted by terror, children’s deaths and fierce political debate. She appears almost as an enigma, an Alias Grace, facing the media’s camera and the viewer with a smile like Mona Lisa’s. A smile, but not really, that humanity has pondered over time, never really being able to come to a consensus, deciding on its essence or meaning. However, Mona Lisa can be considered a woman of exception, since she throughout the years have maintained both a mysterious smile and a good reputation.
9.2 Further Research
79 For further research it would be interesting to compare the coverage and framing of female- and male foreign fighters respectively. Furthermore, what makes the perfect victim in a situation like this and what aspects are prioritized in that frame. In addition to this, if assuming that the Guardian and the Times can be accounted for as “mainstream media”, their discourse and frames might be interesting to compare to cumulative alternative media, such as right winged extremist webpages and forums. This to detect how much of the alt-right spirit and/or populism that has been bleeding into mainstream media and society in the UK. This study focused on the Guardian and the Times since they appear on opposite sides of the political spectrum, but still would count as mainstream media, to be able to determine the temperature of the UK political landscape. To allow for generalization, it would be possible to expand the study to incorporate more material and sources, to be able to draw conclusions in a larger context. Further, it would be possible to investigate imagery and its relation to the text more thoroughly.
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10. References
10.1 Digital sources
• BBC News (2019)”IS bride would face death penatly in bangladesh”, May 3rd Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-48154781 • Dutch News (2019) “British jihadi bride stripped of nationality pins hope on Dutch husband” February 20th Available at: https://www.dutchnews.nl/news/2019/02/british- jihadi-bride-stripped-of-nationality-pins-hope-on-dutch-husband/ • House of Commons, Hansard Parliament (2019) “UK Nationals returning from Syria”, February 18th Available at: https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/2019-02-18/debates/69E286BB- 03A2-4467-AB65-B3059436CD53/UKNationalsReturningFromSyria • ITV News (2019) “Shamima Begum 'shocked' as citizenship is revoked”, February 20th Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ccLZrF28yNA • NPR (2019) “Why European Countries Are Reluctant to Repatriate Citizens who are ISIS Fighters”, December 10th Available at: https://www.npr.org/2019/12/10/783369673/europe-remains-reluctant-to-repatriate- its-isis-fighters-here-s-why?t=1588666660792 • Press Gazette (2019) ”Times website and app break on day it secures major scoop on london schoolgirl who joined isis”, February 14th Available at: https://www.pressgazette.co.uk/times-website-and-app-break-on-day-it-secures-major- scoop-on-london-schoolgirl-who-joined-isis/ • The Guardian ”about us, histories of the newspapers” Retrieved February 2020 Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/gnm-archive/2014/dec/18/histories-of-the- newspapers
81 • The New York Times (2019) “Desperate Pleas to free Women and Children from ISIS Camps in Syria” October 21st Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/21/world/australia/isis-camp-syria.html • The Times, ”About us” Retrieved February 2020 Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/static/about-us/?region=global • United Kingdom, 1981, British Nationality Act Available at: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1981/61 • United Nations, 1948, Universal declaration of human rights Available at: https://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/
10.2 Printed Sources
• Adjami, M. and Harrington, J. (2008) ‘The Scope and Conent of Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, REFUGGE SURVEY QUARTERLY, p.93) • Bergström, Göran & Boréus, Kristina (red.) (2005). Textens mening och makt: metodbok i samhällsvetenskaplig text- och diskursanalys. 2., [omarb.] uppl. Lund: Studentlitteratur • Björkwall, Anders, (2017) in Analyzing text and discourse: eight approaches for the social sciences London: SAGE • Boréus & Bergström, (2017) in Analyzing text and discourse: eight approaches for the social sciences. London: SAGE • Boyle, K. and Mower, J. (2018) ‘Framing terror: A content analysis of Media frames used in covering ISIS’, Newspaper research Journal, p.205 • Brown, K. E. (2011) ‘Muriel’s wedding: News media representations of Europe’s first female suicide terrorist’, EUROPEAN JORUNAL OF CULTURAL STUDIES, p.705. • Bryman, Alan (2012). Social research methods. 4. ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press • Entman, Robert M. (2004). Projections of power [Elektronisk resurs] framing news, public opinion, and U.S. foreign policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press • European Parliamentary Research Service (2018) “The return of foreign fighters to EU soil”
82 • Fairclough, Norman (2010). Critical discourse analysis: the critical study of language. 2. ed. Harlow: Longman • Klein, J, (2011). ”The Rheetoric and ideology of Human Rights in the Media” in Papademas, Diana. Human Rights and Media Bradford: Emerald Group Publishing Limited • Lindekilde, Lasse, in Della Porta, Donatella (red.) (2014). Methodological practices in social movement research. Oxford: Oxford University Press • Machin, David (2007). Introduction to multimodal analysis. London: Oxford Univ Press • Maher, S. (2019) ‘ When jihadis come home: why no one is sure what should happen to Shamima Begum’, News Statesman. • Moore, K, (2017) in Tumber, Howard & Waisbord, Silvio R. (red.) (2017). The Routledge companion to media and human rights. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge • Sampaio Dias, Susana (2016). Reporting human rights. New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. • Sjoberg, Laura & Gentry, Caron E. (2007). Mothers, monsters, whores, women's violence in global politics. London: Zed Books Ltd • Van Djik, A, 2015, chapter ”critical discourse analysis” in The Handbook of Discourse Analysis, Second Edition. Edited by Deborah Tannen, Heidi E. Hamilton, and Deborah Schiffrin.
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Appendices
Appendix A.
Articles
The Guardian (2015) “UK police launch hunt for London schoolgirls feared to have fled to Syria” February 20th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/20/fears-london-schoolgirls-isis- syria
The Guardian (2015) “Syria-bound girls urged to come home by families” February 21st Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/21/syria-girl-family-islamic-state
The Guardian (2015) “Syria-bound missing schoolgirl’s father urges her not to fall into cluthes of Isis” February 22nd Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/22/uk-counter-terror-officials- criticised-syria-bound-london-schoolgirls
The Guardian (2015) “Turkey criticises UK over three schoolgirls who flew to Istanbul” February 23rd Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/23/turkey-criticises-uk-three- schoolgirls-istanbul
The Guardian (2015) “’Syria-bound’ teenagers: airlines must do more, says David Cameron” February 23rd Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/23/police-interviewed-missing- teenagers-december-london-school
The Guardian (2015) “London schoolgirls believed to have entered Syria, say Metropolitan police” February 24th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/feb/24/london-schoolgirls- believed-to-have-entered-syria-uk-police
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The Guardian (2015) “UK police move to take down Islamic State how-to guide from internet” February 25th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/25/uk-police-islamic-state-travel- guide-hijrah-turkey-syria-ctiru
The Guardian (2015) “CCTV images thought to show missing schoolgirls on way to Syria” March 1st Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/01/cctv-images-thought-to-show- missing-schoolgirls-on-way-to-syria
The Guardian (2015) “Police failed us, say families of girls feared to have gone to Syria” March 6th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/mar/06/syria-bound-girls-hid- police-letter-families
The Guardian (2015) “Families of Isis runaways demand Scotland Yard apology” March 8th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/mar/08/families-of-bethnal-green- isis-runaways-demand-police-apology
The Guardian (2015) “London schoolgirls’ Syria checklist found in bedroom” March 9th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/09/london-schoolgirls-syria- journey-checklist-found-in-bedroom
The Guardian (2015) “Missing girls lured by Isis won’t face terrorism charges, say Met chief” March 10th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/mar/10/missing-girls-stole-family- jewellery-syria-trip-police
The Guardian (2015) “Man suspected of helping UK schoolgirls join Isis is Syrian, says Turkey” March 13th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/13/man-uk-schoolgirls-join-isis- syrian-turkey-intelligence-agency
The Guardian (2015) “Latest video footage reportedly shows London teenagers en route to Syria” March 13th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/13/video-footage-london- teenagers-syria-turkey
The Guardian (2015) “Sharmeena Begum – British girl left to join Isis after upheavals at home” March 13th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/13/sharmeena-begum-first-of- british-girl-isis
85 The Guardian (2015) “Girls who ‘escaped Isis’ not east London teens, say families” May 14th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/14/girls-who-escaped-isis-not- east-london-teens-say-families
The Guardian (2015) “Two Bethnal Green schoolgirls ‘now married to Isis men’ in Syria” July 4th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jul/04/two-bethnal-green-schoolgirls- now-married-isis-men-syria
The Guardian (2019) “London schoolgirl who fled to join Isis wants to return to UK” February 14th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/14/london-schoolgirl-who-fled-to- join-isis-wants-to-return-to-uk
The Guardian (2019) “UK will not put officials at risk to rescue Isis Britons, says minister” February 14th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/feb/14/uk-isis-britons-officials- risk-syria-schoolgirl-shamima-begum
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum tells of fate since joining Isis during half-term” February 14th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/14/shamima-begum-friends- kadiza-sultana-amira-abase-joined-isis-syria
The Guardian (2019) “After Isis: what happens to the foreign nationals who went to Syria?” February 14th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/14/after-isis-what-happens-to-the- foreign-nationals-who-went-to-syria
The Guardian (2019) “Former MI6 director says schoolgirls who joined Isis should be ‘given a chance’” February 14th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/14/former-mi6-director-says- schoolgirl-shamima-begum-who-joined-isis-should-be-given-a-chance
The Guardian (2019) “Let Shamima Begum come back, say Bethnal Green residents” February 14th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/feb/14/let-shamima-begum-come- back-say-bethnal-green-residents
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum may have criminalized herself, says senior terrorism officer” February 15th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/15/mi6-chief-britons-joined-isis- cannot-stopped-returning-shamima-begum
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The Guardian (2019) “Let Shamima Begum return to UK or risk more terror recruits, say expert” February 16th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/feb/16/shamima-begum-isis- extremism-expert-criticises-sajid-javid
The Guardian (2019) “Trump is right, UK must take back Isis fighters- ex-British army chief” February 17th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/17/trump-is-right-uk-must-take- back-isis-fighters-ex-british-army-chief
The Guardian (2019) “Isis Briton compares Manchester bombing to western airstrikes” February 18th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/18/islamist-extremism-in-uk- shamima-begum
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum: Isis Briton faces move to revoke citizenship” February 19th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/19/isis-briton-shamima-begum-to- have-uk-citizenship-revoked
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum: will the plan to revoke her citizenship succeed?” February 20th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/feb/20/shamima-begum-could-the- plan-to-revoke-her-citizenship-be-stopped
The Guardian (2019) “What is the truth about Shamima Begum’s citizenship status?” February 21st Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/feb/21/what-is-the-truth-about- shamima-begums-citizenship-status
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum: I am willing to change to keep British citizenship” February 22nd Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/feb/22/shamima-begum-willing-to- change-in-plea-to-retain-british-citizenship
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum says she regrets publicizing desire to return to UK” February 24th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/feb/24/shamima-begum-says-she- regrets-publicising-desire-to-return-to-uk
The Guardian (2019) “Sajid Javid: difficult to strip Shamima Begum of UK citizenship” February 27th
87 Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/feb/27/sajid-javid-difficult-to-strip- shamima-begum-of-uk-citizenship
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum moved after threats in Syria camp, says lawyer” March 1st Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/01/shamima-begum-moved- from-syrian-camp-after-threats
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum: Dutch husband wants to take teenager to Netherlands” March 3rd Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/03/shamima-begum-dutch- husband-wants-to-take-teenager-to-netherlands
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum: baby son dies in Syrian refugee camp” March 9th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/08/shamima-begum- confusion-after-reports-newborn-son-may-have-died
The Guardian (2019) “Hunt rejects headline-driven approach to babies like Shamima Begum’s” March 10th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/10/jeremy-hunt-rejects- headline-driven-approach-shamima-begum
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum’s mother asks Home Office to show mercy” March 11th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/11/shamima-begum-mother- asks-home-office-to-show-mercy
The Guardian (2019) “Ministers urged to help UK families of foreign fighters in Syria” March 12th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/12/ministers-urged-to-help-uk- families-of-foreign-fighters-in-syria
The Guardian (2019) “Up to 3,000 Isis children living in ‘extremely dire conditions’” March 13th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/13/up-to-3000-children-born-to- isis-families-housed-in-dire-conditions
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum’s lawyer held back by Syrian forces” March 17th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/17/shamima-begum-lawyer- held-back-by-syrian-forces
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum family challenge Javid’s citizenship decision” March 20th
88 Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/20/shamima-begum-family- challenge-sajid-javid-over-citizenship-decision
The Guardian (2019) “UK under pressure to return children of Isis mothers” April 7th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/apr/07/begum-lawyer-working-to- repatriate-british-children-of-isis-fighters
The Guardian (2019) “Jeremy Corbyn defends Shamima Begum’s right to legal aid” April 15th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/apr/15/jeremy-corbyn-defends- shamima-begum-right-to-legal-aid
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum would face death penalty in Bangladesh, says minister” May 4th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/may/04/shamima-begum-would- face-death-penalty-in-bangladesh-says-minister
The Guardian (2019) “Sajid Javid accused of ‘human fly-tipping’ in Shamima Begum case” May 31st Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/may/31/sajid-javid-accused- shamima-begum-case-syria
The Guardian (2019) “Met police seek access to journalists’ material on Shamima Begum” August 6th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/aug/06/metropolitan-police-seek- access-journalists-material-shamima-begum
The Guardian (2019) “Lawyer for Begum’s family says legal ploy could stop her return to Britain” August 10th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/aug/10/lawyer-for-uk-isis-woman- shamima-begum-says-police-building-criminal-case
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum: journalists will not have to hand over notes” September 4th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/sep/04/shamima-begum- journalists-will-not-have-to-hand-over-notes
The Guardian (2019) “Lib Dems to call for overhaul of revocation of UK citizenship rules” September 15th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/sep/15/lib-dems-to-call-for- overhaul-of-revocation-of-uk-citizenship-rules-shamima-begum
The Guardian (2019) “Britain makes move to bring home children of Isis suspects from Syria” October 20th.
89 Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/20/uk-to-repatriate-isis-children- in-syria
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum begins appeal against loss of UK citizenship” October 22nd Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/oct/22/shamima-begum-begins- appeal-against-loss-of-uk-citizenship
The Guardian (2019) “Shamima Begum faces ‘extreme scenario’ in citizenship appeal” October 24th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/oct/24/shamima-begum-faces- extreme-scenario-in-citizenship-appeal
The Guardian (2019) “UK government considered repatriation of British Isis members” October 25th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/25/uk-government-considered- repatriation-of-british-isis-members-shamima-begum
The Guardian (2019) “Red Cross criticises UK for stripping Isis recruits of citizenship” November 30th Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/nov/30/red-cross-criticises-uk-for- stripping-isis-recruits-of-citizenship
The Times (2015) “Fears for three UK schoolgirls ‘headed to Syria’” February 20th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/fears-for-three-uk-schoolgirls-headed-to- syria-hwc2m59mbj8
The Times (2015) “Runaway schoolgirls were on police radar two months ago” February 21st Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/runaway-schoolgirls-were-on-police-radar- two-months-ago-tx2qhlp327c
The Times (2015) “Syria runaways ‘failedä by UK security” February 22nd Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/syria-runaways-failed-by-uk-security- tqn2gl9b3s2
The Times (2015) “Families plead for runaway girls to return” February 23rd Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/families-plead-for-runaway-girls-to-return- vwmmjdt2jf8
The Times (2015) “Airline is facing new questions about runaway schoolgirls” February 24th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/airline-is-facing-new-questions-about- runaway-schoolgirls-dhvdvbzlzzk
90
The Times (2015) “Runaway girls are already in Syria, police believe” February 25th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/runaway-girls-are-already-in-syria-police- believe-bctr796n2lt
The Times (2015) “Girls ‘ met at Syria border by jihadists’” February 26th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/girls-met-at-syria-border-by-jihadists- gq2339x9ktr
The Times (2015) “CCTV shows runaway schoolgirls at bus station en route to Syria” March 1st Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/cctv-shows-runaway-schoolgirls-at-bus- station-en-route-to-syria-b5wt69mkks3
The Times (2015) “Tell daughters of sex grooming threat, Muslim parents are told” March 10th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/tell-daughters-of-sex-grooming-threat- muslim-parents-are-told-hjm2ct7qmmt
The Times (2015) “Runaway girl’s checklist for trip to join jihadist found” March 10th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/runaway-girls-checklist-for-trip-to-join- jihadists-found-psb0pvzz7vz
The Times (2015) “Runaway girls ‘stole family jewellry’ to fund Syria trip” March 11th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/runaway-girls-stole-family-jewellery-to- fund-syria-trip-033v5rj3qm3
The Times (2015) “Spy arrested in connection with runaway British schoolgirls, says Turkey” March 12th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/spy-arrested-in-connection-with-runaway- british-schoolgirls-says-turkey-lb3frqmlbt2
The Times (2015) “Runaway girls helped by Isis double agent” March 13th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/runaway-girls-helped-by-isis-double-agent- wzvcs3mmfhx
The Times (2015) “Revealed: first of four teenage schoolgirls who fled to Syria” March 14th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/revealed-first-of-four-teenage-schoolgirls- who-fled-to-syria-8ff5wx3nnpg
The Times (2015) “British trio stopped on way to join Islamic State” March 16th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/british-trio-stopped-on-way-to-join-islamic- state-gk36qcjw398
91 The Times (2015) “Scotswoman denies luring schoolgirls” March 17th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/scotswoman-denies-luring-schoolgirls- xbzpddbk5zp
The Times (2015) “Isis suspected ‘tried to reach Syria on her twin’s passport” March 19th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/isis-suspect-tried-to-reach-syria-on-her- twins-passport-hhzq76lwwxr
The Times (2015) “Parents of Isis runways accused of embracing victimhood” March 21st Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/parents-of-isis-runaways-accused-of- embracing-victimhood-w0l5jdp3782
The Times (2015) “Police are hopeless, say parents of Isis girls” March 24th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/police-are-hopeless-say-parents-of-isis-girls- xhsmt2l2slz
The Times (2015) “Runaway’s father joined hate rally” March 29th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/runaways-father-joined-hate-rally- q3lw5nf2fwr
The Times (2015) “Nine Britons held on Syrian border” April 2nd Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/nine-britons-held-on-syrian-border- cv5nvbnd227
The Times (2015) “Junk food and beheadings: runaway schoolgirl tweets about life wirth Isis” April 27th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/junk-food-and-beheadings-runaway- schoolgirl-tweets-about-life-with-isis-d2xh8ltj607
The Times (2015) “London schoolgirls ‘not among those fleeing Isis” May 14th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/london-schoolgirls-not-among-those-fleeing- isis-9lvkfhwqjhz
The Times (2015) “We’re not coming back, insists runaways in Syria” May 29th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/were-not-coming-back-insist-runaways-in- syria-mxkr8f9mxnp
The Times (2015) “Runaway schoolgirls ‘married in Isis ceremonies’” July 4th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/runaway-schoolgirls-married-in-isis- ceremonies-jgv750wvgxb
The Times (2015) “British schoolgirl now married to Australian Isis fighter” July 12th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/british-schoolgirl-now-married-to-australian- isis-fighter-0lf5sr70dpt
92
The Times (2015) “Missing schoolgirl ‘has married Ginger Jihadi’” July 13th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/missing-schoolgirl-has-married-ginger- jihadi-krr08cwj7t0
The Times (2015) “Desperately seeking the Bethnal Green girls” September 21st Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/desperately-seeking-the-bethnal-green-girls- qh7bhn3wcwb
The Times (2015) “Women are attracted by utopian message of empowerment” November 20th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/women-are-attracted-by-utopian-message-of- empowerment-0lrvb68wczt
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum: Bring me home, says Bethnal Green girl who left to join Isis” February 13th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-bring-me-home-says- bethnal-green-girl-who-fled-to-join-isis-hgvqw765d
The Times (2019) “Isis bride ‘may be targeted by Islamists and far right’” February 14th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-isis-terrorist-jihadist-bride- may-be-targeted-by-islamists-and-far-right-tnc6mnxsv
The Times (2019) “She has Stockholm syndrome, say family of Bethnal Green runaway Shamima Begum” February 15th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/she-has-stockholm-syndrome-say-family-of- bethnal-green-runaway-shamima-begum-kp57mnjf5
The Times (2019) “People should feel sorry for me, says Isis bride Shamima Begum after third child is born” February 17th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/take-back-captured-isis-fighters-donald- trump-tells-europe-as-shamima-begum-gives-birth-qkf22x2ln
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum; you should have sympathy for me” February 18th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-you-should-have- sympathy-for-me-bcfr6q6pq
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum case highlights lack of terror law reviewer” February 18th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/begum-case-highlights-lack-of-terror-law- reviewer-c0t5j2fxw
The Times (2019) “Theresa May rejects Donald Trump’s call to take back and try Isis fighters” February 19th
93 Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/theresa-may-rejects-donald-trumps-call-to- take-back-and-try-isis-fighters-3ndv85g9n
The Times (2019) “Isis runaway Shamima Begum stripped of her British citizenship” February 20th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/isis-runaway-shamima-begum-stripped-of- her-british-citizenship-w97nlm9x3
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum case reveals gap in terror advice” February 21st Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-case-reveals-gap-in-terror- advice-37lkhf9cb
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum: Javid adviser warns ban on Isis bride could aid extremists” February 22nd Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-javid-adviser-warns-ban- on-isis-bride-could-aid-extremists-k0fk3r8zm
The Times (2019) “French Isis captives are handed to Iraq for trial” February 26th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/french-isis-captives-are-handed-to-iraq-for- trial-m90xspkgj
The Times (2019) “Hundreds of babies born to British Isis brides could be living in Syria” February 28th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/sajid-javid-says-there-could-be-hundreds-of- british-isis-babies-dgzv0vqmq
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum moved to new camp after threats from other jihadi brides” March 2nd Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-moved-to-new-camp-after- threats-from-other-jihadi-brides-7hwl93c3v
The Times (2019) “I’d love to live in Netherlands as a family, says Isis bride Shamima Begum’s husband” March 4th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/id-love-to-live-in-netherlands-as-a-family- says-isis-bride-shamima-begums-husband-5vv8qpwl6
The Times (2019) “Isis bride Shamima Begum’s baby dies after falling ill at camp” March 9th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/isis-bride-shamima-begums-baby-dies-after- falling-ill-at-camp-wgsx2wqls
The Times (2019) “Isis brides with five sons lose UK citizenship” March 10th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/isis-brides-with-five-sons-lose-uk- citizenship-vrdndb6vq
94 The Times (2019) “We are working on a plan to rescue British jihadists’ children, says Jeremy Hunt” March 11th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/we-are-working-on-a-plan-to-rescue-british- jihadists-children-says-jeremy-hunt-tbgdf63j8
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum husband: Isis bride is heartbroken and alone” March 29th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-husband-isis-bride-is- heartbroken-and-alone-tjv0pf7pp
The Times (2019) “Gavin Williamson: Don’t allow jihadists back” April 2nd Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/gavin-williamson-don-t-allow-jihadists-back- 8c3nmwwkt
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum: I was brainwashed. I knew nothing” April 10th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/isis-bride-shamima-begum-i-regret- everything-please-let-me-start-my-life-again-in-britain-9g0tn08vn
The Times (2019) “Jeremy Corbyn backs legal aid for Isis bride Shamima Begum” April 16th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/jeremy-corbyn-backs-legal-aid-for-isis-bride- shamima-begum-m9522gqq8
The Times (2019) “Defence secretary calls for legal aid review over Isis bride grant” April 17th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/defence-secretary-calls-for-legal-aid-review- over-isis-bride-grant-hbjtfh22l
The Times (2019) “Isis bride Shamima Begum ‘would face the death penalty in Bangladesh’” May 4th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/isis-bride-shamima-begum-would-face-the- death-penalty-in-bangladesh-sj2g7rtk7
The Times (2019) “45,000 children of Isis ‘are ticking time bomb’” May 8th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/45-000-children-of-isis-are-ticking-time- bomb-lp0nq9q2m
The Times (2019) “Sajid Javid accused of exploiting Shamima Begum to aid career” May 31st Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/javid-accused-of-exploiting-jihadi-bride-to- aid-career-0bcj9mj56
The Times (2019) “Authorities challenged over Jack Lett’s British citizenship” June 22nd Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/authorities-challenged-over-jack-letts-british- citizenship-k3mr33pt0
95
The Times (2019) “Families of London Bridge terror victims are denied legal aid” June 24th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/families-of-london-bridge-terror-victims-are- denied-legal-aid-rgstmmzjw
The Times (2019) “The Met demands journalists’ notes on jihadi bride Shamima Begum” August 6th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-met-demands-journalists-notes-on-jihadi- bride-shamima-begum-2x2ct93r2
The Times (2019) “Canada criticises decision to revoke Jihadi Jack’s British citizenship” August 19th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/jihadi-jacks-parents-call-sajid-javid-a- coward-c6h0qvffj
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum: police lose fight for access to notes by Times reporter Anthony Loyd” September 4th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-police-lose-court-fight-for- access-to-notes-by-times-reporter-anthony-loyd-gmgvr5b3q
The Times (2019) “Isis bride Shamima Begum can never come home, insists Priti Patel” September 30th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/isis-bride-shamima-begum-can-never-come- home-insists-priti-patel-8n3s5ljn9
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum at risk of death, citizenship appeal told” October 23rd Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-at-risk-of-death-citizenship- appeal-told-d3qlpp8rh
The Times (2019) “Shamima Begum: I fear psychotic Isis women” October 25th Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/shamima-begum-i-fear-psychotic-isis- women-2z08s30jl
96
Appendix B
Imagery
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97
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99 10.
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101 14.
102 15.
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103 17.
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104 20.
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105 22.
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