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Hun Sen's Talks and Cambodia's Tourism Development: The
Hun Sen’s Talks and Cambodia’s Tourism Development: the Discourse of Power Vannarith Chheang1 Summary This paper discusses the talks/speeches made by the Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen in respect of tourism development policies in Cambodia. Thirty eight speeches were identified and analyzed using textual analysis and the discourse of power. Nine factors to develop tourism were found discussed: security and safety for tourists; infrastructure and tourism facilities development; stakeholder collaboration; cultural heritage preservation; environmental protection; human resources development; tourism products marketing and promotion; simplification of travel procedures; and regional cooperation. Introduction Tourism is a highly political phenomenon, the implications of which have been only rarely perceived and almost nowhere fully understood. (Richter, 1989: 2) Tourism studies have developed over the last few decades. Many approaches have been developed from different disciplines to examine and explain the tourism phenomenon. However, there is little literature on tourism from the political science perspective (Hall, 1994:1). The seminal studies of the politics of tourism include the works of Elliott (1997), Hall (1994), Hall and Jenkins (1995), Jeffries (2001), Matthews, 1975, 1978, and Richter (1989). These studies mainly focus on the state and the use of power in managing and mismanaging tourism. The discourse of power is one of the starting points for looking at tourism from a political perspective. For instance, Xiao (2006) analyzes five talks made by Deng Xiaoping in respect to tourism development in China. In a similar vein, this paper attempts to analyze the speeches and talks made by the Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen which are pertinent to tourism development in Cambodia. -
PM: Cambodia Is Not a Place for Establishment of Any Government in Exile DPM Hor Namhong: No Deal on Foreign Refugees Reached Y
PAGE1 YEAR: 7 NO: 67 BULLETIN: MAY 2014 CONTENT: PM: Cambodia Is Not a Place for Establishment of Any Government PM: Canbodia Is not a Place for Establishment of Anu Government in in Exile Exile AKP Phnom Penh, use its territory to Cambodia would not as Pheu Thai Party DPM Hor Namhong: No Deal on Foreign May 27, 2014 – establish any move- interfere in Thai af- understand Cambo- Refugees Reached Yet Samdech Akka Mo- ment against any for- fairs. dia’s stance.” between Cambodia and ha Sena Padei Techo eign government, “As Cambodia Samdech Techo Australia PAGE 1 Hun Sen, Prime underlined the Cam- shares border with Prime Minister also Minister of the King- bodian premier at a Thailand, we have to took the opportunity Cambodia, Japan Sign the Exchange of Notes dom of Cambodia, graduation ceremony maintain normal re- to call on the Cam- on the Grant Aid for said here this morn- of the Royal Univer- lations with the bodian people who “Japanese Development ing that Cambodia sity of Phnom Penh country despite civil have been traveling Scholarship” Project PAGE 2 will not allow any held at Koh Pich or military-ruled and working in Thai- country or any group Convention and Ex- government,” said land to respect the Cambodia, UNESCO Reach MoU on Drafting to form a govern- hibition Center. Samdech Techo Hun country’s law by not the Law on Access to ment in exile on its Regarding the cur- Sen. “There is no joining any anti- or Information [Cambodian] territo- rent situation in other choice, I hope pro-government ac- Congratulatory Cere- ry. -
Cambodia: Human Rights Before and After the Elections
May 1993 Vol.5 No.10 CAMBODIA: HUMAN RIGHTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE ELECTIONS I. INTRODUCTION Cambodians will go to the polls on May 23 in an atmosphere of political and ethnic violence and renewed civil war. The elections are the culmination of a 17-month United Nations presence, the largest, most ambitious and most expensive peace-keeping effort ever, which was supposed to bring about an end to the conflict. Instead, Cambodia is faced with as much fighting as when the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) entered the country in March 1992, and a spiralling level of serious human rights abuses. The "neutral political environment" that was supposed to be the precondition for elections is entirely absent. The five permanent members of the Security Council and other drafters of the 1991 Paris peace accords, formally known as the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict, are determined to go ahead with the elections regardless. But what happens on May 23 is almost less important than what happens in the days after the results are announced. Asia Watch believes that an analysis of the missteps that led to the current human rights situation is critically important to determining how, or perhaps whether, human rights of Cambodians can be protected under whatever government comes to power then. The reasons for the deterioration in the human rights situation in late 1992 and early 1993 are complex. None of the parties to the conflict has a history of respect for human rights and one, Democratic Kampuchea, better known as the Khmer Rouge, has one of the worst human rights records in modern history. -
The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an Ambiguous Good News Story
perspectives The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: An Ambiguous Good News Story Milton Osborne A u g u s t 2 0 0 7 The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent international policy think tank based in Sydney, Australia. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Perspectives are occasional papers and speeches on international events and policy. The views expressed in this paper are the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an ambiguous good news story Milton Osborne It’s [the Khmer Rouge Tribunal] heavily symbolic and won’t have much to do with justice . It will produce verdicts which delineate the KR leadership as having been a small group and nothing to do with the present regime. Philip Short, author of Pol Pot: anatomy of a nightmare, London, 2004, quoted in Phnom Penh Post, 26 January8 February 2007. Some ten months after it was finally inaugurated in July 2006, and more than twentyeight years after the overthrow of the Democratic Kampuchean (DK) regime led by Pol Pot, the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more familiarly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, has at last handed down its first indictment. -
Microsoft Office 2000
mCÄmNÐlÉkßrkm<úCa Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Genocide Education is Genocide Prevention Education on Democratic Kampuchea History in Cambodia (1975-1979) Report 28th Classroom forum on "the importance of studying the Khmer Rouge history (1975-1979) at Bun Rany Hun Sen Koh Dach High School Report by: Seang Chenda January 23, 2018 Documentation Center of Cambodia (constituted in 1995) Searching for the Truth: Memory & Justice EsVgrkKrBit edIm, IK rcg©M nig yutþiFm‘’ 66 Preah Sihanouk Blvd. P.O.Box 1110 Phnom Penh Cambodia t (855-23) 211-875 [email protected] www.dccam.org Table of Content Overall Summary ............................................................................................................................................ 3 Purpose of the forum .................................................................................................................................... 4 Forum ................................................................................................................................................................. 5 1 Opening remark ...................................................................................................................................... 5 2 Pre-forum survey and K-W-L chart ................................................................................................. 5 3 Documentary film screening .............................................................................................................. 5 4 Presentation of DK history and -
07 Raimund Weiß 3교OK.Indd
Asian Journal of Peacebuilding Vol. 8 No. 1 (2020): 113-131 doi: 10.18588/202005.00a069 Research Article Peacebuilding, Democratization, and Political Reconciliation in Cambodia Raimund Weiß This research article explains why Cambodia’s dual transition of peacebuilding and democratization after the civil war led to peace but not democracy. The research finds that democratization often threatened peacebuilding in Cambodia. Particularly elections led to political instability, mass protests, and renewed violence, and thus also blocked reforms to democratize Cambodia’s government institutions. By applying the war-to-democracy transition theory and theories of political reconciliation to Cambodia’s dual transition, the following research article finds that a lack of political reconciliation between Cambodia’s former civil war parties is the main reason why the dual transition failed. This article argues that peace-building and democratization are only complementary processes in post-civil war states when preceded by political reconciliation between the former civil war parties. Keywords Cambodia, dual transition, peacebuilding, democratization, war-to-democracy transition theory Introduction The year 2020 marks almost thirty years of peacebuilding in Cambodia. The country appears to have overcome the violence and destruction of two civil wars and the totalitarian Pol Pot regime. Cambodia experiences the longest-lasting peace since gaining independence from France in 1953. But despite this progress, peacebuilding in Cambodia did not lead to the consolidation of liberal multiparty democracy as foreseen in the Paris Peace Accords. In July 2018, Cambodia held the sixth national election since the end of the civil war. The incumbent Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) under Prime Minister Hun Sen won for the first time all 125 seats of Cambodia’s National Assembly. -
Quarterly Progress Report Head Safe
Quarterly Progress Report Head Safe. Helmet On. December 2014 – February 2015 Grant No. AID-OAA-F-14-00012 March 2015 Asia Injury Prevention Foundation 12B Ngoc Khanh, Ngoc Khanh Ward Ba Dinh District, Hanoi, Vietnam, 1148457 (84-8) 3771 0700 Fax (84-8) 3771 0701 http://www.asiainjury.org/ Disclaimer This report is made possible by the generous support of the American People. The contents of this report are the sole responsibility of the Asia Injury Prevention Foundation and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government. Table of Contents 1. Executive Summary .............................................................................................................. 1 2. Quarterly Progress ................................................................................................................. 2 2.1. Initial Project Activities ................................................................................................ 3 2.1.1 Preparation and Project Launch ......................................................................... 3 2.2. Program Components ................................................................................................ 4 2.2.1 School-Based Program ....................................................................................... 4 2.2.2. Behavior Change Communication ....................................................................10 2.2.3. Enabling Environment Campaign .....................................................................15 -
Cambodia: Background and U.S
Order Code RL32986 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Cambodia: Background and U.S. Relations July 8, 2005 Thomas Lum Asian Affairs Specialist Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Cambodia: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Cambodia has made some notable progress, with foreign assistance, in developing its economy, nurturing a civil society, and holding elections that are at least procedurally democratic. A number of significant problems remain, however. Weak legal and financial institutions, corruption, political violence, and the authoritarian tendencies of the Cambodian Prime Minister, Hun Sen, have discouraged foreign investment and strained U.S.-Cambodian relations. U.S. interests in Cambodia include human rights, foreign assistance, trade, and counter terrorism. Several current measures by the United States government reflect human rights concerns in Cambodia. Since 1998, foreign operations appropriations legislation has barred assistance to the Central Government of Cambodia in response to Prime Minister Hun Sen’s seizure of power in 1997 and sporadic political violence against the opposition. The United States has also withheld assistance to the Khmer Rouge tribunal unless standards of judicial independence and fairness are met. Despite these restrictions, Cambodia remains the third largest recipient of United States assistance in Southeast Asia after Indonesia and the Philippines. S.Res. 65would call upon the Government of Cambodia to release Member of Parliament Cheam Channy from prison and to restore the immunity from prosecution of opposition parliamentarians. In 2005, the State Department placed Cambodia in Tier 3 as a country that had not made adequate efforts to eliminate trafficking in persons. -
The S. Rajaratnam Private Papers
The S. Rajaratnam Private Papers Folio No: SR.261 Folio Title: Articles, Newspaper Articles, Conferences – Vietnam, Cambodia 1) Hun Sen 2) Norodom Sihanouk 3) Khmer Rouge 4) Withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer troops from Kampuchea ITEM DOCUMENT DIGITIZATION ACCESS DOCUMENT CONTENT NO DATE STATUS STATUS Withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer troops from SR.261.001 Undated Digitized Open Kampuchea Withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer troops from SR.261.002 Undated Digitized Open Kampuchea SR.261.003 1988 Law on foreign investment in Vietnam Digitized Open SR.261.004 20/12/1988 Hanoi pulls out 18,000 troops Digitized Open Vietnamese troop withdrawal from Cambodia will be SR.261.005 5/12/1988 Digitized Open definitive - minister SR.261.006 1988 Vietnam commentary Digitized Open SR.261.007 18/11/1988 Brunei-S'pore efforts on Cambodia to go on Digitized Open SR.261.008 13/10/1988 Vietnamese troop withdrawal comes to standstill Digitized Open SR.261.009 5/10/1988 Hanoi claims troop pull-out slowed by rain Digitized Open SR.261.010 8/8/1988 Hanoi's sincerity will be put to the test at UN Digitized Open SR.261.011 8/8/1988 Bogor talks seen as a breakthrough of sorts Digitized Open SR.261.012 1/8/1988 Search for a durable Kampuchean solution Digitized Open SR.261.013 29/7/1988 Khmer peace panel to be set up Digitized Open SR.261.014 29/7/1988 Dhana and Thach exchange sharp words Digitized Open 1 of 4 The S. Rajaratnam Private Papers ITEM DOCUMENT DIGITIZATION ACCESS DOCUMENT CONTENT NO DATE STATUS STATUS SR.261.015 22/7/1988 Fears surface as Viets begin -
Fourth Quarterly Report, October – December, 2018
mCÄmNÐlÉkßrkm<úCa DOCUMENTATION CENTER OF CAMBODIA Phnom Penh, Cambodia DC-Cam Quarterly Report: October-December, 2018 Prepared and Compiled by Dara Vanthan Deputy Director Edited by Cindy Coleman Phnom Penh’s First Cathedral Documentation Center of Cambodia (constitutedin 1995) Searching for the Truth: Memory & Justice EsVgrkKrBitedIm, IK rcg©MnigyutþiFm‘’ 66 Preah Sihanouk Blvd.P.O.Box 1110Phnom PenhCambodia t(855-23) 211-875 [email protected] Executive Summary This is the first quarterly report covering the period from October to December of 2018. During this period, DC-Cam continues to implement the four objectives, listed below, with support from USAID and other donors, including U.S. Department of State/Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL), International Coalition of Sites of Conscience, East-West Management Institute (EWMI) and the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ). At the same time, DC-Cam maintains vigorous collaboration with the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport for genocide research and education in Cambodia, the Ministry of Tourism for the Anlong Veng Peace Center and the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts for the support of the Genocide Museum’s research. The four objectives are: Augment and maintain a publicly accessible historical record of the Khmer Rouge period, Promote justice through support to the Khmer Rouge tribunal process, Increase the Cambodian public’s knowledge of the Khmer Rouge period, and Promote human rights, democracy and the rule of law in Cambodia and the region. On November 20, 2018, the U.S Agency for International Development (USAID) released a statement on its website by hailing the November 16 verdict rendered by the ECCC convicted former Khmer Rouge senior leaders Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan of genocide crimes. -
Reparations to Victims of Gross Human Rights Violations: the Case of Cambodia
REPARATIONS TO VICTIMS OF GROSS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS: THE CASE OF CAMBODIA * HAO DUY PHAN The world community has introduced various legal instruments regarding reparations for gross violations of human rights. In Cambodia, however, reparations for those seriously and systematically deprived of their rights by the Khmer Rouge regime remain an unresolved issue, even after the establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the Prosecution of Crimes Committed during the Period of Democratic Kampuchea. In so complicated a case as Cambodia’s, there are many questions regarding the reparations issue that are left unanswered. This Article examines the issue and offers some recommendations for a feasible and effective reparation program for the Khmer Rouge’s victims. I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................... 277 II. OBLIGATIONS TO PROVIDE REPARATIONS TO THE VICTIMS OF THE KHMER ROUGE ..................................................................................... 279 III. A STATE OF INACTION ............................................................... 284 IV. POTENTIAL RECIPIENTS OF REPARATION .................................. 288 V. MOST LIKELY FORMS OF REPARATIONS ................................... 290 VI. HOW COMPENSATION SHOULD BE MADE ................................. 291 VII. CONCLUSION .............................................................................. 297 I. INTRODUCTION On April 17, 1975, two weeks before the fall of Saigon, Phnom Penh fell to the Khmer Rouge’s control, marking the start of the dark history of the “Killing Fields.” The Khmer Rouge regime launched a campaign to create a “clean social system” through which it massively abused human rights, forcing as many as three million people to evacuate the * Hao Duy Phan holds an S.J.D. from American University Washington College of Law. He has been a Research Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore and the East-West Center in Washington D.C. -
Authoritarian Politics and the Outcome of Nonviolent Uprisings
Authoritarian Politics and the Outcome of Nonviolent Uprisings Jonathan Sutton Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies/Te Ao o Rongomaraeroa University of Otago/Te Whare Wānanga o Otāgo July 2018 Abstract This thesis examines how the internal dynamics of authoritarian regimes influence the outcome of mass nonviolent uprisings. Although research on civil resistance has identified several factors explaining why campaigns succeed or fail in overthrowing autocratic rulers, to date these accounts have largely neglected the characteristics of the regimes themselves, thus limiting our ability to understand why some break down while others remain cohesive in the face of nonviolent protests. This thesis sets out to address this gap by exploring how power struggles between autocrats and their elite allies influence regime cohesion in the face of civil resistance. I argue that the degeneration of power-sharing at the elite level into personal autocracy, where the autocrat has consolidated individual control over the regime, increases the likelihood that the regime will break down in response to civil resistance, as dissatisfied members of the ruling elite become willing to support an alternative to the status quo. In contrast, under conditions of power-sharing, elites are better able to guarantee their interests, thus giving them a greater stake in regime survival and increasing regime cohesion in response to civil resistance. Due to the methodological challenges involved in studying authoritarian regimes, this thesis uses a mixed methods approach, drawing on both quantitative and qualitative data and methods to maximise the breadth of evidence that can be used, balance the weaknesses of using either approach in isolation, and gain a more complete understanding of the connection between authoritarian politics and nonviolent uprisings.