The Ideological Context of the Disability Rights Critique: Where Modernity and Tradition Meet

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Ideological Context of the Disability Rights Critique: Where Modernity and Tradition Meet Florida State University Law Review Volume 30 Issue 2 Article 8 2003 The Ideological Context of the Disability Rights Critique: Where Modernity and Tradition Meet Janet Dolgin [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Janet Dolgin, The Ideological Context of the Disability Rights Critique: Where Modernity and Tradition Meet, 30 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. (2003) . https://ir.law.fsu.edu/lr/vol30/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida State University Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW DISABILITY EQUALITY AND PRENATAL TESTING: CONTRADICTORY OR COMPATIBLE? Adrienne Asch VOLUME 30 WINTER 2003 NUMBER 2 Recommended citation: Adrienne Asch, Disability Equality and Prenatal Testing: Contradictory or Compatible?, 30 FLA. ST. U. L. REV. 315 (2003). FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW THE IDEOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF THE DISABILITY RIGHTS CRITIQUE: WHERE MODERNITY AND TRADITION MEET Janet Dolgin VOLUME 30 WINTER 2003 NUMBER 2 Recommended citation: Janet Dolgin, The Ideological Context of the Disability Rights Critique: Where Modernity and Tradition Meet, 30 FLA. ST. U. L. REV. 343 (2003). THE IDEOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF THE DISABILITY RIGHTS CRITIQUE: WHERE MODERNITY AND TRADITION MEET JANET DOLGIN* I. BEYOND THE LAW: THE ABORTION DEBATE AND DISABILITY RIGHTS................ 346 II. MATTERS OF MORALS / MATTERS OF LAW ........................................................... 348 A. The Ideological Context of Debate................................................................ 348 B. The Ideological Context: The Debate About Family.................................... 349 C. The Erosion of Institutional Arbiters........................................................... 351 D. A Discourse About Abortion Alongside the “Debate About Abortion”......... 353 III. THE DISABILITY RIGHTS CRITIQUE, THE DEBATE ABOUT ABORTION, AND THE MEANING OF FAMILY ........................................................................................... 356 A. The Disability Rights Critique and the Law ............................................... 357 B. The Disability Rights Critique and American Ideology.............................. 359 IV. CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................ 361 Erik Parens and Adrienne Asch have summarized the disability rights critique of prenatal testing in two broad claims:1 “that prena- tal genetic testing followed by selective abortion is morally problem- atic, and that it is driven by misinformation.”2 These claims, though consonant with assertions of many pro-life groups, are intended to serve different ends. Parens and Asch explain that most authors as- sociated with the disability rights critique are feminists who support a woman’s right to abortion.3 In contrast, pro-life adherents predicate differences between women and men on inexorable natural truths and define their position about abortion as an inevitable correlate of * Maurice A. Deane Distinguished Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law. 1. The term “critique” as used in this Article refers to the disability rights critique of prenatal testing, embryo selection and selective abortion. This Article discusses the work of Professor Adrienne Asch and others who have contributed to the development of the dis- ability rights critique of prenatal genetic testing, embryo selection and selective abortion. The Article focuses on the work of Adrienne Asch because she participated in the Sympo- sium from which this issue of the Law Review developed. See Adrienne Asch, Disability Equality and Prenatal Testing: Contradictory or Compatible?, 30 FLA. ST. U. L. REV. 315 (2003). Often, the Article speaks broadly about the work of the disability rights critique. Limitations of space preclude detailed discussion of differences among those associated with the work of the critique. Such differences do exist. 2. Erik Parens & Adrienne Asch, The Disability Rights Critique of Prenatal Genetic Testing: Reflections and Recommendations, in PRENATAL TESTING AND DISABILITY RIGHTS 3, 13 (Erik Parens & Adrienne Asch eds., 2000). Parens and Asch further describe the cri- tique through three broad assertions: first, that discrimination is the central problem for disabled people and for their families; second, that those who abort a “desired child” be- cause of a disability diagnosed through prenatal testing “suggest that they are unwilling to accept any significant departure from the parental dreams that a child’s characteristics might occasion”; and third, that selective abortion constitutes an “unfortunate, often misin- formed decision that a disabled child will not fulfill what most people seek in child rear- ing.” Id. at 12-13. 3. Id. at 12 (naming Adrienne Asch, Martha Saxton, Anne Finger, and Deborah Kap- lan). 343 344 FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW [Vol. 30:343 a world in which women and men enjoy different statuses and per- form different roles.4 Yet, pro-life activists would seem further to echo adherents of the disability rights critique in categorizing abor- tion of “‘damaged’ embryos” as the “most offensive” of all abortions.5 Again, however, these concrete similarities are belied by each group’s encompassing goals. Adherents of the critique do not argue that se- lective abortion is problematic because abortion is problematic. Moreover, the “misinformation” to which Parens and Asch refer does not refer expressly to the ontological status of the fetus.6 Rather, they refer to misinformation about “what life with disability is like for children with disabilities and their families.”7 To adherents of the critique, its basic propositions are not concerned centrally with abor- tion. Rather these propositions concern attitudes toward disability and “toward children, parenthood, and ultimately ourselves.”8 The critique’s platform and analysis situate its adherents in the middle of a much wider discourse within American society about the scope and meaning of family. That discourse incorporates a series of related debates about reproduction (including abortion) and about the shifting contours of the relationship between parents and chil- dren. The work of those associated with the disability rights critique— which seems often to belie social expectations about visions of family from the “left” and visions of family from the “right”—provides an unusual context within which to explore the dimensions of a broad 4. See KRISTIN LUKER, ABORTION AND THE POLITICS OF MOTHERHOOD 201 (1984). Luker explains that “abortion has become a symbolic marker between those who wish to maintain this division of labor [based on gender] and those who wish to challenge it.” Id. This claim is representative, not comprehensive. It does not apply to all of those who op- pose abortion. See, e.g., Ruth Colker, Feminism, Theology, and Abortion: Toward Love, Compassion, and Wisdom, 77 CAL. L. REV. 1011, 1074 (1989) (suggesting that we “give more credence both to arguments about how women’s well-being is affected by abortion leg- islation and to arguments about how our valuation of life is affected by abortion policy” and attempting to “understand more fully the arguments of both the pro-choice and pro-life ad- vocates”). 5. LUKER, supra note 4, at 207. Luker reports that for pro-life activists to defend “‘damaged’ embryos” is particularly praiseworthy because it is to defend “the weakest of the weak, and most pro-life people we interviewed were least prepared to compromise on this category of abortion.” Id. at 207-08. 6. Marsha Saxton speaks about a disability activist who identified fetuses as “our people.” Marsha Saxton, Disability Rights and Selective Abortion, in ABORTION WARS: A HALF CENTURY OF STRUGGLE, 1950-2000, at 374, 383 (Rickie Solinger ed., 1998). Saxton comments: Are those in the disability rights movement who question or resist selective abortion trying to save the “endangered species” of disabled fetuses? When this metaphor first surfaced, I was shocked to think of disabled people as the target of intentional elimination, shocked to realize that I identified with the fetus as one of my “species” that I must try to protect. Id. 7. Parens & Asch, supra note 2, at 20. 8. Id. at 19. 2003] IDEOLOGICAL CONTEXT 345 ideology9 of personhood in terms of which Americans contemplate the shifting contours of family and of relationships between individuals and community more broadly. Those who have developed the critique oppose embryo selection and selective abortion while working to safeguard the right to abortion in general.10 They remain committed to autonomous individuality and choice, and they work to delineate the meaning of community. However, for those who favor a pro- choice position, these propositions present hard questions. Moreover, as Adrienne Asch has suggested, the questions are not easily enter- tained by law or the political process.11 This Article explores the ideological implications of sustaining a pro-choice position with regard to abortion generally alongside a po- sition that frowns on abortion for the specific purpose of selecting against an embryo or fetus identified as carrying disabling traits. The exploration aims to contextualize each position within a broader social debate about the parameters of family life. It begins by
Recommended publications
  • Downloaded At
    THE BROWN MOMENT IN TAIWAN: MAKING SENSE OF THE LAW AND POLITICS OF THE TAIWANESE SAME-SEX MARRIAGE CASE IN A COMPARATIVE LIGHT Ming-Sung Kuo & Hui-Wen Chen+ The Taiwan Constitutional Court (TCC) recently issued a landmark decision in Interpretation No. 748 (the Same-Sex Marriage Case), declaring the definition of marriage as a gender-differentiated union of a man and a woman under the Civil Code unconstitutional and setting the stage for Taiwan to become the first in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage. This decision has been compared to Obergefell v. Hodges. However, reading Obergefell in the broad context of the gay rights movement and the role of judicial review in Taiwanese constitutional politics, we challenge this analogy. Due to the discrepancy between the social movement and the law in the fight for constitutional rights for gays and lesbians in Taiwan, the Same-Sex Marriage Case is Taiwan’s Brown v. Board of Education moment in her constitutional law and politics. To make sense of the law and politics of the Same Sex Marriage Case, we evaluate its political context and the text and style in its reasoning. We observe a discrepancy between law and politics in the pursuit of the constitutional rights of gays and lesbians in Taiwan. The rise of same-sex marriage to the top of the antidiscrimination agenda resulted from the continuous effort of gay rights activists, while the TCC watched this movement from the sidelines until the Same-Sex Marriage Case. This case thus mirrors Brown in two respects. First, the role of the TCC has been publicly questioned after its Brown-like contentious decision on the issue of same-sex marriage.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Federalist Ninth Amendment and Its Implications for State Constitutional Law Calvin R
    University of California, Hastings College of the Law UC Hastings Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 1990 The Anti-Federalist Ninth Amendment and Its Implications for State Constitutional Law Calvin R. Massey UC Hastings College of the Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Calvin R. Massey, The Anti-Federalist Ninth Amendment and Its Implications for State Constitutional Law, 1990 Wisconsin Law Review 1229 (1990). Available at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship/1130 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ANTI-FEDERALIST NINTH AMENDMENT AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR STATE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW CALVIN R. MASSEY* The ninth amendment has, of late, been the focus of much academic re- flection. In this Article, Professor Massey provides a provocative thesis regarding the intended purposes and uses of the ninth amendment. Professor Massey con- tends that the amendment is one of substance, guaranteeing the existence of citizens' rights, both created and preserved in state constitutions. Although in recent years the ninth amendment' has become the topic of considerable academic commentary,2 for the most part courts have ignored the amendment as a source of substantive constitutional rights.3 This general lack of attention, however, has been distinguished * Associate Professor of Law, University of California, Hastings. I express my ap- preciation to the National Association of Attorneys General, at whose annual seminar on state constitutional law I delivered a preliminary version of these thoughts.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights and the Ninth Amendment: a New Form of Guarantee Jordon J
    Cornell Law Review Volume 60 Article 3 Issue 2 January 1975 Human Rights and the Ninth Amendment: a New Form of Guarantee Jordon J. Paust Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jordon J. Paust, Human Rights and the Ninth Amendment: a New Form of Guarantee, 60 Cornell L. Rev. 231 (1975) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol60/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE NINTH AMENDMENT: A NEW FORM OF GUARANTEE Jordon J. Paustt We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain unalienableRights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 1776 Even those who are aware only of the two instances of substan- tial and violent human rights deprivation which occurred in Bang- ladesh a few years ago and in much of Nazi-controlled Europe over a quarter of a century ago should readily recognize the intense interdependency that exists between peace and the effec- tive realization of fundamental human values. Such a recognition has been made by the United Nations,' and the United Nations Charter contains a related pledge of the United States and all other member nations to take joint and separate action in cooperation with the UN for the effective implementation of a "universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all."' 2 Not only has it been recognized that human rights and peace are interdependent, but many observers have also noted an increasing interdependency among all people which should form the basis for a cooperative concern for the rights of others.
    [Show full text]
  • Written Constitutions and Unenumerated Rights
    Written Constitutions and Unenumerated Rights ERIC SLAUTER ^ I ^HE NINTH AMENDMENT to the Constitution ofthe United I States, which declares that the 'enumeration in the Con- .L stitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people,' raises an obvi- ous problem for the practice of text-centered constitutional his- tory. While scholars bave traced the origins of most ofthe rights protected in the first ten amendments, sometimes devoting whole books to individual clauses, to date no one has written a similar study of tbe Ninth Amendment. It is easy to understand why. The enumerated rights of free speech or a free press present concrete objects for historical analysis, but because the nature and scope of the Ninth Amendment is itself subject to debate, it has not been especially clear what a prehistory of unenumerated rights would, should, or could examine. Political and legal scholars, to be sure, have attended to the im- mediate context ofthe production ofthe Ninth Amendment and have tried to provide a sense of the content of its protections. Legislative histories focus especially on James Madison's propo- sals for amendments in June 1789 and on changes made to those proposals in Congress later that summer. Turning from the pro- cess by which the text was formulated to the question of what rights the Ninth Amendment was designed to protect, some legal commentators see rights not enumerated in the Constitution as ERIC St^^trrEH is an assistant professor of English at the University of Chicago. Copyright © 2007 by American Antiquarian Society 277 278 American Antiquarian Society enumerated somewhere else.
    [Show full text]
  • Made in Taiwan: Alternative Global Models for Marriage Equality
    Scholarly Commons @ UNLV Boyd Law Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 2019 Made in Taiwan: Alternative Global Models for Marriage Equality Stewart Chang University of Nevada, Las Vegas -- William S. Boyd School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.law.unlv.edu/facpub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Sexuality and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Chang, Stewart, "Made in Taiwan: Alternative Global Models for Marriage Equality" (2019). Scholarly Works. 1260. https://scholars.law.unlv.edu/facpub/1260 This Article is brought to you by the Scholarly Commons @ UNLV Boyd Law, an institutional repository administered by the Wiener-Rogers Law Library at the William S. Boyd School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MADE IN TAIWAN: ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL MODELS FOR MARRIAGE EQUALITY Stewart Chang* Abstract This Article comparatively analyzes the judicial decisions that led to same-sex marriage equality in Taiwan, South Africa, and the United States. After first evaluating the structural mechanisms that led Taiwan to become the first Asian nation to legalize same-sexmarriage through Interpretation No. 748 of the Taiwan Constitutional Court, this Article then draws comparisons to how marriage equality was similarly affected through a delayed imposition of the court order in South Africa to allow the legislature an opportunityto rectifythe law in Minister of Home Affairsv. Fourie, and finallyconsiders how these approaches provide equally viable and more inclusive alternativesto the incrementaliststrategy employed by ayg rights activists in the United States that resulted in Obergefellv. Hodges. In the United States, same-sex marriage equality was accomplished through an incrementalist approach that recommends a certain ordering/or judicial lawmaking- that societal values must change and evolve first, and action by the Court follows after to reflect the change in societal morals.
    [Show full text]
  • Judicial Opinions, Speeches, Writings
    Report of the Center for Reproductive Rights on the Nomination of Judge Brett Kavanaugh to be Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court August 30, 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY …………………………………………………………………..…1 I. BACKGROUND …………………………………………………………………….…..3 A. Nomination ……………………………………………………………………..…...3 B. Biography ……………………………………………………………………..…….3 II. JUDGE KAVANAUGH’S REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS RECORD……………..…..4 A. Abortion…………………………………………………………………………...….4 1. Garza v. Hargan (2017) …………………………………………………...…5 a. Three-Judge Panel Decision …………………………………..……6 b. En Banc Decision ………………………………………………..…..7 2. Writings and Speeches ……………………………………………………..10 B. Contraception …………………………..……………..……………..……………..13 Priests for Life v. Health & Human Services (2015) …………………........14 C. Maternal Health ……………..……………..……………..………………………..17 1. Seven-Sky v. Holder (2011) ……………..……………..…………………….18 2. Writings ……………..……………..……………..……………..……….......18 CONCLUSION ……………..……………..……………..……………..……………………...19 i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Center for Reproductive Rights uses the power of law to advance reproductive rights as fundamental human rights around the world. For over 25 years, our game-changing litigation and advocacy work—combined with our unparalleled expertise in the use of constitutional, international, and comparative human rights law—has transformed how reproductive rights are understood by courts, governments, and human rights bodies. Through our work on five continents, we have played a key role in securing legal victories before national courts, United Nations Committees, and regional human rights bodies on reproductive rights issues including access to life-saving obstetrics care, contraception, maternal health and safe abortion services, as well as the prevention of forced sterilization and child marriage. In the United States, we litigate extensively in federal and state courts to ensure reproductive health services are available across the country. Since our founding, we have been involved in every major Supreme Court case on abortion rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Law, Integrity and the 9Th Amendment
    Foreign Law, Integrity and the 9th Amendment Jeremy Raphael I. Introduction Throughout the past century of our legal culture, federal courts have affirmed through various rulings that unenumerated rights exist and are equally as important as enumerated rights. The common way judges have justified the existence of these unenumerated rights has been through the due process clauses of the 5th and 14th amendment. Thus, most legal challenges dealing with rights brought before our Supreme Court have involved substantive due process, a principle that aims to protect individuals from majoritarian policy enactments that exceed the limits of government authority. This doctrine of legal reasoning has brought about a positive expansion of civil liberties, particularly within the realm of privacy.1 However, the method, while popular among jurists, does not always give strong support for the pre-institutional existence of fundamental rights.2 Looking elsewhere in our Constitution for a justification of protecting moral rights provides 1 See Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 501 (1965); Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 U.S. 438 (1972); Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973); Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003) 2 See John Hart Ely, Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review 18 (1980); see John Harrison, Substantive Due Process and the Constitutional Text, 83 VA. L. REV. 493, 552 (1997) (offering a detailed analysis of various arguments by which substantive due process might be derived from the constitutional text, but concluding that "the textual plausibility of the various derivations of substantive due process are uniformly negative" and that none of them provides "a natural understanding of the language").
    [Show full text]
  • Unenumerated Rights
    OKLAHOMA LAW REVIEW VOLUME 62 WINTER 2010 NUMBER 2 BLACKSTONE’S NINTH AMENDMENT: A HISTORICAL COMMON LAW BASELINE FOR THE INTERPRETATION OF UNENUMERATED RIGHTS JEFFREY D. JACKSON* Table of Contents Introduction .............................................. 167 I. Historically Construing the Ninth Amendment: Whose Views Are Important? ............................................ 172 II. The Ninth Amendment in Context: Whose Rights? . 175 A. The English Constitution and the Rule of Law . 176 B. The Influence of Natural Law ............................ 179 C. The Framing ......................................... 185 D. The Ratification....................................... 188 III. Whose Common Law? ................................... 200 IV. What Does It Mean?..................................... 212 A. Some Conclusions..................................... 214 B. And Some Criticisms................................ 220 Conclusion ............................................... 222 Introduction The Ninth Amendment explicitly states that “[t]he enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”1 This seems to clearly indicate that there are * Associate Professor of Law, Washburn University School of Law. I would like to thank Bill Rich, Bill Merkel, John Bickers, Linda Elrod, Aida Alaka, and Joe McKinney for their helpful comments and input on this article. Thanks also to Washburn University School of Law for its research support, and to Angela Carlon, J.D., 2009, and Karl Wenger, J.D., 2008, for their research and input. 1. U.S. CONST. amend. IX. 167 168 OKLAHOMA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 62:167 rights other than those in the text of the Constitution that should be recognized as constitutional. Further, the United States Supreme Court has recognized a number of unenumerated rights under a variety of rationales.2 Nevertheless, the question of how to identify and give form to these rights still continues to pose problems for judges, lawyers, and legal scholars alike.
    [Show full text]
  • Food Choice: Should the Government Be at the Head of the Table?
    Oklahoma Law Review Volume 67 Number 1 2014 Food Choice: Should the Government Be at the Head of the Table? Emily Semands Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/olr Part of the Food and Drug Law Commons Recommended Citation Emily Semands, Food Choice: Should the Government Be at the Head of the Table?, 67 OKLA. L. REV. 149 (2014), https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/olr/vol67/iss1/4 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by University of Oklahoma College of Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Oklahoma Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Oklahoma College of Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Food Choice: Should the Government Be at the Head of the Table? Was the government to prescribe to us our medicine and diet, our bodies would be in such keeping as our souls are now. – Thomas Jefferson1 I. Introduction: Too Much Crying over Sold Milk A year-long sting operation in Pennsylvania, complete with undercover identities, culminated in a pre-dawn raid one spring morning in 2010.2 Federal agents investigated the man selling illicit substances by placing orders for such items under assumed names.3 In order to protect human health and safety, the federal authorities decided the man had to be stopped.4 The contraband in question? Raw milk.5 The perpetrator? Amish dairy farmer Daniel Allgyer, who had illegally provided raw milk to willing consumers across interstate lines.6 In June of the same year, but on the other side
    [Show full text]
  • Finding a New Home for the Abortion Right Under the Ninth Amendment
    FINDING A NEW HOME FOR THE ABORTION RIGHT UNDER THE NINTH AMENDMENT Allison N. Kruschke* ABSTRACT This essay advocates locating the foundation of the constitutional right to an abortion in the Ninth Amendment. Using the Ninth Amendment to recognize the right to an abortion, this article argues, is a better path than using the Fourteenth Amendment because it takes the determination of whether an abortion is a protected right outside the moral realm. The analysis under the Fourteenth Amendment of whether a right is “deeply rooted in the tradition” of the United States inevitably stirs a debate about whether the public considers abortion morally acceptable. In recognizing the right to an abortion under the Ninth Amendment, no such analysis is necessary. The text of the Ninth Amendment allows the U.S. Supreme Court to recognize this protected right without an inquiry into historical tradition. Instead, the Court can use natural law principles, as contemplated by the Founders, to recognize that private conduct is worthy of constitutional protection and acknowledge that the Ninth Amendment affords these rights to the people. The Ninth Amendment states that “the enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”1 This provision of the Constitution recognizes that citizens of the United States have rights that are not expressly contemplated in the text of the Constitution.2 The Supreme Court has acknowledged this concept throughout its history, most notably in its recognition of a right to privacy that encompasses fundamental and * J.D. 2020, Michigan State University College of Law; B.A.
    [Show full text]
  • A Preliminary Study in Comparative Hermeneutics
    UNENUMERATED CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS AND UNENUMERATED BIBLICAL OBLIGATIONS: A PRELIMINARY STUDY IN COMPARATIVE HERMENEUTICS Samuel J. Levine* I. INTRODUCTION In 1986, Robert Cover wrote of an "explosion of legal scholarship placing interpretation at the crux of the enterprise of law."' As examples of this phenomenon, Cover cited the works of such influential scholars as Ronald Dworkin2 and James Boyd White,3 as well as law review symposia,4 which, Cover noted, fo­ cused on "interpretation" or "hermeneutics. "5 As part of the continuing emphasis on hermeneutics in constitutional interpre­ tation, a body of literature has emerged comparing constitu­ tional textual analysis to Biblical hermeneutics." This scholar- Assistant Legal Writing Professor & Lecturer in Jewish Law, St. John's Univer­ sity School of Law; LL.M. 1996, Columbia University; Ordination 1YlJ6, Yeshiva Univer­ sity; J.D. 1YY4, Fordham University; B.A. 1Y90, Yeshiva University. An earlier draft of this Essay received an Award in the 1YY7 St. John's University Vincentian Chair of Social Justice Human Rights Research Competition. 1. Robert M. Cover, Violence and the Word, Y5 Yale L.J. 1601, 1601-02 n.2 (1986 ). 2. See Ronald Dworkin, Law's Empire (Belknap Press, 1986). 3. See James Boyd White, Heracles' Bow (U. of Wisconsin Press, 1985); James Boyd White, When Words Lose Their Meaning (U. of Chicago Press, 1984). 4. See Interpretation Symposium, 58 S. Cal. L. Rev. 1 ( 1985); Symposium, Law and Literature, 60 Tex. L. Rev. 373 (1982). 5. Cover, 95 Yale L.J. at 1602 n.2 (cited in note 1). 6. See, e.g., Jim Chen, Book Review, 11 Const.
    [Show full text]
  • Unenumerated Rights
    COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW (U.S./CANADA/AUSTRALIA),2009 ed. 2‐1 CHAPTER TWO: UNENUMERATED RIGHTS KEY CONCEPTS FOR THE CHAPTER ● U.S. COURTS HAVE HELD THAT THE FIFTH AND FOURTEENTH AMENDMENTS’ PROTECTION AGAINST DEPRIVATION OF LIBERTY WITHOUT DUE PROCESS OF LAW HAS TWO COMPONENTS: LIBERTY CANNOT BE DEPRIVED UNLESS CERTAIN PROCEDURES ARE USED BY GOVERNMENT, AND CERTAIN RIGHTS THAT ARE ENCOMPASSED BY “LIBERTY” CANNOT BE DEPRIVED UNLESS THE GOVERNMENT CAN JUSTIFY THE DEPRIVATION. THE LATTER CONCEPT IS KNOWN AS “SUBSTANTIVE DUE PROCESS” ● IN NEITHER CANADA NOR THE U.S. ARE INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS ABSOLUTE. ‐ IN THE U.S., CERTAIN “FUNDAMENTAL” RIGHTS CAN BE LIMITED ONLY IF THE GOVERNMENT PERSUADES JUDGES THAT THERE ARE GOOD REASONS FOR DOING SO; FOR “NON‐FUNDAMENTAL” RIGHTS, COURTS DEFER TO LEGISLATIVE JUDGMENTS UNDER THE SO‐CALLED “RATIONAL BASIS” TEST ‐ IN CANADA, THE CHARTER PROTECTS “FUNDAMENTAL” RIGHTS AND SUBJECTS THEM TO CLOSE SCRUTINY UNDER A 4‐PRONG TEST (THE “OAKES” TEST); NON‐FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS ARE SIMPLY DEEMED NOT TO BE PROTECTED BY THE CHARTER ● GIVEN THE BREADTH OF THE LANGUAGE OF THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT AND S.7 OF THE CANADIAN CHARTER, IDENTIFICATION OF RIGHTS WORTHY OF ACTIVE JUDICIAL PROTECTION IS A MATTER OF JUDICIAL DISCRETION AND JUDGMENT, CONSIDERING THE TEXT, HISTORY, PRECEDENTS, AND ABILITY OF COURTS TO APPLY JUDICIALLY MANAGEABLE STANDARDS ‐ IN PARTICULAR, JUDGES ON BOTH SIDES OF THE BORDER STRUGGLE TO DISTINGUISH THE PROTECTION OF RIGHTS FROM THE DISCREDITED “LOCHNER ERA,” WHICH HISTORY SUGGESTS INVOLVED JUDGES STRIKING DOWN PROGRESSIVE LEGISLATION BECAUSE OF THEIR PERSONAL RIGHT‐WING POLITICAL VIEWS • THE AUSTRALIAN FRAMERS INCORPORATED SEVERAL RIGHTS INTO THE CONSTITUTION, BUT EXPLICITLY REJECTED OPEN‐ENDED CONSTITUTIONAL ENTRENCHMENT OR INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS.
    [Show full text]