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,— SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI
By D. D. SHARMA M.A., Ph. D
Department of Sanskrit PANJAB 'UNIVERSITY, CHANDIGARH
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PUBLICATIOIM BUREAU PANJAB UNIVERSITY : CHANDIGARH 4
Published by Bal Krishna, M.A., Secretary, Publication Bureau, Panjab University, Chandigarh.
Copyright ©
First Edition: November, 1971
Prict : R*. 30.00
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Printed by SHRI DEV DATT SHASTRI, at the V. V. R. Institute Press, Sadhu Ashram, Hoshiarpur, #
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SYLLABIC STRUCTURE
O F HINDI AND PANJABI
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uf\ I PREFACE
Efforts have been made from the earliest period of human history to unfold the mvsteries and Indian and Greek philosophers and grammarians contributed, in a considerable measure, to the various aspects of human speech behaviour. The beginning of the nineteenth century saw an unprecedented zeal among scholars to make the linguistic science more comprehensive and handy. Numerous studies were made to analyse the historical and structural aspects of various languages of the world. During the current century this science has made tremendous progress. A multi-dimensional approach is being made to analyse the linguistic behaviour of various speech communities in different parts of the world. All over the world, linguists are busy in finding out ways and means to make the linguistic behaviour of one community easily communicable to other linguistic communities within the shortest possible time, and with accuracy and perfection.
Dr. D. D. Sharma of this'University, who is a dedicated worker in this field, carried on an analytical study of Hindi and Panjabi languages for a number of years and the present volume is the result of his sustained endeavour. The work was considered to be of high merit and warranted its publication by the Panjab University on that account. This work contains a comprehensive and integrated study of these two major languages of our country, more particularly from the view-point of their syllabic structure.
It is hoped that this study of the speech-habits of the speakers of these two neighbouring languages will contribute :to the advancement of linguistic studies in this country and inspire young scholars to oeesent manv more similar synthetic studies on Indian languages.
Suraj Bhan VICE-CHANCELLOR Panjab University CHANDIGARH *
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i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
For the pleasant task of expressing my gratitude to scholars (listed in the bibliography) and my friends and well-wishers for the help rendered to me from time to time in bringing out this volume on 'Syllabic Structure of Hindi and Panjabi', I find myself in an embarra ssing position to make a specific mention of all of them. However* all such help, received directly or indirectly, is hereby gratefully acknow- dged them is a must for me. So. over and above all, I offer my profound gratitude to the Saint Scholar, Padma Bhashan Dr. Siddheshwar Varma, at whose feet I learnt the A.B.G of Linguistics and who was always accessible to me and had granted to me the liberty to snatch away his precious time for the discussion of my varied problems. I can never forget the constant inspiration and kind affection that I had been receiving from him throughout the progress of this work. He not only spared time to go through the whole material and write his reflections on it, but also obliged me by writing the 'foreword' of this book. I am indeed deeply beholden to him*
I am equally grateful to our learned Vice-Chancellor, Padma Bhashan Shri Suraj Bhan Ji, for his generous, recommendation for the publication of this work by the Panjab University! Chandigarh. In fact* the publication of this work would not have been possible so early but for his kind help and encouragement.
Last, but not the least, I express my thanks to Prof. Dr. D. N. Shukla, Head of the Sanskrit Department and Shri Bal Krishna, Secretary, Publication Bureau, Panjab University, Chandigarh for taking keen interest in expediting relevant matters and to the Manager, V.V.R.I. Press, Sadhu Ashram, Hoshiarpur for giving the maximum co-operation in the printing of this work.
Z). £>. Sharma V
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I FOREWORD
This treatise on the "Syllabic Structure'of Hindi and Panjabi" is an important landmark in the history of Linguistic stu'dies in this country. For the first time we find here a synthetic presentation of two important languages, from the comparative point of view. The analytical presentation of works like V. B. Arun : "A Comparative Phonology of Hindi and Panjabi" ; Gill and Gleason "A Reference Grammar of Panjabi" and a few others have been very useful indeed, but it is being felt that language being essentially a continuum, the synthetic aspects of India's important languages must be investigated*
"Syllabic structure" symbologically represents this synthetic presentation. A syllable or "sound-beat" is the germ of this synthesis, while syllabic structure is a connected body of phonemes, the dynamic spirit of that body is accentuation, being a'Controlling Principle', as Daniel Jones named it.1
It is hoped that all aspirants for a higher plane of Linguistics will welcome this work as a boon and a blessing, for it is only a work of this type'which could meet the basic requirements of Linguistics, viz. accountability, interrelationship and patternization.2 Only-a synthetic methodology could help the investigator in meeting these requirements. .
A few notable features of this synthetic presentation may be illustrated here:—
(1) By far the most important contribution of the author is his evaluation of syllabic position, which at once introduces us to the speech-habits of a community. For instance, while the name Ran jit Singh is pronounced r*n'H:t sift by a Panjabi speaker, it is pronounced WtsnUtslft by an Englishman. That is to say, the Panjabi speaker's preference is for the prominence of the 2nd position of this syllabic structure, while the Englishman's is for the first position.
1. The Phoneme ; Its Nature And JJse% 1950, p. 10. 2. Block and Trager : Outlines of Linguistic Analysis^ 1942, p. 8. X SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI
Now in 3.6 the author scientifically explains, with marvellous minuteness, the qualitative differences of: position in the Hindi and Panjabi words for the "earthquake*1 :—
Hindi, bhwcal: Panjabi, pVcad
He has°-shown us, by stating that "in Panjabi pronunciation the second syllable is always realized longer than its corresponding correlate in Hindi11, how even position has very refined accompaniments which should never be neglected.
His observation, for years and years, of Panjabi and jHindi pronunciation has led him, in 1.6. *o point! out how §,a Panjabi has always some difficulty in:pronouncing a particular syllable in a particular position." An enormous number of examples illustrating positional treatment in Panjabi and Hindi have been given.
In this connection, particular attention may be invited, in 8.8.1, to the treatment, with a finesse unknown to India so far, of the differences of certain preferences regarding the quality of theiinitial syllabic peak of a word, the end being open or close as in Panjabi prani and pritem.
(2) In 9.8 3.2, the cumulative ^effects of quantity on?a.succeeding syllable, raising its prominence, >have been pointed out, as in, gzriibu svcan. It also brings to light the importance of quantity in the midst of two shorts.
(3) Phonological environments conditioning various syllabic positions may be illustrated as follows :—
(a) Initial consonant ^cluster occurs only when the succeeding
vowel is Class II, as in, *svad% otherwise S2wzr (b) In 7.4.1.2 the lengthening of Panjabi consonants in the interlude is favoured only if they are plosives, e.g. dhoM, but kala. (c) Phonological environments determine even the nature of accent in Panjabi, e.g. while a Hindi word has musical accent on the initial syllable (9.19.1), in Panjabi the musical accent occurs only if the interlude is a non-stop consonant, as in kala, kip. FOREWORD XI (4) For the first time in Indian Linguistics, para-linguistic features have been illustrated in syllabic structure, e.g. /h/ in nihi is entirely lost in certain phonetic environments. CONCLUSION this treatise is an insoiration as well as a ch (a) ;An inspiration to those who have a conscience for a higher plane of Linguistics. The test of this inspiration will be that it will at once start a movement for a synthetic view of the languages of India. (b) A challenge to those who, under the garb fied I Siddheshwar Vat ma Chandigarh, 15 July, 1971 f 2,1 5 / TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.0 INTRODUCTION : Pa&es 1.1 Purpose. 1 1.2 The Language. 2 1.3 Data. 3 1.4 Analysis. 3 1.5 Informants. 6 1.6 Deduction of syllabic laws. 7 1.7 Terminology, Symbols and Transcription. 8 2.0 SYLLABLE PEAKS : 2.1.0 Number and classification of syllable peaks. 11 2.1.1 Positional distribution' of syllable peaks. 11 2.1.1.1 Restriction to the occurrence of syllable peaks in the initial position. 12 2.1.1.2 Non-occurrence of /a i u/ in the initial syllable. 12 2.1.1.3 Preference for class I syllable peaks in the initial position in Panjabi. 13 2.1.1.4 Restrictions to the occurrence of syllable peaks in the final position in Panjabi. 14 2.1.2 Occurrence of syllable peaks before geminated coda margin. 14 f 2.1.3 Occurrence of syllable 'peaks before non-geminated complex coda margin. 15 2.1.4 Occurrence of syllable peaks before complex interlude. ' 17 2.2.0 Zero interlude syllable peaks. 17 2.2.1 Positional distribution of zero interlude syllable peaks. 17 f p «v MK^SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF JilNDI AND PANJABI 2.2.2 Peculiarity of zero interlude syllable peaks of Panjabi. H| Jl9 2.2.3 Peculiarity of zero interlude syllable peaks of Hindi. 20 2.2.4.0 Converging and diverging zero interlude sequences of syllable peaks. 21 2.2.4.1 Zero interlude syllable peak sequence in disyllabic patterns. 21 2.2.4.2 Zero interlude syllable peak sequences in trisyllabic patterns. 22 2.3.0 Complex syllable peaks. 23 2.3.1 Complexity of syllable peaks : an incident of tone.. 23 2.3.21 Complexity of syllable peaks : an incident of elision [off a I semi-consonantlcoda margin. 23 2.3.3 Complexity of syllable peaks in Paralinguistic environments. 24 2.4.0 Diphthongization of syllable peaks. 24 2.4.1 The scope and range o£ diphthongization. 24 2.4.2 Simplification of diphthongized syllable peaks. 26 2.5.0 Monophthongization of zero interlude syllable peaks. 26 2.6.0 Nasalization of syllable peaks. 27 2.6.1 Environments. o£ pureinasalized peaks in PanjabL *£7 2.6.2 Environments of purely nasalized peaks in. Hindi. 28 2.6.3 Nasalization of syllable peaks: an. historical incident. 28 2.6.4 Syllabically conditioned nasalized syllable peaks; 29 2.6.5 PhonologicallycDonditioned nasalization of syllable? peaks. 31 2.6.6 Phonotactic nasalization of syllable! peaks. <- 31 2.6.6.) Anticipatory nesalization of syllable peaks. 31 2.6.6.2. Progressive nasalization of syllable peaks. . 32 2.6.6.3 Regressive nasalization of syllable peaks. 32 2*6.7 1 Accent and nasalization of syllable peaks. SH^B m Mi ]33 I] 3.0 ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS | OF SYLLABLEJPEAKS.: 1 3.1 Tonalized variants of syllable peaks. ;34 3.2 Allophonic variants of class I syllable peaks before /h/: 35 3.3.0 : Allophonic ^variants |of class III {syllable I peaks before 111 junctural 36 TABLE ! OF I CONTENTS *&^^&*fflB3ttU* *V 3.3.1 Allophonic variants of ta/ before coda margin. 37 3.4 Longer variants of class II syllable peaks. 37 3.5 Variation in length : an accentual incident in Panjabi. 38 36 Variation in length : a rhythmic adjustment of syllable peaks. 39 3.7 Opener variants of syllable peaks. 39 3.8.0 Shorter variants of syllable peaks. 40 3.8.1 Shorter variants "before geminated interludes. 40 3.8.2 Shorter variants before zero interlude. 40 3.8.3 •mm.Shorter variants of syllable peaks before a \ juncture. | 41 3.?.4^HShorter[JvariantsBofIsyilablelpeaks Jbefore terminal contour. 41 3.9.0 I Variants of nasalized syllable, peaks , 41 3.9.1 Opener variants of .nasalized jpeaks Jbefore juncture, . 41 3.9.2 Opener variants of syllable peaks before homorganic nasals. 42 3.10.0 JJjCentralized variants of syllable peaks, ill iSB^ 3.10.1 ^(Positional distribution of centralization of syllable Mifepeaks. 1 • Jam I M 1A SHe 42 3.10.2 'Centralization of syllable peaks inrthe initial I positionlV of a disyllabic pattern. ^42^ 3 10.3 Centralization of vowels in the; initial ^position- of a trisyllabic pattern 43 3.10.4 Centralization of syllable peaks in the final position. 44 3.10.5 Positional environments of centralization of syllable peaks. 45 3.11.0 Zero variants of syllabie peaks. 45 3.11.1 Positional distribution of zero variants of syllable peaks in Panjabi. 45 3.11.1.1 Zero correlate of syllable peaks /a/ in the initial syllable. 45 3.11.1.2 Zero correlate of syllable peak /a/ in the final syllable. 46 3 11.1.3 j-Zero correlate of syllable Jpeak '»/ in [the penulti-l ill mate) syllable. 47 xvi SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANjABl 3.11.2 Positional distribution of zero correlate of syllable peak HI : 48 3.11.2.1 Initial position. 48 3.11.2.2 Final position. 49 3.1 L 2.3 Medial position. 49 3.11.2.4 Zero correlates of syllable peaks in tempo of speech. 50 3.11.2.5 Elision and zero interlude. 50 3.11.3 Positional distribution of zero correlate of syllable peak /U/ : I 50 3.12.0 Vocalic variants of syllable peaks in Panjabi. 51 3.12.1 Initial syllable : class II VS. class I syllable peak. 51 3.12.2 Vocalic variants of syllable peaks with zero interlude. 53 4.0 SYLLABLE MARGINS (CONSONANTS) : 4.0.1 Onset margins in the syllabic structure of Hindi and Panjabi. 54 4.0.2 General survey of syllable margins in Hindi and Panjabi. 154^ 4.1 Number and distribution of syllable margins. 54 4.2.0 Simple onset margins of Hindi and Panjabi. 54 4.2.1 Preferential correlates of Hindi: Panjabi onset margins. 55 4.3.0 Complex onset margins : Hindi and Panjabi. 56 4.3.1 Range of complex onset margins. 56 4.3.2 Components of complex onset margins in Hindi and ; Panjabi. 56 4.4 0 Determinants of initial cluster in Panjabi. 57 4.4.1 Quality as a determinant of initial cluster in Panjabi. 57 4,4.2 Complex interlude or complex coda as a determinant of initial cluster. 57 4.4.3.0 Sensitiveness to /r/ interlude : an incident of initial cluster in Panjabi. 58 4.4.3.1 /r/ with class II syllable peaks in Hindi correlate interludes. \ 58 4.4.3.2 Interlude /r/ before a complex interlude in Hindi correlates. 59 f ABLE OF CONTENTS xvii 4.5.0 Non-stop complex onset margins in Panjabi. 60 4.5.1 . Continuants as complex onset margins. 60 4.6.0 Complex onset margin as a resultant of syllabic loss. 62 4.6.1 Compact complex margins in Panjabi correlates. 62 4.6 2 Loose complex margin in Panjabi correlates. 63 4.7.0 Phonologic ally conditioned complex ;onset margins. 63 4.7.1 Complex onset margin in Panjabi: an incident of Phonological conditioning. 63 4.8.0 Aversion to phonologically conditioned complex onsets margins in Hindi and Panjabi. 64 4.8.1 Prothesis and Anaptyxis for vocalic preferences in Hindi and Panjabi. 64 4.8.2 Anaptyxis : a common feature of Panjabi syllabic structure. 66 5.0 CODA MARGINS IN THE SYLLABIC. STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI : 5.1.0 Consonants as simple coda margins. 67 5.2.0 Plosion or coda margin in Hindi and Panjabi. 68 5.2.1 Exponent of a plosion in Panjabi monosyllables. 68 5.2.2 Plosion of a coda margin in a pre-pausal position. 68 5.3.0 Vocalization of coda margin. 69 5.3.1 Vocalization of a coda margin semi-consonant in Panjabi correlates. 69 5.3.1.1 Indeterminate vocalization of coda margins in Panjabi correlates. 70 5.3.2 Vocalization or tonalization of a corresponding coda . margin in Panjabi. 70 5.3.2.1 Panjabi tonalized vowel as a correlate of Hindi /h/. 70 5.3.2.2 Tonalization of Hindi /h/ coda margin in Panjabi correlates. 71 5.3.3.0 A velar coda margin of a nasalized syllable* peak in Hindi and Panjabi. 71 5.3.3.1 Non-nasalization of plosive element'in Hindi correlates. 71 xvil* • l• SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABl 5.4.0 Complex coda margin in Hindi and Panjabi syllabic structure. 72 5.4.1 Consonantal lengthening in Hindi and Panjabi syllables. 72 5.4.2 Comparative distribution of geminated or long coda Oj margin. 73 5.4.2.1 Disyllabics. 73 5.4.3 Monosyllabic consonantal lengthening in Panjabi : a diachronic incident. 73 5.4.4 Phonologic ally conditioned consonantal lengthening in Hindi and Panjabi. 74 5.4.5 Simplification of complex coda margin in Panjabi at a phrase level. 75 5.4.6 Lengthening of voiced plosives conditioned by tone in Panjabi. 76 5.5.0 Non-geminated complex coda margin in Hindi and Panjabi. I 76 5.5.1 Preferential components of complex coda margin in Hindi and Panjabi. 76 5.5.2 Grouping of stops as complex coda or onset margins in Hindi and Panjabi. 80 5.5.3.0 Complex coda margin : a resultant of syllabic loss in Panjabi. 82 5.5.3.1 Sonant + stop. 82 5.5.4 Phonologically conditioned divergent tendencies of Hindi and Panjabi regarding a complex coda margin. 83 5.5.5 Tripartite complex coda margin : a peculiarity of Hindi syllabic structure* 84 5.5.6 Simplification of complex coda margin in Panjabi. 85 0 53J Change of coda margin into an interlude in Panjabi syllabic structure. 86 6.0 SEMI-CONSONANTAL SYLLABLE MARGINS : 6.1.0 Distribution of semi-consonants in the syllabic structure of Hindi and Panjabi. ^8^7 6.1.1 Positional distribution of /j/ in Hindi. 87 TABLE OF CONTENTS xix 6.1.2 Positional distribution of /]/ in Panjabi. 87 6.2.0 Consonantalization of /j/ in Panjabi correlates. 87 6.2.1 Consonantalization of initial /j/. 87 6.2.2 Consonantalization of medial /j/: 88 6.2.3 Consonantalizing tendency of Hindi. 88 6.3.0 Vocalization of /j/ in Panjabi correlates. 88 6.4.0 Weak gliding of /j/ in Panjabi correlates. 89 6.4.1 Glidal 1)1 merging into a lengthened plosive in Panjabi. 90 6.5.0 Zero correlate of 1)1 in Panjabi. 90 6.6.0 Vocalization of final /]/; in Panjabi correspondents. 90 6.7.0 Zero + nasality or /a/, a correlate of Hindi final /j/. 91 6.7.1 Hindi final /j/ merging into a complex peak in Panjabi. 92 6.7.2 Elision of Hindi final /j/ after a consonant. 92 6.7.3 Treatment of Hindi final /j/ after /r/ in Panjabi. 93 6.7.4 Hindi final Panjabi. 93 6.8.0 Positional distribution of hi in Hindi and Panjabi syllabic structure. 93 6.8.1 /v/ as onset margin in Hindi and Panjabi. 93 6.9.0 Vocalization of /v/ 94 6.9.1 Vocalization of a second member onset margin /v/ in Panjabi correlates. 94 6.9.2 Vocalization of /v/ as first member of a complex interlude in Panjabi correlates. 95 6.9.3 /v/ merging into a lengthened plosive in Panjabi. 95 6.9.4 Zero correlate of simple coda margin /v/. in Panjabi., 96 6.9.5v Conditional environment for the complex peak as a vocalic element of /v/. 96 6.9.6 Analogical replacement of /v/ by /a/. 97 7.0 INTERLUDE : 7.1.0 , Positional?distribution of simple interludes in Hindi and Panjabi. 98 7.2.0 Particulars of complex- interludes in Hindi and Panjabi. 98 7.2.1 Geminated or long consonants occurring as interludes. 100 xr SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJAfil 7.3.0 Significant complex interludes in Hindi and Panjabi. 101 7.4.0 hide 102 7.4.1 Tendency of lengthening an interlude in Panjabi. 102 7.4.2 Change in syllabic structure due to lengthening of interludes. 103 7.5.0 Simple Panjabi correlates as complex interludes of Hindi, 105 7.5.1 Environments of non-lengthening in Panjabi. 105 7.6.0 Syllabic adjustment of complex interludes. 106 7.6.1 Vocalic reduction and simplification of a complex interlude due to syllabic extension. 106 7.7.0 Reduction of syllable peak in non-lengthened interlude. 107 7.7.1 Qualitative and quantitative reduction. 107 7.7.2 Simplification of complex interlude and elision of | syllable peak. 107 7.8.0 Positional distribution of consonantal lengthening in Panjabi syllabic structure. J 108 7.8.1 Consonantal lengthening in polysyllabic patterns. 108 7.8.2 Simplification and; lengthening for syllabic adjustment. 108 7.9.0 Non-geminated complex interludes. 108 7.9.1 Converging features of internal order of consonantal sequences. 108 7.9.2 Internal order of consonantal sequences in Hindi and Panjabi syllables. 109 7.10.0 Syllabic peculiarities of non-geminated complex interludes. 109 7.11.0 Syllabic environments for three member complex interlude in Hindi and Panjabi. 110 7.11.lj Converging patterns of tripartite complex interludes. 110 7.11.2 Diverging patterns of tripartite complex interludes. 110 7.12.0 Simplification of complex interlude. Ill 7.12.1 Transformation of Hindi*/ks/ in Panjabi correspondents. % 111 7.12.2 Transformation of /gj/ in Panjabi. 112 7.12.3 Consonantal variants of a nasal interlude in Hindi and Panjabi. 112 TABLE OF CONTENTS XXI 8.0 A COMPARATIVE SURVEY OF SYLLABICATION IN -HINDI AND PANJABI : 8.0.1 A comparative survey of syllabication in Hindi and Panjabi. 113 8.1.0 Components of a syllabic unit in Hindi and Panjabi. 113 8.2.0 Patterns of syllabic units in Hindi and Panjabi. 114 8.3.0 Peculiarities of syllabic units in Hindi. 114 8.4.0 Permissible .peak-margin sequences (components) within a syllabic unit. 115 8.5.0 Syllabic- grouping of peak margin sequences in non- monosyllabic patterns of Hindi and Panjabi. 117 8.6.0 Permissible syllabic sequences within a word. 117 8.7.0 Permissible number of syllables within a word in Hindi and Panjabi. 118 8.8.0 Syllabic units conditioned by their syllabic position. 118 8.9.0 Conditionally converging and diverging syllabic patterns of Hindi and Panjabi. 119 8.9.1 Conditionally converging and diverging monosyllabic patterns 119 8.9.2.0 Conditionally converging and diverging disyllabic patterns. 120 8.9.2J. Panjabi. 120 8.9.2.2 Hindi. 120 J8.9.3.0 Conditionally . converging and diverging trisyllabic patterns. 1 121 8.9.3.1 Panjabi. 1211 8.9.3.2 Hindi. I 1211 8.10.0 Syllabic division in Hindi and Panjabi. 8 121 8.11.0 Determinants of syllabic division in Hindi and Panjabi. 122 8.11.1 Quantity as a determinant of syllabic division. I 122 8.11.2 - Accent as a determinant of syllabic division. 122 8.11.3 Consonant cluster as an environment for creating syllabic division. 123 • • XXII SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 8.11.4 Morpheme boundary as an environment for syllabic division. 123 8.11.5 Juncture as an environment for syllabic division. 124 8.11.6 Syllabic division in syllabic sequences with zero interlude. 124 8:12.0 Intra-syllabic behaviour of phones in the syllabic division. 124 8.13.0 Role of juncture in syllabication. 125 8.13.1 Internal juncture as a determinant of syllable boundary. 125 8.13.2 Relative position of internal juncture preferred in Hindi and Panjabi. 125 8.13.3 Shift of a corresponding syllable peak due to shift in juncture in Panjabi. 127 8.13.4 Shift of syllable peak leading to change in syllabic structure. 128 8.13.5 I Shift in syllabic boundary due to shift in juncture within a phrase. 128 8.14.0 Shift of syllabic boundary due to suffixial extension in Hindi and Panjabi. 129 8.15.0 Loss of syllable peak due to shift of syllabic boundary. 130 8.16.0 Elision of a syllable or syllable peak. 130 8.16.1 bl bi 130 8.16.2 Elision of a syllable peak in compound words in Panjabi. 131 8.17.0 Inter-syllabic behaviour of phones in syllabication. 131 8.17.1 I Tenacious junction of phones in Hindi and Panjabi syllabication. 131 8.17.1.1 Tenacious junction of phones in Hindi syllabication. 131 8.17.2 Tenacity of phones in the initial position of Hindi and Panjabi syllables. 134 8.17.3 Tenacity of phones as an historical fact in Hindi syllabication. 134 8.17.4 Laxity of doubling : A new trend in Hindi syllabi cation. 135 0 9 0 TABLE OF CONTENTS xxill 8.17.5 Compactness of consonantal phonotactics in Panjabi syllabication. I 135 8.17.6 Loose junction of phones in Panjabi syllabication. 138 8.18.0 Incipient syllabicity a peculiar syllabic tendency of ' Pan] abi. 139 9.0 ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION : 9.1.0 Role of accent in syllabication 141 9.2.0 The term Accent. 141 9.3.0 Forms of Accent. 141 9.4 0 Particulars of accent in Hindi and Panjabi. 142 9.5.0 Levels of accent in Hindi and Panjabi,. 142 9.6.0 Significant stress-pitch contrast in Hindi and Panjabi. 143 9.7.0 Accentual tendencies of Hindi syllabic structure. 144 9.7.1 Nature of accent in Hindi. 144 9.7.2 Syllabic environments of accent in Hindi. 144 9-7.2.1 Vocalic reduction : an indicator of accentual environ- • ments. 145 9.7.2.2 Accentual role of visarga in Hindi. 145 9.7.2.3 Accentual role of /h/ in Hindi. 145 9.8.0 Syllabic prominence : an incident of accent. 146 9.8.0.1 Determinants of syllabic prominence in Hindi. 146 9.8.1 Syllabic pattern as a determinant of syllabic | prominence. 146 9.8.1.1 Disyllabic patterns of syllabic prominence with final open syllables. 146 9.8.1.2 Disyllabic patterns of syllabic prominence with final closed syllables. 146 9.8.2 Quantity as a determinant of syllabic prominence in Hindi. 146 9.8.2.1 Syllabic prominence in a finally closed disyllabic pattern of short quantity. • 146 9.8.2.2 Syllabic prominence in a disyllabic patterns of uneven quantity. 146 XXIV SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OP HINDI AND PANJABI 9.8.3.0 The role of quantity in the syllabic prominence of trisyllabic patterns. 147 9.9.0 Syllabic position as a determinant of. syllabic prominence. 147 9.10 0 Paralinguistic environments as a determinant of I syllabic prominence. | 148 9.10.1 Effect of accent in Paralinguistic environments. 149 9.11.0 Accentual tendencies of Panjabi. 149 9.11.1 Environments of accent in Panjabi. 149 9.11.2 Determinants of accent in Panjabi. 150 9.11.2.1 Syllabic position as a determinant of accent. 150 9.11.2.2 Quantity as a determinant of accent. 150 9.11.3 Quality as an environment of syllabic prominence. 151 9.12.0 Effect of stress-pitch accent on syllabication in Panjabi. 151 9.13.0 Effect of accent on quantity of the syllable peak. 152 9.14.0 yllable peak. 152 9.15.0 hbo [ables in Panjabi. 153 9.15.1 Pre-accentual phenomena in Panjabi syllabic structure. 153 9.15.1.1 Reduction of a pre-accentual syllable peaks in Panjabi. 153 9.15.1.2 Elision of pre-accentual syllable peaks in Panjabi. 153 9".15.1.3 ^Centralization of pre-accentual syllable peaks in Panjabi. j 154 9.15.1.4 Simplification of pre-accentual complex interludes in Panjabi. 154 9-15.2 Post-accentual phenomena in Panjabi syllabic structure. 154 9.15.2.1 Elision of post accentual syllable peaks in Panjabi. 154 9.15 2.2 ' ^Neutralization of post-accentual syllable peaks in! I Panjabi. I 155 9,15.2.3 Simplification of post-accentual complex coda margin in Panjabi. 155 9.15.2.4 Tenacity of post-accentual interlude in Panjabi. 155 9.16.0 Accent and Anaptyctic syllable peak. 155 I TABLE OF CONTENTS XXV 9.17.0 Converging and diverging accentual patterns of Hindi and Panjabi. 156 9.17.1 Converging accentual patterns of Hindi and Panjabi. 156 9.17.1.1 Convergence with regard to the place cf accent. 156 9.17.1.1.1 Disyllai: ic converging patterns. 156 917.1.12 Trisyllabic converging patterns. 156 9J 8.0 Diverging accentual patterns of Hindi and Panjabi. 157 9.18.1 Diverging accentual patterns with regard to nature of accent. 157 18.2 Diverging patterns with regard to the place of accent. '157 19.0 Conditionally converging and diverging accentual of Hindi and Panjabi, 158 10.0 CONCLUSION. 160 APPENDICES : Appendix No. I Tables showing permissible sequences of pho monosyllabic patterns of Hindi and Panjabi. 1.1 Diaphones VC patterns 162 1.2 Diaphones CV pattern. 163 1.3-12 Triphones CVC pattern 164 Appendix No. II II.1.0 Hindi Panjabi monosyllabic pattern. 185 11.1.1 Converging patterns. 185 11.1.2 Diverging patterns. 185 II.2.0 Hindi Panjabi disyllabic patterns. 187 II. 2.1 Converging patterns. 187 OO I II.2.2 Diverging patterns. 1 •I* 11.3.0 Hindi Panjabi trisyllabic patterns 189 11.3.1 Converging patterns. 189 11.3.2 Diverging patterns. 189 xxvi SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HIND* AND PANJABI II.4.0 Hindi Panjabi quadri-syllabic patterns. 191 II.4.1 Converging patterns. 191 IJ.4.2 Diverging patterns. 191 II.5.0 Hindi Panjabi penta-syllabic patterns. 192 II.5J." Converging patterns 192 II.5.2 Diverging patterns. 19 Appendix No. Ill III.0. Hindi Panjabi syllabic transformation. 193 111*1 Monosyllables. 193 III.2.0 Dissyllables. ] 193 Iff.2.1 Transformation of syllable peaks 194 III.2.2 Transformation of interludes. 194 III.2.3 Transformation of geminated coda margins. 195 111.3.0 Transformation of trisyllables 195 111.3.1 Initial syllable, 195 IIII.3.2 Medial syllable. I 195 III.3.3 Final syllable. 196 I II.4.0 Transformation of quadrisyllables. 197 IIK4.1 Hindi -• Panjabi 197 III.4.2 Panjabi -> Hindi 197 IIL5.0 Transformation of closed open and vice versa. 198 III.6.0 Syllabic increase or syllabic loss due to trans- formation. 1 •it III.6.1 Monosyllabic -» disyllabic and vice versa. 199 IIL6.2 Disyllabic —* monosyllabic and'vice versa. 199 III16.3 Trisyllabic -» disyllabic and vice versa. 199 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^IIL6.4 Quadrisyllable-* trisyllabic|. 201 UIJS.5 IPantasyllabicI-* quadrisyllable ^trisyllabic. 201 Appendix No. IV IV.O Patterns of syllabic division. 202 IV.1.0 Hindi Panjabi disyllabic patterns of syllabic division. '202 ILI TABLE OF CONTENTS XXVll IV.1.1 Converging patterns. 202 IV.1.2 Diverging patterns. 2C3 IV.2.0 Hindi Panjabi trisyllabic patterns of syllabic division* 204 IV.2.1 Converging patterns. 204 IV.2.2 Diverging patterns. 205 I Appendix No. V V.1.0 Accentual syllabic patterns of Hindi and Panjabi. 206 V.1.1 Disyllabics : Qonverging patterns. 206 V.1.2 Disyllabics ; Diverging patterns. 206 V.2.0 Trisyllabic accentual patterns. 207 V.2.1 Converging patterns. 207 V.3.0 Quadrisyllabic accentual patterns 2C8 V.3.1 Converging patterns. 208 V.3.2/J Diverging patterns. 208 Appendix No. VI VI.1 Phonetic transcription of the proforma prepared to survey comparative syllabic division and environ ments for the occurrence of consonant clusters in Hindi and Panjabi. 209-214 Appendix No. VII VII.l Bibliography. 215-220 Appendix No. VIII VIII.1 Word Index. 221-229 1,1 fir-1- uoai and spec i phor of vc been tbc c that depe / 11 a! that TO t atioi j impo atioi 1 orthc die resul: mem! struc siicce Phot '-«.y 1.0 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Purpose : The purpose of this work is mainly to bring forth"? some hitherto unanalysed phonological principles underlying the formation of Hindi and Panjabi, two neighbouring languages of Indo-Aryan group.with special reference to their accentual-and syllabic structure,1 including allophonic variants of syllable peaks and other allied? phonetic and phonological features of these two languages. Popularly it is believed that languages 'with a cemmon stock of vocabulary and with identical orthography do not, have much !to differ in their syllabic structure. Hence an humble attempt has been made in this work to explode the myth' of sameness, based" on the orthographic-identity. It is hoped that this study will explain that nearness or remoteness between two languages does not so much depend on the^common stock of vocabulary as on the accentual and syllabic tendencies of the languages concerned. Our contention is that the-study of the phonological system of a language or a dialect would not be complete unless "the controlling principles of that language, viz., accent and syllabication are fully taken into consider ation. The present study is also intended to attest the well-known important linguistic factor, viz., that indentical orthographic present ation is not always a guarantee to the identical pronunciation. It will also attest how incompetent is orthography to present the real language. We also know from our practical experience that many a time orthographic ally identical words too .become quite unintelligible to the speakers of the same linguistic family, which is basically a resultant of peculiar syllabic and accentual tendencies of the respective member languages. Hence the importance of .the study of the syllabic structure of the language is self evident, nay, the basic structure of a language can more oppropriately be analysed by analysing its syllabic 1. Cf. "The pivotal principle of syllabic structure is the contrast of successive features within a syllable." (R. Jakobson and M. Hall, 'Manual of Phonetics'by L. Kaiser, 1957, P. 226). - a SYLLABIC StRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI structure. The best way to pinpoint the peculiarities of the syllabic structure of a language is to compare it with a language of the same linguistic group. 5 Thus from this analysis it is intended to show that in actual speech, in some respects, these two neighbouring languages widely differ from each other in their pronunciation of words, inspite of essentially identical orthography. It is partly because no language can be completely presented through arbitrarily employed graphic symbols and partly because with the advent of time even the most scientific graphemes begin to lose their phonetic values and become quite unable to cope with phonetic changes, which are sure to occur in the speech habits of the community as a whole, which uses it. It is a well-known fact, that in its oral form, which is the real form of the language, a language is always controlled by its well established phonetic principles. Moreover, in this age of wide communication, every language by its contact with other languages has to borrow much of the linguistic material, necessary for inter communication or for the enrichment of the language, but while doing so every living language is unconsciously^conscious enough to transform the loaned material into a form.which may be phonologically acceptable to the genius of the language concerned, accent and syllabication being by far the most potential, agents of this linguistic transformation. As such it may also help us in deciding a scientific orthographic presentation of loan words in a language. Thus in this treatise an attempt has been made to apply a certain line of approach to the linguistic analysis of the syllabic material of these two languages with a discussion of controlling principles of the syllabic structure, in particular. As is evident from the title of the treatise that this analysis is not purely descriptive, but comparative as well. A syllable being normally a minimum unit of prominence naturally extends the scope of comparison from the smallest unit of the language, i. e., segment to the minimum significant utterance, i.e., ihe word, including supra- segmental features too. 1.2 The Language: The languages chosen here for our comparison are Hinei^ known as high Hindi or standard Hindi, which is spoken on all formal occasions I INTRODUCTION* 3 or on the stage or on the A. I. R. and Panjabi, as spoken by the native speakers of Panjabi, including immigrants from West Pakistan. Becuase Panjabi is yet to be standardized, therefore, no single form of it could be taken for our comparsion in the present study. But an attempt has been made to narrow down the area of Panjabi to the prominent dialects of the modern eastern-Panjabi, viz., to the linguistic areas of Majhi. Doabi and Puadi only, which show minimum differences in their phonemic structure. 1.3 Data: 1 The period for the collection of data for the present study can be extended to one and a half decade^ It was in the year 1955 when, for the first time, I joind the teaching staff of the S. D. College. Hoshiarpur. Here the peculiar pronunciation of Sanskrit and Hindi words by Panjabi speakers made me aware of the phonetic and phonological peculiarities of Panjabi. Though technically untrained, I was keen enough to bring out the basic phonclogical differences of these languages. Hence I started taking notes on all the points, which I came across, during my conversation with my students and native speakers of Panjabi or during-their own free colloquial expressions. Thus, though a lot of material was piled up with me, as time rolled on. yet in the absence of requisite linguistic, particularly phonetic, training no attempt could me made to analyse the corpus. The dawn of the year 1965 proved a turning point in my academic career. It was on 1st. January 1965 that Dr. Siddheshwar Varma, the eminent phonetician and linguist of India, was kind enough to grant me an interview to discuss some linguistic materiel on Hindi teaching to non-Hindi speakers, which I had collected recklessly and had tried to analyse the same in my own unscientific way. He immediately got hold of my problems and my urge to solve the same. Hence as a prerequisite to such a work a rigorous ear training was started from the very next week, with a thorough phonetic analysis of ?my own] speech, at a rate of four hours a day, which continued for full four years. It was this training which trained my ears to differentiate any two sounds and to analyse the difference in terms of linguistic^ analysis. 1.4 Analysis : Thus practically a regular and scientific analysis of the specific .. 4 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF'HINDl AND PANJABI. problems of syllabic aspects of Hindi and Panjabi was undertaken just two years back. When all collected data, all observations made there on were again verified with the help of Panjabi speaking students of various standards. A fresh attempt was also made to attest the observations by carefully listening to educated or uneducated Panjabi speakers in their unguarded moments* In the process of analysis the whole corpus was shifted to various sections of our study. To make these observations doubly sure assistance also was sought from the various studies so far made on Panjabi Phonetics and Panjabi Phonology. A particular mention may be made of 'Panjabi Phonology* by Dr. B.D. Jain. Xahnda Phonetics* and Xahnda Phonology' by Dr. Harden Bahri, 'A comparative phonology of Hindi and Panjabi' by Dr« Vidya Bhaskar Arun, 4A Reference Grammer of Panjabi1 by Dr. Gill and Gleason and 'Descriptive Aspects of Panjabi Phonetics* by Dr. Gurbax Singh and 4A Descriptive Grammar of Puadi' by Dr. Balbir*Singh Sandhu. These works have mainly been used to attest these observations, which are otherwise based on personal investigation and analysis. It may also be added that from among these studies, except Dr. Gurbax Singh'no other ^scholar of Panjabi has taken syllable as a basis for his study. Some of these mainly deal with the morphological aspect of the language and as such have not been of much assistance to us, still I am grateful to these scholars in one way or the other* Again, to* analyse the syllabic structure fully, a 'proforma* (See App. No/VI), with the combination of all types of standard Hindi syllables, placed in different environments, "was prepared by the author of these lines and with the help of that 'proforma* a regular survey was conducted in this regard.^ Mostly, students from primary to the university classes were approached to read these sentences loudly before the microphone of a tape recorder. All such recorded speeches were later on transcribed phonetically and were tabulated to get the exact nature of variants in different pronunciations, cases of marginal differences were generally ignored and cases with a clear difference and of highest frequency were taken for pattern!ration and analysis. All the material, collected from this survey and from sporadic observations, was again arranged in various groups or patterns to study their environments and consequently to bring out the underlying controlling principles of Panjabi syllabic structure in the Uight of their Hindi counterparts. .* INTRODUCTION 5 However, I may make a frank assertion here that in the absence of mechanical analysis of these phenomena perfect accuracy of these observations cannot be claimed. Howsoever trained a human ear may be, still it is likely to be inaccurate in many a case. Hence, a scope for correction in certain observations is always there, until a thorough electro-acoustic analysis of these languages is carried out. One thing, that needs a particular mention about Panjabi here, is that, as stated above, I have not confined myself to a particular area of Panjabi language. There are sure to be certain diverging dialectal tendencies in different dialectal areas. Thus a reader*from a particular area may object to a particular observation as not conforming to the syllabic' tendencies of that area. Besides this, there is a common human tendency to refuse to accept the pronunciation of the dialectal area which is acknowledged as less sophisticated among native speakers. Thus from the fear of being branded as 'rustic' many a people refuse to attest a particular phonetic or^ phonological tendency, which is otherwise well attested in their own unguarded pronunciation. The author himself has many a time noted such reactions. A person, made conscious of his pronunciation of a particular word is likely to refuse to accept it as such, if ,itOhas? a stamp of being rustic or unsophisticated, though' he. may have pronounced it just a few moments earlier, when he was not conscious of it. Though efforts have been made to confine the study to the most common features of Panjabi syllabic structure in general, yet cases of particular diverging dialectal features also can not be: ruled out altogether. However, a thorough and critical reflection, on, each of the item, offered by Dr. Siddheshwar Varma ji and a personal' discussion, on all doubtful points withrhim has made me confident enough that scope for differences about Panjabi will be minimum. The same may be said of Hindi syllabic structure as well, though there is less scope for diverse opinion. The A. I. R. bulletins have been my best guide in this regard. But it is a pity that no regular and detailedphonetic or phonologi cal analysis with regard to the syllabic, structure, of Hindi could be available: to me. Almost all the observations about, Hindi in this treatise, may be called personal observations on an impressionistic scale. 6 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDt AND PANJAB1 % Moreover, in the present study only that aspect of Hindi syllabic structure has been taken into consideration which was absolutely necessary for a comparison with Panjabi syllabic structure, though in this effort more or less, the whole of the phonological and syllabic structure of Hindi has been covered. However, by no means it can be called complete one. Hindi has yet to aspire for a detailed electro- acoustic analysis of its phonological features. 1.5 "Informants : Ifc has already been stated above that for the collection of mate^iali en Panjabi syllabic structure both regular and irregular infor mants were employed. By irregular informants, I mean informants who were not employed specifically to attest a particular aspect of the syllabic structure of our study. In fact, those, too, form a corpus of my informants, who were heared or rather over heard, while speaking to me or among themselves. Their range is very wide, viz., from a rickshawpuller or a hawker to a university professor. Infact, all those, betraying deep rooted tendencies of their mother tongue, while conversing with other persons, through a medium, other than their mother tongue, have formed the corpus of my informants. Their number is countless. There is one more category of irregular informants, who have supplied me the desired material from time to time by displaying the linguistic interference in their normal or formal speech, reading and writing. That is the student class, including my own students. During these years, besides'our class room conversations with Panjabi speaking students, I had a number of opportunities to preside over or to act as a judge in debates and declamation contests, held from time to time in various institutions. These spontaneous Hindi speeches by Panjabi students provided me a very cherished1 opportunity to listen to them, while being unaware of their linguistic interference. Every time I had a long list of such words with me which, though identical with Hindi, had a marked difference in accent and syllabication. This was rather a very useful and important source of my information. Similarly, hundreds of systematic patterns of mistakes were noted from the answer books of various examinees of various under graduate and! post graduate university examinations, in which they had opted Hindi as their medium of answers. A similar tendency was also noted in reading Hindi proofs of my books or type scripts in which many correct words were composed or typed according to their Panjabi : INTRODUCTION ; 7 pronunciation by Panjabi compositors or typists. A number of school books and question papers printed in Hindi also bear a striking stamp of mistakes, printed under the influence of the peculiar pronunciation of these words by Fanjabi writers and compositors. I had B! fairly long ^ -list of these words as well But no regular informant, except one, was employed for the collection of data on Hindi syllabication. Mainly it is the author's personal observation of Hindi speeches or news bulletins of A. I. R.. on which the present study of Hindi syllabic structure is based. Other material, wherever consulted, has been referred to as such inv all those places. 1.6 Deduction of Syllabic laws s Besides the descriptive analysis and comparison of the syllabic structures based on the above data of these two languages, I have also tried to deduce certain syllabic laws from this analysis. In doing so, I have been very particular not to hasten to any conclusion on scanty evidences. My ideal in this regard has been the oft quoted words of Dr. Siddheshwar Varma Ji 'One generalization, one thousand examples.9 Though it is not claimed that one thousand examples of a pattern were attested for each and every generalization, yet it has always been cared to crossrthe limit of hundreds while doing so. This fact will be evident from the large number of examples given to illustrate all observations, made in this study. It may further be stated here that none of these examples is an armchair creation. They have actually been recorded either from actual speech or from writings of Panjabi speakers. Such systematic mistakes, while writing in Hindi, have been noted even from the writings of post graduate students or teachers of this region. My best guide in deducing these laws has been the com parative pronunciation of these; languages. For instance, I noted that a Panjabi speaker has always some difficulty in pronouncing a particular Hindi or Sanskrit syllable in a particular position, which was again attested by the non-occurrence of that syllable in; Panjabi vocables in that position and vice versa. The colloquial pronunciation of foreign words such as, manager, director, quality, guarantee,- license etc., also helped me in discovering the genius of the language. Prefer ences to positionally conditioned phonological elements in both the 8 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OFiHINDl AND PANJABI languages did help me a lot in discovering the phonological laws of syllabic structure of these two languages. 1.7. Terminology * Symbols and Transcription : Thei terminological frame-work for the phonetic description of sounds is more or less based on that of LP.A. Usual terms such as syllable, syllable peak, syllable margin, onset, codaf interlude, peak • nucleus, peak satillite, vowel, consonant, semi-consonant, juncture, accent, microsegment etc., are used in the sense given to them by modern linguisticians like F.C. Hockett (A manual of Phonology* and 4A course in Modern Linguistics'). I have particularly drawn upon "Cockney Phonology" by Eva Siversten (1960), for most of these terms and for the frame-work of this study- The terms 'peak and nucleus1 have been used in the same sense given to thera by Eva Siversten, i.e.. Syllable peak—»Sy 11 able nucleus. Complex syllable peak—^Double peak or over long quantity. Syllable margin-*Syliable margin (Consonants and Semi-Conso nants). Complex margin—^Consonant cluster or long/geminated conso nants. Peak nucleus—»Nucleur'peak (or nuclear nucleus). Interlude—^Inter-vocalic consonant. The term phoneme or phonemic norm, wherever used, has been used in the same sense which is usually given to it in the American Linguistics, i.e., 'as a phonological standard functioning as a unit of reference and'a unit of contrast/1 Further in formulae statements certain abbreviations are used the most notable wiejrr. V—Vowel. V*tta class II vowel, O^Consonant. Ca=a geminated or long consonant. S^Semi Consonant. N ^nasality. H^Glottal fricative /h/ in Hindi, and low tone in Panjabi. 1, Cf. Hockett: *A course in Modern Linguistics* P.<112.* 'A phoneme is defined, not as a sound produced in such and such manner, but as a point of j reference in an interlocking net work of contrasts/' iWROBUCTiON 9 Besides the phonemic and aVophonk symbols, theioliowing dmcmtical 3iiarks and extra syrrfbds have also 'been *used : below *a segroent~short quantity after „ ^ *=«hal f Jong quantity after ,r „ ~••full y long quantity below n ** •Revoked ormrfheard variant above «i n •^nasality after t« M -~free variant : above t* n ^centralized ; neutralised variant below tl 1i ^retracted * variant «1 below ** « close K vowel), retroflexed Xconsonant) / above the syllable peak—high tone (p.) \ above the syllable peak—low tone (p.) I before the syllable (Phonetic)«wrstress accent I above »« *i 9% primary stress I I below %9 »» O secondary stress before „ 9l %1 pitch-accent above 1» It 1* primary pitch I below „ 11 *% secondary pitch juncture between syllables I syllable boundary between syllables / / phonemic transcription.- C 3 phonetic transcription. "i ^ graphemic transcription. after indicates 'corresponds to'1 between two phonetic sets indicates contrast. < ft M phonemic 91 11 derivation from It may further be added here that the symbols used in the phonemic transcription do not have the usual I.P.A. value. They usually stand for functional units, rather than for phonetic segments. The traditional orthographic presentation of Hindi and Panjabi, though very rarely, has been indicated by < > symbols. In the phonetic presentation too, for the reasons of economy and difficulties in printing, certain segments could not be given full phonetic value conforming with, the phonetic SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABt values of * I.P.A. symbols. A particular mention of retrbfiexed and flapped consonants may be made in this regard. A diacritical mark, viz., a dot has been placed', below the retroflexed segment to differ* entiate it from the symbol used for dental plosives or a rolled or lateral consonant. Similarly, the! velar nasal has been represented by I hi and the palatal nasal by /n/. For a palatal sibilant too a symbol, viz., /'/ has been placed above the dental sibilant. I have also refrained from giving too many phonetic transcriptions, unless it is absolutely necessary to mark the difference. The usual lexical word-boundary has been indicated by the # I symbols, particularly in formularizing the syllabic structure of the givenl language. appendices the symbol dicates occurrence of a phone or a pattern and indicates absence of a phone or a pattern Combined symbol these two indicate conditional particular pattern. The arrow mark —» stands for the indie of the structure of one language into the other. 2.0 SYLLABLE PEAKS: T - f 2.1.0 NUMBER AND CLASSIFICATION OF SYLLABLE PEAKS :: | Phonemically the number of simple syllable peaks* viz., pure syllabic vowels is the same both in Hindi and Panjabi. In both phonetically all these simple syllable peaks show three distinctive tongue heights; high, mid and low ; and three positions : front, central and back. They may be classified into two categories, viz., class I or central vowels, and class II or peripheral vowels. Class I syllable 'peaks consist of /I U, o/, which are relatively less prominent and class II syllable peaks consist of /i, e, * (se). a, o, o, u/ which are relatively more prominent. •; I In fact, the division of vowels as long : short may be taken conventionally. Syllabically the main difference lies in their prominence, i.e., the so called class I syllable peaks are phonetically less prominent and have a laxer articulation than those of class II syllable peaks. The tense counterparts of these class I syllable peaks and other class II syllable peaks may have different degrees of length or long variants, which are normally conditioned by the environment in which they occur. Schematically they may be presented as follows : Class I I EBI8 Ml M IMM 111 Class II 11 I U l u a (A) e oJ «(«) 3 a 2.1.1 Positional distribution of syllable peaks : As noted above we see that simple syllable peaks of both the languages can roughly be classified into two groups (2. 1. 0). In this S-HTJ l.lCf. FGimsoni P.51 P'The number! of j syllables? being determined by the peaks of Prominence.". Intr. to the Pronunciation of English." 12 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI regard no gross difference is notable either in Hindi or in Panjabi. I Any syllable peak raay-v begin or end a syllable with or without a syllable margin. But in, the matter of monosyllables or positional distribution, notable phonemic and allophonic differences are realized in both the languages. We see. that in Hindi there is not any restriction to the occurrence of these peaks in. any syllabic position* but in Panjabi their occurrence is mainly conditioned by the syllabic environment in which they occur. 2.1.1.1 Restrictions to the occurrence of syllable peaks in the I initial position. I Initial occurrence of class II Jvowels is very much restricted in Panjabi- a* compared to Hindi* The Panjabi §Sabad Jod Koshf has I shown only 5 entries with initial /u/, 4 with initial /o/, 25 entries wifh initial /i/* mostly derived from 4-5 stems. Similar is the case of /ef sf ol which hardly touch a dozen entries, while their frequency in Hindi is enormous and unrestricted. It is particularly interesting to note that in Panjabi syllabic structure all class II syllable peaks tend to be reduced or centralized in the initial syllable of'a disyllabic word having a closed fina? syllable with class IT vowel or'in a trisyllabic word'with a / •2.1.12 Non-occurrence of /a, i, u/ in the initial syllable : The other restriction to the occurrence of /af i, u/ in the initial syllable of a Panjabi vocable is its nonoccurrence in a disyllabic word with a closed final syllable or in a polysyllabic word, especially when the coda margin of the second syllable is a stop consonant, e*g.f Panjabi 1 Hindi /bafer/ 1 'market' /bazar/ /pakhand/ 'hypocrisy' /pakhdnd/ /s^dbaran/ 1 fordinary' /sadharan/ /blmar/ 1 'ill' /biraar/ /maimili/ ordinary /mamuli/1 /klk'ar/ * 1 acac la /fcikar/ SYLLABLE PEAKS IS • /dOdiia 'milky' /dUdhlja/ /nalalk/ 'unworthy* /nalajak / btTcal/ "earthquake* /bhucal/ Even words from Perso-Arabic origin like /didar' ht' /dinar *a gold coin" /diVai / alized as such iriia colloquical speech- It may be added that red the first ^syllable tot neutral /a/ in Panjabi is anticipatory, in view of the greater; effort which has to> be made in articulating the heavy, closed and accented 2nd syllable. 2.1.1.3 Preference for class I syllable peaks in the initial position in Panjabi: ' That Panjabi has preference for class I syllable peaks in the initial position in general, and before a_plcsive, particularly, may also be noted from the following corresponding pairs from Hindi and' Panjabi vocables: Panjabi Hindi 1 Meaning. /mUcchl /mucB/ 'moustache* IgtJt/ /ghut/ 'a sip' or la draught' JHt/ mi I victor* y /chik/ jchik/ 'sneeze* Ucca/ /flea/ •high* Imlttha/ mitha/ ' sweet' /rUkkhal rukha/ 'dry' JptJkkha/ bhukha 'hungry' /tlkkha/ tikha/ 'sharp* /phlkka/ phika 'tasteless* I / phUU/ /phul/ 'flower* /klkkar /kikar/ *kikar tree' /titcar/l pitar/' 'partridge* /prtth/j pith/ •back" /rlcch/1 Inch/ 'hear' /sing/ horn /t£lpn/j /dhup/ 'the sunshine /grddar 14 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OP HINDI AND PANJABI /gUddcW /gudar/ 'rags' /sAtt/ /sat/ 'seven' /Agg/ /ag/ 'fire' In Panjabi monosyllables occurrence' of /a/ is mostly restricted to non-plosive coda margins, as in, /as/ 'hope', /bal/ 'child*, /car/ 'four' or'in loan words such as /jad/ 'memory' /pap/ 'sin' etc ; otherwise' cf. /nAk./ 'nose', /kAn./ 'ear', /hAth./ 'hand*, \i\h\ to day, /kAm-/ work, etc. fl 2.1.1.4 Restrictions to the occurrence of syllable peaks in the final position in Panjabi s In Panjabi no class I syllable peak can occur in the final open syllable of a substantive. Their prejunctural occurrence is restricted to half a dozen monosyllabic function words only, such as /kl/ 'that*, /ka/ 'about', /kU/ 'about9, /ca/ *in\ /JU/ 'emphatic particle*, Hence all-disyllabic or polysyllabic words of Hindi, ending in class I syllable peaks, are realized with their corresponding class II syllable peaks in Panjabi, though with a shorter duration than that of their phonemic norm : H. /kavl/: P. /kavi/ 'poet\ H. /sadhU/ : P. /sadhu/ monk1. H. /krlpalU/: P. /klrpalu/ 'kind', H. /vwtU/; P. /vastu/ "commodity'. Similarly, no class I syllable peak occurs in a syllable bearing high tone in Panjabi vocables ; 4 t /mi/ *rain\ /nu/ 'daughter'-in lawV (for details, see. 2. 3.3 ; 2. 4. 2.) 2.1.2 Occurrence of syllable peaks before geminated coda margin: Normally. Hindi monosyllabic vocables do not have class I syllable peaks before a geminated coda margin, except in a few vocables which are either onomatopoeic or paralinguistic, mainly showing emphasis, such as /dhamm/ 'sound caused by abrupt fall of a heavy object', /cUpp/ 'absolute silence', /gUpp-/ 'pitched (darkness)', /Ucc/ 'very high', /pharr/~/phUrr/ 'abrupt departure, mostly metaphorical with flying of a bird'; otherwise cf. Panjabi /kamm/ ;'work*. \2ggl r % ? SYLLABLE PEAKS* • • - 15 'fire, \\\x\ 'brick', /pOkkh' 'hunger, jhlkk/ 'chest' (meta.), /phUll/ 'flower*, /bUtt/ 'statue', in which it is very common, i • ..••] 2 1.3 Occurrence of syllable peaks before .non-geminated complex] coda margin : _, I 2.1.3.1 Hindi and Panjabi syllable peaks show a notable differ ence in their occurrence before a complex coda margin (—c. cluster), mostly in monosyllabic patterns. In Panjabi syllabic structure we have all types of complex coda margins with a syllable ;peak of a class I vowel, but syllable peaks consisting of class II vowels occur only before a complex coda margin comprising of homorganic nasals + a stop or a sibilent + a stop (cf • Gill and Gleason P. 15) : * /wang/ 'like', /ping/ 'swing'. /pfcmd/ 'wasp', /psend/ 'string for cots', /dost/ 'friend', /gost/ 'meat', /gost/ 'meeting', but Dr. Jain does not mention of such restriction and has noted examples with all syllable peaks (see pp. 7—10). 2.1.32 No such restriction with regard to a margin is noticeable in Hindi, in which all syllable peaks can occur before all types of complex coda margins, e. g., /satj/ 'truth', /krUddh/ 'angry', JUtsI 'source', /ami/ 'sour', /bllv/ 'Vllwa tree', /Indr/ 'god Indra', /dhasrj/ 'patience', /murkh/ 'dunce', /dhurt/ 'wicked', /aekj/ 'unity', /Sorj/ 'chivelry', /amr/ 'mango', /samj/ likeness', /dirgh/ 'long,' 'dost/ *. 'friend', /tirth/ 'sacred place', /Sunj/ 'zero', /purv/ 'east', etc. • v 2.1.3.3 This peculiarity*of Panjabi is also confirmed by a recent Hindi dictation test, taken to assess the linguistic interference of mother tongue in learning Hindi by Panjabi speakers. Words like liunil 'zero', /surj/ 'sun', /tirth/ sacredplace*. /dirgh/ 'long', /purv/ 'east', /dusra/ 'second', /pacw5/ 'fifth', etc. have .either been recorded by Panjabi students as /sUrj/. /tirth/, /dUsra/, /sUnj/, /p3Jwa/ etc. or /tirath/, /purab/ etc. " 2.1.3.4 In a disyllabic pattern, with final open syllable, occurrence of /i, u/ syllable peaks before a complex interlude, i.e., consonant cluster, is very much limited in Panjabi, its frequency, being'the lowest in the language. The 'Panjabi Sabad Jod Kosh' with its 49,000 entries has recorded only 51 entries with \\\ syllable peaks, and 57 entries with /u/ syllable peaks in this environment. Most of which are either loan words like /sirni/ 'sweet', /kimti/ 'precious', /surma/ 'brave', /kirti/ 16 SYLLABIC STRUCrWRE OF HINDI AND PANJABI I 'fame', /irkha-/ *§ /ir£a/ jealousy', or a*e infinitive verbal forms like /cikhna/ %to cry\ /cirna/ \o tear*,/Qghna/ 'to be drawzfj/pujnaf %o warship', /purnaj *to fill\ or they have alternate Panjabi forms like- /dusra/ ^ /dula/ 'second1, /tisraj ~ Ttija/ "third*. In verbal forms too, many doubtless have been recorded, e. g.» < Jhulna> *** 'to .swing', 2-1 37 Thus statistically the ratio of these syllable peaks occurring in this -environment is not more than 1% of the total syllabic structure of Panjabi, while in Hindi it is just reverse the case. Though 210 statistical data could be collected in this regard, yet it may be presumed from a general impression that m Hindi the ratio of these syllable peaks, occurring in*this environment, is much higher than those of Panjabi -syllable peaks, occurring in this environment ; because a number of-verbal stems, which have a lax vowel in Panjabi, have tense vowel in Hindi, e. g., Hindi verbal stems -sucli as '/bhun-/ *roast\ jfbhtfl-/ *orgetf, fkat-1 4beat\/t^k-/ 'spit^ 'win*, /chil-/ "peel1, /chik-/ 'sneeze', /bidh-/ 'pierce', /sikh-f *leanf. 4 § f f/bhig-/ to get wet\ /ghum-/ revolve', /pucb-/ ask f /lip-/ 'plaster', /chut-/ Heave',/jsQgh-/'smell* etc., have a corresponding lax vowel as their stem vowel in Panjabi. 1 2.1.3.8 The basic treason'for this lax :*ense*vowel difference anay again be attributed to the haste accentual tendencies • SYLLABLE PEAKS 17 2.1.4 Occurrence of syllable peaks before complex interlude : 2.1.4.1 In Hindi only class I vowels can occur before geminated interludes or coda margins, but in Panjabi'any syllable peak can occur before gemination : /guttha/ 'thumb', /kodcji/ 4Cawri shell9, /ptikkha/ 'hungry', /kitta/ 'did', /ekka/ 4unity\ /potta/ 'grandson', /khotta/ 'ass\ /kanna/ 'reed' (Jain' P.1C); otherwise cf. Hindi parallels /agutha/, /kori/, /bhukha/, /eka/, /pota/, etc. 2.1*4.2 In Panjabi the most notable restriction to the occurrence of a syllable peak before a complex interlude is the occurrence of /e/ in the second syllable of a polysyllabic word, cf. corresponding Hindi personal namestsuch as /rajendr/, /jogendr/, /surendr/ etc. which are realized as /roJIndar/, /Juglndar/, /surlndar/ etc., in Panjabi. 2.2.0 ZERO INTERLUDE SYLLABLE PEAKS : Hindi and Panjabi both have a number of syllabic patterns in which there does not occur an interlude between two successive syllable peaks* r 2.2.1 Positional distribution of zero interlude syllable peaks : According to the syllabic structure of Panjabi all class I vowels occurring as a first member of a vowel sequence are non-vocalic and consequently do not form a separate nucleus of a syllable. They are generally realized as onset margins of a rising diphthongal syllable peak (Cf. G. B. Singh P. 28). Dr Arun has treated./ai/ and /se/ as well, as vowel sequences (Cf. 40), mostly depending on accent and tempo. These do not occur as a second member of a sequence as-well. But there if no restriction to the occurrence of class II vowels as sequences of two syllable peaks. According to: Gill and Gleason (2'7) there is a very slight to moderate non-syllabic vocalic glide between successive vowels. The only restriction to their sequential occurrence is the non occurrence of h, e, se/ either as first or second member (according to Gill and Gleason, 2.7) and as first member (according to Sandhu, P. 15). Another notable restriction is that no identical vowels occur as successive syllable peaks* But Dr. Bahri has listed sequences of /e/ and /o/ in his treatment of Awankari (Cf. P. 91) : /deea/ 'he had to- give' S—3 -v 18 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /hooa/ 'if you had been'. Identical* sequences of /ii/ and /oo/ have been attested in Dogri, e.gjpiida/ 'ought to drink1 /t6o/ 'wash1 (cf. pkkha sanjam No. If P. 84 \ / The following sequences of syllable peaks in Panjabi have been noted by different scholars mentioned above :— /ie/* /kUrie/ o girl' /ia/ /kla/ 'a vegetable' /ia/ /kUria/ 'girls' /i< /piu/ '(he) will drink' liof /pio/ '(you) drink' M •/tie/ 'others* /eil */tei/* 'twenty three' /#«/ */dee/ 'giving* M */deu/ 'will give' leal I */dea/ , 'sympathy' hoi /deo/ give luil /sui/ 'needle* luel /sue/ 'needles' /ua/ /pua/ 'father's sister' M /chuo/ 'touch (Imp.II pi.)' lu&l */tue/ 'giving still birth' /oi/ /roi/ wept (she) M /roe/. . 'wept' (they) /oae/ /t&ae/ ' 'washing' M. . /rou/ 'will weap* M /toa/ ^ pit /ai/ /nai/v 'barber' w /tae/ 'uncles' /au/ /Jtu/ 'shallgo' /ao/ /pao/ * put* * •These sequences have been recorded in puadi only. SYLLABLE PEAKS 19 According to the acoustic analysis of Dr- G. B. Singh, in Panjabi sequences, the second element tends to be consonantal in case of [ei, ai, oi, Ui, ai, ae. oe, eo» ao, so. eu, au, au], (P. 128), and in case of [la, Ua, ie, ia io,] it is the first element that tends to be consonantal (P. 129).1 Syllable peak sequences of /ie, ae, oe, ue/ pattern have been attested in Dogri as well, (cf. Pakha Sanjam, ibid P. 84), In these sequences Panjabi, normally, replaces /e/ with /e/. 2 2.2 Peculiarity of zero interlude syllable peaks in Panjabi: The most striking feature of Panjabi syllabic structure in this regard is the occurrence of three or four vocoids in succession with zero interludes, though all of them may not have an independent syllabic status ; /ala/ /pala/ 1 a quarter' /ale/ /khale/ 1 'let us eat* /ole/ /role/ ] 'Let us weap* /ole/ /sole/ 'let us sleep' /lai/ /vadlai/ 'greatness' /Uai/ flUai/ 'son in-law' /ola/ /mola/ 1 ' d ead' /ala/ /gala/ ] 'went (f.)' /laia/ /vddlaiS/ 'greatnesses' It may be noted that Dr. S. Varma's pronunciation of these words attests the realization of /I/ as glidal 1)1 : w v/ w v /khaje/, /roja/, /moja/, /vedlaji/ etc., but not in/gla/, /jUai/. In Dogri the following triphthongs and teraphthongs have been attested by U.S. Bahri (Pakha Sanjam P. 85) which have not been attested by any scholar in Eastern Panjabi. They are /uia/, /Iae/, /aua/, joH /Uae/, /Iae/, /Uala/, /Uaia/. Dr* Hardev Bahri has listed as many as 35 triphthongs and some tetraphthongs in his book "Lahndi Phonetics" (P. 90, 91, 98), mostly 1. It may be noted here that in the pronunciation of "Dr. Siddheshwar Varma /sue/ and /toa/ are realized not as sequences, but as one syllable peak, i.e., diphthong /pao/ is a marginal case between a sequence and a diphthong. 20 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI occurring in morphological and phonotactk environments. But It may be observed here that in most of the cases the class I syllable peaks occurring in these sequences are realized as non-syllabic weak glides in syntactical utterances, thus they are non-syllabic Mostly, diphthongizing the preceding syllable, which is realized as a falling or rising diphthong according to their occurrence in the structure. 2.2.3 Peculiarity of zero interlude syllable peaks in Hindi : The most diverging feature of Hindi syllabic structure with regard to syllabic sequences of zero interlude may be stated that whereas, in Panjabi a sequence of class I and class II vowels as nucleus of two separate syllable peaks has not been attested by any authority, it is a common feature of Hindi syllabic structure : /Ua/ /hUa/ 'became1 1 / lei /die/ 'given (pi.) /calle/ 'let us go' /ai/ /gai/ 'went1 (f.) /ae/ /gae/ 'went' (pi.) /Ui/ ' /sUi/ 'needle' /rUi/ 'cotton' /Uo/ /chUo/ 'touch' /Io/ /plo/ 'drink' (please) /Ue/ /hUe/ 'became' (pi.) It may further be -noted here that the quality of /I/ and and /chUo/ may be realized as tense, though short. 2.2.3.1 But occurrence of /la/ sequences is never realized in Hindi without a full fledged glide a and is rarelv realized without a strong did /la/ •/Ma/ -Wklja/ - fdfcT ^^^^^^^ /laykiaMlarklja/ 'girls' 1 /Io/ */bhaIo/-»bhaIjo/ '0 brothran, /gharl3/-»/gharIjS/ 'watches' (obi.) 2.2.3.2 These sequences bi bic SYLLABLE PEAKS 21 /la/ /Iaiji/ 'unwise* (f.) /slaijti/j 'wise' (f.) /slanap/ 'wisdom* /slkhla/ 'education9 /dCJnlai/ 'worldly' ^^^ pf /kUrlo/ 40 girls1 | It may also be noted here that /I/ in /klja/ etc. in Hindi may be S though shorts It awaits a mechanical analysis. 2.2*4.0 Converging and diverging zero interlude sequences of syllable peaks : So for as accurrence of class II vowels as syllable peaks with zero interlude is concerned both the languages show convergence and divergence in many respects. In both, the converging point is, that in disyllabic patterns no class II syllable peak is followed by a class I syllable peak. Similarly, no identical syllable peaks can follow each other* Occurrence like /deea/ 'he had to give1,/hooa/ If you had been9, which have been attested by Dr. Bahri in his 'Lahndi Phonetics9 (P.91), are not lexical and universal. Similarly, Hindi forms like /see/ 'hatched9, /khee/ 'may propel9, are not lexical and are confined to /e/ ending verbal stems only Besides this, Panjabi graphemic forms like But Hindi and Panjabi considerably differ from each other in respect of distribution and frequency of class II syllable peaks occurring with zero interlude sequences in a disyllabic, as well as in a trisyllabic pattern. 2.2.4.1 Zero interlude ~ syllable peak sequences in disyllabic patterns : In a disyllabic word a sequence of /eo/ syllable peaks, which is; so common in Panjabi vocables, as in, /deo/ 'give9, /leo/ 'take', /deor/ 'husband's younger brother9 etc. is hardly found in Hindi vocables/ Similarly, all front vowels followed by front or back syllable peak . sequences are missing in Hindi, but are quite frequent in Panjabi, e.g„. 22 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /tia/ 'daughters', /dea/ *give\ /gea/ 'went*, /deo/ 'give', /tie/ *0 daughter', /del/ as in, /ramdei/ 'a feminine name1, though back plus front or back plus back syllable peaks with zero interlude are not uncommon in both the languages: /ae/ 'came1, /nai/ 'barber', /khao/ 'eat\ /chuo/ 'touch', /roi/ *wept\ (f.), /dhoe/ 'washed', (pi.), but sequences like /ua/ /ue/, /ou/ and luij are not found in Hindi while they are quite common in Panjabi (see 2.13.1.2.). 2.2.4.2 Zero interlude syllable peak sequences in trisyllabic patterns : In a trisyllabic pattern Hindi vocables can not have two class II syllable peaks with zero interlude in the final and penultimate syllables, especially when they occur in a sequence of front plus front or front plus back or rounded plus rounded ; but these are normally attested in Panjabi:— /kurie/ *0 girl1 /pkbie/ *0 sister-in-law' /nadia/ 'river, Ubl.) /kUria/ 'girls' /gUru3/ 'teachers' C) /babua/ clerks' (Obi.)1 2.2.4.2.1 In Hindi structure only back plus front or a back plus back,—when both of them are -not rounded one, can occur in this environment, e.g., /bUlae/ 'were invited' /sagai/ 'marriage ingagement* /dlkhao/ 'show' (imp.) /plroi/ 'put in a string (f.) /rasoi/ 'kitchen' 'bhlgoe/ 'were made wet' 2.2.4.2.2 But in case of a sequence of three vowels both the languages permit occurrence of a class I vowel after a class II syllable peak which again must be followed by a class II vowel : /ale/ r/khale/ 4let us eat' (P.) 'please eat' (H.) lolel -.-/sole/ 'let us sleep, (H.) /s3Ie/ (P.) 1 The quality of the penultimate syllable peaks of these examples is of a doubtful character. In the pronunciation of some speakers it is realized as a lax vowel but in the pronunciation of others it swings between a lax vowel and a tense vowel with a considerably short quantity. SYLLABLE PEAKS 23 In this pattern too occurrence of all the three front or back vowels is not realized normally. Hindi forms like /sele/ 'let us hatch', /khele/ 'let us propel', etc. may be incidental, other regular forms are not available, Panjabi syllabic structure perhaps does not allow such forms at all. Normally, it has been noted that in such patterns the initial vowel is a back one and the succeeding vowels are front one. 2.2.4.2,3 Occurrence of back+back and front +front vowels is normally realized with strong glides in Hindi and with weak glides in Panjabi. Phonetically /a/ is not a fully back vowel in these environ ment, hence a sequence of a back voweljwith /a/ as a firstjor second syllable peak can not be ruled out: H. /tau/ 'elder uncle*: P. /Jau/' 'will go\ /ao/ (please) 'come1 etc., otherwise cf. H. */a a/-*/aja/ 'came', P. */ta a/—»/taja/ 'elder uncle'. 2.3.0 COMPLEX SYLLABLE PEAKS : Many syllable peaks which are simple peaks in Hindi are realized as complex peaks in Panjabi* 2.3.1 Complexity of syllable peaks an incident of tone ; In normal speech a syllable peak occurring with initial voiced aspirate is realized as complex peak, i.e., the vowel is heard as double, first short and second long : Hindi Panjabi /dhol/ •drum1 /tf>:l/ Ubol] /dhi/ 'intellect1 /tl:/ [tli:] 'daughter' /bhif/ 'crowd' /pl.*r/ [pH:r] 2.3.2 Complexity of syllable peaks : an incident of elision of a semi-consonant coda margin s Elision of prejunctural semi-consonant is another environment hich a syllable peak tends to be complex : Hindi Panjabi /svobhav/ nature /sUbhaU/ - [sUbk:a] /sUjhav/ Suggestion' JsUjhaU/=[sUJhk:a] /bhav/ 'rate' JphUI -[pk:a] /dabavf 'pressure1 /dabaU/ — [daba:a] 24 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANjAfcl /pav/ 'a "quarter" '/paU/* [pa:a] /talav/ 4lakef /talaU/«*[tala:3] /bhartij/ Indian* /pkrti/6^ [parti:] /gej/ 'which could be sung1 /ge/^Cge:] /atkav/ Obstruction' /atkaU/- [a^kara] otherwise cf. /pa/ 'put\ jcil 'desire1, /parti/ 'enrolment*. 2.3.4 Complexity of syllable peaks in paralinguistic environ ment : Realization of a complex peak in paralinguistic environments is a normal feature of all the languages, but the notable difference in Hindi and Panjabi is the occurrence of the complex peak in a parti cular syllabic position. In a finally closed syllabic pattern1 Hindi shows lengthening or complexity in the peak of the final syllable^ e.g„ /hakiks.t/ 'O Hakikat!' /ram si:n/t O Ram Singh/ramerg/ 'O Ramesh but Panjabi adds the complex vowel /3:/ after the coda consonant, thus the above examples are realized as [hakikat3:], [ram sing3:]t [rame£3:] etc. In case of emphasis too Panjabi shows a tendency towards the complex peak. The syllable peak which is the centre of emphasis is fairly long, even if it is not the last syllable of a macrosegment as shown1 above. \ In a question when this is uttered emphatically [e:] will be realized as complex peak in the utterance, [e: ki £] 'what is this ?' but no such complexity is realised in Hindi equivalent, viz.p /jah kja he/ 'what is this' ?\ the syllable [ki:] also; may be realized as complex peak when emphasis is put on it, as in, [e ki: e]. 2.4.0 DIPHTHONGIZATION OF SYLLABLE PEAKS : t 2.4.1 The scope and range of diphthongization :' 2*4.1.1- Hindi: In a restricted sense diphthongization is normally realized with certain monophthongs or vowelj sequences in certain environments in both the languages. As compared to Panjabi, the scope of diphthongization is restricted in Hindi. In Hindi only /«/ and hi ate realized as /a!/ and /aU/ diphthongs before /a/, with glidal /j/ and; /v/ respectively : /gaeja/ 'cow' -"[galja], /bhaeja/ 'brother'—[bhalja], /ko(v)a/ 'crow'^QcaUva], /hova/ 'horror'=[h3Uva]. ••*• ^h SYLLABLE PEAKS 25 In the learned pronunciation of Sanskrit words borrowed into Hindi /©/ and hi are made into clear diphthongs and pronounced more or less like /ai/ and /an/ respectively (cf• A basic Grammar of Modern Hindi, 1958. P.4). Thus it may be said that /as/ and hi have a tendency to become diphthongs in the above mentioned environments ; otherwise they are simple long vowels. No other diphthongized syllable peak is realized in standard Hindi, though Eastern dialects of Hindi show a regular tendency of diphthongization of many these syllable peaks.1 2.4.1.2 Panjabi: Normally, in Panjabi syllables too, there are not very many diphthongs, still their number is certainly greater and the environments also are wider. Gill and Gleason have noted eight4 diphthongs of various components, which according to them are true diphthongs and form the nucleus of a single syllable (See P.15) :2 \u Mang/ 'trick' Ilol /plo/ 'father* IU /tbi?a/ 'to bring* /la/ /Ha/ bring' /Ua/ /gCJaca/ 'lost' M f) /*»/ 'went' ] M /toe/ 'stayed' M •• /rou/ 'shall stay' The number of diphthongs may be lesser in other dialects of Panjabi, because Dr. Arun has listed only /ai/ and /au/ as diphthongs (cf. P.24), and Dr. Balbir Singh Sandhu has given only the following diphthongs in his traatment of PUadi (1969) :— /Io/f /ID/, /ai/,./Ua/. /ac/, and /au/ (P.14). In Dogri diphthongs of /Ie/ and /IU/ elements also have been attested (Pkkha Sanjam P.83). 1. Dr. Saksena on P.82 simply says—ai and au have definite dephtbong symbols, but are mostly written as simple vowels. And then on P.83 he says—ai and au have a tendency to become dephthongs." (Evolution of Avadhi). 2. Dr. Hardev Bihri (Lahndi Phonetics, 1963, P.65) lists as many as 41 diphthongs in Awankari. But according to Dr. S. Varma they are rather vowel sequences. S—4 I If 26 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 2.4.2. Simplification of dephthongized syllable peaks : ;2.4.2.1 According to Dr. Jain (P. 40). 'Powadhi; has a great tendency for simpliflcation of the final diphthongs thus, gae : ge. "they went'; gai: gi 'she want', lau : lu 'he wilt take' : jau : ju 'he will go' etc. Also cf. N. W Kaurawi (Ambala) which has simplified Panjabi leal into a simple /a/, e.g. /kara/ as against Panj. /karea/ 'did* : /dhara/ as against Panj. /darea/ 'placed*. Till now Panjabi has not adopted any uniform policy regarding s place of diphthongs in standardization of the language, therefore definite points of contrast can be fbrmularized at this staee. 2.4.2.2 Standard* Hindi has almost discarded diphthongized syllable peaks. It has either simplified them into monophthongs or has maintained them as two separate peaks, forming nucleus of two successive syllables. In the final position they are heard separately as two syllable peaks : /ao/ J /Jao/ " 'go' /ai/ /kai/ 'many' /gai/ 'went* (she) /ae/ Ig^ej 'went* (they) /au/ /gau/ 'cow' /Io/ /plo/ "drink* (hon.) /Ua/ /hUa/ 'became* 2.5.0 MONOPHTHONG1ZATION OF ZERO INTERLUDE SYLLABLE PEAKS : 2.5.1 It is interesting to note that a disyllabic zero interlude pattern'of Hindi syllables consisting of a+I sequences tends to be transformed into a simple syllable peak in Panjabi, if the final syllable is closed. In this case the simplified syllable peak would be /«/: Hindi Panjabi /naln/ /nen/ 'wife of a barber* SYLLABLE PEAKS 27 /daln/ /den/ 'demoness' /lain/ line (Eng.) /sains/ /sens/ science /kasaln/ /kasen/ 'wife of a butcher* /salkll/ lnkaU 'cycle' /lalsens/ /bsdns/r^/les3ns/ 'license' Otherwise ci. /khale/ 'let us eat' /p^rjai/ 'brother's wife', /jUai/ 'son-in-law' /sai/ lord' /wocjlai/ 'praise', /nlai/ 'just' /palai/ "goodness* etc*, in which no such tendency is realized.. 2-5.1.1 Sometimes even a Hindi sequence of^a+j glide also is reali zed as /e/ in Panjabi when the final syllable is closed, in ;a*quick or uneducated speech, e.g., H. /lajak/ 'deserving': P. [lek], /nalajsk/: P. [nalek] 'undeserving', /najab/ 'sub'—:[neb] /vllajat/ : tv'flet], 'foreign country', etc. ' 2.5.1.2 Similarly, & vowel sequence of /a/ or /a/ plus /u/is commonly realized as hi in Panjabi and sporadically in colloquial dialects of Hindi as well: Hindi Panjabi /avtar/ /aUtar/ •* [otarl incarnation /avgUo/ /aUgUn/ =[ogUn] viles * /aUnge/ [onge] 'will come (pi.) /aUnde/ [onde / 'come* (pi.) /aUn/ 'to come' /vohUti/ [vSti] *bride* /sahUra/ Csora] 'father-in-law* 2.6.0 NASALIZATION OF SYLLABLE PEAKS : 2.6.1 Environments of purely nasalized syllable peaks in Panjabi: Nasalization of syllable peaks is common to both Hindi and Panjabi. It is both phonemic and non phonemic. But in syllabic distribution at shows certain restrictions and peculiarities in Panjabi. In the Panjabi syllabic structure phonemic nasalization or pure nasali zation, i.e., nasality without any nasal inglide, occursiin a final open and long syllable only ; 28 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJAB sing.< /*«/ 'cow' but M 1 /sai/ 'master* $• /sai/ 'earnest money /la / 'hair* t» M . 'hot wind* v /sama/ 'time 11 /sama/ /spread* M 'Onom'. sound „ /su/ 'give birth' 'sleep' ti m /*>/ 'hundred* Because Panjabi syllabic structure does not permit a class I vowel to occur finally, therefore no pure nasalization can ever occur in Panjabi vocables with class I vowels. But in Dogri it can occur withjclass I syllable peaks and in a non-final or closed syllable as well. (cf. Pkkha- Sanjam P. 96). The non-final environment in which Panjabi can allow a pure nasalization, in certain dialectal variations, is its occurrence with a class II vowel, when it is followed or preceded by a fricative consonant, e.g., /ph2si/ 'capital punishment', /h3si/ 'name of a city', /kasi/ 'part of a name* like /k5si ram/, /sSkan/ 'cowife*. In others a consonantal element as well is realized normally* 2.6.2 Environments of purely nasalized syllable peaks in Hindi: On the other hand there is no such restriction to the occurrence of a pure and phonemic nasality in Hindi syllabic structure. There it can occur in any position and with any syllable peak : /3gutha/ 'thumb', /akh/ 'eye\ ./slcai/ 'irrigation', /It/ 'brick', /Ogli/ 'finger', /lit/ camel', /gSd/ 'ball', /ml/ T, /cSkna/ 'to be startled', /t5d/ 'pot-belly*. Phonemic nasalization as well c an j occur in all types of syllables: 5 " /b3s/ bamboo' /bas/ 'smell* /da/ 'right' (adj) /dai/ • 'nurse' /gad/ 'gum' /god/ 'lap* 'are' /he/ 'is' 2.6.3 Nasalization of syllable peaks: an historical incident: [ K An historical analysis of most of the environments in which Hindi shows pure nasalized syllable peaks, indicates that Panjabi has favoured assimilation or gemination in all such environments. The historical base of these is a cluster in the final syllable of a Sanskrit ^ SYLLABLE PEAKS 29 vocable. Hence, the vowel which was normally short remained un changed in Panjabi and a short vowel could not be nasalized in it. But in all such environments Hindi developed a back vowel /a/ which could easily be nasalized, e.g.. Sanskrit Pan j abi Hindi /k Arn A/ /kann/ /k3n/ ear /Aksi/ hkkhl /akh/ eye /cAndrA/ /cann/ /c«d/ moon /bAndh/ /bsnn/ /badh/ to tie* /UstrA/ /Utth/ /at/ ca mel' /UCCA/ /Ucca/ /Oca/ 'high' 2.6.4 Syllabically conditioned nasalized syllable peaks: 2.6*4.1. Structurally Panjabi is more in favour of a class I syllable peak in closed monosyllabics and in the initial syllables of disyllabic-- and polysyllabics. Therefore, in many a word in which Hindi has a pure nasalization, Panjabi does not show any trace of such tendency. As such in Hindi pronunciation of such a word a Panjabi speaker spon taneously uses a nasal consonant. Hindi j Panjabi /chik / /chik/ 'a^^^ sneez* ^ /ghat/. Igtitl 'a sip* ] /mtlch/ /mU cch / 'moustache' /h5th/ /hoth/ I lips /chit/ /chit/ 'a kind of cloth* /J5k/: /I6k/ *leech' /b«t/ 'cane* /phuk/ /phUk / 'a blow, puff' /mas/ /mas/ meat /h3s/ /h ASS/ 'to laugh* 2.6.4.2 that pure nasality never oc in Hindi open. monosyllables except with continuent onset margins, e.g., /Ia$e7 'corpse', /gharl/S/ 'watches', /ma/ 'mother*, /me/ T /ha/ 3C SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OFMINDI AND PANJABI f 4 4 Ves , /hu/ am'f /he/ are\ /kohS/ where", and in a^few onoraatopoeas and Per so-Arabic words ; whereas, Panjabi has a number of mono syllabic words in which pure nasality is quite evident with all onset margins. However, in the final position Panjabi shows a special preference for nasalization with long and open syllable peaks :— Hindi Panjabi M /ta/ 'thou' /rUi/ /*/ 'cotton* /nakh/ M3/ 'nails of-fingers' /mUlla/ /mUll3/ 'a muslim priest' /gav/ /gta/ 'village' /nam/ /nS/ 'name' mi 1 /bi/ 'seed' /meh/ /ml/ ? ram , /bah/ 1 W arm /mUkh-•7muh/ /ma/ 'face' /dhUm/*--'/dhUa/ /ta) 'smoke* /sthan/ /th3/ 'place* ! /ia/ J /&/: •either' /to/ 1 /ta/ 'then* /kak/-/kag/^g ] /ka/ 'crow' /gaj/ 1 cow /*«/ Rather it is the xmly environment in which Panjabi attests occurrence of pi onemic nasality (Cf. 2.6.1). 2.6.4.3 A further analysis reveals that in certain vocables pure nasalityb}can be realized*inr*Panjabi even in a closed monosyllable, with a long vowel, eg., /p^th/ 'sixty five* /pes/ 'buffalo'. But the consonantal element is very clearly heard if*the ^nasalized syllable peak is" a long and'is followed by a syllable which is 'long by nature or by position* (for examples see 2.6.2), SYLLABLE PEAKS 31 For instance, it is not so clearly heardl in /gUad/ 'neighbourhood', as in /gUan^i/ 'neighbour*. ; 2.6.5 Phono logically conditioned nasalization of syllable1 peaks : In Hindi anusvara (a nasal consonantal element) does not4 follow a class II syllable peak in a closed syllable and before an interlude. But inPanjabi when a nasalized syllable peak is followed by a plosive consonant the nasality is often accompanied with a very short homorganic,nasal inglide to the consonant: Hindi Panjabi /keci/ /keftci/ scissors /maga/ 1 /manga/ 'asked for" /began/1 /bengan/ 'brinjel' /sig/ /sing/ 'horn* /babi/ I /bambi/ 'snake whole* /taba/ I /tamba/ copper /g3dla/ I /gandla/ 'muddy' /cSdova/ /cdndova/ connopy /kat-a/ I /kanta/ 'thorn' /bhada/j /panda/ utensil* /cadi/ /candi/ 'silver' /petis/ I /penti/ 'thirty five' /setis/ I /senti/ '37' /petalis/ /pantali/ '45* /setalis/ /santali/ '47* 2.6.6 PHONOTACTIC NASALIZATION OF SYLLABLE PEAKS: 2.6.6.1 Anticipatory nasalization of syllable peaks : In both the languages a syllable peak showsi a weak nasalization in the vicinity of a nasal consonant. It is mostly of regressive nature, 32 SYLLVBIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJALI i.e., the syllable peak is nasalized in anticipation of a nasal consonant. It is stronger before a dental nasal than before a bilabial one. According to Dr. G. B. Singhf the acoustic analyses of Panjabi vowels in this environment show that this anticipatory nasalization starts even before the syllable containing the nasal is uttered. But this nasalization is weak and inaudible (P.78.) : /namuna/ [namfina] specimen /am/ [am] 'mango' /pan/ [p2n] *betel leaf* /kan/ [k2n] ear /dam/ [dam] price 2.6.6.2 Progressive nasalization of syllable peaks : There is no appre< ble progressive phonotactic nasalization in any of these languages ; /mal/ wealth or cattle* but [12m] » war_ » /nek/ good, honest' M [kan] ea^^^r ^ /meva/ fruit' •» [baman] 'a Brahman* /neta/ leader* »• [t3na] 'weaving thread' /nai/ barber' ts [naln] 'wife of a "barber' 2.6.6.3 Regressive nasalization : of syllable peaks : In Panjabi -regressive nasalization spreads over any - sequence of syllable peaks not intervened by a true consonant, but the same tendency is not met with in Hindi: Hindi Panjabi /gai/ went' (f.pl.) /kUala" / 'girls /pin/ should drink (I) /13 vS / may take' /khau/ should eat' (I) /m§Inu/ to me /bhalj5/ brothers (Obi.) /g§13/ went /Jawe/ may go' /klve/ 'how' /dhows/ 'may wash' /Pavt/ may % SYLLABLElPEAKS 33 2.6.7 1 Accent and nasalization of syllable peaks?: j However, both | the languages show a common tendency not to nasalize a syllable peak in anticipation in the vicinity of a nasal consonant, if the syllable containing the nasal consonant is an accented one andfthere is a clear syllabic division in them : 1 BHRH /ma'na/ 'console'! /ke'ma/ 'earn' /sU'na/ 'tell' /bi'mar/ 'sick' /ru'mal/ 'handkerchief /a'nar/ 'pomagranate /a'nek/ HI 'many'. 1 1 Mil 1 1 I 111 11 IB S—5 3.0 ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS: There are certain allophonic variations which are common to many or all syllable peaks. Variations in Hindi and Panjabi are considerably notable at the sub-phonemic levels of syllable peaks. They are more marked in Panjabi than in Hindi. 3.1 TONALIZED VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS. The most notable allophonic variants of "'Panjabi syllable peaks are the tonalizecPallophones of corresponding simple syllable peaks of Hindi. It is well known that in Panjabi all Hindi syllable peaks, having a voiced aspirate as a margin or interlude, or a glottal fricative—/h/—as coda margin are tonalized for their Panjabi correlates. As such they show a quantitative and qualitative difference from their Hindi correspondents in the same environment. Generally, they are realized tenser with high tone and laxer with low tone. Quantitatively, too, they are realized longer with low tone than with level tone and their duration is still more affected when occurring with high tone as compared to the level tone (cf. Sandhu, P. 12). Dr* Gurubax Singh's acoustic analysis also attests that "Vowels with high falling tones are greater in sonority and intensity, but shorter in duration than the vowels without a tone."1 But according to Gill and Gleason 'In general they are laxer with high tone and tenser with low. They are longer with low tone and shorter with high." (P. 12). That vowels are "laxer with high tone and tenser with low tone" may be questioned. Sandhu's treatment of vowels has already been referred above. On P. 44 he speaks that with low tone "at the end of the syllable the contour shows a tendency to a significantly higher level." But these peaks will not show any appreciable allophonic difference in Hindi while occurring with level tone in any environment: Hindi Panjabi /ghoya/ 'horse' but /kora/ 1. "Studies in the Descriptive Aspects of the Phonetics of Panjabi, 1963, P. 99/' >i ALLOP'-ONflC VARt\^ITS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS 35 /4ho-l/ 'drum' but ftblj /dudh/ milk' if /dtrd/ /carh/ 'climb' x „ Mr/ /korhi/ * 'leper' „ |k6ra/ /bagghi' *a carriage' „ /baggi/ /cahna/ 'to like' „ /cdna/ In the last two examples in Panjabi not only the syllable peaks, bearing high tone, show reduction in quantity, but the peak.of the final syllable also is tremendously reduced, as compared to the final syllable peak of Hindi correspondent, which is realized much longer in duration. 3.2 ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS Syllable peaks consisting of class I vowels show very interesting allophonic variants before a graphemic /h/ in Panjabi. 3.2.1 The syllable peak hi shows allophonic variants before /h/ occurring as interlude, both in Hindi and Panjabi. In Hindi both, preceding and succeeding hi peaks of a simple interlude /h/, show allophonic variation with a tendency of vowel harmony of both the variants ; but in Panjabi only the preceding /a/ shows an allophonic variation with a tone and the succeeding syllable peak is completely elided, Thus orthographic 3.2.3 In Panjabi syllable peaks /I/ andj/U/ before /h/[are {realized as lei and /o/ respectively with a high tone : kUhi>a> «=» /k6iia/ corner' kUhra]> •• /k6ra/ 'lepper' [klhra> = /k£ra/ 'who' 'which' 3.2.4 But no such allophonic variant is realized in Hindi, However, realisation as [e] and [o] allophonic variants of a syllable f 36 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANjABl peak /a/, before a pre-junctural /h/, is well-known in Hindi too, e.g., /jah/ = [je]'this', /vah/^Cvo] 'that'. Thus in Hindi it is realized as /e/ when preceded by /j/ margin and followed by /h/ margin, and it is realized as /o/ when preceded by a /v/ margin and followed by a /h/ margin. 3.2.5 Parallels, in both the languages, indicate that Panjabi /a/ shows another important allophonic correlate of Hindi /a/, before /h/, in pre-junctural position. It is realized as a nasalized/a/f e.g., H. 3.2.6 Similarly, in Panjabi an orthographic syllable peak hi followed by /h/ with a vowel /I/ or /U/ is realized as /e/ and /D/ respectively along with a high tone and with the amalgamation of the succeeding vowel, e.g., 3.3.0 ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS OF CLASS II SYLLABLE PEAKS BEFORE PRE-JUNCTURAL /h/: All the syllable peaks with class II vowels are realized as shorter and tenser variants of their phonemic norms in Panjabi, before a prejunctural /h/ ; but no such reduction and tenseness is realized in their Hindi correspondents : Hindi Panj abi /meh/ t ram• t Imil /cah/ 1 'desire' leal /pDs/ 'a month1 M /ruh/ 'soul' m /bjah/ "marriage* Ihjil /salah/ 'advice' /sala/ /mUh/ 'mouth* /mtt/ However, no such a tonalized variant willbe realized, when^the fricative /hf> occur* as a simple interlude and there is a clear syllabic \ ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS: 37 division, e.g\ /bahsr/ 'outside', /bahar/ 'spring', /bahadur/ 'brave', otherwise (cf. 2.3.3) 3.3.1 Allophonic variants of hi before a coda margin. In Panjabi the syllable peak hi shows a notable retracted allophonic variant before a consonant cluster or a simple margin, e.g., /Anda/ 'egg' /b£nd/ 'close' JkAr/ house, /d£r/ 'fear\ This tendency may not be so universal, although I had have myself noted this pronunciation of this pattern of words many times and from many speakers. According to Dr. Jain's statement this variation seems to be conditioned by regional environments. Because in Ludhiana dialect it is realized as full back vowel /a/ and has been recorded as such by him (P. 10), as in, /anda/. But on P.6 (7(xv) ), he states that the word for 'one's own' is /Apna/in Ludhiani, but [apna] in Majhi andl[avda] in Malwai. About the vowel of /ghar/ 'house' also he says (ibid (xiv) ), that the word for 'house' [ghAr] is pronounced with a short close vowel at Ludhiana thus [kAr], but with a longer and opener vowel at Lahore. In Pothowari it is distinctly [a:]. The Lahore pronunciation is some where between the two. Dr. Jain has attested this pronunciation in this word only, but the author of these lines- has noted it in other words as well, such as, /dAr/ 'fear', /hAs/ 'laugh', /cAl/ 'go', /rAkh/ §keep\ /cAt/ 'quickly1, /hAth/ hand etc. Aspiration and tone seem to be a favourable environment for this allophonic variant of the syllable peak hi* I am told that this pronunciation is frequently realized in Gurdaspur dialect. But no such retraction is realized before geminated coda margins, e.g-* hggl 'fire', /sapp/ 'snake', /conn/ 'moon'. Gill and Gleason (P.10) also have noted this allophonic variation of h\. According to their statement 'Panjabi h\ is perhaps more open (i.e. lower) than the equivalent vowel of many forms of Hindi'. In open monosyllabic words hi is invariably realised as /a/ in Panjabi utterances.as in, /na/ 'negative particle', /v«/ 'and', —>P: /na/, /va/. 3.4 LONGER VARIANTS OF CLASS II SYLLABLE PEAKS: \ Class II syllable peaks tend to be longer in Panjabi than in their Hindi correlates, whea occurring in the closed second syllable of a 38 STRUCTURE disyllabic word, and having a neutral or neutralized vowel peak in the initial syllable : Hindi1 Panjabi i • /bimar/ sick' /bimar/ *= [blma:r] /garib/ poor /garib/ [gri:b] /kSpur/ 'camphor' /kapur /—[kapurr] /saber/ 'early' /saber/ [sVe:r] /behos7 'unconscious' /behos7s«Lbeho:s'] 3.4.1 A complex non-geminated interlude also is a favourable environment for the lengthening of a syllable peak in Panjabi, but no such lengthening is realized in Hindi correlates : ' Hindi Panjabi /binti/ request / benti [bernti] /art?/ women /3nge/ [a:nge] /dholki/ 'small drum' /t61ki/ [t6:lki] 3.5 VARIATION IN LENGTH : AN ACCENTUAL INCIDENT IN PANJABI : It may be noted here that variation in length is an accentual d in bi Besid es the bove d environments (2.4.1), in which the syllable peak of the second syllable has the highest prominence, all final peaks having accent on them also are realized fairly long as compared to their corresponding Hindi correlates in the same position : Hindi Panjabi /saja/ 'decorate' /saja/ [sa'Ja:] /bata/ 'tell' /bata/ [ba'ta:] /bUla/ call' / bUla/ [bU'la:] /paka/ 'cook' / paka/ [pa*ka:] /bana/ 'make' /bana/ [ba'na:] /baca/ save /baca/ [ba'ca:] otherwise compare: /bacca/ 'child', /pakk ght', /b 'pebble', in which there is no lengthening in the syllable peak of the second syllable due to non-accentual environments, i.e. accent being on the first syllable. ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS 39 Dr. G. B. Singh's mechanical analysis also attests that Panjabi syllable peaks show much longer quantity in accented positions than their normal correlates in unaccented position (cf. P. 109). 3.6 VARIATION IN LENGTH : A RHYTHMIC ADJUSTMENT OF SYLLABLE PEAKS: Infact, many a time lengthening of syllable peaks in Panjabi is an incident of rhythmic, adjustment i.e., the quantity of preceding reduced syllable is compensated in the succeeding syllable, which is again an accentual phenomenon. For instance, in all disyllabic and polysyllabic patterns in which the initial syllable is either elided or centralized, i.e., weakened, normaly due to accent on the second syllable, the second syllable is always realized longer than its corresponding correlate in Hindi: Hindi Panjabi /bhucal' 'earthquake' /bhUcal/ = [pUca:l] /hfsab/ 'sums' /hi sab/ =[hlsa:b] /gulab/ < ros_ e » /gulab/ - [gulab] /saval/ 'question' /saval/ •• [sva:l] /sabera/ 'early morning* /savera/ •^[sverra] /majur/ 'peacock' /majur/ = [mju:r] /pariksa/ 'examination* /parikSa/ •»[pri:kfe] /sadharan/ 'ordinary' /sadaran/ =[sada:ran] /raamuli/ 'ordinary* /mamuli/ —[memu:li] /pUrohlt/ 'priest' /pUrohlt/ •• [prorhlt] /savitri/ 'a name' /savitri/ =[ savitri: ] /adhlkar/ 'right' /adlkar/ =[adka:r] /nakhun/ 'nails* /nakhun/ —[nakhutn] 3.7 OPENER VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS: Syllable peaks /a, i/ when occurring finally with a high tone are realized opener in Panjabi than their corresponding Hindi peaks in the same position : Hindi Panjabi meaning /vjah/ /vjaV 'marriage' I 40 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANjABI /meh/ /mi' 'rain /salah/ /said/ 'advice' /svabhav/ /sUb£:/ 'nature' Inihi jnvV not In Panjabi the syllable peak /a/ when occurring in a non-initial closed syllable is normally, realized longer and opener than in a corresponding Hindi vocable, e.g., the syllable peakj/a/jin /Jukam/ /mskan/, 'mukabla/, /bonarsi/ is comparatively long and Panjabi pronunciation. 3.8*0 SHORTER VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS : Certain syllable .peaks of Panjabi consisting of class IT vowels, having intrinsically long quantity, tend to be realized as shorter variants in certain statable phonological environments, while in Hindi they- do not show any such tendency in the same environment. A particular mention may be made of /e. o, o\ peaks which otherwise are long. 3.8.1 Shorter variants before geminated interludes : A syllable peak tends to be shorter in Panjabi before geminated interludes, e.g., [chetti] 'quickly* [dodda] 'bud', [otthe] 'there* rs r* f [okkha] 'difficult', [hatthi] 'elephant'. There being no favourable environment for a clear syllabic division, the tenacious syllabication has brought in strong stress accent, hence a shorter quantity. This is the reason why /i u/ hardly occur as syllable peaks before a geminated interlude. This tendency of shortening a syllable peak before a complex interlude may be attested in the dialects of Western Utter Pardesh as well. 3.8.2 Shorter variants before zero interlude : Syllable peak/e/ also tends to be shorter in Panjabi before ude ,/geara/ 'eleven', /deor/ * brother-in- law' (husband's younger brother), /gea/ 'went', /lea/ 'took1, /deo/ 'give', /seo/ 'apple*, /tei/ 'twenty three'. In a quick speech this /e/ is further reduced in Panjabi and is i realized as [I], thus /dea/ is realized as [dla]. Similar is the case of I ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS O? SYJ-LABLE PEAKS 4ll lol, e.g., /roe/ 'wept (they)', /toa/ 'pit', /hoja/ 'became','/roi/ 'wept' (she). Syllable peaks /a,i,u/ as well show the same tendency. They are realized as shorter than their normal quantity in this environment, e.g., /kUrie/J 'O girl', /Jio/ 'long live', /Jao/ 'go (you), /sua/ 'injection', /Jua/ 'gambling'J /cue/ 'rats', otherwise cf. Hindi /sev| 'apple', /roe/ 'wept (they), /roi/ 'wept (she)', /Jao/ 'go', /Jio/ 'long live', /cuhe' 'rats' in which the long quantity is fairly maintained. I 3.8.3 Shorter variants of syllable peaks before a juncture : The quantity of a Panjabi /e, o/ syllable peak is considerably reduced in a prejunctural position as well. This may be illustrated by the following examples :— I I 161 'that', /e/ 'this', /de/ 'body', /t6/ 'wash' /mu*/ mouth', /ml/ ram. I x It may be noted here that in these examples it is accompanied] with a high tone as well, also cf. /k&ra/ * which* /b£ra/ 'courtyard*. Thus! the tone may be an environment for this reduction. 1 3.8.4 Shorter variant of syllable peaks before terminal contour : It is also shorter before a terminal contour, e.g., /e. ki:e/ 'what is this' ? /tUsi khao/ 'you eat'. In this last environment Hindi also shows a similar tendency, e.g., /calo/ let us go' /kja he/ 'what is the matter' ? I I 3.9.0 VARIANTS OF NASALIZED SYLLABLE PEAKS : 3.9.1 Opener variants of nasalized peaks before juncture : I Nasalized syllable peaks are more prominent due to the openness and retraction of the vowel than their non-nasalized counterparts, in both the languages, e.g., Panjabi /a/ in /ga/ 'cow' is opener and, retracted than /a/ in /ga/ 'sing'.1 Similarly, /a/ in the intial syllable of /kana/ 'one eyed' is opener than /a/ in /kaka/ 'child*. Also cf. Hindi /khan/I 'mine' but 'khad/ 'manure' ; /c3di/ 'silver' but: /khadi/ 'a rough cloth' etc. 1. Cf. Dr. G. B. Singh P ; 80. S-6 42 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 3.9.2 Opener variants of syllable peaks before homorganic nasals : The openness of the vowel nd th ble neak is still greater in Pani Hind in which a homorganic nasal consonant appears before a plosive in a non- final nasalized syllable peak : Hindi Panjabi /cSdi/ t silver• ' /candi /taba/ copper /tamba/ /bhati/ manner /pknti/ /bad' • 'drop' /bund/ /badhna/ 'to tie /b&ndna/ /cad/ moon /cand/ 'search* /tOnd/ /sud/ 'trunk of elephant' /sund/ /bat/ 'distribute' /bant/ /sSbhal/ 'take care' /sAmbal/ ~7samb/ 3.10.0 CENTRALIZED VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS : 3.10.1 Positional distribution of centralization of syllable peaks : A roost striking difference of Hindi and Panjabi syllabic structure is the centralization of syllable peaks in Panjabi in certain statable environments. 3.10.2 Centralization of syllable peaks in the initial position of a disyllabic pattern : In disyllabic patterns of Panjabi, the syllable peak of the -first syllable tends to be centralized, if it is open and the final syllable is long and closed : Hindi Panjabi /IlaJ/ treatment /IlaJ/ [HaJ] /hlmajat/ 'favour' /hlmalt/ [hlmaltMhlmet] /Udhar/ 'credit' /Udkr/ [Odk;r] /mUkam/ 'destination1 /mUkam/=[mOka:m] I ALLOPHONIC VARIANT OF SYLLABLE PEAKS 43 /bimar/ 'sick' /blmar/ = [btma:r] /bekar/ 'useless' /bekar/ =[beka:r] /medan/ 'field' /msdan/ =[me darn] /heran/ 'surprised' /h«ran/ =[hera:n] /hlsab/ 'sums' /hlsab/ =[hlsa:b] /pholad/ 'steel' /pholad/ =[phOlad] iiokinl 'fashionable' /sUkin/ -[SOkin] In certain regions this centralization is realized even in the initial 1 syllable of disyllabic patterns with final open syllable as well, e.g. /bUla/=[bOla] 'call* (imp.), /slkha/=[slkha] 'teach', (this tendency is, extended upto Jamuna in the east). This may be due to accent on the final syllable ; otherwise cf. /Idar/ 'this way\ /otthe/ c there1 /Inkar/ 1 1 'denial , /Uppar/ 'Up\ /Ulta' 'upside down', /kUtta/ 'dog , /gllla/ 'wet', /glla/ 'complaint', /gUddi/ 'doll1, /phozi/ 'soldier', /mcda/ 'fine flour', /vina/ 'a name', /kela/ 'banana', /vellar/ 'roller' etc., in which no such phenomenon' occurs. Hindi structure does not show this tendency at all. It may further be noted here that the centralization of the initial syllable is only a symbol of th* progressive nature of N. W. accent which becomes even more striking in Dogri, in which the.first syllable is often entirely dropped as in /car/ for /acar/ /nuth/ for /Anguth/ ; some time the/u/ vowel is not dropped, but is carried forward by the succeed- V ble, e. g., Hindi /Udhar/ : Dogri 3.10.3 Centralization of vowels in the initial position of a trisyllabic pattern: The phenomenon of centralization of vowels in initial syllable peaks in trisyllabic patterns of Panjabi also is realized under certain environments, viz., when the initial syllable is open and the 6econd is long, the final may be long or short, closed or open : Hindi Panjabi /bimari/ 'illness' /blmari/ ^[bJtmari] /ISara/ 'sign* Hiatal =[f$ara] ttkai/ 'unit' /Ikai/ -tfkai] * 44 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /UaJat/l permission* I • /IJafet/B DtJafot] 1 /dllaja / 'caused to give' /dllala/ [dllaja] /herani/ 'surprise' /herani/ [h'erani] /gUJara/ 'to pull on* /gUJara/ [gUJara] /dUbara/ 'second time' |/dUbara/ [dObara] /pUrana/ 'old' /pUrana/ ™[pt)rana] /Irada/ 'intention' /Irada/HI [Irada] /JUrabe/l 'socks' ire! /jUrabe/ [Jrab:e] /Ilaka/ 1 area"! Ilaka/ [flaka] /thlkana/ 'place* /thlkana/1= [thlkana] /asani/l ease /asani/ [dsani] otherwise cf., /phUlkari/ 'embroidery:, /gUrgaH/ 'lady shoes', /mUltani/ 'pertaining tolMultan', /IntaJam/ 'arrangement'. H3 } | **Mt 3.10.4 Centralization of syllable peaks |in the final position : But syllable peaks /I.U/I occur ringl in alclosed final syllable of a disyllabic or polysyllabic word are subject to centralization if the preceding syllable peak is a class II vowel: HB J^^9 i I I jjjliil Hindi} I ] Panjabi /saikll/ 'cycle' 7saikll/ [sekll]B /kabll/ 'deserving^^^ ' /kabll/ [kabll] /dharmlk/ I'religious' /darmlk/ [darmlk] /kabUl/ I 'Kabul'i /kabUl/ [kabOl] /dakhll/ 'entered* /dakhll/ [dakhll] • | /nagin/ 'female[of a Naga' |/nagln/ [nagin] /mallk/ master /mallk/• [mallk] /gokUl-/ 'a name' /gokUF/ [gokOl] /thakUr-/ 'a name' /thakUr-/ [thakOr] /manus/ 'human' /manus/ [manus] /mUtablk/ 'according to* /mUtablk/ [mutablk] /samaJIk/ M'social* /samajik/ [samaJak] The tendency to centralize the syllable peaklof a final closed second j syllable of |a J disyllabic [word lis | also 1 noticeable Lin Ithe I ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS 45 pronunciation of many dialectal areas, even if the first syllable may not be long and heavy, e.g., /kUsUm/ 'a name' =[kUsOm], /mUkUl/ 'a name' [mUkOl], /vlpln/ 'a name' [vlpln] ; /sagUn/ 'auspicious* =*• [sagOn]. 3.10.5 Positional environments of centralization of syllable peaks : The syllable peak of a monosyllabic word is never centralized. It is also never realized in a medial syllable. In the initial syllable it is attested only in open syllables and in the final syllable only in closed syllables, e.g., /hlsab/, /medan/, /Ilaka/, /gUJara/, /dakhll/, /thakUr/, /nastlk/, /gUjarlsV 'request'. It is also not attested if it is followed by la complex interlude, may be geminated or non-geminated, e.g., /Ulta/, /Inkar/, /gllla/, /kUtta/, /phUlkari/, /Indrani/, /gUrgabi/, /mUltani/ etc. 3.11.0 ZERO VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS : 3.11.1 Positional distribution of zero variants of syllable peaks in Panjabi : A Hindi syllable peak consisting of class I vowels tends to be elided or realized as zero correlate in its Panjabi correspondent. The environments in which elision is realized are different for different syllabic patterns and syllable peaks. 3.11.1.1 Zero correlate of syllable peak /a/ in the initial syllable : I % For instance, the syllable peak /a/ of a disyllabic Hindi pattern is elided in Panjabi when occurring in the initial syllable with a closed and long second syllable. Its elision is complete when not preceded by any onset margin ; but it becomes quite indeterminate when preceded by any consonant onset margin : Hindi Panjabi /avaz/ /avaz/ «= [va:z] a call' /saval/ /saval/ **[swa:l] turns' /akal/ ,'akal/ « [ka:l] *f amine9 /samaJ/ / sama J / =[sma: J] 'society* /aphim/ /aphim/ *» [phi:m] 'opium* /majur/ /majur/ ™[mjii:r] *peacock\ /dalal/ /dalal/ - [dla:l] 'broker' • 46 I |lg SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI^^B 1 /karib/ /karib/ «*[kri:b] 'near' /dajal/ /dajal/ »=[dja:l] 'a name* /samarth/ /samarth/=[smarth] "capable' • /samast/ v /samast/ ^[smast] 'total' This loss; is clearly noticeable when the onest margin of the second syllable is a sonant or a semi-consonant. It may be noted here that in such contexts many dialects of Hindi like N. W. Kaurali and Ambalavi also attest an. entire loss of the initial syllable. 3.11.1' 1.1 The same is true of a Hindi trisyllabic pattern in which both the non-initial syllables are either intrinsically or positionally long : I SB I 1 1 1 1 S3 »' * 1 Hindi I I 1 Panjabi H /savere/ / saveref = [s vere] 'early morning* /samajlk/ /samajlk/ =[smajak] 'social* /acari/ /acari/ & [cari] 'good for pickle' /majuri/ /majuri/ •= [m juri] 'pea-hen1 /arora/ /arora/ ** [ro-ra] fta caste name1 /bhajanak/ /pajanak/ =[pjknak] 'terrible' /avaze/ /avaza/ « [vaz.5] 'calls' /parantu/ /prantu/ =[prantu] 'but' /samasja/ /samasla/ ^[smasja] 'problem' /pariksa/ /priksa/ = [priksa] 'examination* /parl^ram/ # /parlSram/ =[pri&am] 'labour* /samacar/ fl1 i /samacar/1 = [smacar]iH • news' ^^H^H 3.11.1.2 Zero correlate of syllable peak /a/ in the final syllable : Elision of the syllable peak /a/ occurring >in the final syllable of Hindi disyllabic vocables is realized as zero in Panjabi syllabic^ structure when occurring in a closed syllable with a voiceless coda margin : /Hindi Panjabi /capat/ H | J /capat/J — [c/\pt]B lj 1 'a slap' | ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS 47 / sa path/ /sapath/ [s A pth] 'oath' /mlnat/ Jminat/ [mint] minute /camak/ / c amak / [cAmk] 'brightness* /halat/ /halat/ [halt] 'condition' /sayak/ /sarak/ [sArk] I 'road' parakh/ / par akh/ •— [pArkh] 'assessment' /surajbhan/ /surajpan/ •* [surjpan] 'a name' otherwise cf. /gala/ 'throat', /va44a/ 'big', /kavi/ 'poet', /kamar/ 'waist', s*akal/ 'appearance'. 311.1.3 Zero correlate of syllable peak /a/ in the penultimate syllable : The syllable peak [\ the penultimate syllable of. a Hindi polysyllabic word alized as zero correlate in its iabi or respondent in the following environments. 3.11.1.4.1 (i) When all the syllable peaks are short: Hindi Pan] abi /hlmmati/ himti courageous /vlcallt vlcllt/ 4 shaken' /vlkaslt/ vlkslt 'developed' /UnnatI Unti/ 'progress1 /sammatl /samti/| 'advice1 /vlghatan/ vlgtan/ 'destruction' 3.11.1.4.2 (ii) When the initial or the final syllable is long ; Hindi Panjabi /nlrapradh/ [nlrparad] innocent /krlpaja/ [krlp j a] 'kindly' /antarang/ [antrang] 'internal' Mdh ava / [wldhva] 'widow' /saftgatl/ [s-ongti] association /bl stare/ [bistre] 'beds' 48 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /santara/ [santra] 'orange /akasmat/ [aksmat] 'suddenly* /pUstek«7 [pUstk?] 'books' (obi.) /vlsaj5/ [vlsj5] Subjects' (obi.) /garanti/ [granti] 'guarantee1 1 /mancjoli/ [mancjli] 'party /sangathlt/ [sang^hlt] 'United1 /Uttari/ [Utri] 'northern' /nagarlk/ [nagr Ik] 'citizen* /santari/ [santri] 'watchman' /vastavlk/ [vastvlk] 'real' /samarlk/ [samrlk] 'strata gic* /vetanlk/ [vetnlk] 'salaried' /agman/ [agman] 'coming' /pragatl/ [pragti] 'progress* Although at times, in a quick tempo of speech the syllabicity of the syllable peak /a/ in above noted examples of Hindi vocables also tends to be somewhat indeterminate, but there is a clear syllabic division inbetween the penultimate and the final syllable, where as they are realized as close-knit complex interludes in their Panjabi correlates. 3.11.2 Positional distribution of zero correlate of syllable peak /I/: 3.11.2.1 Initial position: The syllable peak 111 of corresponding Hindi vocables optionally tends^ to be realized as zero correlate in Panjabi syllabic structure, when occurring in the initial syllable of a trisyllabic pattern, without a preceding consonant or with a complex interlude in the final syllable : Hindi Panjabi /Is*ara/ /iSara/ =[£ara] 'signal' /Ikatthe/ /Ikatthe/, *=[katthe] 'together' hkelel /Ikalle/ -[kalle] 'alone Vlktis/ /Ikatti/ -=[katti] 'thirtyone' ALL0PHONIC VARIANTS OT SYLLABLE PEAKS 49 otherwise < /bl /Hal/ which it is only centralized. 3.11.2.2 Final position: It also tends to ibe elided when occurring finally in-ai disyllabic word : Hindi Paniabi /ritlA [rit] custom /marl/ [mat]"" intellect, sense' /JatI/ Bat] caste' /Jjotl/ [Jod light' 1 /pritl/ [prit] love , affection' 3.11.2.3 Medial position: It also tends to be elided in the penultimate syllable of a poly syllabic word, if- it is open : Hindi J Panjabi /adhlkar/ /adkar/ right' /nsllni/ /nalni/ 'lotus* /bUddhiman/ /bOdman/ 'intelligent' /akhlri/ /akhri/ 'final' /abhlman/ /abman/ 'pride' /rabldas/ /rabdas/ a name /tullka/ /tulka/ *brush* /kvallti/ /kvalti/ 'quality' (Eng.) /somltl/ /samti/ 'council' /sarlka/ /sarka/ 'a bird' /kavlta/ /kavta/. 'poetfy' /pratlkul/ /pratknl/ 'against' /Itlhas/ /Ithas/ 'history' /junivarslti/ • /junivarsti/ 'university' S-7 "S 50 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI The tendency to elide a vowel in this environment may be attested with regard to other vowels as well, e.g., H. /negetfv/ : P. /nsgtlv/ 'negative1. 3.11.2.4 Zero correlates of syllable peaks in a quick tempo of speech; But it may be noted here that this zero correlate is realized when the speaker is quite unconscious of his speech ; otherwise in a conscious effort, to pronounce this sound, he or she will invariably pronounce it as lil in all the above noted instances, though the quantity of this HI may not be so long as it is in a closed monosyllabic ^pattern, yet its tenseness is clearly realized. But it is not elided, though neutralized, if preceded by a complex interlude, as in, /malvlka/ < /malAvIka/ 'a name*. This may be in order to avoid a three member cluster. 3.11.2.5 Elision; and zero interlude : Elision of III also does;not occur in Panjabi, in this environment of a polysyllabic word, if the syllable peak III is followed by a zero interlude, e.g., /pala/ 'one forth of a measurement', /hola/ 'became', /pala/ 'o brother*. 3.11.3 Positional distribution of zero correlates of syllable peak /U/ : Similar is the case of syllable peak /U/. It tends to be realized as zero or to be a tenser variant under the same syllabic and accentual environment in which zero correlate or tenser correspondent of HI is realized: Hindi Panjabi /sadhU/ /sddu — s&dl saint /rltU/ /rltu ~ rlt/ 'season' AfojalU/ /djalu - djal/ 'kind' /prabhU/ /prabu - prob/ 4lord' /gUrUvani/ /gUrvani/ 'teachings of Guru1 /gUrUdev/ /gUrdev/ 'revered Guru' /UdUgan/ /U4gan/ 9starsv ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS 51 /vidhU mohan/ Ivtd nuW *a name* /kabUli/ /kabli/ 'pertaining to Kabul' /bahadUri/ /bahadri/ 'bravery* /3nUbh3v/ /anbav/ experience 3.11.3.2 Initial syllable peak /U/ tends to be completely elided in quick jspeech when occurring without any onset margin in a trisyllabic with final open syallable /Ud [dari] '|a flight', other- wise it tends to be c alized, e.g., /Ud [Oda] cause to fly /pUrana/ [pOrana] 'old 3.11.3.3 In Hindi trisyllabic pattern, with all open syllables, the yllable peak /U u/, occurring in the penultimate syllable, tends to be completely elided in its Panjabi correspondent r Hindi Panjabi /laghUta/ /llgta/ smallness' /gUrUta/ /gUrta/ greatness' /prabhUta/ /prabta/ lordship' /mathUra/ /mathra/ name of a city' /bagUla/ /bagla/ a bird, stark' 3.12.0 VOCALIC VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS IN PANJABI : 3.12.1 Initial syllable: Class II Vs. class I syllable peaks : A class II syllable peak occurring in the initial syllable of a Hindi disyllabic or polysyllabic vocable! corresponds to a class I vowel in Panjabi lexical word, if the succeeding syllable also has a class II vowel as syllable peak. In a disyllabic pattern this phenomenon of reduction in Panjabi occurs only if the second syllable is a closed one, but in a polysyllabic word it may be open or close. Generally, in this reduction /o D u/ are realized as /U/, if the following syllable has a front or central vowel as syllable peak : Hindi Pan j abi /dopahar/ /dUpheri/ 'midday' /dotara/ /dUtara/ 'a string musical instrument' /jogendr/ /Juglndar/ 'a name' \ /corasi/ /cUrassi/ eighty four /cokhat/ /cUgath/ 'door frame* 52 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OFJHINDI AND PA3SJABI /caphere/ /c Up here/ 'four turns' /tuphan/ /tUphan/ 'tempest' /bhucal/ /ptJcal/ 'earthquake" ftikinl 1 /lUkin/ '(fashionable* /pholad/ /phtllad/ jsteel* /sagat/I /sUgat/l ' present' | 3.12 But J when followed by a syllable peak consisting of back they are, normally, realized a • Hindi 1 Panjabi idomvhif /damui/ 'a snake with two mouths* /dosuti/ /dasutti/ '•a thick, cloth sheet' ~- /cakor/ l/cakor/ square' HB rsJU^J I (aisolcf. 2.9) J Otherwise cf ; /Jogi/ 'ascetic', /tobi/ 'washerman' /caki/ 'wooden seat', /dalat/ 'wealth*, /turi/ 'threshed straw', /sui/ 'needle', etc., in which no voGalic reduction occurs there, tdue to open syllables and following front syllable peaks. • 1 3.12.3 Similarly, front vowels viz., e.i. are realized as 111 or 111, e.g.: Hindi] Panjabi /bekar/ /blkar- blkar/1 'useless' /himari/ /blmari blmari illness' /kedar/ /kldar-nath/1 a name /bekari/ /blkari » bfkari/ 'unemployment' 3.12^4 But syllable >peaks /a,]U, X «/ are usually realized as cesttral or I centralized vowels in the above mentioned environments: II HL Hindi Panj abi Meaning /alok/ /alok/ a name Itake&l /rakesV a name /damotiai^ /damodar/ a name /asan/ /asan/ 'easy* /asani/ /asani/ 1 ease'• /nakhun/i /nakhun/ 'nails' ALLOPHONIC VARIANTS OF SYLLABLE PEAKS 53 * /h«ran/ /horan/ 'biwildered* /hsrani/ /harani/ 'biwilderment' /Setan/ /s*3tan/ 'miscbievious* /setani/ Matani/ 'mischief /nalajak/ /nahfr/ 'worthless fellow* /Ilajl W I 'treatment* /hlma jat/ /hlmalt/1 'iavour' , /pUrana/ /pUrana/ 'old* /bUkhar/ /bOkhar/ 'fever' (also cl 3.10) 3.12.2 Vocalic variants of syllable peaks with zero interlude In the disyllabic patterns of a Panjabi vocable withjzero |int( lude the'preceding syllable peak, 5i te: nds to be transformed syllable peak in Hindi, e.g., 4 Panjabi Hindi /pua/ bUa/ 'father's sister' /sui/ /sUi 'needle* /kiW MJe/ 'wells' In regional variations it it also realized with /I/ as in ; /hlran/, /sltan/. 4.0. SYLLABLE MARGINS : (CONSONANTS) ; 4.0.1. Onset margins in the syllabic structure of Hindi and Panjabi: 4.0.2. General survey of syllable margins in Hindi and Panjabi: 4.1. NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF* SYLLABLE MARGINS : I The number of consonant phonemes is almost the same in Hindi and Panjabi except the five voiced aspirates, viz., ghf Jh, (Jh, (rh), dh, bht which are regular unit-phonemes [in Hindi; but are realized as tonalized allophones in Panjabi. In the initial position they are V X V »V V realized as /k, c% t, t, p/ with a low tone syllable peak and in the medial or final position their realizatian is as /g, j, d, (r), d, b/ respectively. It is with a preceding high tone-peak or following low tone-peak in the medial position and with the preceding high tone-peak in the final position in all cognate and loan words. I The flapped voiced aspirate /rh/ has neither phonemic nor allophonic correlate in Panjabi. Certain dialects of Panjabi (cf. Puadi) do not have/j/, /v/ as unit phonemes. In them Hindi /j/ is replaced by III and /v/ by /b/ in all positions. I 4.2.0. SIMPLE ONSET MARGINS OF HINDI AND PANJABI : In both, majority of syllable margins (=consonants), do not show any gross restriction to their occurrence as simple onset margins. All consonants, except the following ones, can occur as onset margins in the initial syllable, with all syllable peaks, in both the languages. Non occurrence of voiced aspirates in Panjabi, as syllable margins, has already been pointed out above (4.1). In monosyllables /ft, Q, %% (fh, J) /do not occur as onset margins, i,eM initially in any of these languages. Though occasionally heard in western Hindi, yet /J/ is not phonemic and is never used in standard Hindi. In Panjabi too, its phonemic status is restricted to the standard Majhi only (Gill. P,10). These sounds are phonotactically dependent sounds. » SYLLABLE MARGIN 55 Kon-occurrence of /j/ and hi as onset margins rathe monosyllables, before I'll and /u/ syllable peaks respectively, is equally restricted in Hindi and Panjabi. In this position /j/ often occurs with back vowel peaks, and Ivf with front vowel peaks, e.g., /jad/ 'remembrance' 'memory' /jog/ 'Yoga' /jUg/ 'era' /v*r/ 'enmity' /vir/ 'brave (H)' 'brother (P.). In this position /j/ and /v/ are freely interchangeable by f}l and /b/ in dialectal variations in Panjabi and to some extent in Hindi dialectal variations as well. 4.2.1 Preferential correlates of Hindi—Panjabi onset margins : Although semi-consonants-/j, v/-have a very restricted distri bution in Panjabi, yet so far as the onset margin of the initial syllable is concerned* Panjabi has shown a clear preference for hi in most of the correlates in which Hindi has preferred /b/: Hindi Panjabi /bal/ /val/ 'hair' /badhai/ /vadai/ 'falicitat ions' /besan/ /vesan/ 'gram-flour' /bic/ Mc/ in /bora/ /vadda/ 'big, elder' /barai/ /vadlai/ 'greatness' /bar/, /var/ 'fence' /bee ara/ /vicara/ 'poor fellow' /becna/ /vecna/. 'to sell' /blkau/ /vlkau/ 'for sale* /batna/ /vandna/ 'to distribute' /begar/ /vlgar/ 'labour without remuneration' /blchUrna/ /vlchadrja/ 'to be separated /belan/ /velan/ "roller' /balljaV /valla/ 'earrings' /bartav^ /vartava/ 'behaviour' /barhna/ /vadna/ 'to grow' 56 SYLLABIC STRUCtURE OF HINDI AND PANJAfci There* are many more such instances in which a clear preference has been shown for /?/ iirthe initial position ini Panjabi for a conres- ponding /b/ in Hindi. 4.3.0 COMPLEX ONSET MARGINS. : HINDI AND PANJABI : 4.3.1 Range of complex onset margins : The scope and the range for the occurrence of complex onset margins is fairly wide in Hindi, but considerably restricted in Panjabik. So much so, that some scholars hold that Panjabi structure does not permit any complex onset margin* in monosyllables* or in the initial syllable of disyllabic or polysyllabic ^vocables.1 But there are others who have acknowledged clusters in the initial position withini a limited range.2 . i 4.3.2 Components of complex onset margins in Hindi and Panjabi : % 4.3.2.1 So far as the number of components of the rinitial consonant clusters is concerned, both the languages normally do not permit more than two members in this position. But the range of components is considerably wider in Hindi as compared to Panjabi in this position. Initial clusters in Hindi can consist of— (a) stop+rolled or lateral, (by nasal+rolled, lateral or fricative, (c) fricative+rolled or lateral. (d) fricative+stop, nasal or fricative, (e) stop+fricative3 4.3.2.2 But in Panjabi a complex onset margin is composed of a stop consonant+rolled, lateral, nasal or semivowel only. Dr. Bahri has noted a cluster of a stop consonant plus /r, 1, r/ only in this position and according to him a well-knit and true cluster occurs only with III 1. Cf. Sandhu. P. 6 ; 2. Cf. Bahri, P. 172 ; Arun P. 27 ; Dr. S. Varma, (a personal note). 3. Dr. Arun has illustrated all the examples of these combinations, : Cf. P,7-9. OrtSE? MARGINS 57 as second member. In other clusters a Svarahhakti vowel hi is generally heard* Thus in his openion initial clusters in Awankari (LahndU are insignificant (P. 172). > :• 4.3.2.3 It may, however, be mentioned here that to find out the environments, favourable to the complex onset and coda margins a survey was conducted by the writer of these -lines some time back. Sentences with words containing all complex onset and coda margins, which normally occur in Hindi, or Urdu vocables, were framed (see appendix No. VI) and Panjabi speaking students from various school and college . classes were asked to read these sentences as naturally as they could before the microphone (of a tape recorder. These recorded sentences were later on transcribed and the environments favourable for the occurrence and non-occurrence were analysed and on, the basis of this analysis certain laws, deduced in this respect, are discussed as below : 4.4.0 DETERMINANTS OF INITIAL CLUSTER IN PANJABI : 4.4 1 Quantity as a determinant of initial cluster in Panjabi: It may be noted here *that initial cluster in Panjabi is mainly an " incident of quantity of the syllable peak following the complex onset margin, i.e., it is only a class II syllable peak that is a favourable environment for all types of complex onset margins, e.g., ^/pra/ 'brother', /gra/ Village*, /trel/'dew', /fras/'France', /pjar/ 'love', /sjal/ 'winter', /sva/ 'ashes' /svad/ 'tasty', /vja7 'marriage', /krdd/ 'anger*, /prSna/*'guest*, /svami/ 'monk', /dranda/ 'frightens', but environ ments of /trap/ 'cross', /praSan/ 'question' are different (see 4.4.2 4.4.3). 4.4.2 Complex interlude or complex coda as a determinant of initial cluster : Another favourable environment for the occurrence of a complex onset margin is the occurrence of a complex coda margin or of a complex interlude in its corresponding Hindi equivalent: Hindi Panjabi /svApn/ /svApan/ 'dream' /prAW /prASan/ 'question' 58 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /krlsi>/ /krlsan/ fa name' /grAnth/ /grAnth/ 'religious book* /grAnthi/ /gr Anthi/ 'reciter of the Granthf otherwise cf. I Hindi I Panjabi /prAdhan/ /pArdhan/* 'president* /kr Am/ /karam/ 'order' I Vkrlpal/ J /klrpal/ a name /svAr/ /savor/ voice /svArup/ /savrup/ a name /prAbodh/ /parbod/ a name 4.4.3 Sensitiveness to /r/ interlude ; an incident of initial cluster in Panjabi : Panjabi syllabic structure is very sensitive to the occurrence of III as interlude in the second syllable of a word with a class II syllable peak or before a complex interlude. In this environment it tends to make the initial onset margin a complex margin, with Ivf as second member, if the syllable peak of the initial syllable is a neutral vowel, i.e., /a/in its Hindi correspondents. The syllable peak /a/ is usually elided and the onset plosive of the first syllable is grouped with the onset margin of the succeeding syllable. 4.4.3.1 It I with class II syllable peak in Hindi correlate interludes: Following are the examples of initial cluster with /r/, occurring as interlude, with class II syllable peaks in Hindi correspondents. I Hindi Panjabi /k are la/ [krela] I 'a bitter vegetable' /jUrabe/ [Jrab-5] 'socks' /karib/ [krib] I 'nearly' 1. Cf. Dr. G. B. Singh P. 130. ONSET MARGINS 59 /Jarur/ Drur] 'certainly* I • arar / [drar] rift* /pariksa/ [priksa] examination /Jarrah/ [Jra] surgeon /jarurat/ Drurt] necessity /parlsthltl/ [prlsthlti] 'circumstance' /barat/ [brat] marriage party /gharat/j [krat] 'flout mill* /par a j a/ Cpraja] another's* /cara/ [era] 'make to graze' (Imp.) /kharida/ [khrida] 'purchased* AJara/ Bra] 'frighten* (Imp.) /parlnam/ [prinam] 'result* /kharab/ [khrab] 'spoiled* /angreji/ [greji] 'English' /tarika/ [trika] 'method' /parlcaj/ [price] acquaintance /paropkar/ [propkar] 'good deed done* /varanda/ [vrancja] 'veranda* 4.4.3.2 Interlude Irj before a complex interl ude in Hindi correlates : Hindi Panjabi /parantU/ /prantu/ 'but' /garanti/ /granti/ guarantee /karant/ /krant/ current /tarakki/ /trakki/ 'promotion' /pariksa/ /priksa/ examination 60 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE QF HINDI AND! PANJABI /parl$ram/ /pri^ram/ 'labour* J /parjapt/ /prajapt/ 'enough' I /parlkrama/ /prikarma/ 'encircling (retual)' otherwise cf :— Hindi Panjabi /pradeg/ /pardeg/ province /parlvar/ /parvar/ family' /pracar/ /parcar/ propaganda1 /pUrUsottam/ /parsotam/ a name /praiiam/ /parnam/ salute' /krlpal/ /klrpal/ a name ^/mrltjU/ /mlrtu/ death' /agraval/ /aggarval/ a caste 4.5.0 NON-STOP COMPLEX ONSET MARGINS IN PANJABI :T I I 4.5,1 Continuants as complex onset margins : Panjabi syllabic structure also provides a number of examples of complex onset margins consisting of all continuant margins. In which the first member can be the dental voiceless fricative /s/, the lateral /l/, a nasal, viz., In,\m[ or the rolled continuant. /r/. Examples of r-f h or m+h have been given by Dr. Gurbakhsh Singh (P. 130) only. They are [nba] 'take bath', [mhant] 'priest', [rhoti] 'bread', [lhaQ 'descent*. 4.5.1.1 Clustering of a nasal with /h/ is attested in our survey, if the environment is similar to that described for /r/, e.g., H. /mehnati/ 'industrious, : P. /mhenti/, H. /mahina/ 'month' : P. /mhina/, /maharaj/ 'a form of address' : P. /mharaj/ \ 4.5.1.2 Clustering with semi-consonants as second member also is quite common, provided it is^ followed by a class II syllable peak. In this environment even the semi-consonant Jvf can be followed by /j/. Occurrence of /l/:as second member is mostly restricted to the environ ment in which /s/ and hi occur as first members : ONSET MARGINS 61 Hindi Panjabi /salah/ /sla/ 'advice' / / not attested /rla/ mix up /rljasat/ /r j asat/ estate /rUla/ /rUa/ 'make weep' /svad/ /svad/ tasty /svami/ /svami/ 'monk' /sjapa/ /sjap.a/ 'loud lamentation with chest beating' /lea/ /lja/ 'bring' /lagva/ Ava/ 'cause to be applied' /vjah/ Ma/ marriage /Sraddh/ 'offering to ancestors' /s'arok ar / /srokar/ concern /samapt/ /smapt/ 'finished' /sajana/ /sjana/ wise /salika/ ' | /slika/ manner /samast/ /smast/ 'total1 /samasja/ /smasja/J problem' /devlapm^nt/ /dvelpmsnt/ 'development' Otherwise cf. H. /svarup/ 'form' : P. /savrup/; H. /mlan/ 'faded' P. /malan/, H. files! 'paronomasia' : P. /Sales/, H. /snan/ 'bath': P. /sanan/, H. /smarak/ 'memorial' P. /samark/. 4.5.1.3 Occurrence of two heterorganic nasals as complex onset margin also is realized in quick speech, in the above mentioned environ ments, i.e., when occurring with a class II syllable peak or occurring as interlude before a complex interlude in the final syllable : Hindi Panjabi /mana/ /mna/ 'persuade' \ 62 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OP HINDI AND PANJABI /manoti/ /mnotti/ 'promising something to a deity' . /manoroma/ /mnorma/ 'a firainine name' 1 /manUsjo/ /mnUsja/ 'man* 4.5.1*4 Dr. Bahri (P. 172) has given examples of complex onset margins with [r] and [ri] as second member of the cluster, though in a slow speech a Svarabhakti vowel also may be realized between them : throba ~ tharoba *a lumpf ghroli * gharoli *a pitcher* lram lordm 'hindrance* srSd sar2d 'burning smell* I bhnia bhania 'brother-in-law* Utterances like /khrotta/ 'standing*, /ghjucci/ 'small pitcher* have been noted by the writer of these lines as well. I This may be noted here that this phenomenon occurs in Panjabi only,-Hindi shows no tendency for it. 4.6.0 COMPLEX ONSET MARGIN: A RESULTANT OF SYLLABIC LOSS : 4.6.1 It may be noticed above that in most of the cases the initial complex onset margin in Panjabi is a resultant of the elision of syllable peak /a/ of Hindi correspondents, in a particular syllabic position, as explained above. In such cases the clustering is realized in two ways, viz., compact and loose. 4.6.1.1 Compact complex margins in Panjabi correlates : In Panjabi initial clusters a compact or knit grouping is realized if the interlude Hindi Panjabi /bhojanak/ /pjknak/ 'terrible1 /sljasi/ /sjasi/ 'political' /saval/ /sval/ 'question' ONSET MARGINS /savere/ /sverc/ 'in the morning1 /davai/ /dvai/ 'medicine* /dajal/ /dial/ 'a name9 /barik/ /brik/ 'thin, smooth1 /tarika/ /trik.a/ 'manner* /majur/ /mjur/ 'peacock* /dalal/ /dial/ 'broker' /Javahar/ /Jvahr/ 'gem* 4.6.1.2 Loose complex margin in Panjabi correlates : But the clustering in Panjabi is somewhat loose or incipient, if the following interlude is a non-continuant: Hindi Panjabi /ssma j / /smaj/ 'society' /samip/ /smip/ 'near' /kaleja/ /kleJa/ 'heart' /calaki/ /clak.i/ 'cleverness' /parhai/ /prki/ 'study' /dalal/ /dial/ 'broker* /patjaka/ /ptaka/ 'a burst* 4.7.0 PHONOLOGICALLY CONDITIONED COMPLEX ONSET MARGINS : 4.7.1 Complex onset margin in Panjabi: an incident of phonologi cal conditioning: * From the above data it will be evident that in Panjabi a complex onset margin is an incident of phonological and syllabic conditions of the vocable in which it is realized. For instance, in a closed mono - syllabic word there may not occur a cluster of s+v as in /sv3r/-»/savar/ due to a class I syllable peak, but the same may be clearly attested, if the syllable peak is a class II vowel, as in, /svad/, It may also occur even with a class I syllable peak.if the pattern is a disyllabic one, as in, 64 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE Of HINDI AND PANJABI /svApan/ 'dream1. Similarly, /s/ and III may not cluster in a closed syllabic word, as in, /slet/ -* /salet/ 'slate'; but they do cluster in an open syllable, as in, Isl&l 'advice'. Again, a grouping of a plosive + /I/ or a nasal +/l/f as inf Ikleil 'trouble*, /mlan/ 'faded9, may not be permissible in a closed syllable, but it does occur in an open syllables : /kleJa/ 'heart* and /mna/ 4pensuade* /mnorma/ %a feminine name' Likewise a plosive may not cluster with hi when occurring with a - class I syllable peak, as in, /prakas/ 'light9 —> /parkaS/; but it does cluster when occurring with a class II syllable peak, as in, /prem/ 'love' /prk/ 'brother9 /prit/ 'friendship' etc. 4.80 AVERSION TO PHONOLOGIC ALLY CONDITIONED COMPLEX ONSET MARGINS IN HINDI AND PANJABI : Though according to Hindi Phonology initial clustering of a sibilant with a following voiceless bilabial, dental, and glottal stop or with a nasal is permissible, yet a pure cluster of this combination is rarely realized, except in a very learned or sophisticated pronunciation. Panjabi phonology doest not permit such a cluster in this position. j Clustering of sibilant with a retroflex plosive is not at all found in any of these. Thus in actual speech in such an environment Hindi speakers I use a prothetic vowel and Panjabi speakers an anaptyctic vowel, known as 'Svarabhakti among ancient Indian grammarians. * 48.1 Prothesis and Anaptyxis for vocalic preferences in Hindi and Panjabi : j In both the languages the prothetic and anaptyctic vowel may be hi or HI according to the environment of the cluster. In both it is HI if the syllable peak of the initial]syllable is /I/ or /i/ 1 1 I • Hindi Panjabi (literary)-: (colloquial) /sthltl/ : [Isthltl] [slthlti] * [sathltil positiom m n /sthlr/ : [Isthlr] ; [slthlr] [sathlr] stationary /stUti/ : ; [IstUti] [satUti]/- [UstUti] prais• e t I K Jsttil : [Istri] [Istri] * woman IF ONSET MARGINS 63 Otherwise cf. /sthapana/ 'installation'^H. [Isthapana] : P. /sathapana/, /sthul/ 'big'=H. [asthul] ~ [Isthul] : P. [sathul], /spa§t/ 'clear'3- H. [aspast] * [Ispast] : P. [sapast] : /sphurti/ 'vigour*=H. [IsphurtI] : P. [saphurti], /slok/ couplet' =H. [Klok],: P. [Salok]. 4.8.1.1 But in a cluster! with a* retroflex plosive (in English vocables only) or with a glottal plosive, Hindi speakers always use a prothetic /I/ and Panjabi speakers use an anaptyctic /a/ in their colloquial pronunciation of these words :> Hindi Panjabi /IsteSan/ : /sataSan/ 'station' /Istor/ : /sator/ 'store* /Iskutar/ : /sakutar/ 'scooter' /Iskul/ : /sakul/ 'school1 /Istart/ : /satart/ 'statt* /Isnan/~[asnan] : /sanan/ 'a bathf iaran/~[slmaran] : /samran/ 'remembrance* Otherwise cf., /sjam/ 'a name' /svad/ 'taste* /svami/ 'a monk* etc. 4.8,1.2 But in case of an English vocable consisting of a bilabial plus a lateral,1 both the languages tend to use an anaptyctic vowel in their colloquial expressions, with respective vocalic preferences. In thisf Hindi prefers the front lax vowel /I/, but Panjabi*s preference is for the central vowel /a/, e.g.: * Hindi Panjabi /blled/ /baled/ 'blade' /blbk/ 1 /balak/ 'block1 /bllsk/ /balek/ 'black* /bllaa/ /balad/ *blood* /bllem/ /balem/ 'blame* /phllas/ /phalas/ 'flush* 66 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 4.8.2 Anaptyxis : a common feature of Paiijabi syllabic structure : Insertion of an anaptyctic vowel is a common feature of Panjabi. Most of the syllables constituting a complex onset margin in Hindi or in English syllabic structures and syllables with complex coda margins constituting a three member cluster, normally have the anaptyctic hi in Panjabi: Hindi Panjabi * /pradhan/ : /pradan/ 'chief /kram/ /karam/ 'order' (serial) • /akramaii/ : /akarman/ 'attack' /pleto/ /paleto/ 'plato' /prade$/ : /parde£/ 'province' /bhram/ /param/ * 'suspicion' /prasn/ : /prasain/ 'question' /saskrlt/ : /sansakrlt/ 'Sanskrit' /mlan/ /malan/ 'faded' /vakt/ ';"j: /vakat/ 'time' /plan/ /palan/ 'plan' /kendr/ /kendar/ 'centre' /kles/ J: /kaleg/ 'trouble' /svarg/ : /sv3rag/ 'heavens' /slag ha/- /saldga/ 'praise' /sarv/ : /sarav/ 'all' Thus from the above data it will be quite evident that occurrence of complex onset margin is a phonologically conditioned phenomenon in both the languages. In Panjabi, the syllabic structure, i.e., open or close, the quality of the syllable peak of the initial or the following syllable and the occurrence of a particular type of interlude also play an important role in determining the occurrence of initial cluster. It is also clear from the above data that range of clustering in this position is fairly wide in Hindi as compared to Panjabi. 5.0 CODA MARGINS IN THE SYLLABIC [STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI: 5.1.0 CONSONANTS AS SIMPLE CODA MARGINS 1 In both Hindi and Panjabi, most of the consonants do not show notable restrictions to their occurrence as simple coda margins* But at the same time in the normal course of speech, both the languages do not attest occurrence of certain coda margins in monosyllabic patterns after a particular syllable peak. (See Appendix No. I). Besides this, the most general restrictions on the occurrence of consonants as coda margins in monosyllabic patterns or in the final syllables may be noted as follows : 5.1.1 Hindi, usually /d/ does not occur as a simple cod in any syllabic pattern, but in Panjabi it can freely occur as a simple coda margin, e.g., /khed/ 'play* /lad/ 'affection'. In Hindi its occurrence as simple coda margin is limited to English vocables only, e.g., /blecj/ 'blade' /rod/ 'road1 /kard/ 'card' etc. In all other environments only the allophone [r] is attested. I 5.1.2 In Panjabi, voiced fricatives /v, j, h/ do not occur as simple coda margins in any type of syllables. In this position their Hindi correspondents are realized differently, (see 5.3.1 and 5.3.2). 5.1.3 In Panjabi /n/ cannot be a coda margin of a final syllable or monosyllable if the onset margin of that syllable is /j/, /vj, /r/ : Hindi Panjabi /raij/ /ran/ war /karan/ /karan/ cause /prai>/ /pran/ 'life, breath' /sadharan/ /saddran/ 'ordinary' 1. It may be noted here that in this chapter the term coda margin especially refers to the final consonant occurring in a lexical word of Hindi and Panjabi. 68 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /caran/ /caran/ "feet* /maran/ /maran/ 'death' /karUn/ /karUn/ 'pathos* # /kaljan/ /kaljan/ 'welfare1 . /ravan/ /ravan/ 'a. demon king' Otherwise cf. Ion! 'to comeV/jan/ 'to''go* /pani/ 'water* /toban/ •washerman's wife' etc The restriction to the occurrence of/n/ in this environment is equally attested in coda margins as well in Panjabi parallels of Hindi vocables, eg.. /kArn/: P. /kArn/, H. /nagAijj/: P. /negAnj/, H. /ki\i>v/ : P. /kAnv/. 5.2.0 PLOSION OF CODA MARGIN IN HINDI AND PANJABI : I 5.2.1 Exponent of a plosion in Panjabi monosyllables : It may be noted here that in Panjabi vocables of a CVC pattern a consonant coda margin-has a definite segmental release, if the syllable peak is a class I vowel, while in such a Hindi Pattern, the final plosive has no. plosion. In Panjabi its plosion is clearly heard, though the following vocalic exponent is quite indeterminate, not sufficient to form a new syllable, it may be called an incipient syllable. In narrow transcription it may be transcribed with a small [a] above the segment: Hindi Panjabi /ghar/ 'house' /Br/ = [k/\ra] /Ilkb/ 'write* /llkh/ - Dlkha] tUthl 'get up' fVthl - [Utha] /kap/ • cup /kap/ — [kApa] /cUp/ 'silent* /cUp/ - [cUpa] /das/ ten /das/ « [dasa] 5.2.2 Plosion of a coda margin in a pre-pausal position : In a rapid speech this segmental release may not be realized either in a Hindi or in a Panjabi vocable preceding another vocable in a CODA MARGINS 69 sentence, but in Panjabi its realization is very clear in the pre-pausal occurrence in a macrosegment, e.g., the'final /a/ is clearly realized>in the following utterances. Hindi Panjabi ^ /cal be col/ /c A1 ve c Ala/ 'thou go on' /jah-kja he ? nib/ /je ki e ? nlba/ 'what is this ? 'you mean a nib f /do admi he7 /do bhnde hAna/ 'there are two men* /Unnis so ath/ /Un:i. se Atha/ '1908' Oth cf. /athane/ 'eight annas', /calpia/ 'started', /nib lla/ 'brin nib', /cUp ker/ 'ke« uch segmental release is normally realized. 5.3.0 VOCALIZATION OF CODA MARGIN : 5.3.1 Vocalization of a semi-consonant eoda .margin in Panjabi correlates: A comparative analysis of Hindi and Panjabi syllab1 hows th all the ables. common to both or ded m Sanskrit, semi-consonants, occurring as simple coda margins in literary Hindi, are completely vocalized in their Panjabi correlates, consequently transforming the finally closed syllable into an open syllable: Hindi Panjabi I] I: /samaj /same - sama/ 'time /nIScaj/ /nlSce * nlsca/ 'determination' /nlrnaj/ /nlrne H nlrna 'decision' /vlnaj/ /vine/ -* /bine/ request /vljaj/ M5«/ ft victor• y /himalaj/ /him a Is hlmala/ 'the Himalayas' /vldjalaj/ /vldjale/ 'college* /parlcaj/ /price;I acquaintance / 70 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /v/: /bhav/ Ipk'9/ ." "rate* /svabhav/ /sUb'&ra/ 'nature' /probhav/ /prab'kra/ 'effect, influence* //sbhav/ /ab'kra/ 'absence* jjiv/ /Ji:a/ 'animate' ^^^^^^^^^ /sev/ /seo/ — /sera/ 'apple* ^^^^^^ I This is attested only after class II vowels, otherwise cf. H. /anUbhav/ P. / 'nbav/ 'experience* 5.3.1-1 Indeterminate vocalization of coda margins in Panjabi correlates : It may be noted jhere that while realization of the vocalized coda margin Jjl as /e/ or /a/ syllable peak is clear along with a merge of the preceding vowel /a/, the realization of the vocalized Coda margin /v/ is different from that (cf. 5.3.1). In this case the vocalized element is quite indeterminate and the previous syllable peak is realized as a complex syllable peak with considerable drawling. Though such a phenomenon does occur with /]/ coda margin too, yet it is confined to the environment of a front vowel plus J]J only : e.g., H. /bharatij/ 'Indian*: P. /pkrti:/, H. /dhjej/ 'aim': P. Jteij Basically it suggests an open syllabic tendency of Panjabi. • 5.3.2 Vocalization or tonalizataon of a corresponding coda margin in Panjabi: 5.3.2.1 Panjabi tonalized vowel as a correlate of Hindi /h/ : The simple coda margin /h/ of Hindi or Urdu vocables is realized in Panjabi in two ways, viz, (1) vocalized (2) tonalized. It is vocalized in all such environments in which it is realized as a breathed [h], i.e., Visarga in Hindi or is preceded by the syllable peak l$l in the final syllable of a disyllabic or a polysyllabic vocable. In this environment its realization is as a back vowel /a/ ; Hindi Panjabi /pratalj kal/ /prata kal/ 'in the morning' /prajob/ /praja/ 'generally' CODA MARGINS 71 /sUbab/ /sUba/ 'in the morning /vastUtaW /vastUtA/ in reality /barah/ /bar3/ 'twelve' /svabhavatah/ /sUbaOtA/ 'naturally' /pandrah/ /pandra / 'fifteen' /sambhavatah/ /sambavtA/ 'possibly' /codah/ /coda/ 'fourteen' /terah/ /ter2/ 'thirteen' /tarah/ /t3ra/ 'like-' /vagerah/. /vegsra/ etcetra But this law is not free from exceptions, e.g., H. /glrah/^Eglreh] : P. /glre/ 'pocket/', /Jlrah/ - [Jlreh] ; P. /JIrs/ 'discussion.' 5.3.2.2 Tonalization of Hindi /h/ coda margin in Panjabi correlates: But the simple coda margin /h/ is realized hifih tone when occurring after other syllable peaks. Hindi Panj abi /salah/ /sla/ 'advice* /b5h/ Ihil 'arm' /bjah/ Ma/ marriage /mOh/ /ma/ 'face, Mouth' 5.3.3 A Velar coda margin of a nasalized syllable peak in Hindi and Panjabi : 5.3.3.1 Non-nasalization of plosive element in Hindi correlates : A coda margin particularly a velar consonant following a nasalized syllable peak with the nasal consonant tends to be assimilated in a normal tempo of speech. It is complete in Hindi and partial in Panjabi: 72 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Hindi: Panjabi /slh/ «[5n1 <5gh>=[slng] part of name Ihiil ^[hin] /dig/ =[din] 0 for the accountability of the partial loss in Panjabi cf. 5.2.1. 5.4.0 COMPLEX CODA MARGIN IN HINDI AND PANJABI SYLLABIC STRUCTURE : 5.4.1 Consonantal lengthening in Hindi and Panjabi syllables : The scope for the occurrence of consonantal lengthening in margins is much wider in Panjabi than in Hindi. In Hindi a* long coda margin occurs in a very limited environment, but in Panjabi it is quite common. Any consonant occurring as simple coda margin may occur as geminated ^^__^^od_a margin as well. In this position both in Hindi and Panjabi the geminated or long or complex codai margin invariably follows a class I syllable peak. But in Panjabi it mostly follows /a/ and is hardly realized after /I, U/ syllable peaks. Thus Hindi /vitt/ 'finance1 and /dUkkh/ 'sorrow' are realized as [vlt] and [dukh] in Panjabi pronunciation. The few vocables showing a complex or long coda margin in Hindi are; /cltt/ 'flat1, /vitt/ 'wealth', finance1, /mall/ 'wrestler', /pharr/ 'with a spirt', /gapp/ 'baseless £alk\ /khadd/ 'pit', /ann/ 'food grain", /dhamm/ 'sound of abruptfall', /phlss/ 'fizzling'. In Panjabi, /d/, [r], /n/ and/r/ do not occur as geminated or long coda margins, but in Hindi /d/ normally occurs long in thisiposition, e.g.,/khadd/-[khad:],/UJa4d/=[Ujad-]. ^ : In Lahndi (Awankari) long or geminated consonants occur only inter-vocalic ally after short vowels. They never occur as complex coda margins (see, Bahri P. 176 IX, 3). CODA MARGINS 73 5.4.2 Comparative distribution of geminated or long coda margins : 5.4.2.1 Disyllabic*: It is very interesting to. note that inspite of its disfavour for geminated or long coda margins in monosyllabics, the syllabic structure of Hindi shows a favour for their occurrence in disyllabic and polysyllabic patterns, in which Panjabi syllabic structure is quite apposed to this, due to its accentual tendencies in this environment: Hindi Panj abi (corresponding pronunciation) /Utpann/ /Utpan/ 'created1 /sampsnn/ ' /sempan/ 'well to do' /prasann/ /porsan/ 'happy5 /vHUddh/ /vlstJd/ 'pure* /asUddh/ /aflJd/ 'wrong1 /vlrUddh/ / vlrOd/. 'against' /Ujadd/ 'rustic* 4 /Ikatth/ . /Ikath/ 'gathering1 /svacch/ /svach/ 'clean1 /sambaddh/ /sdmbad/ 'related1 Thus we see that Panjabi syllabic structure does not permit a geminated or long coda margin in other than monosyllabics, whereas it is permissible in all types of syllabic" patterns in the Hindi syllabic structure. 5.4.3 Monosyllabic consonantal lengthening in Panjabi: a diachronic incident: A diachronic analysis of Hindi and Panjabi vocables, originating from* a common source, shows that most of the geminated coda margins in Panjabi are a direct resultant of a cluster in the final syllable in the source language. In Hindi it developed into a long vowel compensating the loss of the cluster, but in Panjabi it developed into the assimilation of the non-plosive element with that of the plosive element, consequently lengthening the final consonant: S—10 74 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Sanskrit Hindi - Panjabi /ArkA/ /2k/ /akk/ 4a plant* /Agnl/ /ag/ hggl tag:] 'fire' / Aksi/ /akh/ /akkh/ [akh:] eye /h Ast A/ /hath/ /hatth/ [hath:] 'hand' /sAptA/ /sat/ /satt/ [sat:] seven /sArpA/ /sap/ /sapp/ [sap:] 'snake' /kUbJA/ /kUbJj /kUbb/^j [kub:] 'hunch' /kArm/ /kam/ /kamm/ [kam:] 'work' action1 /prsthA/ /pith/ /pitth/ [pith:] 'back' /kArnA/ /kan/ /kann/ [kan:] ear 1 /urriA/ /un/ /Unn/ [Un:] 'wool ISsUl /ath/ /atth/ [ath:] 'eight' Ic Andr A/ /cad/ /cann/ [can:] moon 5.44 Phonologically conditioned consonantal lengthening in Hindi and Panjabi: Lengthening of plosives' as coda margins is phonologic ally conditioned in monosyllabic patterns in Panjabi, but no such condi tioning occurs in Hindi, i.e., no voiceless unaspirated plosive is realized as lengthened in Panjabi, following /IfU/ syllable peaks except when following a tonalized peak or when it is an aspirated or a nasal margin, e.g., Hindi Pan j abi Mtt/ /vlt/ 'wealth, finance' /cltt/ Icltl 'flat' /Ucc/ /Uc/ 4high' } Otherwise cf. lengthening in Panjabi, correlates.l 1. In the opinion of Dr, Siddheshwar Varma all monosyllabics in Panjabi have a vocalic ending in the speech of all rustic speakers. (A personal note), CODA MARGINS 75 Hindi Panjabi IdhupJ /tOp:/ *sun shine' I pith I /pith:/ J 'back* /thuk/ /thUk:/ 'spital' /nim/ /nim:/ 'Neem tree* /rich/ /rich:' bear* 5,4.5 Simplification of complex coda margins in Panjabi at a phrase level: A d coda margin tends to be simplified in Panjabi at a phrase level in a connected speech : /hass/ 'laugh* but /hasde*ne/ (they) laugh* /kann/ ear if /kan'ca/ in the ear' /kamm/ 'work* 91 /kam kar/ do work* /cann/ 'moon 99 /can ntl/ to the moon' 4 /pitth/ back* 99 /pith plcche/ out of the sight* (fig,) /S9tt/ seven 99 /sat bande/ seven persons 1 'to day' 9* /aJ.kirdln s/ 'what is the day to day ?' 5.4.5.1 It also tends to be simplified when occurring as a first member in a compound, echoed or hybrid word-form, e.g., /gall/ 'talk, matter* but /galbat/ 'talk in general'* /kamm/ 'work' /kam kaj/ 'work in general' 'to day' /aJkal/ 'now a d ays' /hatth/ 'hand* /hathper/ 'hands and feet* /satt/ seven /satath/ 'seven or eight* /fettf *a Tat' /Jat? but/ *a rustic fellow* /satt/ seven /satranga/ 'of rainbow colour* 76 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 5.4.6 Lengthening of voiced plosives conditioned by tone in Panjabi: • According to Panjabi syllabic structure a plosive consonant can not be pronounced as geminated after a tonalized syllable peak either as coda margin or as interlude1 with long and closed syllable, e.g.., Hindi Panjabi l&Uddhl l&dl - pure1 /slddhant/ /sldant/ principle9 I /bUddh/ /btJd/ lord Buddha' But when occurring as a simple interlude, in an open syllable, it is realized as an unaspirated long voiced plosive, as in. H. /sidha/ : P. /sfdda/ 'straight*, H. /adha/ : P. /a'dda/ 'half H. /bUddhu/:P. /btJddu/ 'dunce', H. /bhabhi/:P. /pkbbi/'elder brother's wife*. 5.5*0 NON-GEMINATED COMPLEX CODA MARGINS IN HINDI AND PANJABI: So far as the question of non-geminated.coda margins is concerned, Hindi and Panjabi both show their respective preferences and restrictions to their occurrence as first or second component of a consonant cluster or a consonant sequence. 5.5.1 Preferential components of complex coda margins in Hindi and Panjabi : The most general restriction in Panjabi is the non-occurrence of voiced fricatives, viz, /j, v, h/*as members of complex coda margins, but in Hindi, occurrence of ./h/, as first member, and that of /j, v,/ as second member, is not quite uncommon, e.g., /vakj/ 'sentence', /bhavj/ 'magnificent', /pakvf 'ripe', /sahj/ 'bearable' etc. 5.5.1.1 The most converging feature of Hindi and Panjabi syllabic structure in this regard is the occurrence of complex coda margins consisting of a nasal plus a homorganic stop consonant, e.g., /ank/ 'numerals1, /rang/ 'colour', /mane/ 'stage', /pane/ 'a Panch', /ranj/ 'sorrow', /cant/ 'clever', hq£ foot/ 'irrelevant talk'/plnd/ H. 'body', P. Village',/sant/'saint',)/ant/'end', /band/ 'close', /p3mp/ 'a pump', /hans/ 'swan*, i CODA MARGINS 77 According to Gill and Gleason 'Aspirates arc not second members Panjabi), in particular they never eded by ho nasals (P. 29). But to our data they are not entirely ords like /granth/ 'scripture book nth/ bird and known. Mr. Sandh ha sted forms like /lankh/ * conch-shell' and /pUnch/ 'tail' as well (P. 9). 5.5 Anoth tr converging int of Hindi and regional east Panjabi this ard may be < idered, occurrence of a rolled ber before an d stop conso- borrowed from Perso-Arabic stock of vocabulary (1) r+stop. Hindi Pan] abi litttl /Sart/ 'condition, bet* hrthL /arth/ meaning /dard/ /dard/ pain /mard/ /mard/ 'male' /ark/ /ark/ essence /phark/ /phark/ 'difference' /kharc/ /kharc/ 'expenditure' /mire/ /mire/ 'chillies, pepper' /karj/ f/karj/ 'debt' /darj/ /dai*/ entry 5.3.1.3 .But in case of aspirated consonants and retroflexed consonants occurring as cond b Hindi does not favour the Panjabi d Hindi I Pan j abi /cUrat/1 /cUrt/J cigar /baraf/ I /barf/ ice /parakh/ /parkh/ examination 5.5.1.4 The same is true of a . sibilant, a lateral or a nasal occurring as a second member, e,g.» 78 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Hindi Panjabi /car as/ /cars/ *a drug' /sarel/ /sari/ easy /hlran/ /him/ 'deer* /garam/ /garm / 'hot' /caran/ /earn/ 'feet' above mentioned complex coda margins is not attested either in a colloquial or in a literary speech of Hindi; on the other hand, Hindi groupings of /r/ +/p/, /v/, /n/, as in, /sArp/ 'snake', /sArv/ 'all', /purn/ 'full' are not met with in Panjabi correlates. 5.5.1.5 14* stop /mUlk/ /mUlk/ 'country' ,/Jald/ /Jald/ 'quickly* /slip/ /slip/ 'art* /zUlm/ /zUlm/ 'cruelty' tyranny - /zUlf/ /zUlf/ tress In this pattern too, the scope of clustering of a lateral consonant with a plosive or a continuant is much wider in certain; Panjabi regions than in Hindi Hindi, it is mostly in loan word is maintained, and that too, in educated speech only, but in Panjabi, regionaHendencies of grouping of /l/[with a following coda margin is fairly common. attested people. In Hindi, this position /!/ cannot be, normally, followed by a nasal or a sibilant. but in Panjabi it can be Panjabi Hindi /pUls/ /pUUs/ 'police* /als/ /atasj/ haziness' /balm/ /ballam/ spear /mlln/ /ml Ian / 'to meet1 /Ult/ /Ulat/ reverse CODA MARGINS 79 5.5.1.6 Again Gill and 5.5.1.7 According to Gill and Gleason (P. 29) 74/ also does occur in clusters/1 But to our data its occurrence as a complex interlude or as a complex coda margin is quite normal with a homor ganic nasal as a first member, e.g., /anda/ *egg\ /thanda/ 'cold' (adj.) /pandit/ *a Brahman', /tjhand/ 'cold' (n.)f /cond/ 'hammer', /kUijda/ 'door chain', /vaod/ 'distribution' and so on. 5.5.1.8 Another converging feature with regard to the occurrence of a complex coda margin in Hindi and Panjabi may be said its compo sition of a sibilant plus an unaspirated voiceless dental or retroflexed stop consonant which can be preceded by any syllable peak, e.g., Hindi Panjabi /mast/ /mast/ 'contented1 Ik&itl Ikaitl 'agriculture' /dost/ /dost/ 'friend' /sUst/ /sUst/ 'lazy' /cUst/ ' ,/cUst/ 'active* /kast/ /kast/ 'trouble' /post/ /post/ 'post' Igo&l 7go&/ 'meat' /pUsp/ M 'flower' 80 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF|iINDI AND PANJABI 53.1.9 Here too, the scope for grouping of a sibilant with other consonants, viz.,lstops or^nasals,! is jmuchj wider! in Panjabi|than in Hindi: Hindi I Panjabi /casak/ /cask/ pam /kasak/ /kask/ pains /lahsUn/ /sasn/ •garlic' |R /khasam /khasm/ 'master, husband' /llsak/ /llsk/ 'brightened' gJBl 5.5.1.10 In Panjabi a sibilant can not occur as a. second member of a complex coda margin, but in Hindi- it can, e.g.t /vats/ 'son, calf, /Uts/ 'source', /bibhsts/ 'disgusting sentiment'. | ^HH 55.1.11 Similarly, a sibilant can also occurlin literary forms of Hindi a&a first member of aicomplex coda margin with a semi vowel, e.g., IvUvl 'universe', /ava§j/ 'certainly', /vegj/ Vaish caste*, /asV/ 'horse' /sasj/ 'crop' etc.f Mill 11 M ila But the Isame is not attested in Panjabi syllabicj structure, Consequently in all such. Panjabi. correspondents of Hindi the second element is either completely elided or transformed into other patterns, (cf. 5.5.6- 7 & 6.1.1), (see below 5.5.9 and 6.1.0). 5.5.2 Grouping of stops as complex a J or onset margins in 1 Hindi and Panjabi: |5fe 5.5,2.1 It is particularly interes note that with regard to complex onset, margins Hindi favours ber of combinations, but the-same is not attested with regard to *c coda margins. iOnlthe other hand, wider regional tendencies of Panjabi have been attested in favour of complex coda margins, especially in grouping two stops in this position. In Hindi, grouping of stop consonants in the final position, is limited to a few such combinations only, in which the final, member^ is invariably a dental plosive, e.g., /bhAkt/ 'devotee', /rAkt/ 'red or blood', /gUpt[rsecret\ /lUpt/ 'disappeared', /ZAbt/ 'confiscated', /SAbd/ 'word or sound', /lUbdh/ 'greedy', /bAddh/ 'tied', /mUgdh/ charmed', jiApt/ 'cursed', /sApt/ 'seven'. I 1 H J§ CODA MARGINS ol 5.5.2.2 Clustering of certain fricatives plus stops and stops plus fricatives also is shared by both, e.g.t /nAbz/ *pulse\ /sAxt/ 'hard', /mUft/ 'gratis1, /lAfz/ word', /Mzb/ Absorbed* /nUks/ 'fault',/kAbz/'constipation', (grouping with sibilants has already been discussed in 5.5.1.4.5J. • 5-5.2.3 Besides this, Panjabi has a dialectal preference for grouping plosives and sonants, when preceded and followed by a neutral syllable peak in the disyllabic pattern : Hindi I Panjabi 1 /capat/ /cApt/ 1 'a slap' /kapat/ 1 /kApt/ 'deceipt' IhpzkJ /lApk/ 1 leap* /tlkat/ I /tikt/ 1 'ticket' /mlnat/ 1 /mint/ 'minute' / bacat/ I /bAct/ I 'saving* /nakad/ 1 /nAgd/ 'in cash* /Sapath/ /SApth/ 'oath' 5.5.2.3.1 It may be noted here that, except the dialectal areas of majha and PUadh, there is a general tendency to pronounce all the above mentioned groupings separately with a svarabhakti vowel, viz, /a/. As such these tend to be pronounced as disyllabics, particularly, when they are sonorants or one of them, is a non-stop consonant, e.g., /Sabad/, /lafaz/, /mUfat/, /sakhat/, nUk?s/, /rasam/, /kabaz/. This tendency of %svarabhaktV is particularly notable among the speakers of Lahnda and Pothohari dialects. Lahnda speakers may prefer a 'svarabhaktV vowel even in words listed in 5.5.1.8 Dr. S. R. Bahri, a Lahnda speaker, told me that there it is not unusual to pronounce /dost/ 'friend* as /dosat/. Dr. Siddheshwar Varma also has attested the use of %svarabhaktV in most of the above mentioned groupings (cf. 5.5.1.1*—10\ S-ll 82 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABt 5.5.3.3 Complex coda margins: a resultant of syllabic loss in Panjabi: 5.5.31 Sonant+stop. * That presence of non-stop consonants is also a very favourable environment for this grouping in Panjabi has been pointed out by Dr. Jain as well* Accordingly all disyllabic correspondents of Hindi and Urdu with final closed syllabic pattern, in which both the syllables are short, tend to be monosyllabic, with a complex coda margin. This is, particularly, realized when the interlude is a non-stop conso nant' (66). But in Hindi there cannot be such a grouping with a heterorganic nasal consonant : Hindi I Panjabi /camak/ /camk ~• camak/ 'brillance' /masak/ /mask *• masak/ 'water skin' /namak/ /namk -~ namak/ 'salt' /samajh/ /samj ~f samaj/ 'understanding' /kanak/ /kank -• kanak/ 'wheat* /pslat/ I /palt palat/ 'change1 /galat/ I /gait j galat/ wrong, /carol?/ /earn csran/ 'feet' Moreover according to our d scheme of long-short syllab /halat/ /halt halat/ 'condition* /bharat/ /pkrt p&rat/ 'India' /srat/ /art orat/ woman he most remarkabl of a flapped retroflex consonant with the following stop consonant. This sort of combination in a complex coda margin is not attested in Hindi syllabic structure : Hindi Panjabi /sarak/ /sark/ 'road' /rarak/ /rark/ pain' CODA MARGINS 83 /dharak/ /tark/ 'throb' /khacig/ / kharg / 'sword* /harep/ /harp/ 'swallow* / Urad/ /Urd/ 'black grams' /Jarat/ /fetf/ engraving fjharap/ /carp/ 'a clash* 5.5.4 Phonoligically conditioned divergent tendencies of Hindi and Panjabi regarding a complex coda margin : 5.5.4.1 The most suitable field for the manifestation of quite the opposite tendencies of Hindi and Panjabi syllabic structure with regard to complex coda margins is the occurrence of a complex coda margin consisting of a plosive or a nasal or a sibilant+a nasal or a lateral or a rolled consonant. While this combination is fully permissible in Hindi, it is not at all permissible in Panjabi : Hindi Panj abi /stop+nasal/ (n,m) /ratn/ /ratan/ gem /jatn/ /Jatan/ 'effort' /atm/ /atam/ 'self /hUkm/ /hUkUm/ 'order* /padm/ /padam/ 'lotus' /svapn/ /svapan/ 'dream* /sibilant +• nasal/ /suksm/ /suksara/ 'minute* Cadj.) /tiksn/ /tikssn/ 'sharp* /grism/ /grisam/ I summar / nasal+nasal/ /nlmn/ /nlman/ 'below' 5.5.4.2 /stop+1/ /sUkl/ /sUkal/ 'white or a caste' IMI /akal/ "intellect* /angl/ /aftgal/ 'English' (adj) /katl/ /katal/ 'assessination' /sakl/ /sakal/ 'features' 84 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PUNJABI /nasal+1/ /ami/ /amal/ I 'sour' 5.5.4.3 /stop+r/ /cakr/ /cakkar/ circle, whirl /Ugr/ /Uggar/ Violent* /ckagr/ /ekagar/ attentive /patr/ /pattar/ • I letter1 /svatantr/ /sUtanta?/ I 'free1 I /bhadr/ /paddar/ 'good, gentle* /kadr/ /kadar/ 'respect1 /rastr/ /rastjar/ nation /pUtr/ /pUttar/ I son /samUdr/ /samUndar/ sea /tiw/ I /tibar/ 'sharp* /sibilant+r/ /sahasr/ /sahas.ar/ 'thousand* /mlsr/ /mls.ar/ 'Egypt or a caste* /nasal+r/ /namr/ /namar/ 'humble* /Umr/ l/Umar/ I age 5.5.5,0 Tripartite complex coda margins : a peculiarity of Hindi syllabic structure : 5.5.5,1 Another important diverging point with regard to the final cluster or complex coda margin, in standard Hindi and Panjabi is the non-occurrence of a tripartite complex coda margin in Panjabi syllabic structure. In Hindi, generally a tripartite coda margin consists of a homorganic nasal + a plosive plus /r/. In all the cases the final component is a rolled consonant. In a Panjabi syllabic structure all such complex margins are transformed into a closed syllable with a complex onset margin, i.e., transferring a monosyllabic pattern into a disyllabic pattern : Hindi Panj abi jMastr/ /gastar/ 'branch of knowledge' /vastr/ /vastar/ 'clothes' CODA MARGINS /rajendr/ frajindar/ 'a name' /mantr/ /mantar/ 1 'hymn' /Indr/ /Indar/ 'a name' /raster/ /rastar/ 1 nation l&estil /§astar/ I weapon /ravindr/ /ravlndar/ 'a name' 5.5.52 In Hindi a tripartite complex coda margin, though confined to loaned words only* may also consist of a geminated stop plus a semi consonant: Hindi Panjabi /mahattv/ /mahattav/ importance /kavlttv/j /kavlttav/ 'poetical* /s vasthj / /svasth/ I 'health' 5.5.6 Simplification of complex coda margins in Panjabi : Complex coda margins occurring in literary Hindi correlates tend to be simplified into simple coda margins in Panjabi correspon dents when the second component is a semi-consonant: Hindi Panjabi /bhagi/ /pag/ 'luck' /vakj / /vak/ sentence /khadj/ /khad/ 'food stuff' /kavj/. /kav/ 'poetry' /mUkhj/ /mUkh/ chief /Avas7 'certainly* /dhan j / /tan/ 'blessed' /alas]'/ /alas/ 'laziness' A complex coda margin, consisting of a homorganic nasal plus a 86 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI velar stop, partially, tends to be simplified into a nasal coda margin, .both in Hindi and in Panjabi, e.g., /rang/™ [ran] 'colour', /cjlhang/ [4han] 'manner', /tarang/=[t9ran] *wave\ /Umang/ [Uman] 'enthusiasm'. 5.5.7 Change of a coda margin into an interlude in Panjabi syllabic structure: It is interesting to note that Panjabi speakers in a bid to pronounce a corresponding Hindi complex coda margin, with a semi-consonant as its second component, tend to transform it into a complex interlude with a retracted [A] as its syllable peak ; it is more so, when occurring as a first member of a compound vocable : Hindi Panjabi /vlsv nath/ [vIsvA nath] 'a name' /dhanj vad/ [tanjAvad] 'thanks!! /madhj marg/ [madjA marg] 'middle path* /nvaJj hi/ [ava^jA hi] 'certainly' /mUkhj mantri/ [mUkhjA mantri] 'chief minister* /acarj ji/ [acarjA Ji] 'respectable . Acharya' //Sv-patl/ [AsvA P&ti] 'name of an old king' In the opinion of Dr. Siddheshwar Varma this phenomenon of Panjabi is an indicator of Panjabi "disruptive" accent, which would like to keep elements of words prominently apart from each other by a retracted [A], carefully avoiding a closely connected mode of speech. (A personal note). • 6.0 SEMI CONSONANTAL SYLLABLE MARGINS : 6.1.0 DISTRIBUTION OF SEMI-CONSONANTS1 IN THE SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI : 6.1.1 Positional distribution of / j/ in Hindi : The semi-consonant /j/ can occur in all syllabic positions in a Hindi vocable. However, its occurrence as ons£t margin of an initial syllable is not attested with /I, i/ syllable peaks. It is realized as a glidal sound, between front and back vowels, as in /kija/ 'did9, /pija/ "drank' etc. The following examples indicate the favourable environ ment for its occurrence : /nja]/ 'justice9, /annjaj/ 'injustice', /jad/ 'remembrance9, /prAttjek 'every9, /bharatij/ Indian1, /dhjej/ 'aim9, /vjapak/ 'omnipresent', /jogj/ 'capable9. Though some of these examples may be confined to hyper-literary Hindi only. 6.1.1.2 Positional distribution of /j/ in Panjabi: * But in Panjabi syllabic structure it is realized differently in different environments. Its occurrence as a semi consonant is restricted to the initial syllable only, and that too, as a simple onset margin only. In this position it is always followed by a back vowel. 6.2.0 CONSONANTALIZATION OF /j/ IN PANJABI CORRELATES : 6.2.1 Consonantalization of initial /j/: In many dialectal forms of Panjabi an initial/j/is freely replaced by /J/ in this position : P. /Je/ 'if9 : H. /jadl/, P. /Jatan/ 'effort9 : H. /jatn/, P. /Jad/ ~ /jad/ 'remembrance9 : H. /jad/, P. /Jar/ - /jar/ 'friend9 : H. /jar/. 1. Fully agreeing with Claude Merton Wise (Introduction to phonetics, 1958, pp. 140, 144) I have preferred to term the so called semi-vowel /j/, /w/ as semi- consonants. Because they fail to perform the first requirement of being a vowels, i, eM syllabicity or ability to serve as the essential nucleus of "a" syllable. Designating it as semi-vowel here would, therefore, indicate lack of consistent basis for dividing vowels from consonants. 88 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 6.2.2 Consonantalization of medial /j/: Medially, too, it is realized as a plosive /}] when, preceded by a nasal with a clear syllabic division : Hindi Panjabi /sanjog/ /sanjog/ 'contact, incident1 /son jam/ /saiijam/ 'control' but cf. 'H. /Upannjas/ -* P. /Up-njas/ 'novel', in which there is no clear syllabic division between the nasal consonant and /]/. 6.2.3 Consonantalizing tendency of Hindi : The tendency of consonantalization of /]/ in the initial and medial positions is attested in colloquial Hindi speech as well, e.g., /JaniUna/, /sanjog/, /Jog/ etc. 6.3.0 VOCALIZATION OF /]/ IN PANJABI CORRELATES : 6.3.1 When occurring as a second member of an onset margin in Hindi parallels, /j/ is realized as a glide w in Panjabi with a vocalic element which may be phonimicized as [l], except when preceded by /i/. It also becomes more prominent as a vocalic glide in Panjabi i.e., it is realized as /I/ along with the following vowel when occurring as a complex onset margin or a simple interlude, whereas a Hindi parallel has a firm consonantal /j/ in this position : Hindi Panjabi Ija/: /vjapak/ :/Ia /vlapak/ omnipresent9 /pjar/ /plar/ 'love' /dhjan/ ftlanl 'meditation1 /maja/ /mala/ 'illusion' /addhjapak/ /adlapak/ 'teacher' /vlddja/ /vidia/ 'j 'knowledge* /vjakhja/ /vlakhla/ 'explanation' SEMI CONSONANTALlSYLLABLE [MARGINS 89 /abhjas/ /ablas/1 'practice /njun/ /nlun/ 'less'B M Waktl/ :1W /vlakti/ "person # /via rth/ l/vlarth/ *useless' 3.2MBut I when} occurring as a terlude, preceded by back and followed by /a/, its realization isjwithout the I following vowel, which is clearly realized in its Hindi correlates : Hindi Pan] abi 1 /ramajan/ 'the Ramayana /ramaIn/~ [ramen] /kojal/ 'cuckoo' IS 11 /koll/ /ghajal/ 'wounded' /kail/ /najak/ 'leader' I /nalk/, /lajak/ 'capable' /lalk/ - [Iek] /sahajak/ 'helpful' /sahalk/ /sahajata/ 'help' /sahalta/ /nalajak/ 'incapable' /nalalk/ - [nafck] /kajam/l 'steady' B /kalm/ [kem] IT 6.3.3 Similarly, in J the | penultimate syllable of a polysyllabic word as well, the following vowel /a/ tends to be elided or assimilated when followed by a simple interlude in the final open syllable,Ie.g., I Hindi Panj abi /sabhjata/ /sablata/ 'culture* / j eg j ata/ /jogfta/«Dogta] 'capability' 6.4.0 WEAK GLIDING OF/)/ INJ PANJABI CORRELATES : In Hindi a consonantal or a strong glidal /j/, is realized in between the|vowel sequences of /i+a/, mostly in the vocables of Perso-Arabic origin, Ibut in their jabif correlates only weak filid realized :mi 1 mm I S—12 90 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Hindi Panjabi /nijat/1 'intention mat [nij at] /tabijat/ 'health' < tebiat H= [tabijat] /arljal/ 'obstinate' arial>l=[arijal] v /aslijat/ 'reality' asliat>|esi» [aslijat] 6 4.1 j GIidal/j/! merging into a lengthened plosive : But Hindi /j/ tends to have a zero correlate in Panjabi, if it occurs in a final, closed syllable as a final member of a complex interlude, probably being merged into the preceding lengthened plosive, e.g.^H Hindi Panjabi /sahlttjlk/ literary' /sahlttak/ /Uddjam/ 'effort' /Uddam/ /maddhjam/ 'medial' |/maddam/ 6.5.01 ZERO CORRELATEIOFJ/J/IN PANJABI: A Hindi /j/ has a corresponding zero correlate in [Panjabi,I when occurring as a final member of a complex onset margin or as an interlude withja front vowel syllable [peak :i fl • Ml M Mft Hindi Panjabi /prattjek/ Cpratek] every /dhjej/ dhe > «=[te:] H'aimjobject' /addhjeta/ [addeta] 'reader' also cf., |/kojla/ /kola/ 'coal' (no pattern) 6.6.01FINALI/J/ 6.6.1 Vocalization of final / j/' in Panjabi correspondents : 1I A final Hindi correlate /j/ tends to be vocalized as /e/ or /a/ in Panjabi correspondents, though1/e/jis more natural and is realized in! a wider range, ifjprecededjby the syllable peakj/o/, i.e., /aj/ h a/: SEMI CONSONANTAL-SYLLABLE MARGINS 91 Hindi Panjabi /samaj/ time /same/ — /sama/ /parlcaj/ acquaintance /pries/ - /prica/ /nlrnaj/ decision' /nlrne/ /nlrna/ /nlrbhaj/ fearless* /nlrbe/ /bhaj/ fear* /P«/ /hlmala j / The Himalayas* /hTmale/ - /hlmala/ /nl£caj/ determination' /nISce/ - /nISca/ /sanSaj/ isuspicion /sange/ /saiieaj / collection' /sance/ - /sanca/ /vlddjalej/ college* /vldlaW /karjalaj/ 'office1 /karlale/ /a£aj/ meaning /a*«/ 6.6.2 but /-aj/ /ai/: /addhjaj/ 'chapter* /addlai/ /ahjaj/ ••injustic e fanlai/ /njaj/ justice /nlai/ Mia/ 6.7.0 ZERO+NASALITY OR /af : A CORRELATE OF HINDI FINAL /]'/: 6.7.1 A Hindi final semi-consonant tends to be elided in Panjabi, with a tinge of nasality, when occurring as a coda margin of the syllable peak /a/, which is not preceded by a complex interlude : Hindil Panjabi /saraj/ /sar2/ 'rest house* /gaj/ I /ga7 cow /chaja/ /cha/ 'shadow* /Upaj/ /Una/ way out 92 HHUff SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND IP AN J ABI lea)ImWHIWlH^/ca/11' |l I M Hi I "te«. a t /raj/ 'opinion /aj/ 'income' Thus jit[ may be| noted! here that IPanjabi, llike|Sanskrit, h final /]'/. If some correspond natural final for Panjabi will be z Panjabi orefers either nasalitylor /a/. •1.11 Hindi final /j/1 merging into a complex peak in Tan jab Corresponding to a final Hindi /j/, after a front vowel, {there is a zero correlate in Panjabi, but the syllable peak isf realized as complex one : Hindi Panjabi I j^H Til] 1 /bharatij/I [parti:] . 'Indian' /advltij/ [adUti;] matchless' /dhjej/ [te:] 'object' l&H Cgc:] I I B*that could be sung' This may-be due to: "disruptive" J and "open syllable" tendency of Panjapi; also cf 5.3.1.1, 7.11.2. Ill 1 J 67.1.2 Elision of Hindi final /j/jafter a consonant: The-final /j/of a Hindi correlate, is also elidedftn Panjabi, when ring as a.complex coda margin with a consonant :HB BE. H Hindi Panjabi /vakj/ /vak/ 'sentence' /mUkhj/ /mUkh/ 'chief /nitj/ /nit/ 'daily /satj/ 1 It /sat/ 'truth' /gadj/ MBML I ill/gad/ prose /PadJ/ ( /pad/ BUI'poetry SEMI CONSONANTAL SYLLABLE MARGINS 93 /maddhj / /mad/ 'middle* /avaSj/ /a va S" / 'certainly* /k3rta v j / /kartav/ 'duty' /kavj/ /kav kavi/ poetic- • • composition /alasj/ /alas/ 'laziness* /sahltj/ /salt/ 'literature' 6.7.1.3 Treatment of Hindi final /j/ after jtj in Panjabi: A final /j/, following a rolled consonant, is transformed into i a> or into the consonant /J/ in Panjabi, e.g., Hindi Panjabi /arj/ /aria/ 'an Arya' /acarj/ /acaria/ ~ /acarj/ *an Acharya* /karj/ /karaj/ 'work, function* 6.7.1.4 Hindi final merging into long consonants in Panjabi: There are a few examples in which the final Hindi, correlate /j/ tends to "merge into a long consonant, when the preceding member of a final cluster is a nasal or a lateral consonant: I Hindi Panjabi /pUnj/ /pUnn/ 'good deed' /mulj / /mUU/ price /dhanjvad/ /tannvad/ 'thanks' But cf. /mUrdhanj / /murdani/ 'cerebral* 6.8.0 POSITIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF Ivf IN HINDI AND PANJABI SYLLABIC STRUCTURE : 6.8.1 jvl as onset margin in Hindi and Panjabi: So far as the occurrence of/v/, in the initial and medial syllables, * 94 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI is concerned, it is almost similar, both, in Hindi and Panjabi. In both, it rarely occurs with a rounded vowel. In these positions it is clearly realized with front unrounded vowels, /a/ and /a/. In the initial position when occurring as simple onset margin it is freely replaced by a plosive /b/, in dialectal variations, both in Hindi and Panjabi ; but it is realized as a pure semi-consonant when occurring as a second member of a complex: onset margin : Hindi Panjabi /svad/ j : /svad/ tasty /saval/ : /sval/ 'sums' /savar/ i /svar/ 'a rider' /svami/ ;r /svami/ 'ascetic* /vjah / jJ Mil 'marriage* /vjaj/ : /vial/ 'interest on money' /van// : /vAn/ . 'forest* /kavl/ : /kavi/ 'poet* /dava/ : /dava/ 'litigation* /vicar/ : 1 vicar1 'thought' /vlvecan/ : Ivtvec an/ 'analysis' 6.9*0 VOCALIZATION OF/v/ 6.9.1 Vocalization v of /v/ as a second member of a complex onset margin in Panjabi correlates : In Panjabi, a corresponding Hindi /v/, tends to be vocalized, when occurring as a second member of a complex onset margin, in the initial syllable, with the syllable peak /a, a/, provided in a disyllabic word the final syllable is long and closed and in a polysyllabic word the second syllable is long : Hindi 'Panjabi /svabhav/ /sUba.-a/ 'nature' SEMI CONSONANtAL SYLLABLE MARGINS 95 /svatantr/ /sUtantar/ . 'free* /svadeSi/ " /sUdesl/ 'indigenious' /svabhavlk/ /sObavak/ 'natural' / svar g/ /sUrag / 'heavens* /dhvanlja/ /tOnia/ 'sounds' 6.9.2 Vocalization of /v/ as first member of a complex interlude in Panjabi correlates : Another environment for the vocalization of M in Panjabi is its occurrence as an interlude in a disyllabic pattern in a Hindi correlate, in which the final syllable is closed or when occurring as a first member of an interlude : Hindi 1 Panjabi /avgUn/ /aUgUn/ -[ogUn] 'bad habits' /avsar/ /aUsar/ *=* [osarl 'opportunity' /avtar/ /aUtar/ =[atar] 'incarnation' /pavan/ /paUn/ —[p3n] « ai• r > /caval/ /caUl/ - [col] • ric• e * /savan/ /saUn/ - [s3n] 'month of Savan' /revri/ /rlUri/ 'a sweet* /kevra/ /klUra/ *a flower /devrani/ /dlUrani/ 'husband's- younger brother's wife /devar/ /deUr/ ~ /deor/ 'husbands' younger brother' Moreover, /a/ resulting from a+u is commonly realized in Pothohari. 6.9.3 /vj merging into a lengthened plosive in Panjabi: But a Hindi correlate /v/*tends to merge into the preceding plosive when occurring as a second member of a complex interlude : t 96 SYALLABIC STRUCTUAE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Hindi Panjabi /UjJval/ /UWal/ . 'bright' 6 9.4 Zero correlate of simple coda margin /v/: In the final position too the corresponding correlate of a Hindi /v/, in Panjabi pronunciation, is zero, when following a class II vowel, though in Panjabi orthography it is represented by the vowel /U/. Thus it is an exact parallel to /j/ (cf.!6.7.1). But it is actually realized as /U/ ~ ful when following a class I syllable peak. It is also assimilated with preceding syllable peak, if it is the neutral vowel /a/, e.g., H. /slv/ :P. /slU/, H. Idavl : P. /da:a/, H. /vesnav/: P. /ve§nu/ - /v«sno/. 6.9.5 Simple Coda margin /v/ merging into a complex peak : 6.9.5.1.. The complex syllable peak evolved from corresponding final /v/ in Hindi, is due to its positional distribution in Panjabi. Phonetically, this phenomenon is indicated by complexity of the syllable peak concerned* Lengthening of the vowel is followed by a non-syllabic /a/, e.g., Hindi Panjabi /svabhav/ ; 6.9.5.2 But a simple coda margin /v/, following the syllable peak /a/, tends to be vocalized. As such the transformed vowel is realized as /o/, in assimilation with the preceding syllable peak /a/; •-*• SEMI CONSONANTTALISYLLABLE MARGINS 97 Hindi Panjabi /madhav/ [mado] 'a name' /keSav/ [ke£o] 'a name' • • /vesn»v/| ys^nu/ [v«$no]I pertaining to lord Vlsnu'l 6.9.61 Analogicalj replacement of /v/ by /a/: Hindi second member of a complex cod ated in Panjabi correspondentsjon the analogy of /sundarta/. /kUs" Hindi Panjabi /mahattv/ I /mahatta/ 'importance* /prabhUttv/ /prabta/ I 'lordship* I /ghanattv/ /kanta/ 'density* /gUrUttv/ /gUrOta/ I 'heaviness* fl S-13 10 INTERLUDE:1 7.1.0 POSITIONAL DISTRIBUTION GF SIMPLE INTERLUDES IN HINDI AND PANJABI : So far as the question of occurrence of simple interludes is concerned there does not seem to be many restrictions to their occurrence with a particular syllable peaks, i.e., they can occur in all syllabic positions and withall syllablespeaks. A few restrictions which have been noted with regard to Panjabi syllabic structure are as follows: 7.1.1 Generally /h/ and /j/ do not occur as interludes except in Malwai and Lahndi. In Pan jabi forms, corresponding to Hindi forms they are realized as tone and as a weak glide, viz., /I/, respectively \ Hindi Panjabi /keho/ /kao/ say /sahara/ /saara/«[sdra] support' /aya/ /ala/ 'came' /gaja/ /gla/ "•went* 7.1.2 Usually, simple interlude /n/ of Hindi syllabic structure is transformed into /n/ in a corresponding Panjabi structure : Hindi Panjabi 0 /pani/ /pani/ 'water' /khana/ /khana/ 'food' /sona/ /s3na/ 'to sleep' 7.1.3 But a Hindi interlude /n/, mostly occurring in literary Hindi, is usually realized as /n/ in a Panjabi correspondent, if it is preceded or followed by a continuant : 1. The term interlude has been used in this treatise in the sense of an inter vocalic consonant or semi-consonant, may be single (=simple interlude) or in cluster or long (=complex interlude). h 4 -• 1 ' INTERLUDE . • ** Hindi Panjabi 1 • /prani/ /prani/, 1 'animate' /^renif fitem! 'class' /Arunf 1 /Arun/ 1 'a name, 'red* /vlsnu/ 1 /vISnu/ 1 'lord Vishnu* /vina/ /vina/ 1 'lute or a name' /vani/ /van: ~ bani/ 1 'sayings' /kaljan/ /kal j an/ 1 'g ood' IpUnJ / /pUnj/ 1 'good deed' • ^ /naganj/ /naganj / 1 'insignificant' /kanv/ 1 /kanv/ 1 'Kanva, a sage' 7.1.4 Another notable divergence in Hindi and Panjabi ^ syllabic structure with regard to a simple interlude is the occurrence of /d/ as a simple interlude in Panjabi, which is invariably realized as its allophone \t\ in Hindi: Panjabi Hindi /Udari/ /Uran/ 'flight' /vadlai/ jbarai/ 'greatness' /k3 7.2.0 PARTICULARS OF COMPLEX INTERLUDES IN HINDI AND PANJABI: ? In both the languages complex interludes toccur in two forms, rviz.. (i) long consonants, (ii) clusters or sequences* InVboth the forms,(certain syllabic restricions,have been noticed, which may be .accounted? for as follows; , . * 100 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 7.2.1 Geminated or long consonants occurring as interludes : 7.2.1 J Nearly all consonants except /j, n, h, r, ft, n, l/1 in both the languages can occur as long interludes1 in a finally open syllable with long vowels. In case of an aspirated consonant only the stop element is geminated: Hindi Pan j abi hi /sacca/ 'honest' [sac: a] /laissi/ 'butter milk* [las:i] /kaddu/ *pompkin* [kadru] /gaddi/ 'cushion' [gad:i] /U/ /kUtta/ 'dog' [kUt:a] /gUssa/ anger [gUsra] /IUcca/ 'unfaithful' [IUc.a] III /bllli/ cat [bll:i] /citthi/ 'letter' [clthri] /klssa/ 'tale' [kls:a] /slkka/ 'impression [slk:a] ;7.2.1.2 But in Panjabi they may follow any syllable peak,8 whereas in Hindi they follow only a class I syllable peak : [khot:a] • ass t [cun:a] €limef [mas:i] Mother's sister* [cothia] cforthf. 1. According to Gill and Gleason /rv v/ also have been included in this list, but Dr. Aran's examples /charre/ 'bullets' and /navve/ 'ninety (P. 6, 26) show that these are no exceptions. 2. Infact, the so called geminated consonant is scientifically a long consonant with too stages of prominence. 3. According to Gill and Gleason geminates occur only after centralized rowels (P. 37)f \ INTERLUDE 101 also cf. alternate or conditional, (conditioned by tempo or accent) pronunciation of the following. [kita- kit:a] 'did* [gutha guth:a] 'thu mb* [potha poth:a] Volume (book) 7.2.1.3 A geminated or long consonant also occurs in both, though less in Panjabi, in a disyllabic pattern, if the final syllable is a closed syllable and the syllable peak is a class I vowel: Hindi Panjabi /raacchar/ /macchar/ 'mosquito' • . /cakkar / /cakkar/ circle /khappar/ /khappar/ 'skull' /mlnnat/ /mlnnat/ 'an entreat* \ /mUddat/ /mUddat/ 'a long time* 72 Complex interludes be permissible the Hindi yllabic #CV'CVC# type, if the first syllable has a class II vowel; but no such restrictiorestrictionn] is noticed in the Panjabi structure, in which normally a plosive consonant tends to be in this environments : « Hindi Panjabi /gajar/ [gaj-r] carrot /gujar/ [gUj-r] 'a cow herd class' /nokar/ [ndk*r] 'servant* /sabUn/ [sab'n] soap /gobar/ [gob-ar] 'cow dung* 3 SIGNIFICANT COMPLEX INTERLUDES IN HINDI AND PANJABI: It may further be noted here that both, in Hindi and Panjabi, as elements of morphological structure, the long consonants in the following instances, partly happen to be significant. In both 102 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE. OF HINDI AND PANJABI significant geminates follow only a class I vowel, mostly the neutral vowel /a/. Moreover, the list of words; showing significant long consonants is almost identical in both the languages, though Panjabi has a few more words which are of its own andiare never used in Hindi. Following are common pairs showing signinccin t long consonants in both the languages. Hindi/Panjabi Hindi/Panjabi /klsse/ 'tales' Iklsel 'to whom' /pAkka/ *strong' /paka/ 'cook' /bAcca/ 'child* /baca/ 'save' /sAWa/ 'decoration (H.) /saja/ 'decorate (H.) 'right* (P.) imprisonment' (H.P.) /k Attha / 'extract from a tree' /katha/ 'story* /cUnni/ 'scarf* /cUni/ 'selected' /dim/ 'Delhi* /dlli/ 'hearty' /khllli/ 'to cut a joke' /khlli/ 'blossomed' /gAttha/ 'bundle* /gatha/ 'well built .(HO. 'onion* (P.) /Utter/ 'answer' /Utar/ 'descent* Thus geminated Panjabi counterparts of non-geminated vocables of Hindi, occurring after class II vowels (7.2.1.4) clearly indicate the spontaneous tendency of lengthening a consonant in Panjabi in these environments. In the former case, gemination has beent accepted orthographically too, but in the latter case, not all, but a few forms only have been recognized as geminated by Panjabi orthography, though their phonetic realization as long consonants is very clear in a normal course of speech. 7.4.0 COMPLEX' CORRELATES OP SIMPLE INTERLUDES : 7.41 Tendency to lengthen an interlude in Panjabi: 1 Panjabi has a natural tendency to lengthen all those simple plosive interludes, occurring in an open disyllabic pattern or as first member of a complex, interlude in?their Hindi correspondents . In INTERLUDE 103 this case the plosive is not only lengthened, but the initial vowel also is reduced in every respect. This tendency of Panjabi can particularly be attested in the Hindi speech of a Panjabi native speaker : Hindi Panjabi /at a/ Cafa]" flour' /mitha/ [mlth-a] 'sweet' /sidha/ [sfd-a] 'plain* /dhokha/ [t6kha] 'deceit' /dhoti/ Itbtrfl 'dhoti' /puchna/ [pUch'na] 'to ask' /daku/ [4ak*u] 'robber' r/leta/ [le-a] 'takes' l/tlca/ [Uc-a] 'high' /adha/ [ad-a] 'half' /piche/ [plch*e] 'behind, afterwards* 7.4.1.2 Otherwise cf# ./pant/ 'water*, Vkirt/ 'ant*, /Jana/ 'to go', /bima/ 'insurance', /kala/ 'black', /sara/ 'all', etc. in which there is no lengthening. This means that lengthening of inter-vocalic sonorants is not favoured, when they follow a class II syllable peak. 7.4.1.3 It may further foe added there that no real complex interlude, with sonorants, is possible. For, .there is no syllabic division, only onset and coda being divided conventionally* Being sonorants they are nearer to vowels, so that a real break is not possible. Only a lull consonant can effectually divide a syllable. 7.42 Change in syllabic structure due to lengt hening of inter ludes : In this regard it may further be noted that most of Hindi vocables with a syllabic pattern of # CV* CVa # or # CVa CCV" # are 2 transformed in Panjabi into a # CVCCY** # and # CVCCVCV § ~ § [CVC* VCVa] # patterns respectively : 1 1 i 104 SYLLABIC STRUCTUR E OF HINDI AND PANJABI Hindi /CV2 CV2/ Panjabi /CVCCV2/'-[CVC, V*] /tikha/ /tlkkha/ [tlkh.a] 'sharp' /tika/ /tlkka/ Ctlk:a] 'mark on forehead' /age/ /agge/ [Ag:e] 'ahead' Mca/ /Ucca/ [Uc:a] 'high' /mitha/ /mlttha/ [mlth:a] 'sweet* / matha/ /ma ttha/ [mAth:a] 'forehead' /rukha/ /rUkkha/ >[rUkh:a] 'dry' /phika / /phlkka/ [phlkra] 'tasteless' /bhukha/ /pOkkha/ [pOkh:a] 'hungry* /chika/ /chlkka/ [chlk:a] 'net for hang ing things* ccv /CVCCVGVV^CCVC* VCV1] /sikhna/ /slkkhana/ [slkh-ana] 'to learn* /mUndna/ /mUnnana/ [mUndna] 'to fleece* /sukhna/ /sUkkana/ [sUk-ana] 'to be dry* /ghumna/ /kOmmana/ [kunvana] 'to walk* /chilna/ /chlllana/ [chll'ana] 'to peel* /puchna/ 'pUcchana/ [pUclrana] 'to ask* /catna/ /cattana/ [c A tana] 'to lick* /chutna/ /chUtt;aoa/ [chUt'ana] 'to be left' /lutna/ /lUttana/ [lUt/ana] 'to plunder* 7.4.2.2 This tendency is noticeable in the # CV*CVC # pattern as well, provided the interlude 'C* is a plosive one, e.g, Hindi Panjabi /kikar/ /klkkar/ [klk-ar] acacia /titar/ /tlttar/ [tlt-ar] 'patridge* /nokar/ /nakkar/ [nak-ar] servant /gaJar/ /gajter/ I [gaj'ar] carrot /kicar/ /clkkar/ I [cIk* ar] 'mud' /thok ar/ /thokkar/ [thok-ar] 'a stumble' 7.5 SIMPLE PANJABI CORRELATES OF COMPLEX INTERLUDES OF HINDI : 7.5.1 Environments of non-lengthening in Panjabi : 7.5.1.1 On the other hand Panjabi shows a tendency towards non- lengthening of the interlude, if the second syllable is closed and has a class II vowel peak and the initial syllable is short: Hindi Panjabi (pronunciation) /Ujjsn/ * 'Ujjain city' /Uje-n/ /UddeSj/ aim IVde-ij /Ullas/ 'enthusiasm* /Ula-s/ /Utthan/ emergence /Utha-n/ /Unnis/ • ninetee• n /Unis/ Panjabi /Unni/ /paccis/ 'twenty five' /paci-s/ „ /pacci/ /Jallad/ executor /jala-d/ /Ullekh/ mention /Ule-kh/ Otherwise'cf. /satkar/ 'welcome', /akhbar/ 'news-paper', /nUksan/ 'loss', /Insaf/ 'judgement', /sajja/ 'right', /cUUa/ 'hearth', /Unni/ 'nineteen', /pacci/ 'twenty five. 7.5.1.2 Another important restriction to gemination, in the Panjabi syllabic structure, is its non-occurrence in the non-initial and non-final syllable, i.e., in the second syllable of a polysyllabic word ; Hindi Panjabi fUccaran/ pronunciation /Uca-ran/ / Uccarlt/ 'pronounced* /Ucarlt/ S-14 106 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HlfcfDI AND -PANJABI /sammelan/ 'conferencef /samclan/ /Uttari/ 'northern' /Utri/ /cAppal?/ 'chappies' /capleV /hlmraati/ 'courageous' /hlmti/ /UnnatI/ 'progress* /Unti/ /UtteJana/ 'excitement* /Utejana/ 7.5.1.3 Here it may also be noted that in a pattern with a closed final syllable the penultimate syllable should not be a long one; otherwise cf., /Ikanni/ 'one anna coin',/nlkamma/ 'worthless', /sUcca/ 'pure*, /sajja/ 'right' etc. in which the interlude of the final open syllable is a long one. 7.6.0 SYLLABIC ADJUSTMENT OF COMPLEX INTERLUDES : 7.6.1 Vocalic reduction and simplification of a complex interlude due to syllabic, extension : We have already seen that in a" disyllabic word, Hindi and Panjabi both, allow a geminated or long interlude in the environments stated above (7.2.1), e.g.f /tattu/ 'pony', /hadcji/ 'bone' etc. But in case of syllabic extension the syllabic adjustment is realized* differently in both the languages. Hindi shows only a vocalic reduction in this case, but Panjabi, besides showing vocalic reduction, also shows a simplification or non-lengthening in the consonant, i.e., the geminated or long interlude is simplified into a simple interlude : Lexical form Extended form Hindi/ Panj abi Hindi/ Panjabi /ta^tu/ 'pony' /tat&US/ : /t»tU3/ /had(Ji/ 'bone' /had4IJ2/ : /hacjla/ /bllli/ - cat* /blllija/ : /bllla/ /mltti/ 'clay' /mittlja/ : /mltfa/ INTERLUDE 107 7.7.0 REDUCTION OF SYLLABLE PEAK IN NON-LENGTHENED INTERLUDE : 7.7.1 Qualitative and quantitative reduction : It may be noted here that this simplification or non-lengthening in syllabic extension is quite in accordance with the observations made above (7.5.1.2), viz.f a geminated or long interlude'can not occur in the penultimate syllable of a polysyllabic word in Panjabi* Thus in Panjabi pronunciation a corresponding Hindi syllable, with a geminated onset margin, occurring in such a position, is not only simplified, but the syllable peak also tends.to be reduced in every way. It is reduced, both, in quality and quantity, if it is a non-central syllable peak : Hindi Panjabi /sammelan/ /samelan/ 'conference' /Uccaran/ /Uca'ran/ 'pronunciation' /haddIJ2/ /h34I2/ " 'bones* 7.7.2 Simplification of complex interludes and elision of syllable peak: 7.7.2.1 Simplification of a long interlude in the penultimate syllable of a Hindi'correspondent, with all the three short syllables, tends to elide its syllable peak, completely, in its Panjabi correspondent, if it is a central one, viz., /a/ : Hindi Pan] abi /UnnatI/ 'progress' /Unti/ 'sammatl/ 'advice' /samti/ /hlmmati/ 'courageous' '. /hlmti/ /tlbbati/ 'a Tibetan /tlbti/ It may be deduced from the above that (i) in Panjabi no long consonant can occur in a medial syllable in the above mentioned environment. Because like Vedic rhythm Panjabi rhythm too can not stand three short open syllables consecutively. 7.7.2.2 In case of syllabic loss, in a Panjabi corresponding word, no long consonant can be grouped with any other consonant. In such an environment the long consonant is simplified» may bean a final syllable : • 108 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Hindi /vIpAttI/: Panjabi /vipti/ 'calamity1 ; Hindi /beljjoti/ : Panjabi Ibelhil 'insult' , 7.8.0 POSITIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF CONSONANTAL LENGTHENING IN PANJABI SYLLABIC STRUCTURE : 7.8-1 Consonantal lengthening in polysyllabic patterns : It has already been noted above (4*5.2) that, in Panjabi, in a polysyllabic pattern no long consonant occurs in the second syllable. In this position all long consonants occurring in Hindi correlates are, normally, simplified in Panjabi polysyllabic patterns. It is the final syllable in which a complex interlude can occur, provided the penultimate syllable has for its syllable peak a centering vowel only, and is not closed by any other coda margin. : /kabAddi/ 'a game1, /kUpAtta/ 'unworthy son', /nlkAmma/ 'worthless', /sUkhAlla/ 'easy\ /IkAnni/ 'one anna', otherwise cf. (7.5.1-2). 7.8.2 Simplification and lengthening for syllabic adjustment: Further, in Hindi, a long interlude can occur in the final syllable with a short or class I syllable peak ; but the same; is not attested in Panjabi syllabic structure, in which a class I vowel is never allowed in the final position, except in a few monosyllabic function words. As such, in this pattern, Panjabi not only simplifies the corresponding complex interlude of Hindi, but also elides the penultimate syllable peak, in order, to adjust the lengthening of the final vowel. Thus, a Hindi syllabic pattern of # CVCVCCV# will be transformed into the # CVCCV1 # pattern in Panjabi, e.g., Hindi /vIpAttI/ 'calamity', : -^Panjabi /vipti/, i.e., no geminated complex interlude can occur in Panjabi in a final syllable having class I syllable peak. 7 9.0 NON-GEMINATED COMPLEX INTERLUDES : 7.9.1 Converging features of internal order of" consonantal sequences: 7.9.1.1 The: most converging feature of Hindi and Panjabi syllabic structure may be called, the normal occurrence of all types of non-geminated complex interludes in both the languages, there being no gross restrictions to the occurrence of these clusters. In factum most of the cases, they are not co-extensive clusters: for, they are INTERLUDE 109 seldom realized as complex codas of the preceding syllable or complex onset margins of the succeeding syllable. Rather, they are realized as sequences of a syllable closing consonant, and a syllable beginning consonant. Inf many instances they are a resultant of the juxtaposition of two morphemes. As such, there is no particular relationship between them. The following examples will clearly verify the above statement : 7.9 2 Internal order of consonantal sequences in Hindi and Panjabi syllables : 7.9.2.1 Restrictions* if any, may be equally applicable to both, except that which have been mentioned regarding non-occurrence of simple interludes in Panjabi. Other restriction may'be noted as follows : No voiced stop except /d, b/ follow a voiceless stop. In* cluster with aspirates (a)t voiceless aspirates follow voice less non-aspirates of the same or different series. (b> voiced aspirates follow voiced non-aspirates of the same or different series (Panjabi has no voiced aspirates), (c) all voiceless stops except /c, p/ may follow an aspirate. Other restrictions to occurrences of different sequences also are similar1. I But in Panjabi no complex interlude, geminated or non-geminatedt can occur in the final open syllable, having a class I vowel as its peak, e.g., H. /Saktl/, P. /Sakti/ 'strength', H. /SatrU/ P, /Satru/ 'enemy\ H. MpAtti/: P. /vlpti/ 'calamity' I 7.9.2 2 Another notable restriction, to the occurrence of members of complex interludes in Panjabi, is a sequence of /r/+/n/. In such an environment the component /n/ will be transformed into /n/ e.g., Hindi /var$an/, ^description* P. /varnan/, H. /carriS/ *feet* (obi. PI.) : P.j /carn3/. 710.0 SYLLABIC PECULIARITIES OF NON-GEMINATED COMPLEX I INTERLUDES : I Following occurrences of complex interludes in Panjabi may be noted as syllabic peculiarities of Panjabi in this regard. 1, For examples see Axun PP. 10-19 ; 28-35. 110 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 7.10.1 In standard Hindi flapped consonant /r/ can be followed by a voiceless stop consonant only : /larka/ 'boy' /hartal/ 'strike', but in Panjabi it can be followed by any plosive consonant: /kUrta/ 'shirt', /partha/ 'roasted', /parda/ 'screen', /hartal/ 'strike', /kharga7 'swords (obi.)'. 7.10.2 In Hindi no voiced stop follows an aspirated stop, neither at a syllabic, junction, nor at a morpheme boundary, but in Panjabi it is fully attested, though restricted to morphological environments only : /llkhda/ 'is writing' /vlchdi/ 'being spread' /bethda/ 'is sitting' 7.10-3 In Hindi medially /d/ can rarely be followed by a lateral sound, viz., /I/, but in Panjabi this sequence is not unusual, e.g., Hindi /larla/: but P. /ladla/ 'affectionate', H. /blrla/: P. /blcjla/ 'a caste'. 7.11.0 SYLLABIC ENVIRONMENTS FOR THREE MEMBER COMPLEX INTERLUDES IN HINDI AND PANJABI : 7.11.1 Converging patterns of tripartite complex interludes : In both the languages, the following pattern of tripartite complex interludes mostly consisting of a nasal+stop+a sonorant is common, e.g., /santra/ 'orange', /sangli/ 'small chain', /langra/ 'lame1. 7.11.2 Diverging Patterns of tripartite complex interludes : But the scope of tripartite complex interludes is much wider in Hindi than in Panjabi. In Hindi its range is wider, both, in its components and in its syllabic structure. There, besides the above mentioned components, its components can be (i) stop+stop+/r/, (ii) nasal+stop+/r/, (iii) nasal+fricative+/1/, (iv) stop+stop+ semivowel: /Utpreksa/ 'fancy', /mantri/ 'minister', /pandrah/ 'fifteen', /sanSUst/ 'synthetic', /Ucchvas/ 'a sigh'. But on the other hand Panjabi may have a tripartite complex interlude, with components, nasal+stop+stop, which hardly occurs in Hindi: Hindi /sangatl/ but Panjabi /sangti/ 'association', „ /UbJhna/ „ „ /tilJna/ 'to be entangled* „ /Ubtna/ „ „ /Ultna/ 'to be over turned' 1 6 i INTERLUDE in In Hindi a tripartite complex interlude is permissible of a geminated stop+a semivowel, as in, /mahattvakanksl/ 'ambitious', /Ujjval/ 'bright', /viddja/ 'knowledge', but the same is not permissible in Panjabi structure. There, these arc transformed into /mahattav/, /Ujjal/, /vldla/ etc. Here is clearly evident the difference of Panjabi syllabic structure which is more disruptive, giving additional syllables to words. 7.12. 7.12.1 Transformation of Hindi /ks/ in Panjabi correspondents : Genius of Panjabi language does not favour a complex interlude or a margin consisting of /ks/. Thus all correspondents of this type of interludes or margins occurring in literary Hindi are usually simplified into /kh/ in literary Panjabi correspondents. Historically, transformation of /ks/ into /ch/, also is attested. Thus in this transformation the Panjabi interlude /kh/ is, realized as a long consonant, if preceded by a neutral syllable peak in a disyllabic pattern : Hindi Panjabi /pAks/ /pAkh:/ side' /prAtJaks/ /partAkh:/ evident' /lAksan/ /lAkh:An/ sign /Aksar/ \s /Akh:Ar/ letter* (alphabet) /kAks/ /k A ch:/ arm pit' /ksAtn/ /khAttri/ a caste V 7.12.1.2 But the /ks/ may be just simplified into a simple interlude /kh/ in Panjabi pronunciation, if preceded by a syllable peak /i/, and as such the following syllable peak is in harmony with the preceding syllable peak : Hindi Panjab^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^i ^ /parikSa/ /parikhla/ examination /Slkhla/ 'education' Though pronunciation of jk&I sequence is difficult for a bi speaker, as in /adhlakg/ 'president', yet n eith rteYtensive. as is realized in Hindi pronun 112 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 7.12.2 Transformation of /gj/ in Panjabi : The case of simplification, of a complex margin or an interlude /gj/f is some what different. It is of course nearer to Hindi pronunciation, when occurring in the initial position, but it is definitely realized differently when occurring in inter-vocalic positions. In this position it is not at all a coextensive consonant cluster, like that, attested in Hindi; but has a sequential character, clearly separated by syllabic division. Thus in the following examples syllabic ally /-g-/ belongs to the preceding syllable and A-]-/ to the succeeding syllable, though in Panjabi orthography in both the positions it is rejpresented with /gl/ : Hindi Panjabi [Aggjan] 7.12.3 Consonantal variants of a nasal interlude in Hindi and Panjabi: Both, Hindi and Panjabi, show their respective preferences for a nasal element, before a palatal consonant. In this environment Hindi normally prefers a dental nasal element, while Panjabi prefers a palatal nasal consonantal element viz- /n/ : Hindi Panjabi /pAnJab/ /paiijab/ 'Panjab' /pAnJabi/ /panjabi/ 'Panjabi' /plnlor/ /plfijor/ 'a place tiame* /pAnchi/ /parichi/ 'bird' /cAncal/ /cancal/ 'fickle' 1 8.0 SYLLABICATION 8.0.1 A comparative survey of syllabication in Hindi and Panjabi: -In a normal speech, syllable is the most important unit of it. It is commonly acknowledged that while listening to a foreigner we hear in syllables only. This important unit of speech has been defined in a number of ways, but for our immediate purpose, we may adequa tely accept it as 4a segment of speech that is heard as one unit-of sonority'.1 A syllable is also defined as 'the smallest segment of utterance which an untrained native speaker can pronounce in isolation in response to a request, "say it as slowly as you can." It is a real unit in a linguistic behaviour.2 According to R. Jakobson and M. Hall "The syllable is the elementary pattern underlying any grouping of phonemes."3 But the term 'grouping of phonemes' may be questioned in view of syllables comprising of a single phoneme, e.g., /a/ 'come* etc. The linguistic approach to the syllable, as Gimson points out, is "a statement in which phonemes are said to combine in a language, so that certain phonemes are shown to have a typically central situation in the permissible groups/'4 It means that in a syllable phonemes have a distributional preference for some, and aversion to others. The syllable in short is a unit of diverse combinations, which have passed the stage of articulation. 8.1.0 COMPONENTS OF A SYLLABIC UNIT IN HINDI AND PANJABI;: 8.1.1 In both, Hindi and Panjabi—a syllable is a vocalic unit or a combination of the vocalic unit preceded or followed by a consonantal 1. Cf. Proceedings of Inter. Phon. Cong. 1962, P. 728. 2. Cf. Readings in Linguistics Part I P. 401. 3. Manual of Phonetics, ed. by L. Kaiser, 1957, P. 226. 4. A. C. Gimson. Intr. to Eng. proa* 1962, P. 52. S-15 114 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 1 margin. In case of 'grouping of phonemes' the vocalic unit consti tutes as 'peak' or nucleus' of the syllable and all peripheral phonemes as margins. But in Hindi and Panjabi we may also have a syllable with zero margins. The syllable peak may be simple or complex, pure or diphthongal or nasalized. It can also be short or long. A simple peak consists of one of the ten vowel phonemes and a complex peak consists of one of the ten vowels as peak nucleus plus one .of the peak: satellite, viz, /h (a), j, w/ or consisting an overlong quantity?(with special reference to Panjabi syllables only). I In case of 4grouping of phonemes' the most important aspect of syllabic unit, from the point of view of the language, is preferences, for the sequential occurrences of phonemes within the unit. (cf. 7.4.). I I 8.1.2 A syllable margin consists of one or more of the consonant phonemes in both the languages. A pre-nuclear margin is called an onset and a post-nuclear margin is called a coda. The occurrence of consonants as onset and coda margins is subject to certain restrictions in both the languages (see App. No. I). A syllable margin may be simple or complex. A simple margin consists of only one consonant and* a complex margin consists of one (long) or more consonants, realized coextensively. In Panjabi it is normally a grouping of two consonants, but in Hindi it may be a grouping of more than two. Both, Hindi and Panjabi have certain restrictions to the potential combinations of a complex margin occurring pre-vocalically or post-vocalically. (see 4.7.1; 4.8.2 ; 5.4). 8.2.0 PATTERNS OF SYLLABIC UNITS IN HINDI AND PANJABI : I 8.2.1 If *V presents a syllable peaks end §C' a syllable margin the following types of syllables may occur both, in Hindi and Panjabi:— IVL /VC/f /CV/, /CVC/, /CCV/. /VCC/f /CCVC/, CVCC/, /CCVCC/. These may be termed as monophonic, diaphonic, triphonic, quadriphonic and pentaphonic. Pentaphonic syllabic pattern is less frequent in Panjabi than in Hindi. In both the languages any one of the above mentioned syllable-types may occur independently as a monosyllabic word or may function as a constituent syllable within a word having more than one syllable. 8.3.0 PECULIARITIES OF SYLLABIC UNITS IN HINDI : 1 I 8.3.1 Besides the above mentioned pattern of a pentasyllable type in general, Panjabi shows a strict restriction to the occurrence 1 SYLLABICATION 115 ) of more than two marginal phonemes on either side of a syllable peak. But no such restriction is met with in Hindi, particularly with a syllable peak of a Sanskrit borrowing- Thus in Hindi, one may frequently come across syllable types with the following components : /CCCV—/, /VCCC/, /CVCCC/, e.g., /stritv/ 'womanhood1, /istrH l&stxl 'weapon* /msntr/ Tiymn\ /urdhv/ \ip\ /svasthj/ 'health*. I 8.3.2 But such tripartite margins are not permitted in a Panjabi syllabic structure in a parallel Panjabi pronunciation these may be realized as /shtritev/f /astar/, /man ta r/, etc. i 8»3t3 Above all, Hindi may have monosyllabic words with six phones, in which as many as four components pi the coda margin may! occur post-vocallically, as in, /CVCCCC/ = /vartsj/ 'pre-paLataT. But Panjabi has discarded all such complex margins. In colloquial Hindi, too, they are not realized normally. Their occurrence is mostly restricted to the speech of educated speakers only. I 8.3.4. Although, except the* above mentioned restrictions to the composition of a syllabic unit, both, Hindi and Panjabi, do not showj any gross restriction in this regard, yet at \he word level we come across a number of restrictions to their compositions, particularly in the positional distribution of these syllabic units. Restrictions with regard to the occurrence of a 'syllable peak' or a 'syllable margin' arel notable, in different types of words, in both' the languages, (see 8.4.1) Hencef both react differently to their borrowings from Sanskrit, English, Persian or Arabic languages* (See App. No III)# 1 8.4.0 PERMISSIBLE PEAK-MARGIN SEQUENCES (COMPONENTS) I WITHIN A SYLLABIC UNIT : 8.4.1 Phonological order of both, Hindi and Panjabi, shows certain preferences for the occurrence of phonemes in a sequence jwithin a syllable. A detailed analysis of the sequences, occurring in monosyllabic patterns of Hindi and Panjabi, reveals that syllable peaks, occurring in different monosyllabic patterns, have their respective preferences, for the occurrence of various consonants as their; onset margins and coda margins, -in both the languages. Their preferences with regard to diaphonic and triphonic (CVC) syllabic patterns have fully been illustrated in appendix No. I from table No. I. 1—12. The notable restriction in a diaphonic pattern of 'CV* type is that, iii 116 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PAN3ABI Panjabi, the vowel is generally a class II vowel, except in a few enclitics. The notable feature of the triphonic pattern is that there are more restrictions in Panjabi pattern, with a class II vowel, than in Hindi patterns- With regard to a triphonic pattern of #CCV# and #CVCC# type it may further be noted that in Panjabi, in the former pattern the second , C can be a sonorant, viz., r, lt nf m, r or a glide, viz, j, v, h only and the *Vf must be a class II syllable peak (see 4.4.6), but in Hindi there is no such restriction* In the latter pattern the first §Gf is normally a nasal, a fricative, a rolled, flapped or a lateral consonant (see 5.4-5), whereas in these environments Hindi shows a preference for a fricative or a semi consonant only. It could be a plosive also, if the second *Cf is a sonant (see 5.5.1.4-5), which is not permissible in Panjabi. On the otherhand Panjabi can have a sequence of a plosive plus plosive as well (see 5.5.1.6), which will rarely be permissible in Hindi with a class II vowel in this pattern. 8.4.2 In the latter case it could be a geminated or long consonant as well, in both the languages. This pattern is more common to Panjabi than to Hindi- In both, the preceding *Vf is a class I vowel in this pattern, but in non-geminated 'CC the V may comprise of a class I or a class II vowel. 8.4.3 In quadriphonic patterns of #CCVC# or #CVCC# sequences, the sequences of 'CC are generally the same as noted for triphonic pattern, but in the #CCVC# type the 'V' may comprise of a class I or a class II vowel, whereas in the case of the #CVCC# pattern* it is generally comprised of a class I syllable peak, though occurrence of a class II vowel also is not altogether absent, (cf. 5.5.1.6). 8.4.4 Frequency of pentaphonic syllables is low in both the langu ages, still it is lower in Panjabi. In this pattern only #CCVCC# type can occur in Panjabi, other types, such as #CCCVC# or #CVCCC# are not attested in it. In Hindi, too, their occurrence is mostly confined to Sanskrit borrowings. In the #CCVCC# pattern too the V | can be only a class II vowel in Panjabi, but in Hindi it may comprise' of any class, e.g„ /prasn/ 'question', /prlsth/ 'back', 'page', /svarth/ 'selfish motive*. 8.4.5 Syllabic units containing more than five phones are not at SYLLABICATION 117 all met with in Panjabi and their occurrence in Hindi, though common, is restricted«to Sanskrit borrowings only (cf. 8.3.1). 8.5.0 SYLLABIC GROUPING OF PEAK-MARGIN SEQUENCES IN NON- MONOSYLLABIC PATTERNS OF HINDI AND PANJABI : In a non-monosyllabic word of Hindi and Panjabi grouping of syllabic components is generally based on the following principles : 8.5.1 Consonantal onset margins of the initial syllable peak are grouped with that peak and there is usually a clear syllabic cut after the syllable peak, if it is long and open, e.g., /pani/ 'water*, /prani/ 'animate object', /pagal/ 'mad'. As such the simple interlude is associated with the syllable peak of the succeeding syllable : /mallk/ 'master', /boli/ 'dialect* = /ma-Hk/, /bo-li/, the interlude /-l-/, in both the examples, goes with the succeeding syllable peak. 8 5.2 But in case of a complex interlude (or closed syllable), with two members, the most general-convention is, that the first member of the consonant cluster belongs to the preceding syllable peak and the j second member goes to the succeeding syllable peak, e.g., /kUrsi/ 'chair1 — /kUr-si/, i.e., /r/ the first member of the complex interlude goes with /U/ syllable peak and the second member, i.e., /s/ goes with /i/ syllable peak. 8.5.3 In a three or four member complex interlude,- normally, the first member is grouped with the preceding syllable, and: the succeeding members go to the succeeding syllable. Occurrence of four member interlude is rare in both the languages. 8.5.4 A final consonant or consonants will follow the preceding syllable peak, but in Panjabi, at times, double or geminated consonants occurring finally, tend to constitute an incipienct independent syllable, in dialectal variations. 8.6.0 PERMISSIBLE SYLLABIC SEQUENCES WITHIN A WORD : 8.6.1 Normally, the following types of syllabic sequences are attested, both, in Hindi and Panjabi, with certain restrictions as noted below : 1. Open syllables with short vowels (only in Hindi). 118 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 2 Open syllables with long vowels. 3. Open syllables with long + short vowels (only in Hindi) 4. Open syllables with short + long vowels. 5. Closed syllables with short vowels. 6. Closed syllables with long vowels. 7. Open and long + long and closed (only in Hindi). 8. Open and short •+• long and closed. 9. Closed and long + closed and short. 10. Closed and short + open and long. 8.7.0 PERMISSIBLE NUMBER OF SYLLABLES WITHIN A WORD IN HINDI AND PANJABI : Normally, the range of syllables, within a lexical word, is from monosyllabic to quadrisyllabic, in both the languages J Monosyllabic and disyllabic words occur in the highest frequency. Next to these, the frequency of other types is in discending order. Most of the quadri syllabic words belong to grammatical categories. Words, belonging to pentasyllabic patterns have the lowest frequency in both the languages, and are almost borrowed from Arabic, Persian and English sources. In actual colloquial speech they are often reduced to quadrisyllabic or trisyllabic patterns. However, in this chapter they have been taken as they are spoken by educated speakers of both the languages, (for details see table No II.X—5) 8.8.0 SYLLABIC UNITS CONDITIONED BY THEIR SYLLABIC POSITION. The most important aspect of Hindi and Panjabi syllabic structu thet positional distribution of a permissible syllabic: unit with word. 8.8.1 From the analysis of different syllabic patterns, we find that both the languages have certain preferences or restrictions to the occurrence of various syllabic units, in sequences within a word. These preferences vary from word" to word according to the number and the nature of syllables constituting the word concerned. The most important consideration is the quality of the syllable peak and openness or closeness of the syllable and the position of the syllable in tbe word under consideration. For instance, both the languages permit a i * SYLLABICATION 119 #CVCVG# or #CCVCVC#| syllabic pattern for a disyllabic word, but in actual practice the quality of the syllable peaks in these patterns is primarily conditioned by the position of the syllable concerned, iie., in a Panjabi disyllabic word both the /-V8-/ of the #CVCVC# pattern can not be /-V28-A So in this sequence only one /V-/./ can be a /-V2-/. Similarly, in the #CCVCVC# sequences the #CCV # pattern in Panjabi may not be possible as initial syllable, if the ,/-V-/ of the final syllable is a /-V2-/, as in Hindi /prskar/, but the initial syllable can be /CCV-/ if the /-V-/ of the final syllable is not a / V2-/ as in,-/prolan/. Moreover, there will be no difficulty in Panjabi, if the final syllable has no /-C/, i.e., if it is an open syllable, as in /prani/. Although the syllabic sequences of #CCVCVC# may not be permissible in Panjabi, yet a sequence of #CCV2CVC# is not difficult to obtain, e.g„ /pritam/, /svagat/. A detailed analysis of this aspect of the syllabic structure of both the languages can be presented as follows : 18.9.0 CONDITIONALLY CONVERGING AND DIVERGING SYLLABIC PATTERNS OF HINDI AND PANJABI: 8 9.1 Conditionally converging and diverging syllabic patterns : 8.9.1.1 : # CV2N # In Hindi this pattern occurs with a few sonorant onset margins only, e.g., Imt/, /ma/, ItieJ, /ha/, /ha/, /ju/. ; but in Panjabi it can occur with any onset margin, (see 2.6.4.2). § CSV2 # : In Hindi this pattern occurs in a cluster of /k/+/j/ only as in /kjo/ /kja/, but in» Panjabi it has a wider range, e.g., /kja/, /k]*5/, /vja/, /sva/, /pra/, /sla/ etc. 8.9.1.2 # CCV C2 # : In Panjabi this pattern is realized only when the second "C" is a continuant, e.g., /svad/, /pran/, /pjar/ #CV2CC # : In Panjabi this pattern occurs, if the first number of the complex coda is a homorganic nasal, e.g., /kant/, /Sant/, /wang/, /dant/, /cand/. # CVCC # : In Panjabi this pattern can. occur only if the first ftC" of the coda margin is a non-stop consonant, e.g., /mUlk/, /camk/, /sart/, but in Hindi it occurs with a plosive as well, as in, /gUpt/ /vjakt/ /sUkl/ etc. However, it does not occur if the first member of the cluster • 120 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI is a nasal other then /n/ or a sibilant which is so common in Panjabi : /camk/, /khisk/, /kank/, /sark/, Itblk./. In Hindi these are transformed into /camak/, /khlsak/*etc. The # CV # pattern too has a limited range of distribution, both, in Hindi and Panjabi. Though Panjabi phonology attests forms like /ca/ /kl/ /kU/ etc., but it does not attest this pattern if the 'C* is a continuent, e.g, Hindi /na/ 'negative particle' /va/ 'and' are realized as /na/ and /va/ in Panjabi. 8.9.2 0 CONDITIONALLY CONVERGING AND DIVERGING DISYLLABIC PATTERNS : The # CVCVC § pattern occurs conditionally in Panjabi. This is conditioned by the final *C\ It is a normal pattern, if the final *C is a nasal, rolled or lateralxonsonant, as in, /magar/, /akal/, /svapan/; but it is transformed into a complex coda margin with the loss of the second 'V\ if the final *C* is other than the mentioned above, e.g.. /capt/, /khisk/, /lapk/etc. The § CVCV2C # pattern also occurs only when the second 'C is not a rolled consonant or a semi-consonant and the first 'V' is not a neutral vowel /a/, e.g., /navin/, /hakim/, /makan/; otherwise cf. /mjur/,j /grib/ In Panjabi the # CV2CVC # pattern is clearly attested when the second *C* is a non-plosive ; otherwise phonetically the interlude *C* tends to be lengthened, as in, [tobben.] The diverging Panjabi pattern # CCVC #, # CCV2C # can occur in the final syllable of a disyllabic pattern, if it is preceded by a # CV - # syllable only, e.g., /kr'am/ -» /karam/, but /vlkram/, /svar/ -» /sUr/ ^ /savar/: but /nasVar/, /kles/ -* /kales/, but /akles/; though in the latter case syllables are divided as /vlk-ram/, /nas - var/, /ak-les/ etc. 8.9.2.2 Hindi: Though Hindi does not attest a # CCV2 # pattern in mono- syllabics, yet it attests the same in a final syllable of a disyllabic pattern, as in, /slpra/, /vlsVa/, /bhlksa/. SYLLABICATION 121 8.9.3.0 Conditionally converging and diverging trisyllabic patterns : 8.9.3.1 Panjabi : The trisyllabic pattern § CVCV2CV2 # or # CVCV2CVC # ~ # CVCV2CCV2 # though common in Panjabi, yet is realized only when the second *Cf is not a rolled consonant or a semi-vowel; otherwise # /tarika/-»[trik'a], /sajana/-»[sjana], /Jaruri/—»[jruri], /Jurabe'/->[Jrab e']( /karela/-»[krela], /bhajanak/ -» /pjknak/, /pariksa/-»/priksa/ ; otherwise cf. /acanak/, /Sarafet/. The # CV2CV2CV2 # pattern though not common in lexical words in Panjabif yet can be realized in morphological environments, e.g.f /pksava/, languages', /koria/ 'mares', /kapia/ 'exercise books', etc In a # CVCV2CV2 # pattern the third 'C tends to be lengthened and the second *Vf tends to be lax in Panjabi, if the third *C* is a plosive consonant, e.g*. Hindi /samuci/-»P. /samUcci/; otherwise cf. /becara/, /tamasa/, /dlwala/. The # CVCVCCV2 # pattern occurs only, if the second *C' is a stop consonant, as in, /pakarna/ ; otherwise cf« /sUUhana/, /ultaija/, /camkaria/. 8.93.2 Hindi: Though in words like /nagina/, /mahina/ etc. Hindi frequently allows a syllabic structure of #CVCV2CV*# pattern, yet the same is, not permitted when the final syllable either constitutes a syllable peak with zero interlude or has a glidal vowel for its onset margin, e.g., /nadlja/ /bahUe/ etc., which is quite frequent in Panjabi in similar environments. 8.10 SYLLABIC DIVISION IN HINDI AND PANTABI: Both, Hindi and Panjabi, have a number of notable converging and diverging patterns of syllabic division. Syllabic division in these languages is a set of interlockings and is mainly regulated by the quality &nd the quantity of the syllable peak and by the openness or closeness of the syllable concerned. The role of accent and juncture also is very, important in the syllabic division of these languages. In the matter of syllabic division the number of syllables within a word has no less significant role to play. The mechanism, operative in a disyllabic pattern, is equally operative, in polysyllabic patterns as 5-16 122 SYLLABIC STR UCTURE OF HINDI AN D PAN J AM well. In case of a compound word the boundary of different members of its components is, generally, maintained by the mechanism of a syllabic juncture and syllabic division which takes place between morphemes or syllables of the members of the word independently. Both,' in Hindi and Panjabi, mostly, words belonging to quadrisyllable or pentasyllable patterns are of a compound type. Even in trisyllabic patterns the number of compound words is fairly large, though no statistics could be given here in this regard. 8.11.0 DETERMINANTS OF SYLLABIC DIVISION IN -HINDI AND PANJABI: Normally, the syllabic cut occurs at the weakest link between each pair of two successive syllables, determined by the following common determinants of both the languages; in Jail conforming patterns. 8.11.1 Quantity as a determinant of syllabic division : In non-monosyllabic words, quantity is a very'important factor of syllabic division. In both, a clear syllabic division is perceived, if the syllabic, sequences are long + short, short + long or long -f long, e.g., /bo-tal/ 'bottle', /dU-kan/ 'shop', /ka-la/' black'. The long, quantity of the preceding syllable clearly separates the syllable concerned from the other syllables. That, quantity becomes a favourable environment for syllabic division may be illustrated by the following patterns, in which the long quantity of various syllables clearly separates the syllable concerned from the_ preceding or the succeeding syllables; IU-hxl: /Ul-ta/:/Ulat-na/ : /Ul ^ta-na/, /sa-majh : /sam-Jha/: /sa-majh-ta/ /sam-Jha-na/.- 8.11.2 Accent as a determinanti of syllabic division : Besides quantity, accent may be taken as the top most important mechanism of syllabic division ; for, accent can shorten or lengthen a syllable peak or a syllable margin. It can also shift the place of syllable cut by shifting a syllable peak or by eliding a syllable peak, e.g., the word for "to shine" will be realized in Hindi as /camak-na/, due to the accent on the second syllable, but it will be realized as /cam - kana/, • SYLLABICATION 123 in Panjabi, due to the accent on the first syllable, (for detailed examples, see. 8.13.2.1). 8.11.2.1 The tenacity or the looseness of phones in syllabic chains also mainly depends on the accent of the accented syllable in the word concerned. The initial accent of Hindi makes the /-d-/ and /-k-/ in /vldvan/ and /vlkram/ a long and tenacious phonef realized as [vlddvan]t and [vlkkram]. but the same is not realized in Panjabi, due to its accent on the final syllable, e.g., [vld-van], [vlk-ram], (for further details, see. 8.17. ff.)» 8.11.3 Consonant cluster as an environment for creating syllabic division: ^ 8.11.3.1 Another important determinant of syllabic division in Hindi and Panjabi is the occurrence of a complex interlude in between the two successive pairs of syllables. So in a sequence of two conso nants (geminated or non-geminated) the syllabic? cut -conventionally falls between the sequences of consonants, e.g. '/bar-tan/ 'utensils', /kar-khana/ 'industry', /Jal-di/ 'quickly\ H. /3n-dha/=P. /an-na/ 'blind9. 8.11.3.2 In a word with intervocalic gemination the syllable 9 boundary falls within the gemination : /bac-ca/ 'child'f /lak-kap/ 'wood , /bll-li/ cat', /kUt-ta/ 'dog'. 8.11.3.3 But in syllabic sequences, with three or four member interlude, the syllable boundary, normally, falls after the first member of the complex interludes, e.g., /mls-tri/ 'mason', /s»n-gram/ 'war*, /In-drani/'?wife of Indra'—'the rain god'. Occurrence of four member interludes is very rare, both, in Hindi and Panjabi. 8.11.3.4 It may be noted here that in Panjabi, syllable .peaks, with /V2-V/ and /V-V2/ patterns, do not occur at all (cf.2.2:1-3). Hence occurrence of these sequences is confined to Hindi syllabication only. 3.11.4 Morpheme boundary as an environment for syllabic division; Many a time morpheme boundary, as well, serves as a determinant - of syllable boundary, e.g„ /aj-navi/ 'stranger', /bao-ps»na/ 'childish', 124 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /asli-3t/ reality', /vl-nit/ 'polite', /be-kar/ 'useless', H./ku-pUtr/« P. /ku-pAtta/ 'unworthy son'. 8.11.5 Juncture as an environment for syllabic division : In the case of a syllabic division by morpheme boundary or word boundary the syllabic silence or syllabic juncture is more marked than in any other cases of syllabic division, discussed above, e.g., /ar + thlk/, /thane + dar/, /klsori + lal/, /alu + bUxara/ 8.11.6 Syllabic division in syllabic sequences with zero interlude : Syllabic sequences with zero interlude, generally have syllabic boundary between two peaks ; since there is never, more than one vowel in a syllable. Though clear in all sequences of /V2-V2/, /V2-V/, or /V-W type, yet it is more marked in /V2-V2/ sequences, e.g., /a-o/ 'come', /sa-i/ 'lord', 8.12.0 INTRA-SYLLABIC BEHAVIOUR OF PHONES IN THE SYLLABIC *«- DIVISION : It may be accepted here that many a time the syllabic division is more or less a conventional convenience. In /ada/ 'payment' the two syllables may be broken into /a-da/ for the sake of convenience, but in actual speech the onset of /-d-/ will be a coda margin of /a-/. The centralization of /a-/ is an evidence of this tendency. In case of clear syllabic division it would have remained as /A-da/. The accent on the second • syllable or the prominence of /-da/ has reduced the /A-/ into /a-/, hence has made it dependent on the fragment of the succeeding syllable. But in the case of /ada-lat/ there will be a clear syllabic division in / da / and /-lat/, in which the final syllable /-lat/ has clearly been separated from the preceding syllable /-da-/. Thus syllable peaks and syllable margins show considerable reduction of quantity, quality, intensity and pitch when occurring in weak position of a syllable, but in a stronger syllable there is an all round rise. Reduction in quality of the initial syllable in disyllabic words is a common feature of Panjabi. The /-o-/ and /-i-/ of the Hindi syllables, occurring in /mota/ and /kikar/ are reduced in every way in Panjabi, cf. [mot'a], [klk'ar], etc. Similarly, reduction in aspiration and voicing in a monosyllabic SYLLABICATION 125 word with a class II syllabic peak or in a final syllabic of a disyllabic or of a polysyllabic word is a common feature of both the languages, e.g„ /bhukh/-»/pukh/ 'hunger', /roj/ 'daily*. In a complex interlude voicing or devoicing of the first member of an interlude is considerably affected by the occurrence of the second member of the same, e.g., /nakdi/=s/nagdi/ 'cash', 8.13.0 ROLE OF JUNCTURE IN SYLLABICATION : 8.13.1 Internal juncture as a determinant of syllable boundary : 8.13.1.1 As we have noted above (7.9.7) that the question of a clear cut syllable boundary is somewhat complicated, particularly with a simple interlude. But a syllable boundary is clearly realized when accompanied with an internal juncture, howsoever slight pause it may have, e.g., cf. Panjabi pairs : /pea/ 'fallen out' : /pe+a/ 'cause to drink', /lea/ 'taken' : /le 4-a/•'bring' In these examples syllabic boundary is quite clear in the latter cases. 8.13.1.2 Both, in Hindi and Panjabi an internal juncture makes a syllable boundary considerably clear, if the syllabic sequences have a complex interlude. But it is interesting to note that in certain patterns Hindi and Panjabi show their respective preferences for the occurrence | of internal juncture, finally leading to a clear cut syllabic boundary between syllabic sequences within a polysyllabic word, (cf. 8.13.ff.). 8.13.2 Relative position of internal juncture preferred in Hindi and Panjabi: 813.2.1 In a derivative form while; Hindi prefers juncture after the second stem or second prefix, which is a morpheme boundary too, Panjabi invariably prefers it after the first stem or after the first 'prefixal morpheme. Hence all Hindi sequences of # CVCVC-CV2 § of this class of words arc transformed in Panjabi into the pattern of § CVC-CVCV8 #, eg., Hindi —-* Panjabi /camok-na/ 'to shine' /cam-kana/- /UlaJh-na/ 'to be entangled' /Ul-Jhana/ /samajh-na/ 'understand' /sam-Jh3na/ • 126 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /latak-na/ to be suspended* /lat-kana/ /khlsak-na/ to slip away' /khls-kana/ /nlrap-radh/ innocent /nlrp-radh/ /anav-dhan/ unattentive /an-vadhan/ /Upan-njas/ novel* /Up-njas/ This relative position of internal juncture in words of almost even quantity in the two languages .reveals the accentual tendency of each language, i.e., Hindi accenting the second syllable and Panjabi the first one. 8.13&2 Similarly, in derivative words having a disyllabic stem, with complex interlude as well, the place of juncture is differently realized in. both the languages. In Hindi it occurs after the second member of the complex interlude, and in Panjabi it takes place just after the first*member*ofth e complex interlude : Hindi Panjabi /mand-li/ group dl /ant-rlk/ 'internal* ran-trlk/ /ant-rang/ 'Internal' /an-trang/ /a'nd-runi/ «• druni/ /blst-re/ 'beds' /bl /pUst-k?/ 'books* /pUs-tkr/ But in words, with open and short quantity in the final syllable, a reverse tendency is noticed, e.g., H. /saft-gatl/ *association* : P. /sang-ti/, H. /sam-matl/ 'opinion' : P. /sam-ti/, H. /Un-natI/ progress*: P. /Un-ti/, the.long quantity of the final syllable clearly separates the syllable from preceding syllables. 813.2.3 The syllable boundary is differently realized in a syllabic structure of #CVCCVa# type. In Hindi the conventional syllable cut is in between the two consonants of the complex interlude, but in Panjabi it is realized after the syllable peak of the first syllable. Thus keeping both'the syllables open ; v- v SYLLABICATION 127 Hindi Pan] abi /khat-ra/ 'danger* /kha-tra/ /krlp ja/ 'kindly' /krl-pja/ /codh-ri/ 'leader' /cD-dhri/ /ath-va/ 'or' /a-thva/ /vldh-va/ 'widow' ^ /vl-dhva/ /na£-van/ 'perishable' /na-sVan/ 8.13.2.4 Hindi and Panjabi also show different tendencies in syllabication of vocables composed of prefixes with an open syllable. In;Hindi in such cases the syllabic boundary generally falls between the prefixal syllable and the; vocable concerned, particularly with a #CVCVCVC# pattern; but in Panjabi it generally falls after the second 4C of the above pattern: Hindi Pan j abi M-parit/ 'adverse' /vlp-rit/ *• /vl-prit/ /vl-ghatan/ 'scattering' Mg-t;an/' /vl-callt/ 'disturbed' /vic-llt/ /sU-kUmar/ 'delicate' /sUk-mar/ /kU-karm/ 'bad deed' /kUk-ram/ 8.13.3 Shift of a corresponding syllable peak due to shift in juncture in Panjabi: 8.13.3.1 The syllable peak /a/ of a Hindi corresponding trisyllabic pattern, when occurring in a closed second syllable with a final long syllable, is shifted from its onset margin to its coda margin in a Panjabi pattern. In the above examples (cf. 8.13.2.1), though the number of syllables remains the same, yet the place of medial syllable peak,is shifted in the Panjabi correspondents of Hindi parallels, due to its peculiar tendencies of internal juncture in syllabication. Here we see that the V of the second syllable of a Hindi correlate is shifted to be inserted after the third SC' in a Panjabi parallel, particularly in 128* SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABX a Hindi #CVCVCCV2# syllabic structure, (for examples see 8.13.2.1) ; otherwise cf., /vlcarna/ 'to ponder', /blkherna/ 'to scatter', /kharidna/y'to purchase', /nlcorna/ 'to squeeze*, in which both behave similarly due to different pattern of syllabic sequences. 8.13.4 Shift of syllable peak leading to change in syllabic structure: 8.13.4,1 In the above mentioned examples the shift in syllable peak, due to syllabication, leads to the change in the syllabic structure of the word concerned. In these examples not only the Hindi #CVCVCCV2# is changes into #CVCCVCV2#, but the openness and closeness of the second syllable also is affected greatly. The second closed syllable of Hindi becomes open syllable in Panjabi. Besides this, we also notice that the simple and complex interludes of the second .and third syllables' of the Hindi structure are changed into a complex and simple interlude, respectively, in the Panjabi structure of the word concerned, (for examples see above 8.13.2.1) ; (also see table No. III.5). 8.13.5 Shift in syllable boundary due to shift in juncture within a phrase: 8.13.5.1 In a phrase of Hindi vocables comprising of #CV(C)V*# + #CV# 4- #CVCV*# vocables, the syllable peak of the second word, which is normally a negative particle,1 tends to be elided when followed by a juncture and is fully maintained when preceded by the juncture, e.g., /klsi f naklsi/ /klsin t klsi/ /koi + no koi/ /koin + koi/ /kabhi+ nakabhi/ !/k|bint kabi/ In case of a loss of syllabicity the syllable /na/ is realized in Panjabi, as coda margin of the preceding syllable. 8.13.5.2 But no such loss occurs, if the negative particle is preceded by a monosyllabic word, e.g., /ek t+ na ek/ : /ek n3 + ek/ /kUch t na kUch/ : /kUch nat kUch/ /ap i+ na Jae7 : /ap na + Jae7 SYLLABICATION 129 The reason being that no complex coda margin comprising of k+n, ch+n, being permissible in Hindi and in the case of last example the whole emphasis being on the negative particle. Hence the syllable /-na-/ is fully maintained. 8.14.0 SHIFT OF SYLLABIC BOUNDARY DUE TO SUFFIXAL EXTENSION IN HINDI AND PANJABI : 8.14.1 The syllabic boundary of a #CVCVC# pattern is disturbed both in Hindi and Panjabi, if a suffixal morpheme is added to the above mentioned pattern. In such a case not only the syllabic boundary is disturbed, but the whole structure of the word also is changed, i.e., the onset margin of the second'syllable behaves as the coda margin of the first S5liable and the coda margin of that syllable begins a new syllable, The syllable peak of the second syllable is altogether dropped : /ba-har/ 'out side' /bah-ri/ 'out sider' /s"a-har/ city' /lah-ri/ 'resident of a city' /kha-bar/ 'news /khab-reV 'news (pi.)* /phasal/ crop /phasle"/ crops /nokar/ servant /nak-ri/ service /sara-rat/ • 'mischief /sarar-te"/ (pi.) 'mischieves* /£a-sak/ 'ruler* /s*as-kij/ 'government (adj)' (manas/ 'mind' /man-slk/ 'mental' It is also affected in the following patterns : /ca-mak/ 'brightness' /cam-kila/ 'bright' /sa-majh/ 'understanding' /sam-Jhota/ 'compromise' 8.14.2 Otherwise cf. /bac-pan/ 'childhood' /bac-pana/ 'childish' /gar-bar/ 'disorder* (v.) /gar-bari/ 'disorder* (n.) /sabar/ patience /be-sabar/ impatient /saphal/ 'successful' /asaphal/ 'unsuccessful* S-17 130 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF/HINDI AND PANjABi 8.15.0 LOSS OF SYLLABLE PEAK DUE TO SHIFT OF SYLLABIC BOUNDARY: 8.15.1 In all the above mentioned cases of shift of syllabic boundary, both in Hindi and Panjabi, we observe that the medial syllable suffers loss of syllable peak /3/, on account of shift in the syllabic boundary of the syllables in this particular pattern. This is perhaps due to the fact that the syllable peak /a/, falling at the border of a syllable, loses much of its compactness and is consequently lost altogether. Accent also may have played a significant role in reducing it to its zero value. On the other hand, syllable peaks, with class II vowels, or with a coda margin, have survived this loss due to their heaviness, by nature or by position, e.g., /Ulat-/>/Ulat.na/ "to reverse*, but /Ul-ta/ 'reverse* (adj.), /samajh/ > /samajh-na/ 'to understand': but /sam-Jhana/ 'to make understand', /ba-rat/ > /ba-ra-ti/ 'members of a marriage party', but /nokor/Wnok ri/ ~ /no-kri/ 'service' i.elf in /barati/ the /-a-/ of the second syllable is maintained in Hindi inspite of syllabic extension, but the /a/ in /nokori/ : [nokri] is lost altogether. 8.16.0 ELISION OF A SYLLABLE OR SYLLABLE PEAK : 8.161 Elision of a syllable in a quick tempo of speech in Panjabi : Panjabi shows many interesting examples of contextual elision of a whole syllable in a quick and connected speech1. /kar-tta/ e=/kor dltta/ 'done* /de:tta/ *=lde dltta/ 'given* /Udatta/ - /U4a dltta/ 'flown* /karca/ ""/kar vie/ 'in the house' /mettS/ =/mcre to/* 'by me* /m«nt2 / =/msnu t2/ 'to me* /santo/ Wsanu to/ 'to us* I J. "Elision is defined as the disappearance of a sound. There are historical elision, where a sound, which existed in an earlier form of a word, was omitted in the later form and there are contextual elision, in which a sound which exists in a word, said by itselff>is dropped in a compound, or in a connected phrase/' Daniel iones 854—(An out line of English Phonetics). \ SYTLABICATION 131 /merete/ «= /mere Utt c/ *on me* /tett5/ —/teretd/ 'by you* /ramtem6n/ «=/ram ate ro6n/ 'Ram and Mohan* /Panjabi te kam kita/ —/Panjabi Uttc./ 'worked on Panjabi...' 8.16.2 Elision of a syllable peak in compound words in Panjabi: Besides elision of a whole syllable, as noted above, elision of a syllable peak also is a common feature of Panjabi phonology, mostly of a syllable peak occurring in the final syllable of the first member of a compound word : /rabidas/ -"/rabdas/ 'a name* /gUrubani/ ^/gUrbani/ 'preachings of Gurus' /gUru dev/ «° /gUrdev/ 'respected Guru' \ /glri raj/ •-/glrraj/ 'king of mountains (Himalayas)' for further examples of elision of a syllable peak, seef 3.11.1.5.1.2« 8.17.0 INTER-SYLLABIC BEHAVIOUR OF PHONES IN SYLLABICATION : 3.17.1 Tenacious junction of phones in Hindi and Panjabi syllabication : Bothf Hindi and Panjabi, show quite a number of diverge tendencies in the tenacity of phones occurring in different syllabic patterns. 8.17.1.1 Tenacious junction of phones in Hindi syllabication : * In Hindi vocables a tenacious junction of phones between two syllables occurs before«a complex interlude or a coda margin, if the second or the final member of the cluster is a semi-consonant or a rolled or lateral consonant or [ks] or [gj] preceded by a plosive, a sibilant or a nasal consonant. In all such environments the onset of the plosive is clearly heard as 132 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI coda margin of the preceding syllable peak, hence phonetically trans forming the preceding open syllable into a closed syllable : /vldvan/ [vlddvan] 'learned' /vigjan/ [vlggjan] science /kaljan/ [k A11 Jan] 'welfare' /sanjas/ [sAnnjas] renunciation /Upanjas/ [Up A nnjas] 'novel' fvlivasl [vls*s*vas] 'faith' /atjant/ [AttjAnt] 'too much' /Ujval/ [UjJval] •bright' /anjaj/ [Annjaj] injustice /anvaj/ [Annvaj] 'construe* /kaksa/ [kAkksa] 'class* /raksak/ [rAkksak] protector /vlkram/ [vlkkram] 'valour* 8.17.1.2 This tenacity of phones occurs even in monosyllabic or non- monosyllabic coda margins, comprising these clusters : /mahatv/ [mahAttv] 'Importance' /vakj/ [vakkj] I 'sentence' /salj/ [s A UJ ] 'a thorn, splinter' /pakv/ [pAkkv] • rip• e [^Assj] I crop, vegitation ftml [JAggJ] 'sacrifice' UUkil [sUkkr] J 'a planet' /pracj/ [praccj] eastern • /ajj/ CaJlj] I 'purified butter' otherwise cf : [rAkt] red', [ArkJ 'the sun', [Ant] 'end', [hAst] 'hand*. [Alp] SYLLABICATION 133 'a little1, [sUpt] 'asleep', [Ami] 'sour** [lUkl] 'white', in which no tenacity of phones is attested. 8.17.1.3 In the case of an aspirated plosive, occurring as a first member of the consonant cluster in this environment, the onset frag- ment of the aspirated plosive is heard as an unaspirated correspondent of the same : /sighrata/ [sigghrata] 'hurry' /madhjam/ [mAddhjam] 'middle' /madhjam/ [maddhpm] 'medium' /satjarthi/ [sAttjarthi] 'seeker of truth' /sbhjas/ [Abbhjas] 'practice' /adhjata/ [a 8.17.1.4 This tendency of Hindi syllabic iitio n is attested in final position as well: /arghj/ 1 [Argghj] j 'worthy of worship /derghj/ [dergghj] 1 'length' /adbi/ [addhj] I 'wealthy' /tathj / [tAtthj] 1 'fact' /madhj/ [m A ddhj ] • 1 'middle* /sabhj / [sAbbhj] 1 'gentle cultured' /urdhv/ 1 [urddhv] up otherwise cf: [Aith] 'meaning', [dirgh] 'long', [Ardh] 'half, [murkh] 'dull', [dAgdh] 'burnt', [vArdha] 'name of a city', [cArkha] 'spinning wheel', [Udbhav] 'origin', [arthik] 'financial', in which no tenacity is realized. 8.17.1.5 But with regard to /ch/ occurring as a first member of these clusters, the tendency of tenacious syllabication is not only attested' by phonetic, presentation, but it is also attested by phonemic presentation, e.g. /Ucchvas/ 'a sigh', /Ucchrlnkhal/ 'unruly'. 134 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 8.17.2 Tenacity of Phones in the initial position of Hindi and Panjabi syllables : Hindi has a wider scope of clustering phones in the initial position. We have already discussed and illustrated this aspect; of Hindi syllabic structure in 4.8.2. The notable feature of this junction of phones in Hindi is its tenacious junction which is not the same in Panjabi in all types of junctions. As we have noticed that Panjabi too shows a tendency of clustering phones in the initial position in various environments, but their comparison clearly shows that junction in Panjabi is not so compact and tenacious as it is in Hindi. For instance, Hindi /krur/* cruel' is heard more compact than the Panjabi /jrur/ 'definitely9. Similarly, the cluster of /sv-/, as in Hindi /svarth/ 'selfish motive9 is more compact than that of /sv-/ in Panjabi pronunciation, as in, /svopan/ 'dream' or /sval/ 'sums1. Similarly, cluster of /kr-/ in H. /krida/ 'game', 'play* is more compact than that in /krib/ (P.) 'near9, so on and so forth. 8.17.3 Tenacity of phones as an historical fact in Hindi syllabication : 8.17.3.1 It is very interesting to note that in this respect Hindi has maintained the Vedic tradition of "syllabication. Ancient. Indian grammarians have clearly noted this fact of Vedic syllabic an in their treatises.1 According to Dr. Siddheshwar Varma, the actual syllabic division of the word /pUtri/ was either /pUt-tri/ or /pUtt-ri/. The former type of syllabic division is still attestable in Hindi syllabication. The most fundamental rule of doubling prescribed by the Pratifa- khyas was that the first member of a consonant group, if preceded by a vowel, was doubled, (Dr. Varma. P. 68). Though Hindi has lost the tendency of tenacious syllabication in respect of other consonants, yet it has fully maintained it in respect of j, v, r, occurring as a second member of a consonant cluster. The tendency of doubling consonants before all clusters was already in decline even in Gupta period (cf. ibid, p. 64). The most general occurrences of doublings, noted from Gupta inscriptions are in the groups :- plosive + r or aspirated consonant+ semi vowel, e.g., 1. cf. Dr. S. Varma, "Phonetic observations of Ancient Indian Grammarian?" P. 63. \ * ^1 SYLLABICATION 135 parakkama\ *vlkkrama\ 'pUltrasja\ lpatthjam\ imaddhyamena\ *saddhvasadhub\ etc., (ibid). This may be due to a tendency to close the syllable in a word before a consonant cluster. 8,17.3.2 This above noted tendency is still attested in Hindi syllabication, but the other frequent occurrence of doubling of the plosive in these .inscriptions, viz., r-f- plosive, as in 'arttham 'darppal}' 'mctrggam 'svarggarri 'dvrgghcL etc. is not met with in Hindi syllabic structure of today. Though in conservative writings this tendency is still met with, e,g., /surjj/,/sarmma/,/varmman/. The Sanskritic tendency of keeping a syllable closed before a consonant cluster is losing its ground in Hindi pronuncitation: 'lokaprlja *= [lokApprij] > : [lok prlj] 'popular', kasaha yasthltf = [AsAhajAssthltl] > /asahaj sthltl/ 'helpless state1 8.17.4 Laxity of doubling : A new trend in Hindi syllabication : Though Hindi has phonetically preserved the tenacious syllabic ation in all the environments discussed above, yet it is developing a tendency to discard its established articulation in certain respects. Orthographic presentation of many a vocable, which was quite frequent with doublings till recent, is being done now without it. Words like [mahAttv], [tAttv], [Ujjval], [Arddh], [tAtthj] are being written now as /mahatv/, /tatv/, /Ujval/, /ardh/ etc. This type of laxity in orthographic presentation is also attested by Vedic manuscripts and Gupta inscriptions in abundance. But their frequent duplication in their corresponding forms in living dialects is a positive evidence of their phonetic existance, (cf. Dr. S. Varma, P.66). According to Dr. Siddheshwar Varma "The non-occurrence of doubling, then, in perhaps the majority of manuscripts and inscriptions may be explained on the ground that doubling was so common in actual pronunciation that several authors and scribes knew it to be evident to the reader, and did not think it necessary to transcribe it (ibid P.67). The same human tendency may be at work in Hindi transcriptions of these words as well. 8.17.5 Compactness of consonantal phonotactics in Panjabi syllabication : 817.5.1 Panjabi has its own environments in which tenacity of 135 .SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI phones takes place in a stronger form than that in their Hindi parallels, in the same environment. In Panjabi the most favourable environment for the tenacious junction of phones in syllabication is the #CVCVC# pattern. Even in normal speech, the onset margin of the inter-vocalic plosive consonant not only shows a tenacious junction with preceding syllable, butx also is realized as a long consonant. In case of an aspirated plosive this doubling of the onset margin of the.second syllable is clearly marked : Hindi Panjabi /akar/ /ak*ar/ 'arrogance* /Idhar/ /ed*ar/ *this way' /rakhna/ /raklrana/ 'to place* /gujar/ /gUj-ar/ 'a man of Gujar castV /agrawal/ /ag#3rwal/ §a caste* /dhoban/ /t6b-an/ 'wife -of a dhobi9 /upar/ /Up-ar/ up /kica?/ /klc*ar/ 'mud* /thokar/ /tfiok-or/ 'stumbling' / otherwise cf. /kagaj/ 'paper', /Udhar/ 'loan' in which there is clear syllabic division without any doubling. 8.17.5.2 The tendency to lengthen the simple interlude in this environment is found less in Perso-Arabic loan words, cf. /faxar/ 'pride', /xabar/f'news', /flkar/ 'anxiety', /sakal/ 'appearance* etc. 8.17.5.3 Another important environment for the occurrence of tenacious junction of phones in syllabication is the disyllabic pattern of short+long -open syllables. It is more clearly marked, if the interlude consonant is an aspirated plosive : Hindi Panjabi /tikha/ [tlkh-a] 'sharp' /mitfia/ [mlth-a] 'sweet' SYLLABICATION 137 /cDtha/ I [cat Ira] 'fourth' /phupha/ [phUph-a] 'father's sister's husband1 WW J Ltlk-a] *red mark on forheacT /ata/ I [at-a] 'flour' l/nica/ | l/nlc*a/ 'low' l/phika/ ./phlk-a/ 'tasteless' /caci/ I I/cacu/ aunt /dadil /dad-i/ 'grand mother* /khUla/ khUl-a/ open In all these environments a fraction of the onset margin of the second syllable is realized as a coda margin of the first syllable, in Panjabi, but in Hindi there is .a clear syllabic division in'this structure, both the syllables being heard independently. 8.17.5.4 This tendency of 'diffuse syllabic division' being more or less conventional, is equally applicable to the penultimate and final syllables of Panjabi, conforming with above mentioned syllabic pattern, e.g., H. /samuca/ 'whole' : P. /samUcca/; otherwise cf. /tamasa/ 'fun' in which there is no lengthening of /-s-/. 8.17.5.5 Another statable environment for the realization of tenacious junction of phones is #CVCCV2# pattern. In this environment the syllabic structure of Hindi, normally, allows the syllable cut to between the complex interlud such the first consonant is clearly hed with preceding syllable, making it a closed svllabl and the second consonant goes with the second syllabi b no tenacity bet the two. both consonants go with the d syllabi d a fragment of the first consonant is heard as coda margin of the first syllable, there bei appreciable tenacity between the members of the complex interlud Hindi Panjabi /khat-ra/ /kha-tra/ 'danger' /cadh-ri/ /cc-dri/ 'head man' S-18 138 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI /vldh-va/ /vl-dva/ 'widow* /ath-va/ /a-thva/ 'or' /nok-ri/ /nD-kri/ 'service' Mp-rit/ /vl-prit/ 'against' /krl-paja/ /krl-pja/ 'kindly' In Hindi syllabication the interlude consonant in /vldhva/ or /vlprit/ are heard as consonant sequences, consequently dividing the two syllables in between the two consonants ; but in Panjabi both are realized as consonant clusters, consequently making the initial syllable open and the final syllable with a complex onset margin. 8-17.6 Loose junction of phones in Panjabi syllabication: 8.17.6.1 We notice that in the syllabic structure of Hindi the above mentioned complex interlude is clearly a consonantal sequence, segmental release or plosion of the first member of this group being clearly heard. But in the case of Panjabi the group is more compact, though giving to the ear shades of two syllables, the division of the intervocalic consonant could be only conventional. Moreover, the place of syllabic cut in the syllables of this pattern is also shifted as follows : # eve/cv1 # -> § cv/ccv2 #. •- V v • It may further be noted here that in this environment diffusion of phones, comprising complex interlude, is clearly, perceived in Hindi, if the cluster consists of a plosive + a semi-consonant or a rolled consonant (for examples, see above 8.17.1.1-4). 8.17.6.2 Moreover, Panjabi shows a loose junction of phones in the syllabic structure of # CVCCVC # pattern, particularly, when the second member of the complex interlude is /r/ or a* semi-consonant, but Hindi shows a strong tenacity in this environment : Hindi Panjabi /vlk-kram/ /vlk-r9m/ Volour' /vld-dvan/ /vld-van/ 'learned' / vls'-sVas/ /vl£-vas/ ^ •faith' /at-tjant/ /at-jant/ 'excessive /ab-bhjas/ /a-bjas/ 'practice* SYLLABICATION 139 In Panjabi pronunciation the complex interlude is -clearly realized as a consonant sequence, dividing the syllables in between the cluster* but in Hindi, not only the complex interlude is spoken as coextensive, but also has strong tenacity with the preceding syllable. 8.17.6.3 In this pattern, even a geminated or long consonant does not show the same degree of prominence in Panjabi as it shows in § CV2 CVC # or # CVCV2 # patterns of Hindi: Panjabi Hindi n! /Unnst/ /unat/ . 'high9 /Wat/ flHtl 'honour9 /UjJen/ /tw 'name of a city9 /Ulbnghon/ /Ulahgan/ transgression9 /Ullekh/ /Ulekh/ 'mention' /UtteJana/. /UteJsna/ 'excitement9 /hactflja/ /Mia/ 'bones9 8.18.0 INCIPIENT SYLLABICITY : A PECULIAR SYLLABIC TENDENCY OF PANJABI : A notable feature of the syllabic structure in Panjabi is that closed monosyllables tend to behave as incipient disyllables when occurring at the end of a macrosegmenfc e.g., /k'Ar col ve k'Ara/ 9I say, go home9, /vekha./ 'look', /sifiga/ 'horn9, /sUna./ 'hear !\ but Hindi does not show any such tendency in any environment, cf., /ghar cal bhai ghar/, /dekh/, /sun/ etc. This peculiarity of Panjabi has also been attested by Dr. G. Bailey. In His book 'the Pronunciation of Kashmiri9 (1937) on P. 4, he states— In Panjabi a short [3] is a usual pronunciation of; an accented 'a9 as in 'bax&l\ while a sound between [3] and [3] occurs conversationally> before a pause, at the end of a strongly accented syllable ending in a consonant, as in %hadfo^ 'eject* %koh% *near9 khUars §set up\. These might be written with p].,f A mechanical analysis of this phenomenon is attested by the following observation as well, 'Phonetically speaking, closed mono syllabic words are very rare in Panjabi. In the oscillograms, it can \ 140 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI clearly be seen that some vowel release appears at the end of the words, particularly words ending in voiced phonemes and sometimes its vocalic release is more than 100 milliseconds in duration."1 Also %lIn Panjabi closed monosyllabic words are mostly pronounced as disyllabics, since vocalic release is added at the end. Thus we cannot take them as phonetically monosyllabic."'2 This isogloss appears to be more extensive, for, in Dogri as well, no one would pronounce /Ik/, /sg/ etc., but /Ikka/, /agga/ etc. This "diffuse syllabication" is apparently bassed on an accentual rhythm which would require a pair as a minimum basis. It may safely be concluded from the above analysis that speech habits in the form of preferences are almost as important determinants of speech formations as accent. We also note that these preferences in grouping of phonemes vary from one speech community to another speech community and also from age to age. Infact, the study of syllabication is a study of* the speech habits of a particular speech community. 1. cf. Sandhu ; The tonal system of the Panjabi language P. 20. 2. cf, ibid P. 34, 9.0 ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION : 9.1.1 ROLE OF ACCENT IN SYLLABICATION: 9.1.1 It has been authoritatively established that accent plays a very important role in the formation of language in general and syllabication in particular1, 9.1.2 According to Dr. Siddheshwar Varma—"Accent is the over all determinant of linguistic determinants.1'2 /9.1.3 Recent researches suggest that every language has a system of basic speech melodies which is unique to the language as its set of vowel and consonant phonemes."3 The importance of accent and syllabication as modifiers of speech activity is an established fact. Presumably this is the mam factor that draws a dividing line between two languages or dialects, which are otherwise identical in many respects. 9.2.0 THE TERM ACCENT : In fact, accent means emphasis on certain parts of a sequence of sounds at the expense of others.4 For our immediate requirement the term emphasis may be taken in fthe sense of greater prominance. Technically too, accent and stress are not synonymous. The former term is more general,5 9.3.0 FORMS OF ACCENT : Generally, accent is acknowledged in two forms, viz., intensity accent and musical accent.6 In this work by musical accent we mean predominantly pitch accent, though stress is entirely not excluded. Hence the division of accent into two forms simply indicates predominance of either of these accentual elements* 1. cf. Stephen Jones, Le Maitre Phonetique, 1932, P. 74. 2. A personal note* 3. cf. Hockett. A course in Modern Ling. New york 1962. 4. cf. Bertil Malniberg. Phonetics, 1963,-P. 80. 5. cf. Hockett. A course in Modern Ling. 5.1. 6. cf. Bertil Malmberg. op. cit. P. 80. 142 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 9.4-0 PARTICULARS OF ACCENT IN HINDI AND PANJABI : 9.41 In general it may be accepted that both Hindi and Panjabi have a composite accent, i.e., including both stress and pitch. However, the musical accent is more prominent, leading to additional prominence of the syllable on which it falls, although there is no such a strong stress accent as we find in English language. In this treatise we have used the term accent in the sense of 'prominence/ Dr. Saksena has, however, attested stress accent in Avadhi.1 9.4.2 From the point of accent Hindi leans more towards a ^on- centralizing1 or 'even* accent and Panjabi towards 'centralizing* accent, in which in a word one syllable assumes so much prominence that other syllables of the word are considerably reduced in every way. In a normal course of speech Hindi does not favour such a tendency, though particular syllable may have a slightly higher prominence than other syllables of the word. 9.4.3 Moreover, a diffused pitch in Hindi intonation has been pointed'out by sotne scholars.2 A kind of stress accent also is attest- able in certain dialects of Centro-eastern Pahari languages.8 9.5.0 LEVELS OF ACCENT IN HINDI AND PANJABI 9 5.1 Unfortunately details of an electro-acoustic analysis of Hindi accent have not been available so far* Therefore, it is difficult to say anything definitely at this stage' about the levels of accent in Hindi in various syllabic environments. These circumstances compel us to restrict our study to the level of word-accent only. 9.5.2 But Panjabi is fortunate enough in this regard. Scholars of Panjabi have not only made general observations on the degree of Panjabi accent, but also have carried out a detailed electro-acoustic analysis;.of these patterns. 9.5.2.1. According to Dr. B. D. Jain 'in Panjabi (Ludhiani) pronunciation there is a feature, which closely resembles a weak kindj of stress. | It 1 is, however, not a real force-aocentfMbut a 1. ilnd. Ling. Vol.27 P.95.1 I f T. Mf T HH1 2. cf. Evolution of Avadhi, P. 91. 3. Jcf. V.I.R.J. Vol. IV|pt.|lI, Vol. V. pt. II (Kumaunijaccent) ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION 143 combination of length and pitch. Sometimes accompanied by variations in vowel-quality. A syllable thus affected may be called pseudo stressed, but for convenience we use the* term stressed. (8, 83. P. 165). 9.5.2.2. ording to Dr. G. B. Singh the accent in Panjabi can mainly be related to vowel-pitch and its relative levels be graded as primary, secondary and weak. (Cf. P. 101). 9.6.0. SIGNIFICANT STRESS-PITCH CONTRAST IN HINDI AND PANJABI : 9.6.1 Although stress is not a prominent feature of Hindi or Panjabi and as such has no independent phonemic status in any of these two languages, yet in a particular disyllabic grammatical environment, it has become significant as well. In this environment both distinguish bet otherwise id d i.e. nouns past participles and verbs—by means of accent. The grammatical environ ment for such distinguishing pairs is the second person singular form of imperative mood. 9.6.2 Moreover,* in Hindi, accent becomes significant in the environment of #CVCV2# pattern. Identical words indicating an object (i.e., noun) have no mentionable stress on any syllable, hence may be called stressless, but words indicating an action have a secondary weak accent on the final syllable : Unstressed Stressed /gala/ throat1 /ga*la/ 'melt' /ghata/ thick clouds1 /gha,ta/ 'decrease' /saja/ punishment1 /saJ a 'decorate' 1 /cala/ started /c3/la/ cause one to move /khlla/; bloomed' /khlla/ 'dine' /parha/ read* /pa,rha/ 'teach' In all these cases the environment is the second person imperative, hence it is predicatable. 9.6.3 But in Panjabi both the melnbers of the pair have stress- pitch prominence in their respective syllables, i.e., in noun forms it 144 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND 2ANJABI has a stress accent on the initial syllabic and in verb forms it has pitch accent on the final syllable : Noun Verb //gala/ 'throat' /ga'W 'melt' //kata/ 'thick clouds' Ikz't&l 'decrease' //rala/ mixture /ra'la/ 'mix' (imp) /•pala/ ladle /pa'W 'cause to drink* //sasta/ 'cheap' /sa'sta/ wait' //tala/ 'sole* /tala/ 'tank* //bala/ *evil spirit' /ba'la/ 'call' 9.7.0 ACCENTUAL TENDENCIES OF HINDI SYLLABIC STRUCTURE : It is a generally accepted fact that Hindi has no phonemic accent. In Hind counts. Particularly at the word level we see that 'there is no contrastive levels or placements of stress in Hindi words Accord to some ther observations too, in Hindi, just as in French and other languages, accent is only a corollary of the phonemic structure of the word.2 9.7.1 Nature of accent in Hindi : Ordinarily, Hindi has not developed a stress accent. It is only in a very few predictable environments that we come across a very weak type of stress accent in the normal course of speech. However, Hindi has been able to maintain the Indo-Aryan even accent, which is normally a musical accent and as such maintaining the sonority of most of the syllables. The tendency of making one syllable more prominent at the expense of other syllables is not commonly met with in Hindi. 9.7.2 Syllabic environments of accent in Hindi : The most predictable environments, of Hindi-accent may be as follows : 1. Cf. Punya aloka Ray. Ind. Ling. Emeneau felicitation Vol. P. 289,1968. 2. Cf. Jersy Kurylowicz. ibid. P. 208 ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION 145 9.7.2.1 Vocalic reduction an indicator of accentual environments : Reduction of hi in the word final position or in the interior of a word, presupposes the accentuation of the preceding syllable1, e.g., /cal/ 'go', /cal/'gait', /din-bhar/ 'for the wholeday', /bac-pan/ 'childhood' /Janta/ 'public', /kimti/ 'precious'. <* From the above it may be deduced that in Hindi all syllable peaks of monosyllables with a coda margin and all of disyllabics or polysyllables before a complex interlude or a complex coda margin have one or the other or composite pattern of accent. Normally, it is a weak intensity accent with a class I syllable peak and a musical! accent with a class II syllable peak : /'sarpot/ quickly, /'andha/ 'blind1, /lhslka/ 'light*, /'bhadda/ 'ugly'] /nl'rontar/ 'continuously1, /vl'pattl/ 'calamity', /'kimti/ 'costly* J /'malkln/ 'land lady\ /'purvoj/ 'ancestors', /'dorna/ 'to run', /'terna/ 'to swim', /'roSni/ 'light1. 9-7.2.2 Accentual role of visarga in Hindi: / 1 Similarly, internal visarga also pre-supposes the accentuation of the preceding syllable peak in all types of words, e.g., /fdUhkh/ 'pain\ /pra'jah/ 'generally', /pra'talikal/ 'morning* /on'tohkaran/ 'conscience'. I 9.7.2.3 Accentual role of /h/ in Hindi : J The preceding syllable peak before /h/ occurring in the syllabic pattern of #CVaHCV2# or #CV2H CVC# also shows a mild intensity accent, mostly belonging to loan words from urdu, e.g., /lohda/ 'desig nation* /Tkohni ~ !kUhni/ 'elbow', /ldohra/ 'twofold*, /lmehdi/ 'a plant*, /'mehnat/ 'labour', /'kahna 'to say*, /^hahro/ 'stay*, /'gohra/ 'deep*. In fact in this environment the /h/ functions as a first member of a complex interlude ; otherwise cf., /'behod/ 'unlimited*, /'sehat/ 'health*, /'dohsd/ 'longing during pregnancy*, /'sahaj/ 'natural*, /'rahot/ 'relief*, in which the first syllable shows higher pitch prominence. * 1, Cf. K. P. Guru. Ind. Ling. Emeneau felicitation, vol. 1968, S—19 r 146 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI . * ! 9.8 0 SYLLABIC PROMINENCE : AN INCIDENT OF ACCENT : We know that accent has an important role to play in regulating the course of syllabic prominence in the normal speech. Thus the scheme of Hindi syllabic prominence may be presented as follows ? 9.8.0.1 Determinants of syllabic prominence in Hindi : 9.8.1 Syllabic pattern as a determinant of syllabic prominence : 6.8.1.1 Disyllabic patterns of syllabic prominence with final open syllables : In a disyllabic pattern both the syllables have a moderate pitch accent, with a little higher prominence on the first syllable, if both the syllables are open with a class II syllable peak : /'ha,thi/-.'elephant', /'ka,W 'black1, /'gUa/ *wet\ /'cD/ra/ 'wide', I'keAel 'bananas', /'pu,ra/ 'complete'. However, the initial syllable may have a secondary stress accent if both the syllables are open with class I syllable peaks : /ikavl/ 'poet', /ivIdhU/ 'moon', /iltl/ 'end', /tmadhU/ 'honey'* 9.8.1.2 Disyllabic patterns of syllabic prominence with final closed syllables; But the second syllable may have a higher prominence, in the syllabic pattern /CV2CV2C/., e.g., /ibi'mar/ 'ill', /.ka'nun/ 'law', /ipho'lad/ 'steel', /iakas/ 'sky', libe'hoi 'unconscious'. 9.8.2 Quantity as a determinant of syllabic prominence in Hindi: 9.8.2.1 Syllabic prominence in disyllabic patterns of short quantity with final closed syllables : Normally, the second syllable of a Hindi vocable may have a slightly higher intensity, if it is closed : /niU/kUl/ 'bud', /vl,vldh/ 'many sided', /pra,bal/ 'strong', /ca/lan/ 'currency', /na/tnak/ 'salt', /k3,mal/ 'lotus', /a,khll/ 'all'. 98 2.2 Syllabic prominence in disyllabic patterns of un-even quantity; That quantity is an important determinant factor, in the accentual ACCENT AND RYLLABICATION 147 system of Hindi, may be illustrated by the following disyllabic patterns' of un-even quantity. In all the patterns of #CVaCVC#, #CV2CV#, #CVCV2C#, the /-V8-/ syllable peak is likely to have tbe higher prominence: /'kagaj/. 'paper', /' 9.8.3.0 THE ROLE OF THE QUANTITY IN SYLLABIC PROMINENCE OF TRISYLLABIC PATTERNS : 9.8.3.1 In a trisyllabic pattern the-initial syllable is a little more prominent than the succeeding syllables if all the syllables $re short, or the first two syllables are short, or the first syllable is long and the succeeding syllables are short : /inLjatl/ 'fate', /i3,vadhl/ 'limit'7ikU#m9tI / 'bad sense*, /idtLnlja/ 'world', /iha^thlni/ 'female elephant', /'ayhUtI/ 'oblation', /'Ja,grltl/ 'alertness', IipVstlmltl 'limited*. .9.8.3.2 But the second syllable is realized more prominently, if the quantity of this syllable is long and that of other syllables is short particularly of the first syllable : /s9/cai/ 'truthfulness', /g9,ribi/ 'poverty',. /bhLkhari/ 'beggar', /kLnara/ 'bank of a river', /Lrada/ 'intention', /a,dalat/ law court', /LJaJat/ 'permission', /k^mi^an/ Commission', /nljojan/ 'planning'. 9.8.3.3 The second syllable also is more prominent when all the syllables are long, may be conventionally, i.e., class II syllable peaks, e.g. /a/sani/ 'ease', /sa,lana/ 'annual' /bi,mari/ 'illness'; /di#vali/ 'a festival of Hindus', /ro,Jana/ 'daily'. t 9.9.0 SYLLABIC POSITION AS A DETERMINANT OF SYLLABIC PROMINENCE : Another important determinant of syllabic prominence in Hindi is the nature and the position of the syllable. That length or heaviness of a syllable may, normally, be determined by the number of syllables, may be illustrated by the following examples : I 148 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI I II /'calna/ 'to walk' /ca'lana/ to make one walk' /'karna/ 'to do' /ka'rana/ te get done' I /'llkhna/ 'to write' /ll'khana/ to get written' /'bhala/ 'good' /bha'lai/ goodness' /'sacca/ true* /sa'cai/ truthfulness' /'mi,tha/ 'sweet' (adj.)' Aml'thai/ sweets' /'baja/ 'weaver bird' Aba/jana/ 'advanced money' In the former falls on the initial syllabi due to its initial position, may be long or heavy and in the latter examples ;it is on the second syllable, conditioned by its syllabic position, i.e., in a disyllabic pattern the initial syllable has a, higher promin ence, may be long, short or heavy, and in a trisyllabic pattern the {second syllable has the highest prominence, even if all the syllables may have a conventionally long vowel. 9.10.0 PARALINGUISTIC ENVIRONMENTS AS A DETERMINANT OF SYLLABIC PROMINENCE : In Hindi the only environment in which a syllable within a sentence may have a striking accent is the syllable with a para linguistic emphasis i.e. significant accent in Hindi is only syntactical. 1. /m" nahi JaQga/ 'I shall not go', (plain negation) /msn'nahl Jaflga/ *I shall not go* (emphatic not) /'me" -nahi Jaflga/ 9 9 99 M ,f (with emphasis on /m£7) 2. /ham Jaege *we shall go' but /'ham Jaege/ we shall go (with emphasis on /ham/) (determination) f /ham JaSge/ it 99 „ (with emphasis on /Jaege/) 3, 'kam karo/ 'work' but /'kam karoge to khaoge/ 'when you work then you will get 'something to eat' 4. /mUjhe pani cahle/ 'I want water' but 1 /mUJhe pani,cable f 19 II 99 (nothing else) /'mUjhe pani cahle/ 99 «9 99 (with emphasis on /muJhe/) ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION 149 5. /kja jdudh cahle ? I 4do you want milk ? * (simple question) /'kja ! 'dudh cahle ? 'what! you want milk f (showing surprise) 6. fthik he/ It is right1 * /'thik he/ '(I say) it is alright* 7. /ghar cal/ 'go home' /'cal ghar/ %I say, go home' (for Panjabi cf. 9.11), 9.10.1 Effect of accent in paralinguistic environments : ; Effect of accent is noticeable in many ways in this environment*: In No; 1 (9.10.) the interlude /h/ is so much reduced, due to accent on /na-/, that the word is realized as [noi]. Similarly, in No. 5-6 too, the aspiration in post-accentual position is very much reduced. Both /dudh/ and /he/ are realized as Pdu:d] and [e] respectively* The quantity of accented /a/ in /kam/ and /pani/ is increased considerably in No 3 and 4 respectively. In example No. 2 as well the syllable peak /a/ is realized closer and the coda margin /-m/ is lengthened, due to stress accent on the word /Eh3m/. The prominence of the word /cal/ is considerably increased in the sentence /'cal ghar/. Elision of hi in Hindi also is a post-accentual effect of accent* In case of monosyllabic words, it Is stronger in Hindi; than in Panjabi ; for the final/a/ is indeterminately realized many* a time in Panjabi, (see 5.2.1; 8.18.0) ; but in Hindi not only the final jj/a/f but the post- accentual consonant also has lost its plosion or segmental release. 9.11.0 ACCENTUAL TENDENCIES OF PANJABI : 9.11.1 Environments of accent in Panjabi: According to Dr. G. B- Singh * In words more than one syllable any syllable may contain primary pitch accent and words of more than two syllables, apart from a primary accented syllable, may contain a 150 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND ?ANJABI syllable with secondary accent. Monosyllables are generally uttered with weak accent unless these bear the sentence stress." (P. 101). 9.11.2 Determinants of accent in Panjabi: The most effective determinants of accent, in Panjabi, are the quantity of the syllable peak and its position in the syllabic structure of a word. 9.11.2.1 Syllabic position as a determinant of accent: The most favourable environments for stress-pitch accent in Panjabi are as follows : 9.11.2.1.1 In disyllabic words the initial syllable has a stress accent (i) when both the syllables have class II syllable peaks, but the final syllable must be open, e.g., /'jida/ 'half', /'caci/ 'aunt', /'mali/ 'gardener', /'Ucca/ 'high', /'kalla/ 'alone*. (ii) When the first syllable is long or heavy and the second is a close one, e.g., /'tbban/ 'washer man's wife', /'gajar/ 'carrot', /'Indar/ 'a name', /lphakkar/ 'carefree person'. (iii) But the stress accent falls on the final syllable in case the initial syllable has a class I syllable peak and the final syllable has a complex coda margin, with a class I syllable peak, e.g., /pa'khand/ 'hypocrisy', /Ut'pan/ 'to be born', /o'nand/ 'a caste or joy'. 9.11.2.2 Quantity as a determinant of accent: 9.1L2.2.1 Environment for the pitch accent in a disyllabic word is the second syllable with' a class II syllable peak. In this pattern the initial syllable should have a class I syllable peak, e.g„ /bU'la/ 'call* /co'lak/ 'clever' /Ja'rur/ 'definitely, /pha'kir/.- 'mendicant' /ka'vi/ 'poet' /ta'la/ 'lake'. 9.11*2.2.2 It is interesting to note that in polysyllabic patterns too, it is the first or the second syllable which bears the prominent accent. The environments for the occurrence of stress-pitch accent are almost the same which we have discussed with regard to the disyllabic patterns : ' > /gUj'raVala/ 'name of a city* /ax'bar n3,vis/ 'news paper writer', famVt&l 'a name', /a'miri/ 'richness', /tha'nedar/ 'police inspector*, /'ktJmbkaran/ * ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION 151 *a name1, /'arzina/vis/ 'petition wtiter\ /ox'bar ne,visi/ 'art of news paper writing*, /a'lu bu,xara/ 'plum'. 9.112.2.3 But in the pronunciation of corresponding Hindi-Urdu words, accent falls on the final syllable, if the corresponding word conforms with #CVCCVCV# or #CV*CVCV2# /pattern of the source language from which the word has been taken, e.g , /Un'ti/ < ZiUnnatl/ 'progress*, /a'khri/ < /akhiri/ 'final9, /pran'tu/ < /pajrantU/ 'because*. 9.112.2.4 That accent or the prominence of a syllable is closely associated with the quantity of the syllable peak in Panjabi, may" be evident from the above exaxples. In general, we notice that stress accent favours al short quantity and pitch accent favours a long quantity. .? 9.11*3 Quality as an environment of syllabic prominence : We may also note that accent on the final syllable of a disyllabic word in Panjabi makes the syllable peak considerably tenser, in case it is a lax one in the source language from which it is borrowed, e.g., Hindi or Sanskrit /,ksvl/, /,sadhU/, /,mUnI/ etc. have become' /ka'vi/, /sa'dhu/,7mU'ni/ etc. In trisyllabic words too, if the accent is on the penultimate syllable the quality of that syllable is changed, e.g.f /'price/ < /parlcaj/, /'prisram/ < /parlSram/ etc. 9-12.0 EFFECT OF STRESS-PITCH ACCENT ON SYLLABICATION IN PANJABI : 9.12.1 Both the forms of accent have a strong bearing on the syllabication of Panjabi. One may notice that ^in case of a -stress accent the stressed syllable maintains its vowel quality; but it is considerably reduced in quantity. Moreover, with a stress accent there is a tenacious junction of phones between the stressed syllable and the following syllable. The onset margin of the plosive consonant of the succeeding syllable is so tenaciously attached to the coda of the preceding accented syllable that no clear syllabic boundary can be demarcated between the two syllables. 9.12.2 But in the case of a pitch or musical accent there is neither a quantitative vocalic reduction in the accented syllable, norf 152 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI there is any tenacious junction of phones between the preceding or succeeding syllables. The accented syllable is clearly separated from the unaccented syllables and there occurs a clear syllabic division between them. 9.13.0 EFFECT OF ACCENT ON QUANTITY OF THE SYLLABLE PEAK : That the syllable peak of the second syllable is considerably longer in a Panjabi word from its correspondent in Hindi, in the syllabic 2 pattern of #CVCV C# typef may be illustreated by the following : * [hl'sarb], [ka'ri:b], [Ja'rari], [I'JarJat], [ma'ri.-J], [ba'Jarr], [c3'la:k] [ma'murli], etc. The quantity of the accented syllables of Panjabi words is much higher than their Hindi correspondents (also see 3.6.). But the quantity of other syllable peaks, preceding or succeeding the accented syllable, tends to be reduced, considerably. Sometimes it is completely elided in these positions, (see cf. 9.15. f.). 9.14.0 EFFECT OF ACCENT ON THE QUALITY OF A SYLLABLE PEAK •' 9.14.1 A class II syllable peak in Panjabi shows an opener or closer variant in accented syllable than in its normal position, as com pared to its Hindi correlate, e.g., /I'la J/ 'treatment', /ga'rib/' poor' /ka'pur/ 'camphor' etc. The accented vowels in all these examples are comparatively open or close than their Hindi correlates, (for details, see - alloponic variants 2.1. ff). 9.14.2 A lax vowel is normally changed into a tense vowel in the accented syllable of a Panjabi carrelate of a Hindi vocable. /ka'lidas/ < /kalldas/, /gU'rudev/ < /gUrUdev/, /ni'ti/ < /nitl/, /sa'dhu/ < /sadhU/. 9.14.3 The syllable peak-/a/, /a/- generally, tend to be opener in Panjabi in an accented syllable, before a complex interlude or a coda margin. [oAnd], [pasAnd], [baps], tbars], [Anda], [Apna]. 9.14.4 Dr. G. B. Singh's acoustic analysis also confirms that a Panjabi vowel occurring in the initial accented syllable has a greater intensity and is longer in duration. ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION 153 In the final syllable too, an accented syllabic peak is much longer in duration than in a post-accentual syllable,' (P. 105); but this may be acceptable in caseof pitch accent only. 9.15.0 EFFECT OF ACCENT ON NEIGHBOURING SYLLABLES IN PANJABI: The centralizing accent of Panjabi has a manifold effect on the syllables of a word concerned. The prominence of the accented syllable is achieved at the cost of other syllables of the word concerned. The total effect on the neighbouring syllables can broadly be divided into two parts, (i) Pre-accentual phenomena, (2) Post-accentual phenomena. 9.15.1 Pre-accentual phenomena in Panjabi syllabic structure : The pre-accentual phenomena is observable in four ways in Panjabi. (1) Seduction of a pre-accentual syllable peak, (2) Elision of a pre-accentual syllable peak, (3) Centralization of a pre-accentual syllable peak, (4) Simplification of a pre-accentual gemination. Now we shall illustrate these one by one. 9.15.1.1 Reduction of pre-accentual syllable peaks in Panjabi: 9.15.1.1.1 In the foregoing analysis we have seen that in disyllabic words of # CVCV'C # pattern accent falls on the second syllable. We have also noted that in such a pattern a long vowel of the source language is reduced to a short vowel or to a class I vowel in Panjabi correspondent, e.g., /ma'lu.m/ < /malum/, /ba'Jar/ < /bajar/, /ha'ra.n/ < /heran/ /sU'kin/ < /salon/, /ha'lat/ < /halat/. 9.15.1.1.2 The same is true of trisyllabic #CVCV2CV2#or 4 CVCV2CVC # patterns. In which the accent on the second syllable reduces the syllable peak of the initial syllable in the same way as discussed in the foregoing paragraphs : /ma'mu.li/ < /mamuli/, /sa'lana/ < /salana/, /sU'kini/ < /sskini/, /ba'pari/ < /bjopari/. (also see 3.12 ff.). 9.15.1.2 Elision of pre-accentual syllable peaks in Panjabi: In Panjabi the syllable peak hi of the initial syllable tends to be elided in a disyllabic and trisyllabic word, if the second syllable is S-20 154 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF .HINDI AND^PANJABI accented, e.g.$ /sval/, /krib/, /svere/ etc, < /sa'val/, /ka'rib/, /severe/ etc. (for detailed examples see, 3.1 1,3 ff.). 9.15.1.3 Centralization of pre-accentual syllable peaks in Panjabi: But a pre-accentual syllable peak tends to be centralized in the a above mentioned environment, if it is other than / /: /ht'sab/, /mO'kam/f /me'dan/ (for detailed illustrations, see 3.10 ff.). 9*15.1.4 Simplification of pre-accentual complex interludes in Panjabi: I In the Panjabi syllabic structure all pre-accentual complex interludes tend to be simplified. Consequently the pre-accentual yllable with the >nted syllable, which Hindi svllabic environment: Hindi Panjabi /fUccar3n/ /U'ca'ran/ pronunc mtion i slddhant/ si'da'nt/ "principle9 /!slddhe£var/ Isl'de&vttl a name f | UjJen/ /U'Jen/ ujjam city /lvlddvan/ /vl'dvan/ learned' (for details, see 7.5.1.ff., also, 7.7.2 ff.). 15.2 Post-accentual phenomena in Panjabi syllabic In post-accentual Panjabi syllab hows tendencies, similar to that already discussed aphs. 9.15.2 Elision of syllable peaks in, Panjab A post-accentual syllable peak insisting of a class I vowel tends to be elided in tionjin the environments discussed under the head 'Elision of ble peaks'. The stress accent on the preceding syllable makes' the succeeding syllabi so weak th ultimately it is reduced to zero peak and is. normally, realized as elided k9vta/ < /kavlta/, /'bagla/ < /bagUla/. ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION 155 9.15.2.2 Neutralization of post-accentual syllable.peaks in Panjabi: Another notable impact of an accented syllable is neutralization of the succeeding syllable peak in the environments, discussed at length in 3.10.4 ; 3.11.1.2. ] ' 9.15.2.3 Simplification of post-accentual complex coda margins in Panjabi: We have already noticed that in a disyllabic word the most favour able environment for the accent in Panjabi is the initial syllable, but in a disyllabic word of # CVCCVCC # pattern it is the final syllable which is more prominent. In suchfa syllabic structure Hindi maintains both the syllablesjintact. with the mechanism of even accent on both the syllables, but Panjabi has one* strong accent on the final syllable only. Consequently the complex coda margin, if geminated, loses its compactness and, is realized as a completely simplified consonant, (for examples, see. 5.4.2.1). 9.15.2.4 Tenacity of post-accentual interludes in Panjabi: A simple plosive interlude tends to be lengthened or doubled in a Panjabi syllabic structure of #CV2CV2# or #CV2CVC# pattern, if the initial syllable is accented, e.g., [Tmlttha], C'pUcchsija], [!sabb3o] etc. (for detailed examples, see. 7.4.1-2). 9.16.0 ACCENT AND ANAPTYCTIC SYLLABLE PEAK : The necessity of an anaptyccic vowel in Panjabi may be called a product of the prosodic feature, viz, accent, Panjabi syllabic patterns do not allow a complex onset margin and a complex coda margin of certain combinations (see 4.8.1-2 ; 5.5.4.1), with certain syllable peaks. In a coda margin it also avoids a cluster of three consonants (see 5.5.5.1-2). So, out of these phonological necessities/ it has given rise to an anaptyctic vowel. Because presence of this vowel is a phonological necessity of the language and its weakening may lead to many phonological disturbances, the language has. therefore, favoured ord its entity. : /k /kram/, /nl'mon/ < /nlmn/, /ken'dar/ < /kendr/, /sas'tor/ < /$astr/, /pVgat/ < /bhokt/, but, being permissible to the phonological order of Hindi, its accent remains intact; otherwise cf. regional-tendencies in Panjabi, such as, /lpUls/, Pcarn/, /'halt/, /fcamk/, /lmlnt/, f'ottj etc., \ 156 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI (for detailed examples see» 5.5,1.9 ; 53.2.3 ; 5 5.3.1-2), in which accent falls on the initial syllable and consequently the post-accentual vowel is completely elided, but in Hindi both the syllables are maintained, by 4 virtue of its non-centralizing/ accent: //pU,lIs/f *police\ /,ca,r9n/f feet\ //ca«mak/, 'brightness', /,ml/nat/, 'minute', / 9.17.0 CONVERGING AND DIVERGING ACCENTUAL PATTERNS OF HINDI AND PANJABI: The accentual structure of both, Hindi andPanjabi, is, normally determined by the syllabic pattern of a vocable. The possition and the nature of a syllable are main factors for a favourable environment for the occurrence of an accent. Thus there are many conditionally converging and diverging patterns of accent. 9.17.1 Converging accentual patterns of Hindi and Panjabi: 9.17.1.1 Convergence with regard to the place of accent: 9.17.1.3.1 Disyllabic converging patterns : So for as the place of accent is concerned both, Hindi and Panjabi, have a converging point in the following syllabic'patterns :- #CV2CV2#, #CV2HCV2#, #CVCCV2#, #CVCVC#, #CVCCVC#. #CV2CVC#, e.g., /'kala/, /'do (h) ta/, /'Ulta/, /'pokar/, /'bacpan/, /'gajar/. In all these disyllabic patterns the accent is on the initial syllabic position in both the languages. Similarly, in both the languages the second syllable is the centre of prominence in the following patterns : #CVC'V2C#, #CVCV2#, #CVC'CV2C#, #CV2,CVCC#, e.g., /kl'tab/, /ko'pas (h)/, /akh'bar/. /pa'khand/ • /pa'khand/ (P.), 9.17.1.1.2 Trisyllabic converging patterns : In a trisyllabic word, both in Hindi and Panjabi, the accent, normally, falls on the penultimate syllable, if it is long or heavy and the anti-penultimate syllable has a class I syllable peak. Following are the converging patterns in this environment : #CV'CV2CV2#, #CV'CV2CCV2C#, #CV'CVCCV*C#, #CVC'CV2CV# W- ACCENT AND SYLLABICATION 157 #CV'CV2CVC#, #CV'CVaCCV¥, e.g., /I'rada/ 'intention, /I'mandar/ 'honest* /na'maskar/ 'salute', /In'drarii/ *wife of Indra' /ba'hadUr/ 'bravei /va'randa/ 'veranda' (for detailed examples seef table No. V.l-3) I 9.18.0 DIVERGING ACCENTUAL PATTERNS OF HINDI AND PANJABI : 1 9*18.1 Diverging accentual patterns with regard to nature on I accent : 1 But so far as the nature of accent is concerned Hindi and Panjabi show divergences in the following disyllabic patterns : 9.18.1.1 In the #CVaCVC# pattern, though the place of accent is the initial syllable in both the language, yet they differ in the nature of accent. In Hindi it is a musical accent1 in this environment, but in Panjabi it is a stress accent, showing tenacious junctipn with the following syllable (cf.8.17.5.1). I 9.18.1.2 In the #CV2HCV2# pattern too, both, Hindi and Panjabi, show the same type of divergence which we have noted with regard to the #CV2CVC# type. In Panjabi the stress accent in this environment is associated with a tonet which does not occur in Hindi at all, [(cf.3.1.). I 9.18.1.3 In case of musical accent too, the degree or the promi nence of the accented syllable is much higher in Panjabi than in Hindi. Consequently, in all cases of ^non-initial accent of Panjabi, the pre- accentual vowel has either been reduced or completely elided in all types lof words, (see 9.15.1.1-3). I I In trisyllabic patterns, though the place and nature of accent is the same, yet it has been noticed that in Hindi it is maintained to some extent on all the syllables, but in Panjabi it concentrates its prominence on one syllable only, consequently, reducing other syllables. e.g., H. Ama'mu/li/, /iS3m'me,l3n/ : P. /ma'muli/, /sa'melan/. I 9.18.2 Diverging patterns with regard to place of accent: 1 I So far as the place of accent is concerned, Hindi and Panjabi have 1. i. e. Pre-dominantly pitch aceent, though stress is not entirely to be excluded . 158 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PUNJABI fewer diverging patterns. Panjabi syllabic structure does not allow ia #CVCV# pattern at all. In this pattern in Hindi the accent falls on the initial syllable, but in Panjabi it falls on the second syllable, consequently transforming the /V/ of the final syllable into a /-V2/, e.g„ H. /.kavl/: P. /ka'vi/. - Panjabi syllabic structure also does not permit a long syllable in the initial position of a trisyllabic word, when both the succeeding syllables are long or heavy, but in both the languages, normally, the place of accent is the same. 9.19.0 CONDITIONALLY CONVERGING AND DIVERGING ACCENTUAL PATTERNS OF HINDI AND PANJABI : 9.19.1 In a disyllabic pattern of #CV2CV2# type Hindi and Panjabi show both convergence and divergence with regard to the nature of accent, though the place of accent is the same in both the languages. In all such environments in Hindi there is a musical accent on the initial syllable, but in Panjabi it is musical accent if the interlude is a non stop consonant, as in, /'ka,la/, /'ki,ri/, /'ro,zi/, /'ma,ja/, /'bo,ri/, /'a,sa/, etc., but it is realized as intensity accent, if the interlude is a stop-consonant, e.g., /'ragi/, /'votf/. /'ata/, /'roti/. /'cad/, /'ada/, /'khota/ etc. The musical accent in the former examples may be attributed to the expectant pitch of the following sonorants. 0 In all these cases the accented syllable peak is realized shorter and tenser and the interlude is lengthened, showing a tenacious junc tion between two successive syllables, (see7.4.1.1). * 919 2 In a #CVCVC#; pattern, too, both have an accent on the initial syllable, but in Panjabi the accent falls on the final syllable, if the f-V-l of this syllable is an anaptyctic vowel, which is invariably accented, e.g., /pa'gat/ 'devotee', but in Hindi the accent is always on the initial syllable in all such environments. 9.19.3 In a quadrisyllabic pattern too, both Hindi and Panjabi, show a common accentual tendency in the following patterns : #CVCCV2CV2CV2#, /CVCCV2CCVCVC#, #CVCCV2CVCV2C#, #CVCCVCCVCV2# (for examples see, table No. V.3.1). ACCENf "AND SYLLABICATION 159 9.19.4 But in #CVCVV2CV2#, #CVCVV2V2#, #CVC VV2CC V2#, #CVCV2CV2V2# patterns Hindi''and Panjabi show diverging tendencies of accentuation. In Panjabi in all these environments it is the penultimate-) syllable which is the most prominent,*; but in Hindi it is the initial syllable which has a prominent accent in the first 3 patterns and in the last pattern the highesttprominence is on the anti-penultimate syllable, (for examples, see table No. V 3.2). 10. CONCLUSION : Thus from the above data it may be clear that the syllabic structure of a language is rather a complex phenomenon, controlled by many linguistic factors. The most important factor, viz. accent which dominates the formation, both in Hindi and Panjabi, particularly breaks up these languages with grouped segments called syllables. It is the relative prominence of these syllables in connected speech which constitutes the real difference between Hindi and Panjabi syllabic structure. Although, it must be admitted at the outset that there is a conventional element in the concept of the syllable, for, often it becomes hard to distinguish or detach one syllable from the another syllable in connected speech ; we may neglect this issue in this context, and safely assume a general tendency in these languages for such a segmentation. As indicated above, this syllabication is further controlled by four great factors, viz., position, order, quantity and quality in both the languages* It is these four factors in which these languages some times agree and sometimes disagree, both being very sensitive to the slightest shades of difference in any of these factors. The difficulty being further enhanced by the fact that often there is an interlocking of all these four factors in one and the same word, e,g„ take the case of "position". The position of a syllable is relative. In a word like Hindi-Panjabi /kala/ 'black' there is an agreement in both the languages regarding the prominence of the two syllables in this word, the first syllable being slightly more prominent, but in the word for the 'earthquake' in these two languages H. /'bhu,cal/: P. /pO'cal/ there is a difference in all the four elements, mentioned above, for even the order differs : Hindi order (vocalically) vowel II: vowel II relatively short; : Panjabi order-vowel I (accompanied with low rising tone),: vowel II relatively long. The syllabic prominence will also differ accordingly. Thus we notice that the quality or the quantity of a vowel is mostly conditioned by the syllabic environment in which it occurs.1 1, Re i further details cf. 2.2.4.1-2, 7.2.1.2 (H.), 2.1,1.2, 2.2.3 (P.). CONCLUSION 161 The most important linguistic re ility which this integrated study of the syllabic structure! of these two neighbouring languages of the same linguistic group, las revealed to us is that for the understanding of linguistic behaviour or speeehjhabits!of a (particular| linguistic community the analysis of the phonological system of the language should primarily be b [sed on its| syllabic structure^ For, |as J revealed from the! d sented[ in the foregoing[chapters, we notice that it is not necessary that two languages, having indentica[ntical iphonemes and showing their initial, medial and final occurrences, alsc freedom for their occurrences in all syllabic environment^ Ratheriitis the speech habit of the community, which determines the occurrefftd of a particular phone or phoneme with a particular quantity or quality in the particular syllabic environment or sequence, within a word. It may permit occurrence of a particular phoneme or grouping of phonemes in a given syllabic position or in a particular sequence of phones and may not permit the same in another syllabic position or in a particular 1 phonological sequence. E^HKT^HI H 11 I 111 1 iBB Another notable peculiarity, of speech habits of Hindi and Panjabi speaking communities, brought to light by" this analysis, is-occurrence of juncture, induced by accent, within a word. Though in some of the syllabic patterns both the languages show a complete agreement in this regard,8 yet in many others both.show their respective preference for the occurrence of a syllabic juncture.8 The same is true of their respective accentual tendencies as well*4 Iflul 11 Ma l.|Re ; further detailsjcf. chapters 4-7 2/ „ 99 99 cf. 8.113-6 3 91 91 cf. 8.13 4. „ 9 9 99 cf. 9.1 J-18. S—21 • APPENDICES • APPENDIXlNO.il Tables showing permissible sequences of phones j in Jmonosyllabic patterns of Hind i and Pan j ab;i-i3 . DI A-PHONES TableiNo. 1.1 Patterns Peak Margins #VC# HI Hindi : kh, t, d, i Panjabi: —, —, -f, —, n, 1 ]IV H : n, bh, s P : +, -, +, k, t, 1, n lei H : k, r P :L - M H : th, b, i P : -, +, +-, t. /a/ H : k, kh, g, c, f, th, t, n, p, b, m, J, p : — _L — — — 4-4- — 4- H : r, s, h, r. —, ^^^^^^^^^ P : +, +, -, +, d, (J. /o/ H : k, gh, J, t. P. m, r, rh, s, h P •+. + — 4- — — 4- IVf H : g, th, n, f, r, s, | 1 P : 4-, 4-, 4-, 4-, 4-, 4-, 4, k, n. /u/ H : kh, gh, c, t, t, d, n, b P • — *" 4 th M H : t. r. th, b p k Bl I I 1 l I-" ~t +t ~t "~. * khf g, J, thf tf d, 4» sf 1, r, mjQ ri 1. In Hindi /v/ includes /v/ as well. ^Pj^jfl^Bl^ 2. *+* indicates presence and *—* indicates absence of a particular phone; 3.1 Panjabi patterns axe based on Dr. G. B. Singh's data. fftffJBH APPENDICES . * i63 Table No. 1.2 Pattern Margins Peak #CV# H : k, gh, ch, J, th, d, p, ph, bh, r, s, h, 1 : /i/ p.-L — J-J.— -L______L — „ •*• • I 9 « I - . I 9 fit 1 f 9 fit fV H: k : III P : + H : th, d, n, m, r, 1, w, s, h, j, —, —, —, —, : lei H : k, h t, m, h, [dh, lf s,] : [«] H s k, kh, g, ch, J, th, p, m, j, 1, w, s, h : /a/ p — + _i_ _L _i_ — _L _ L. __ c A r A • 1 I 1 ' » I 1 I 1 9 1 « 9 t • t 9 t f **1 V*» X* H : k, kh, J, 4h» t, d, dh, b, r, 1, w, s, h, : /o/ p + — — 4- — 4. —J -f — c * • 9 9 • t 9 9 ' 1 fl» 9*1 * • 9 • **• H: : /U/ P : k. H : g, c, ch, J, t, th, dh, ph, b, 1, s, h. : /u/ * • i t » » t i i 9 f t "if "t $ r» H : n, v, : /a/ V P : c. 164 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI TRIPHONES : Table No. 1.3 Pattern Peak Onset margin Coda margins # CVC § HI /k/ H : c, t, r, lf. * • i » • • • ' /kh/ H: c, Jh, r, 1, s P :—. -, +,H /g/ H : t, dh, P : +, —. /c/ H : k, kh, J, t, n7 r, 1, —, P : +, x, z, -f, +, +, +, s. /ch/ H: k, J, t, n, 1, XT I —~f —'f T"f *!*"•, "-"*• /J/ [z] H : t, nf pf bh, m, v, —, P : +, —f "hi b, —, +t n/ */jh/ H:*k,l, H : k, t» Pi mf s, nf —f * • "^"t *"—\ "Ti "*"» wa~m *r • f« /th/ H : k, P :I /4/ H:d, th, 1, g, P : —, —, —, k, n /4h/; H:th, 1, M H : J, n, r, s, —, i • 9 f "if If K« /th/ H : P : + Voiced aspirates do not have a phonemic status in Panjabi. APPENDICES 165 /d/ H t p, n, I P : +, +. d /dh/ H:r /p/ H : k, g, t, th, r. t, n, p, r, s, p: +. —, —, —; +, —, -, +. +. -. * »rn /ph/[£] H: 1, s, P : —, +. /b/ H : c, h t, th, t, dh, n, r, s, P : -, +, —, —. +, -. +. +i V- /bh/ H:kh, g, c, y, t, m, 1, Jt I """""l 1 t """" 9 9 1 • /o/ H : k, cf 4i df P% m. *• *J /m/ H;g, c Icl H:k, t, t, r, r, ^^ P :+,+,+,+, +,th, b. /ch/ H: d, n, p, 1, f, P ? —. +, —, +, +, t. h s til H : d, n, s, —, —, P : +, +, +, t, b. Mi/ H : k, N H : k, n, -, —, P : +. +. P, c, 1, fth/ H : Zero P :^^^ «/ H: P : g. —, A, /dV H: Zero W H : I, P : +, kh, b, n, r /th/ H : r, —. APPENDICES I H ; k, g, n, 1, *•% —, ~. P ; -, -, +, —\ t, kh, bt H : Zero H : t, n, 1, s, P : +, +, —, +• th, p, r, H: t. n, r, —, —, P : +, —, +, s, k, H : k, ch, 1, P : —, —, +, kh. H: %% s, P : t, k, c, th, th. H : kh, t, r, 1, h, k, P : +, —, +, +. ~, +, P, H: v P : + H : kh, —, —, —, ~" P :+, t,f, d. & H : i>, t, m, —-, —, —, — P : n, —, -h ch, J, r, s. P : +, +, th, d, J, ft, H : J, t, b, —, —, —, P : +, +, +, ch, g, m H:t, 1. P : —, +. 168 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABt Table No. 1.5 Pattern Peak Onset margin Coda margin #cvc# lei M H : k, nf s, s P : +, +, +, /kh/ H: t, d, p, m, 1, s, h P:+, , +. "+ , d. HI H: t, h, , r, f. /gh/ H : r. /c/ H : t, t, r, p. P: , -K . P. /ch/ H : r/ d, ^ P : +. d, k H : th, b, 1. P *+, +, + /Jh/ H: Zero H : k, pr r, rh P : +, + dj khl H > %h, 1, s, P : 141 fit.: g, \r r, P: +,i I4hl H:r Itl H : g, J, 1, -, —, P : T-, +. +, z. r, /th/ H: Zero P : APPENDICES ie$ H : kh, g» n, r, v, i h &/ t P : -k Hvtt +. +. +4 /dh/ H: Zero hi H: g, c, 2, t. r. ? 1, £ P : -h +, +. +. + IPW H : k, t, n, r, 1, [f] P : . +, +, s M H : c, t, r, 1, P : , +. /bh/ H: k, t, r, d, s, M H : g, d, n, s, , c, kh H: k, J, th, m, r, v,l /»/ P : +, +, +, +, +, b, d. H : k, r, s, H : kh, X, s, n, p P :+,+,s,'f,+ H: t. r. t, 1, P : +. +, +, +, I /m/ H : gh, J - z, t. n, dh, 1, m, s, P : S +. +• t I t* i ""• 5, Xj C. /n/ H : k, g, h, ^^ P : +, —, —, m, r, W H:l pJth, 1/ 9-22 #- SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OP HINDI AND ?PAN}ABI Table No I. 6 Pattern Peak Onset margin Coda margin § CVC # /eH?/ ,k, H. dt ^ /kh/ H : r. N P:-j- lil H : d. s, P: + + /c/ H: t, n, P:--f /ch/ H: 1 P: + /J/ H: n P: + P: g, r, W H : m, it (Eng.) P: n I H:: r, *, P:-. + P: t. M H:r. P : -h a, r, 4, /Ph/ H : k, t, 1, P : —, -, + W H ; 2, %\ 1 r APPENDICES fvj H: d, r P : +. + H:r P: + M H: r P: b, +. P:A, Jm/ H : 1 P: + P:n, 172 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OFJHINDI AND PANJABI Table No. 1.7 Pattern Peak Onset margin 1 Coda margin #CVC# kl /k/ H:k, c, I *,*h,rh.t, n, p, m, 1 r P :| +. -. +. +, —.A ~, —, -, -. +, + Pf: +. •+. H :' s, i, —. P : +, -, g. Ah/ H: K. I t, d. n, r, 1, s W P : +, -, -, p 9f +| +§ +t b W H: J, th, t, dh, n, 1 P . i /gh/ H : gh, t, t, m, v, s W H : k, t, ;P, m, r, 1, v, ;h, -, —J : "*"' "*"» "~»!""i +» +. —. —, £, x, q, /ch/ H : ch. J, t, t. n, p, r, 1, h p . _ r ' • • » ""t n, —, —, —, —t I W : c, t t, n, p, m, 1, g, r P : (+. -, -, +, +, -h +. +, /&/ H : k, g. t; \ ^J H: k, fc p, 1, P •* -. +, -. +•; /th/ H : th, n, P : -. A W H:k, %% 1, &, h P : +. +. -. H Wh/ H : k, 1. P .1^^^^ APPENDICES 173 Hs k, J, r. t, n, p, r, 1, 6, — • H: t, p, 1, m, n, h P : -, +, +. +. +,^^^^^^_ H : g^V, kb, rh, t, d, bh, n, m, I, r, P: +,+,—,+,+, b,+,+,+.—. H : s, v, j, h,| P : +, —, -. — J H: k, n, m, r,j H : kfckh, c, t, th, t, th. d, p, n, r, P : +. —, —. +. +• *. —• -' +• +• +• H : 1, s, 6, —. —t ~". H : k, g, y, l s, p . 4- — H : g~V, gb, c, J~*z, t, r. ?b. t. d, mmm mmm Jr • "r"t % % '» • ' % • t * H : p, p. n, m, r, 1, s, h, P : +, +, —, —. —. "*"» "*"» """• ""• H : k, t, d, r, s, h, —, —, H : g, c, J, Jh, tb, t, tb, dh, p, ph, H : m, r, 1, kh, ^^^^^^^^^^^ P : -. +, +. +, k, H : 1, m, n, h P : +, +, +, -. H : kh, g, J, t, ?, %, d, bh, I, K m. P : +, —, +, +, 4. -. -. —s . +• + • * SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI M H : kh, g, J, 4, t, dh, n, b, m, 1, P : +, +, +, +, +, —. —, —• +. +. H : j, v, h, z, s, P : -, —, tr, +. +, th. Iml H : g, J, t, 4 r r. t, d, p, ph~ f, n, 1, P • — — — — 4- — — + n 4- H : r, s, h, P : +, +, ii, n. /n/ H : k, g, c, J, r, th, d, p, bh, in, P : -, +, +, +. 4, —, —• -. ~. +. H : n, 1«* r, s,, 6, v, h, p . 4.4. — 4- I H : g, d, n, m, r, p . — J 4. * • t ft t f I f /v/ H : k, t, d, r, h, p . 4- _ _ 4. — /h/ H : 1, r, h, *, s. p . 4- 4. — — I APPENDICES 175 Table No 1.8 Onset margin Coda margins /k/ H : k, kh, c, % yh, p, p, r, 1, s, P _ 4- — —• — 4- + 4- H : it a, P : +. -. /kh/ H : I, t, d, r, 1, hJJ P : +, +, +, +. +.1^^ /g/ H : t, %h t, d, dh, 1, h p . 4. — 4. 4. /gh/ H: kh, t. r. 1. s. P : —t"•+. —. +. —. d, g, J, f, 0 /ch/ H:^rllMMil HI /J/Cz] H: k, g, t. r, t. r, S P : -, +, -, +, +, +, + /Jh/ H: Zero /t/ H : k, p, n, 1, —, h, P : +, +, —, +, rj l%hl H: s. P : W/ H:J~z,b, r, 1. P : +, +, +, +, +, /dh/ -H : r, 1, H :r, d, p, 1, j, £, —, —, P : +. —, +, +, —. +, t, r /th/ H:k, p. p 7i f SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABl /d/HKH:s. P :i /dh/ H: Zero 11 /p/ §H : c, |ch, t,i p, r, 1 ..-.- BB P • 4- — — — — * • I t t t f * /ph/ H: r, s, P : +. +. g, lb I H : Jh, dh, 1, P : -. —i +. t, /bh/ H : g, J, t, r. M H:t. P :+, /s/ H : c, h m, ^^^^^ P : +, -hd, +, g, z. /s/ H : k, kh, n, dh, r, s, P • -K -— — — + HI H : k, g, c, i th, dh, p, bh, m, ~P :+, +,+, +,+, d, +, b, r, Ul H : k, g, J, t, 4, ?h, b, m, s, / P : +v +, z, +, r, —, —, +, s, ii, /m/ H : gh, c, th, r, d, m, r, 1, h, P : —. +, +, +, —, +, +, +, /n/ H:k, c, t. P : +t +, —, Ihl H[:k iPk-h APPENDICES 171 Table No. 1.9 Pattern Peak Onset margin Coda margins 1 #cvc# hi IH H : iii r, 1, m, P : u, +, +, /kh/ H: 1, f. P : +, +. lil P : +, +. Id H:k, 1. P : +,;+. Ichl H.:k, | P :J hi H: : r.H IM H: r. P : +. H : r, d. P:+. Idl H: r, r, P :-H.+ M H: dh, s, P : d. /ph/ H:J z, t. P : -h +. M P : + d (h) M H: t, z, P : +, +. H: b» P : + Ihf H: z. P : r. 1. This syllabic peak has not be eft attested by Dr. d. B. Singh in Jiis treatise * S-23 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Table No 1.10 Peak Onset margin Coda margins /U/ /k/ H: c, ch, rh, th, 1, i, P : t, kh, d, d, h /kh/x H: % r, 1, &>^^_ P : —, +, +, +, b, 4- /g/ H: t r, li, m, r, *«^^^^^_ P : +, +, +, +, +, +, t, th. /gh/ H : t, r. n, r, 1, s, Id H : g, n, p, bh, —, —, —, —, —, — P : +, ii, +, —, t, k, 1, m, r, t) /ch/ H: k, %% n, p, m, 1, ^^^^^| P : -, +, -. +, J H : t, r, t, (g) P : +, +, +, g. /Jh/ H:k, n I H H : k,^^^^ P : +, t. 1. /th/ H: k. P : +. HI H : -, -, (g) P : b, 1, + /4h/ H: Zero H : k, Jh, m, 1, P : +, —, —, +, t, th, ch, d, r, n /th/ [ H : Zero P : k, r APPENDICES /d/ H : kh, m, s, h, I P : +, —, —, —i d /dh/ H : 1, n, M H: 1. P : +, t, t, th, /ph/ H ? t, ^^^^^^^^^^ P : +, s, r, 1. I /b/ H : t, dh, n, —, —, —, —, I I P : +, d, i?, k, J, r, 1, I /bh/ H:s I H : t, dh, n, r, kh, 1 I P : —, d, +, +, t. c, k, J, kh, n, fi, n HI H:k, bh,^^^^^^^^ I P : +, b, d,||UI I f IB "j H: k, t, —. I I P : +, +, c, I hi H: k, kh, c, ' I I P : +, +, —, t, g, s, 1, n, r I /m/ H:kh, r, h, I I P : +, +, k, ch, th, 4, g. 1, n, ii, ft /n/ H : Zero HI H: g. P :d. /h/ H: k. P :n, 180^^^BSYLLABIC!STRUCTURE1OF HINDI ANDbANJABI Table No.I. 11 Pattern^ Peak Onset marginJ^Codamargins #CVC# luj /k/ H: k, c, J, t. d. p. I i^BiMHaHB^K^^^Kli^HWMB^BBmMHLJl* 1 'Be *i» BE1 I »1 4 • * -V /khx/ H : n, k P :+,•+ /*/ lH H : J J, d ith, 1, PI :IZero /gh/ 1 H ; t m, r, s. /c/11 H : k, t, r, 1, Is, ^^^ H Pi: —.—,+,—, +, lr p« Ichl IH|: ch, t, t, P • — H:|t|t, 8,1 P : i +, -, th, /Jh/| H: th,m,l, til H : k, t, P :|+. I-. L /th/ H : th, s, • IP: Zero HI H : m, s, 1 P : +.1+, n /dh/HH :jdh, h /t/§B HJ:[ 1 P :I +.Jr. r gfi APPENDICES iff TflMI Ithl Hz k,>% \ P : —'? m. /d/ H : J. t, dh. b, r, /dh/ H : m, 1, p fp/ H: ch, J, t, r, s, * • ••",•"**, "t"»"t~» ••*• */ph/ H: k, t. 1 sf " P * J- _* — —A */b/ H): t.-, P: +, r. Jbhl H:kh,tn, p.l. /s/ H : kh, Jh, d. t, d, p, m, r, — /*/ H: r, 1 —. P : —, —, m. /I/ H: t.-,-. /r/ *H : *h, dh, P, 1. *. h Jr I mmmm% mmmm% it it i * "• /m/ H: k, g. ch, J, r, t, d, 1, P:—i-.-.—.+.+.—. +.' /n/ H:r. P:*. 7W H : r. k. 1 I P:+,—.{ HI 111 182 ' SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Table No 1.12 Pattern Peak Onset margin Coda margins f CVC# hi Ikl H: c, th, » id. p. J. b. m, r, 1, P: +. th, +, +, +, +, —, +, +, +. H : s, h, P : +, —, 11 ch, kh, d, J, r, n /kh/r H: g, % t, n, p, r, 1, s, W .. P : - +, +, —, +, -, +. +, d, y, ft, kl ./*/ H : J~z, th, yb, t, d, n, p, m, I, —, -, P : —, +, +, r«*+, +, +, +, +, c, d l&h/ H : t, r, n, r, /c/ H:kh t. rh,P, m, r, 1,^^^^ P : +, -, r, —, +, +. +, th, b, J, n, /ch/ H: t, m, r, 1, h. I p •* "h —. —. -, —, t, k, b, d, J /J/ H: g, c, j, y, n, p, b, m, 1, P : +. —. +. +, +, +, —, +, +, d, t. t, s, r, i>,ft, ft, /Jh/ H : kh, t, j:, n, r, 1, - kl H: n, p, b, m, r, I, sj P-* —.-.+,-, +,+,+, k, ft /th/ H : k, g, n, p, m, * • ~"j """» "™"i ""* """"• ; d/ H: t, f, m, r, s, —, —, —, —, —, —f P : +, —, —, +, —, k, b, 1, n, d. ft. /dh/ H : k. p, 1. Itl H : k, J, t, p. n, p, b, m, r, 1, h, * • • » """» ~~» ~~» T, "T» ~"*, "~, +, +, *", t, th, d, B, ft / APPENDICES 183 /th/. H : k, n, p, m, r, 1, P : +,ii, +, -h —, +, /d/ H: n, m, b, r, 1, s, h, ft, P : —, +, +, +, +, +, —, +. /dh/ H : t, n, p, m, r, s, /p/ H : k, g, c, t, ?, ?b, t, th, d, n, P : +, +, +, +, r, +, +, +, —, +, H : r, 1, s, —, P : +, +, +, kh, b, d. f, P /ph/ H : k, t, n, 9, r, 1, s, ^^^^^ P :+.+,+. —, —. +, +, r, b. /b/ H: k, c, J, t, ?b, v* n. m, r, 1, P : +, +, +, -, -, +, +, -. +, +, H : s, h, P : +, -, d. u /bh/ H : g, t, r, 1, hi H : c, J, p, n, b, m, r, 1, —, -—, P : +, +, +, +, +,{+. +. +, p, Jt. H : —', —-, —, —•, h, ^^^^^^^^^^^ P : t, k, d, th, s, I H : k, t, r, 1, s, I H p . 4. _ 4. _ __ HI H : kh, g, fc y, t, d, —, —, —, H P : +, +, +, +, +,:+, p, kf th, th, H • —. P : b, J, 8, n, A Itl H: kh. g, c, h t. t, th, d, n. fl, P: +. +. +. +, +, +, -, +. +. +, H: m, s, k^^^_ P : +, +» - b. s, 1. SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI I ml H: k&, g, th, ph, t, d, n, r, 1, J, XA • > 1 i » t t • ft • P : %% cf h s, m, i>f r,n /n/ H : Idi, g, t. t* th, df bhf mf J, rf mmmm * • ——, —"» —", "—•f "T"f •—•""« "•*% T*f 9 -t"f P :+w+, th, p. k n H:h. J P : h, x, Ivl H : h, n, r, £ P : —, n, kh, g, t, * APPENDIX NO. II II. 0 SYLLABIC PATTERNS OF HINDI AND PANJABI : Table No. II. 1 II. 1 Hindi-Panjabi monosyllabic patterns II. 1.1 Converging patterns : Pattern Hindi Panjabi #V2# + +• /a/./o/./e/. #VC# + 4- /9b/,/Is/,/Us/. #CV# + + b*I, /ca/, /kU/, /kl/. #CV2# + + W, /kha/, /de/, /tha/, /si///he/. #CVC# + . + /kUb/, /kad/, /dll/, /call. #CV2C# + ± /cal/,/mol/,/ret/,/bhut/. #(C) VCC# + + /ant/, /band/, /plnd/, /dhUnd/. II. 1.2 Diverging Patterns : Pattern* Hindi Panjabi #CVH#~#CV8H# * + - /jah/, /vah/, /cab/, /moh/, /rah/ #CVSjMCV2S# + — /bhaj/, /bhav/, /caj/. /cav/. #CV2NC# + — /cad/,/3kh/,/bhrt/, Mt/. #CCV2# ± + /pra/, /sva/, /sla/, /pjo/, ft jo/. I #CCVC#r#CCV2C# + - /kram/, Avar/, /kles7, /dves/, /stan/, /star/, /sthlr/. S-24 186 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND -PANjABl Pattern Hindi Panjabi 2 #cvcc#~#cv cc# + /lUkl/, /nlmn/, /tivr/, /pUtr/, /mltr/. /Ult/, /c5mk/, /sart/ #CCVCC# #(C) CVCC# + /pra£n/, /jvakt/, /spast/, /kroddh/, /prapt/, /dipt/, /vsdj/. § (O vcc#~#cvaecc# + /candr/, /Indr/, /svasthj/, /tattv/. #cv2cs#~#cvcs# f /vakj/, /kavj/. /gadj/. Note ; 1. Symbels placed in peienthesis indicate bcth, their presence and absence in the syllabic pattern concerned. 2. The symbol 4- indicates conditional occurrence of the syllabic pattern in the language concerned. APPENDICES 187 Table No. II. 2 Hindi-Panjabi disyllabic patterns : II. 2.1 Converging patterns : Pattern Hindi Panjabi § (C) VCV21 + + /ada/, /saJa/, /kUri/, /karo/. # (C) V2V2 # + 1+ /ai/, /dai/, /roi/, /nai/. # (C) V2CV + I± /raja/, /ghora/, /biri/, /adha/. I /hsja/, /moka/, /mera/, /dhaga/. § (C) V2CCCVC # + H- /jantrlk/, /tantrlk/. # (C) VCVC § + + /Idhar/, /Udhar/, /kfldar/. # (C) VCCVC § + 4- /andar/, /khaddar/, /makkhan/, I /candsn/, /dlkkat/. § (C) VV2 # + + /gai/, /dai/, /kui/, /sui/. 3 (C) VCCV2 # + /halka/, /mUrda/, MUkla/, /gUpta/, /Iccha/, /pakka/, /bacca/ # (C) VCCV2C # + + /Inkar/, /Upkar/, /anjan/, /salvar/, /vlsVas/, /Insan/, /makkar/. 1 # (C) VCV2C + + /Udhat/, /IlaJ/, /vakil/, /jakin/. - # (C) V2CVC # + + /herat/, /thakUr/, /dolat/. # CCV2CVC# + + /svagat/, /prakrlt/, /vjapak/ 2 # ccvccv # + + /krlsna/, /trlpta/. 2 2 # cv ccv # + + /kanta/, /hosla/, /phesla/, fpalki/, /becna/. 2 # (C) V CCVC # + + /arthlk/, /dharmlk/, /nastlk/. 2 2 # CCV (C) # + + /njota/, /pravS/, /sjapa/, /dwai/. Besides these, all the converging monosyllabic patterns can occur as a second syllable in disyllabic patterns. 188 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI ANDlPANJABI II. 2.2 Diverging patterns : Pattern Hindis Panjabi #cvcv#~#cvccv# + /kavl/. /raghU/,| /matl/, /gUrU/. /vastu/, /klntu/. v #(C) CV2CV# H- /nitl/, /sadhU/, /bhuml/, /JatI/. #CV2CCVMCCVCCV# + /bhaktl/, /bUddhl/, /Uktl/, /triptl/. 2 #cv cvc# + /upar/, /bhitar/* #(C) CV2CCV# + /krantl/, /vjaptl/, /praptl/, /gantl/, #CV2CV*C# + /bimar/J/malum/, J/heran/, /s'skin/. #cv2cvcc# + /pakhand/, /anand/. #ccvcv2c# /pradhan/, /prakar/, /krlpan/. #CCVCCV(2) + /vrlddhl/, Mraddha/, #CV2NCV2# + /cSdi/, /kafca/, /Skhe"/. #C (C) VCVCC# + /samUdr/. /mahattv/, /krltaghn/ #cv*cvc# + i /dhoban/, /gldar/, /klkar/. #CV2C2VC# + /tbbbar/, /glddar/, /klkkar/. #C VHV2# I + /jaha/, /kaha/, /Jaha7, /naha/. #CVHCV2#~#CVHVC#l + /pahra/, /sahar/, /kahar/, /pahla/. #ccvcvcc# + /prasann/, /Utpann/, j/sampann/. #(Olvccvcc# #CVOCV2CCC# + /jogendr/, /rajendr/, /surendr/. Besides this, in most of the cases the behaviour! of diverging monosyllabic * patterns remains un-affected in the finals syllable of disyllabic patterns.[MI 1 Illlllil JUL APPENDICES 189 Table No. II. 3 Hindi-Panjabi trisyllabic patterns • II. 3.1 Converging patterns : Pattern Hindi Panjabi 2 2 #(C)'VCV CV # + + /bacher a/ , /pUjari/, /amiri/ /Irada/, /Ujala/. /badhai/. #CV2CV2CV2C# + + /thanedar/, /Joridar/, /sahukar/. 2 #cvcvccv # + + /vlchUrna/, (Ikanni/, /bUjUrgi/ #CVCV2CCV2# + + /vicarna/, /pUkarna/, /tatolna/, Jmarorna/. 2 (2, #cvccv ccv c# + + /sultanpUr/, /kartarsln/ /bhagvandas/ jRC) VCCCV2CV2# + + /andruni/, /Indrani/. ! #CVCV2CVC# + + /sUhagln/, /parosln/, /mahajan/, /Ararat/, /IJaJat/. #(C) VCV2CV2C# + + /Umidvar/, /khariddar/, /dukandar/. #(C) VCCV2CV2# + + /Upkari/, /sarkari', /batloi/, /amrika/, /mUltani/. #cvccv2cvc# + + /bhalmanas/, /kalbutar/. #cvcv2cv2c# + + /karamat/, /khUrafat/. #cvcccvcvc# + + /Kumb (h) karan/. #CVCCV2V"# + + /kUrmai/, /halvai/, /garmai/. #CVCV2V2# + + /rajai/, /tUlai/, /sagai/, /salai/. II. 3.2 Diverging patterns : Pattern Hindi Panjabi #CVCVCVC# + /vlcalit/, /vlghat,an/, /anUbhav/, /nlflcar/, /gUrUkUl/. 190 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Pattern Hindi Panjabi #CV2CV2CV2# /mamuli/, /herani/, /tuphani/, /sokini/. 2 2 #cv cv cvc# + /sadhrao/, /sodagar/, /samajik/. #(C) V,CVCCV(C)# + /avas*jak/, /savltri/. #cv(2) cvcv2# + /masami/, /vasUki/ /kabUli/. #CVC2V8CV(2) (C)# + /sammelan/, /sammanlt/, /sannata/. /sammohan/. #(C) VC2VCV# + /UnnatI/, /sammatl/. 8 #cvcvc v# + /vlpattl/. #(C) VCCVC2V# + /sampattl/, /UtpattI/. #(C) VCVCV2C# + /parlvar/, /adhlkar/, /abhlraan/. #cvcvcv# + /samltl/, /kUmatl/. #(C) CV(2) CVCV2C# + /sadhUvad/.gravidas/, /pratlkul/, /kalldas/, /Sasakij/, /raJakij/. #(C) CV2CVCVC# + /bhumlkar/, /varldhar/. 2 2 #cvcv v # + /sadhu2/, /kUria/, /devia/. #(C) V2CCVCVC# + /akramaij/. 2 #cvc-vcv # + /Jammana/, /kUtt;ana/. a #cvcv cvc# + /bhajanak/, /sararat/, /slfarlsV. #(C) CV2CCV2CVC# /raJnstIk/,>/vjavharIk/, /vjavsajik/ #CVNCV2CCVC# + /sankirtan/. #CV2NCV2CVC# + /sansarlk/, /sangramlk/. #CVNCCV2CCV# + /sahkrantl/. #CV2CCVCV2C# + /murtlkar/. APPENDICES 191 Table No II. 4 Hindi-Panjabi quadri-syllabic patterns : II. 4.1 Converging patterns: Patt em Hindi Pan jab i #cvccv2cv2cv2# + + /gUjravala/, /sekretari/, /haldighati/ #(C) VCCV2CCVCV2C# + + /axbarnavis/. #(C) VCCV2CVCV2C# + + /arzinavis/. #cvcv2ccv2cv2c# + -f- /banarsidas/. #cvccvccvcv2# + + /badklsmati/, /khUSklsmati/ #(C) VCVCCV2CCVC# + /amarjitsln/, /paramjitsln/. #CV (C) CV8CV2CVC# + + /darbarasln/, /hazarasln/. #cvcv2cv2cv2c# + + /klsoridas/, /faridabad/. #(C) VCVCCV2CV*# + + /Utarvana/, /nlkalvana/. II, 4.2 Diverging patterns : Pattern Hindi Panjabi #cv2cvcv2cvc# + /parlvarlk/ #CVCCVCV2CVCC# + /vlkramadltj/ #(C) VCVCVaCVC# + /anUSasan/, /parlsevan/, /anUsilan/, /anUmodan/. #CCVCVCV2CVC# + /pratlvedan/. #cvccv*cvcv2# + [ /samvedana/. #CVCVV2CV2# + /patfala/, /lOdlana/, /sa^hlana/. #CVCCV2V2# + /vadlai/, /m§t;hlai/, /eslai/ #(C) V2VV2CV2# + — /alega/, /Jalega/. \ 192 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Table No. IL 5 Hindi*Panjabi penta-syllabic patterns : II. 5.1 Converging patterns : Pattern Hindi Pan jabi #(C) VCCVaCCVCV2CVa# + + /axbarnavisi/ #CV2 (C) CV2CC VCV3CV2# + + /mehmannavazi/ #(C) V2CV2CV2CV2CV8# + + /alubUxara/, /zaruri (j) ate"/ #(C)V8CV(2)CVCCVCV»# + + /junlvarslti/, /sekreterljet/ #(C) VCCV2CVVC# + + /Insanlat/i 2.5.2' Diverging patterns 2 2 #cvcvcv cvcv # + /somavedana/, /adhldevata/ APPENDIX No. Ill HINDI-*PANJABI SYLLABIC TRANSFORMATIONS Table No. III. 1 Monosyllables: Hindi SHPanjabi^^^^^^^Hindi H Panjobi ft cy #-*# CVa # -|H W T MW. MMna/, /va/ (withkhese j I —* J J I I I 111 I words only) #CVaH #-»# CV2 # I /rah/, /mOh/->/rd/, J/mil/ § CV(2)S #-># CVa # /bhaj/, /caj/-»/pe/. /ca/ i jj? J ••^BBBBI /bhav/, /cav/-»/pa:/, /ca:/ # CVaNC #->#CV2CC?5# B/cSd/, /nidMcand/, /nind/ I # CCVC #-*#CVCVC# /kram/, /kles/-*/karam/, /kales/ # CV(a)CC #-»# CV(a)CVC # /jatn/, /tivr/, /atmMJatan/, raff I | ^^H KM /tivar/, /atdm/ M IHHHMH # CVCaC #-•# CVC2VC # /mlttr/, /pUttrMmlttar/, /pUttar/ # CV(a)CS #-*# CV(a)C # /vakj/, /gadj/-»/vak/,|/gad/11 #[CV(a)CCC#^#CV(2)CVC# /Indr/, /kendrMlndar/, /kendar/ Table No. III. 2 Disyllabics: H9 Besides theltransformations of onset and coda margins noted with regard to monosyllables, other notable transformations in disyllabics mainly concern with the syllable peaks of the second syllable and the interludes. HE 9SS • i Mil I ^^^^^•-^^^^^•-1 S-25 ~~'^ ; ~~ p z * ' - — *^—^-' ' * • —-—•^—* *—i 194 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI III.2.1 Transformation of syllable peaks : 1. #CV(2,CVMCV2CV*#: Hindi -/kavl/, /laghU/, /nitl/, /sadhU/-* Panjabi—/kavi/, /laghu/, /niti/, /sadhu/. 2. # CV2 CVa C #-»# CVCV* C § : Hindi—/bimar/, /awaz/, /saman/, /hsran/, /sokin/, /naraJ/, I /tuphan/.-* .Panjabi—/bimar/, /awaz/, /saman/, /h eran/, /sUkin/, /naraJ/, /tUphan/. 3. # CV2CVCC #-»# CVCVCC # : /arambh/—»/aramb/, /adars7—Radars*/, /anand/*-»/anand/, /pakhan4/-»/pakhan Panjabi- /grib/. /mjur/, /slad/r /swal/. (Only when the initial syllable peak is /a/ and the interlude is a non stop C.) III.2.2 Transformation of interludes: Hindi -» Panjabi 1. # CCVC2V2 #-»# CVCCV2 # : H. /vrlddhi/, /sraddha/, - P. /vfrdi/, /sfrda/. 2. # CVHCV2 #-»# CV2CV2 # -: H. /pahra/, /pahla/. : P. /pela/, /p'ra/. III.2 3 Transformation of geminated coda margin ; |; # (O cv (O cvc2 # -* # (C) vc cvc # ? Hindi- /prasann/, /Utpann/, /sampann/. 1 1 Panjabi- /parsan/, 1 /Utpan/.H/sanapan/. 1 Hi C APPENDICES 195 Table No. III. 3 } Transformation of Trisyllables : III. 3.1 Intial syllable : # CV2 # -» #CV # in the following patterns : #CV2CV2CV2#: H./mamuli/, /bimari/, /sokini/, /tuphani/ /calaki/, /salana/, /asani/ -» — P. /mamuli/, /bimari/, /sUkini/, /tUphani/, /calaki/, /salana/, /asani/. #CV8CV2CVC# : H. /sadharan/, /samajik/, /sodagar/, /meneJar/-»| P. /sadharan/, /samajak/, /sudagar/, /manejar/. #(C)V2CVCCV(C)# : H. /avaSjak/, /savltri/ -* P. /avasjak/, /savltri/. #(C) V2CCV CVC# : H. /andolan/, /sansarlk/ -» P. /andolan/, /sansarlk/. #CVCVa (CVC)#-» : H. /bhajanak/, /paropkar/, /pariksa/, /Jurabg/ -» #CCV2CVCVC# P. /pjanakf, /propkar/, /priksa/, /Jrabe/. (When the second C is a semi-consonant or a rolled consonant). III. 3.2 Medical syllable : #CVCV...*^CV2CV..-#-*#CV2C # hvthe following ^patterns. ; # CVCVCVC # -» #CVCCVC # : H. Mcalit/, /gUrUkUl/, / vlgha^n/ -» P. /vlcUt/,/gUrkUl/, ,/vtg^an/. #CVCVCV2#->#CVCCV2 #: H* /sSrlta/, /bagUla/, /kavlta/, /vlsajS/ -» P. /sarta/, /bagla/, /kavta/, /vlsj5/. # CVCVCV2C #-*#CVCVV2C #~#CVCV2CV2C #: f H. /adhlkar/, /ebhlman/, /Itlhas/ -» P. /adkar/, /abman/, /Ithas/.^/edikar/, /abiman/. 196 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI § CVCVCV f -» #CVCCV2 # : H. /samltl/, /kUmatl/ -» P. /samti/, /kUmti/. # CVCCVCV #-> #CVCCVf # : , H. /sammatl/, /UnnatI/, /sangatl/ -» P. /samti/, /Unti/, /saiigti/. # CVC2 V'CVC # -» # CVCV2 CVC# : H. /sammelan/, /sammanlt/ —» P. /samelan/, /samanlt/. # CVC2V2CV2 # # CVCV2CV2 # : H. /sannata/, /Jalladi/ -» P. /sanata/, /Jaladi/. # (C) V2CCVCVC #-»# (C) V2CVCCVC # : * H. /akraman/, /agra wal —» P. /akarman/, /agarwal/. # CVCVCCV2 #-»#CVCCVCV2 # : H. /sarnaJhna/, /Ulatna/, /camakna/ —* P. /samJana/, /Ultana/, /camkana/. Ill 3.3. Final syllable : Transformations in the final syllable of all types is similar to that of the final syllable of a disyllabic pattern, e.g., # (C) VCV2CVC # -» # (C) VCV2CC# : H. /IJaJat/, /sararat/, /blrasat/, /slfarls*/ -* P. /IJaJt/, /sarart/, /blrast/, /slfarsV. (in a colloquial speech only) I AEPPENDICES 197 Table No. III. 4 III. 4.1 Transformation of quadrisyllable patterns: Hindi —» Panjabi: Hindi Panjabi' 1 # CVCa VaCVCVa #-»#CVCVaCVCV2 § I H. /UtteJana/, /ullanghana/ P. /UteJana/, /Ulafigana/. I # CWCWCV2 # -* # CV2VCCV8 # H. /belWati/ -* P. /beUti/. # CCVCVC2VCV2 # -» # CCVCVCCV2 # H. /pr^sannata/ —»' P. /prasanta/. #CVCVaCVCV2# -» #CVCV2CCV2# H. /maharathi/, /sararate/, McarakS/, /sadagaro/, /manoramaV, /sarojlni/, /bahadUri/ -* P. /maharthi/, /sarart3/, /vlcarkS/, /sUdagra/, /manorma/. /sarojni/, /bahadri/. III.4.2 Panjabi -» Hindi: # (O vc (o v8 vcva # -» # (O vc (O v2cva #; P. /karaUna/, /UltaUna/, /SarmaUna/ H. /karana/, /Ultana/, /s'armana/. # cvcvv2va # -»# evcvava # .- P. /vadlai/, /mtthlai/, /pallai/ H. /barai/, /mlthai/, /bhalai/. / / 198 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PUNJABI Table No. till. 5 Transformation of closed -* open ami vice versa : Hindi Panjabi § CVH #~# CVS § #cv 2 H. /cah/, /moh/, /bhaj/, /bhav/, /tis/ P. /ci/. "./mo/. /pse/, /pa:/, /ti/. # CVHCV8 #-*# CV2CV2 # : H. /pahra/, /pahla/, /tarah/, /barah/ P.I /p'ra/, /pela/, /tara/,/ bar a/ # CVSCV8 #-*# CVaCVa # : H. /kojla/, /fajda/, /avgUn/ P. I/kola/, /feda/, /agUn/. # CVaNCVa#-»# CV8CCVaJ# : H. /cadi/, /k2ta/, /haJi/ - P. /candi/, /kanta/, /hanji/ # CVaCCVa #-»# CVCVCVal#: H. /sikhna/, /sukhna/, /puchna/, j/chilna/. P. /slkh-ona/, /sUk-ana/, /pUclrana/, /chlHna/ # CVCVCCVCV* #-»# CVCCVCVa|# : H. /samajhna/, /Olajhna/, /camakna/ P. /samJana/, /tJlJana/,ycamkana/.[ APPENDICES 199 Table I No. S III. 6 Syllabic increase or syllabic loss due to syllabic transformation : III. 6.11 Monosyllabic }-> I disyllabic or vice versa * Hindi Panjabi § CCVC #-»# CVCVC # : H. /krara/, /bhram/, /kles7 P. /karam/, /param/, /kaleS/ § CCVCC #-*# CCVCVC # : H. /praW. /krBsn/|-» •tiH if 11 I 1 ?• /prolan/. /krKen/. # CVCC #-># CVCVC # : H. /cakr/„ /sUkl/, /nlmn/, /jatn/, -H P.lfcakkar/, /sUkal/, /nlman/, /Jatan/ # CVCC #-»# CV2 CVC #: H. /prapt/, /vjapt/ -»I P. /prapat/, /vlapat/. #CV(a)CCC#->#CV(2)CCVC# : H. /candr/, /kendr/, /ravindr/ -» - l-l^ : j 11 1 P. /candar/, /kendar/, /ravindar/ III. 6.2 I Disyllabic monosyllabici or vice versa : Hindi Panjabi # CVCV2C #-*# CCV2C § : H. 'garib/, /majur/, /sawal/, /salah/ P.|/grib/, /mjur/, /swal/, /sla/.i # CVCVC #-»#|CVCC]# : H. /camak/, /khlsak/, /sarak/ P. J/camk/, /khlsk/j/sark/. | III. 6.3. [Trisyllabic -* Disyllabic or vice versa : Hindi Pan jab i § CVCVCVC #-»# CVCCVC # : H. /vlcalrt/, /vlghatan/, /anUbhav/, /Udajan/ P. /vlcllt/, l^fgtan/, /anbaU/J /Udjen/. I # CVCVCV2C #-># CVCCV2C # : H. /adhlkar/, /abhlman/ P. /adkar/, /abman/. r 200 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI" § CVCVCV #-»# CVCCV2 # : H. /samltl/,/kUmatl/,/avadhl/-* P. /samti/, /kUmti/, /a'vdi/. # CVCVCV2 #-># CVCCV2 # . H. /bagUla/, /kavlta/ -» P. /bagla/, /kavta/. #CVC2CV #-># CVCCV2 # : H. /UnnatI/, /sammatl/, /Uttari/ -* P. /Unti/, /samti/, /Utri/. I A # CVCVCCV #-»# CVCCV2 # : H. /vlpattl/, /sampattl/ <•* P. /vlpti/, /sampti/.* » # CVCVCV1 #-># CCV2CV2 # : H. /sajana/, /paraja/, /Jaruri/, /karela/ -» P. /sjana/, /praja/, /Jruri/, /krela/. #CVCV2CVC# V # CVCV2CCV2 # > -» # CCV2 # : #CVCVCVC# ) H. /bhajanak/, /pariksa/, /parlcaj/ —> P. /pjknak/, /priksa/, /price/. # CV2CVCV2KS) #-*# CV2CCV2 # : H. /nakari/, /bharatij/, /Indira/-* P. /nakri/, /parti/, /Indra/. H. /kvallti/ (Eng.), /manavS/. /vlsaj5/ -» P. /kvalti/, ,» /manv5/, /vlsj5/, III. 6A Quadri-syllabic -* trisyllabic : Hindi->Panjabi (Sec, table No. 3.6.4.1-2). *In this pattern a three member interlude is possible, only if first two members belong to the same place of articulation otherwise cf. H.- /Utp^ttl/ —* I II ' Tl . I II p./utP,ti/. I I || I APPENDICES 201 III. 6.5. Pentasyllabic -»trisyllabic-quadrisyllable English -* Hindi: Panjabi § cv2ccv2cv2cvvc #-*# cv2ccv2cv2c #~# cv2cccv2vc # /sekreteriet;/—^/sekretjet/^Wsektriet;/. /superintendent/—>/sUprident/ /myunislpsllti/—»/rajunIspelti/^/mj Unlspalti/ /junlvarsIti/^/junivarsIti/^/junlvarsti/. S—26 APPENDIX NO. IV HINDI-PANJABI DISYLLABIC PATTERNS OF SYLLABIC DIVISION : Table No. IV. 1 Hindi: Panjabi disyllabic patterns of syllabic division : IV. 1.1 Converging patterns : Pattern Hindi Panjabi # v2/v2 # + + /ai/, /ao/, 2 2 # cv /v § + 4- /nai/, /Jao/, /koi/. f V2/CV2 § + ± /ana/, /ebi/, /ocha/, # CV2/CV2 # + ± /raja/, /pani/, /boli/, # V/CV2C # + 4- /IlaJ/, /pUkar/, /anar/. # CV2/CVC # + ± /nokar/, /adat/, /kikar/. # (C) v/cv2;# + + /ada/, /saja/, /bUla/, /Ura/. § cv/v # + + /gai/, /pai/, /kUi./, /rUi/. # VC/CV* # + + /Ullu/, /UltaA /Ikka/, /Urdu/. # vc/cvc # + + /Utlar/, /IJJat/, /andar/. 2 # cvc/cc v # ± + /santri/, /mantri/, /Jandra/. 2 # cvc/cv # + + /bacca/, /rassi/, /barkha/. 2 2 # cv c/cv # s + /purbi/, /4holki/, /palki/. # (C) V2C/CV2 # + + /pUrza,', /arzi/, /dUrga/, /bllti/, /bagci/ # cvc/cvc # + + /bartan/, /bacpan/. 2 2 # ccv /cv # + + /prani/, /swami/, /sjapa/. # (C) V/CVC # + + /Idhar/, /phlkar/, /xabar/. 2 #(c;vc/cv c + + /Inkar/, /anjan/, /sardar/. # (C) V2C/CVC # + -f /arthlk/,/dharmlk/. APPENDICES 203 Pattern Hindi Panjabi # CCV/CVC # + + /(H.) /pwkat/, /pr'asan/. (P.) # CCVaCVa # + + /krlsna/, /svarthi/, /tripta/. IV. 1.2 Diverging patterns : Patterns Hindi Panjabi #VCqCVC# : #VCC/CVC(C)#-*#VC/CCVC(C)# : /antrik/, /antrang/ #CVCCCVa# : #CVCC/CV2#-» #CVC/CCV¥ : /mandli/, /bistre/. #CVCCVC# : #CVC/CVaC# -» #CV/CCVa # : /vlprit/, /nasvan/. #CVCCVa# : #CVC/CVa# -» #CV/CCVa# : /khatra/, /cDdhri/. 204 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Table No IV. 2 Hindi Panjabi trisyllabic pattern of syllabic division IV.2.1 Converging patterns: Pattern Hindi Panjabi § v/cv2c/cv2 § + + /Udarta/, /ImarteV. § v/cv3 /cv2 § + + /Isara/, /amiri/, /Ujala/. # cv /cv2/cv2 § + + /slkari/, /pUjari/, /bhlkhari/, # cvc/cv2/v2 § + + /kUrmai/, /halvai/. § CV/CV2/V2 # + + /sagai/, /tUlai/. #(C)V/CV2C/CV2C# + + /dUkandar/, /khariddar/ /Umidvar/, /Imandar/. #CV/CV2C/CV2# + + /banarsi/, /pUkarna/. #(C) V/CVC/CV2# + + /Utarva/, /nlkalva/, /Uparla/ #CV/CV2/CVC# + + /bahadUr/, /IJaJat/. #CVC/CV2C/CV2# + + /sardarni/, /bhalmansi/. #CVC/CV2/CV2# + + /sarkari/, /gUrgabi/, /mUltani/. #CV/CVC/CV2# + + /nlkamma/, /bUjUrgi/, /Umang #CVC/CVa/CVC# + +. /bhalmanas/, /kalbutar/. #CV/CV2/CV2C# + + /karamat/, /khUrafat/. #CV/CVC/CV2C# + + /namaskar/. /samajhdar/ #CVa/CV2/CV2C# + 4- /thanedar/, /garivan/. #CVCC/CV/CVC# + + /kUmbhkaran/ #CCV2/CV/CVC# + ± /vjakaran/ #CCV2C/CV/CV2# + + /prarthana/ #(C)VC/CCV2/CV2# + + /Indrani/ 1 APPENDICES IV. 2.2 Diverging patterns : Pattern Hindi Paniabi #CV/CVC/CVaC# + I /CVC/CVCV2C/: H. /nlrapradh/, /anavdhan/. P. /nlrparad/, /anvadan/. #(C)V/CVC/(C)CV2C#+ J /VC/OCV2C/ H. /Upannjas/, /Upasthlt/. P. /Upnjas/, /Upsthlt/. #(C)VCC/CV8CV2# + /VC/CCV2CVa/ H. / andar uni/. P. /andruni/* #(C)V2/V/V2/CVa/# + /alega/, /Jalega/. IV. 2.3 Conditionally converging patterns : #(C)V/CVC/CV2# + [ /Ulajhna/, camakna/ (for coverging pattern: see above) #v/ccv/cv2# + + /amrlta/, /amrika/. \ APPENDIX iNo J V Table No V.l V.l.Ol ACCENTUAL SYLLABldPATTERNS OF HINDI AND PANJABI : V.1.1. jDi syllables (coverging patterns : Pattern H IB Hindi | Panjabi #'CV2CV2# + + /'kala/, /'ghora/, /'raja/, /'pani/.l #'CVCCV2# + + /'Ulta/, /'kabja/, /'bakri/. #'CV,CVC# + + /T^mar/, /'kha/bar/, /'saymaJh/. #'CV2,CVC# I + + /'go,bar/, /'ca/dar/, /'ki,kar/. #CV'CV2C# I + + /I'laj/, /hl'sab/, /mU'kam/. #'CVC,CVC# I + + /'bacypan/, /'an,ban/, /'la,cbman/. 2 Acvecv c# I + + //akh'bar/, Asar'kar/, /,an'daj/. 2 #cv 'cvcc# I + + /a'nand/ ^ /a'n3nd/, /pa'khand/. #CVC'CVC (C) # + + /Ut'pann/ ~ /Ut'pan/. #'CV2,CCVe# + /'kobyra/.l/'mani/la/, /'boLna/. j V.1.2§ Disyllabic diverging patterns : Pattern Hindi Panjabi #CVCV# #'CVCV# #CV'CV# H. Akavl/. fcmUnl/. /,madhU/ II ill III IP, /kaVi/, /mU'ni/, /ma'du/J H'fi SBH i T BAPPENDICES B If I V IT Table No V, 2 Trisyllabic accentual patterns: V.2.1 Coverging patterns : Pattern Hindi Punjabi § (C) V'CV2 (C)V2# + + /a'nari/, /ga'ribi/, /I'rada/. /bha'lai/, /kU'ri'a/,| /a'kali/, #CV'CV2CVC# + + /I'JaJat,/ /sa'raphat/, /ba'hadUr/ #(C) V'CV2CCV2C# + + /I'mandar/, /dU'kandar/, /U'midvar #,CV',CVCiCV2C# + + /.n^mas'kar/, /,cs>,m3t'kar/. #,CVCCV2CV2# + + /I'ndrani/,/sar'kari/. 2 2 2 #'CV ,CV 'CV C + + /tha,ne,dar/t /dha,ri,val/, #CV'CV2C,CV2# ± + /ba'narsi/, /te'rarti/. #CV,CV'CCVi# + ± /s3,ma£ja/,/ve,ran4a/. #,CVC(C)'V2C(V)C#+ ± /sam'purnH/sam'pran/. /sam'melan/ ~ /sa'melon/ #C,VC,CV'CV2# + ± /,3mrl'ta/ #'CVCC,CVCVC# + + /'kUmbh^aran/,/lam,bkaran/. #,CV,CVCV2#[ Hv ± I / m Y 208 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Table! No. V.3 Quadrisyllabic accentual) patterns : V.3.1 Coverging patterns: Pattern H. |P. #CVC'CVaCV2CV2 +1 + /gUj'ravala/ #(C)VC'CV2CCV'CV(S+I + /ax'barna'vis/ #(C)VC'CV2CV'CV2C# + + /ar'zina'vis/ 2 #cvc,cvccvcv # + + /bad/klsmsti/ VI3.2 Diverging patterns: Pattern #CVCV'V2 (C) V2# P. j/patl'ala/, /vadl'ai/, /mathl'ai/ H. /,patijala/, //barai/, /,mlthai/. #CVCV'V2CCV2# P* /patl'alvi/, /lOhl'anvi/. H. I /,patljalvi/, /JUdhIjanvi/. #CV'CV2CV (C)Iv2# H. /ka'hanlja7 P. J/ka'ania/ Appendix No. VI TEXT Phonetic transcription of the 4Proforma\ prepared to survey the comparative syllabic division and environment for the occurrence of consonant clusters in Hindi and Panjabi. Note : Below A. denotes Hindi text and B. denotes* its Panjabi pronunciation : 1. A. Hindi text: sUkl pAks me" cAndrama ka praka£ krisn pAks ki apeksa adhlk hota he. B. Panjabi pronunciation: SUkal pAk-s(a) me cAndarmS ka parkaS krISan pak-s(a) ki apek-sa adhlk hota he. 2. A. svargij ravi £ankar sUkla madhj prade$ ke mUkhj mantri the. B. savargi: ravSankar sUkla madh pardeS ke mUkh mantri the. O 3. A. krlsiia ki pUkar par bhagvan krisn svajam dot ajc -the. B. krlsna ki pUkar par pagvan krlsan sav-jam dor aje the. 4. A. grism ke tivr tap se gamle kc saniAst pUsp mlan ho gae. B. griSam ke tivar tap se gamle ke smAst pUspmalan ho gae. 5. A. Uski prarthana par pradhan mantri ne dhjan tak nhaT dlja. B. Uski pararthana par pardhan mantari ne tjan tak n|i dlja. 6. A. Us din vlpr ke pravlst hote hi vah krUddh ho Utha. Usd tJdho ho uth*a. 7. A. atm hatja asan nahi, atma sabhi ko prlj hoti hs. B. atam hatja asan n^i, atma sabi ko pri: hoti hs. 8. A. bhAkt Jssa bhi ho, bhagvan bhAkt5 ki rAksa av/\£j karte he". ^ B. pag^t Jssa bhi ho p)\gvan pAkto ki rak-sa avAS ^ avAsjA karte he*. S—27 210 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANjABt 9. A. mera vlnAmr nivedan he kl ap gUpta na llkh' kar gUpt llkhe to Ace ha he. B. mera vlnamar nivedan he ki ap gUpta na llkh kar gUpat llkh*2 to Accha he. > 10. A. £arma Ji se Is visa] par bat karte hUe mUJhe 6 Arm ati he B. Sarma Ji se Is vise par bat kArte hUe mUJhe Parana afi he Jl. A. meri bahln ka nam trlpta he, vah bare tiksn svabhav ki he B. meri bahan ka nam tlrlpta he, v6 bare tik-san savbau ki he. 12. A. Is vakta ki Sabdavali Itni mUskf 1 thi kl kai sthanS par bhram ho Jata ha. B. Is vakta ki sabdavali Itni mUlkH thi ki kai sathanS par bharam ho Jata he. o 13. A. Is bhrantl kovakt se dur kArna avASjak tha. B. Is bhranti ko vakat se dur kArna avA^jak tha. 14. A. ajkal koi pArlSram kArna nahi cahta, sab mUft me khana cahte he*. B. ajkal koi pari^arm karna nai cdta, sab mUfat me khana cdte he*. 15. A. vah mUfti ke mal par k AbJa karna cahta he B. v6 mUfti ke mal par k AbJa karna cdta he. 16. A. mere pet me sakht kabj he Jvar ka Upcar vJArth he. I B. mere pet mg sakhat kabaJ he, Javar ka Upcar vlarth he 17. A dvlvedi Ji to Advltij vakta he. B. davedi Ji to Ad-vlti: vakta he 18. A. mllra Ji se batS karke, man bara trlpt hCJa. B. mIS-ra Ji se bat'e karke man bara trlpat hUa. 19. A. ve svabhav.se gambhir va ves se purn bharatij he B. ve savbhaO se gambir va ves se puran parti: he". 20. A. SamUdr ki vlk-ral gar Jan sun kar vah bhajbhit ho Utha B. smUndar ki vl-kral garjan sUnkar v6 pebit ho Uth'a. APPENDICES 21. A. Unka pratjek s Abd mUgdh karnevala tha. B. Unka partek sabad mugd karnevala tha. 22. A. Us krur kc cAkr se trail pana kathln he. B. Us kUrur kc cAkkar se taran pana kathfn he. 23. A. pAksi aka£ me cAkrakar bhramari kar rahe the. w " B- pAk-si akag me cAk-rakar bharman kar rahe the. 24. A. jah samaj alas] ka nahi krlja£ilta ka he. B. je same alasjA ka nai klrjasilta ka he. 25. A. droh or vlddroh don5 ko tjagna cable. B. dUroh Dr vld-roh donojko tlagna cale. 26. A. kisi samAsja ka vislesan sighrata se Uclt nahi. B. kisi smAsja ka vls-lesan sig'harta se Uclt nai. o 27. A. apne pra£n k&Uttar pakar cltt prasAnn hUa. B. apne praSan ka Uttar pakar clt per£an hUa. 28. A. srlstl ke rahAsj ko samaJhna asan nahi. B. slrlsti ke rahAs ko samJhana asan nai. o 29. A. krltaghn vJAktl sekarj slddhlki a£a svapnh*. B. krltghan vl Akti se karjA slddhi ki a£a svapan h«. o 30. A. raghUvans* ka prAtjek slok Saras kavj ka namuna h« B. ragvans ka partek Salok saras kav ka nmuna h&. 31. A. Khat-ra Utpann hote hi vah ghar me pravlst ho B. khAtra Utpan hote hi v6 kamie* parvlst ho gaja. 32. A. stes*an ki sthltl parjapt gambhir he. B. satelan ki slthlti prajapttgambir he. 33. A. Uddh tha oc catha ASUddh B. n gOd tha or cottra a£0d. 34. A. vlkkram ka;pura nam vlkkramadltj tha. B. vlk-ram ka pura jiam vlkarmadlt tha. 35. A. vah barat parakrami nares tha. B, v6 bara prakarmi nrel tha. "> SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 36. A. jah to mamuli saval he, Iska samadhan saral he B. je to mamuli sval he, Iska smadan sral he. 37. A. Is bls-tare par koi manUsj Jarur soja hoga. B. Is bl-stre par koi mnUsjA Jrur soja hoga. 38. A. krlpaja mere samip ajale Jaruri samacar he. B. krlpja mere sraip ajale Jruri smacar he. 39. A. pAccis or pacas m5 dUgUna /uitar he. B. pAcci or peas me dUgna Antar he. . 40. A. skulo me parhai ka star glr raha he. B, sakulo mg pra"i ka satar glr raha he. 41. A. PAtna ka pUrana nam patallputr tha. B. ipAtna ka pOrana nam patlipUtr tha. 42. A. glrlraj hlmalaj hamari Uttari sima par he. B. glrraj hlmale hamari Uttri sima par he. 43. A. Is sammelan me savltri ki upasthltl anlvarj he. B. Is same* Ian me savltri ki Upsthlti anlvarjA. he. 44. A. In parlsthltljS mS rajendr ka ana mUskll he. B. In prlsthltij5 m2 rajlndar ka ana mUskal he. 45. A. samaj ka jah vighatan*bhajanak tha. B. smaj ka jevlgtan bhjarlak tha. O 46. A. Use vllakhta dekhkar ms vlcallt ho gaja. B. Use vllkhata dekhkar ills' vlcllt ho gaja. 47. A. ravldas ek Ucc kotl ke sant the. B. ravdas ek Uc koti ke sant the. 48. A. vlddvan ke parlcaj ki avAsjakta nahi. B. vld-van ke price ki avasjakta nai. 49. A. cadh-ri Ji visvas rakkho nak-ri mil Jajegi. B. cadhri Ji vls-vas"rakkho no-kri mil Jaegi. 50. A. sahltj sammelan ne vlddvanS ko sammanlt klja B. sahlt same* ten ne vId-van5.ko sama-ntt klja. APPENDICES A. Ujjsn ke pratlnldhijS ne Indira gSdhi se bh2t ki B. UJen. ke pratnldhijo ne Indra gandhi se pent ki. o o A. bajar mS cSdi ka bhav carhta Ja raha he. B. bajar me candi ka pau carta ja raha he. A. aJ pratah kal mere per m2 kata cUbh gaja. B. aJ pratA kal mere per mS kanta cUb gaja. A. Us bha jankar avaz ko • sUn kar me" heran rah gaja B. Us bhjankar avaz ko sUn kar m? haran re gaja. o A. rajiv dvltij Sreni me Uttirn JiUa. B. rajiv dvltj^ Sreni me Utiran hUa. A. gUrUdev ki krlpa se Unki-Unnatl ho gai. B. gUrdev ki klrpa se Unki Unti ho gai. A. acarj vis'vnath ajkal bimar he". B. acarjA vIsVAnath ajkal bamar he*. A. Usne bare kamal kl calaki ki. B. Usne bare kmal ki clak*i ki. A. parantU pariksa me" slfarlsS nahi calggi. B. prantu priksa ms slfarsS nai calegi. A, Is mamuli bat ke lie Itne naraz ho gae? B. Is mamuli bat ke He Itne nraj ho gae ? A. apka Uccaran sUn kar bari prasannata hUi. B. apka Uca- ran sun kar bari prasanta hUi. A. vah bara bahadUr Dr hlmmati he. B- v6 bara bahadar or hlmti he. A. vlJaja ka samacar akasmat hi prapt'ho gaja. B. vljja ka smacar aksamat hi prapat ho gaja. A. Us nirapradh kabUli ko vipatti ne gher Hja B. Us nlrparad kabli ko vlpti ne gher 11a. O A. hamare parasi ko gae mahina ho gaja. B. hamare pros-i ko gae mhin-a ho gaja. 214^^^BSYLLABIC4STTUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 66. [A. jvah bara nalajak or setan hsH^^B H B. v6 bara nalalk or satan he. 67. A. jah Unka ant-rlk vlsaj he. B. ]& Unka an-trlk vise he. 68. A. tuphan me nav Ulat gai. B. tUpha'n m5 naO Ult gai. 69. A. seroJIni najadu ko bharat koklla kahte he". B. sroJni naldu ko parat kokla kete hi', 70. A. Is nek salah kc lie apka dhanjvad. B.| Is nek sld ke lie apka dhanjAyad* \ • \ I SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Abercrombie, David 1965. Studies in Phonetics and Linguistics, Oxford, (paper back' ed.) , 1964. 'Syllable quantity and enclitics in English 'In, Honour of Daniel Jones; Longmans, London, (pp. 216-222). Allen, W.S. 1961. Phonetics in Ancient India, London. 1962. Sandhi, The Hague. Arun, V.B. 1961. Comparative Phonology of Hindi and Panjabi, Ludhiana. Bahri, Hardev, ' 1962. Lahndi Phonology, Allahabad. 1963. Lahndi Phonetics, Allahabad. Bahri, Sita Ram, 1968. Panjabi Sikhie, Patiala. Bailey, Graham, 1937. The Pronunciation of Kashmiri. Biligiri, H.S. 1965. 'Kharia' Poona. Block,^Barnard and Trager, G.L. 1942. 'Outlines of Linguistic Analysis, Baltimore'. Block, Jules. 1934.' Larlndo-Aryan, Paris. Bloomfield, Leonard, 1930. Language, New York. Bright, William. 1960. Aspirated consonants in the languages of India, 'Hindi Anushilan' Allahabad. Brosnahan, L.F., 1961. The sounds of Language, Cambridge, England. Chatterjee, S.K., 1926. Origin and development of Bengali Language, London. , 1960. Indo-Aryan and Hindi, Calcutta. Chomsky, N. and Halle, M., 1968. The Sound pattern of English, New York, 216 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Eric P. Hampf freed W. House holder and Robert Austerlitz, 1986, Reading in Linguistics, IIf Chicago Firth, J.R., 1936. Phonological Features of some Indian Languages, Proceedings of the 2nd Inter national Congress of Phonetic sciences, Cambridge, pp. 184-193. 1957. Papers in Linguistics, London. 1964. Tongue of Men and Speech, Oxford, U.P (Paper back ed.) For Roman Jakobson, 1957. S/ Gravenhage, The Hague. Fries, Chales E. An Introduction to 'Yes-no' questions in t English, 4In Honour of D. Jones1. PP. 266-270 Ghatge, A.M., 1962. Historical Linguistics and Indo Aryan, Bombay. Gill, H.S. and Gleason, H.A. Jr., 1962. Reference grammer of Panjabi, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A. Gimson, A.C., 1962. An Introduction to the Pronunciation of I English, London. Gleason Henry, A. Jr.,1966. An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics (Indian Edition). Gumperz, J.J., 1958. Phonological differences in three Hindi Dialects. Lg. 34 PP. 212-224. ; ! Gurbax Singh, 1963. Descriptive Aspects of Panjabi Phonetics (Unpublished Ph. D. thesis, submitted to Delhi University). Hall, Jr. Robert, A. Introductory Linguistics (Indian Ed. Delhi), Hai, M.A., 1958. Aspiration in Standard Bengali. IL-19. Vol L 142-46. ; I 1963. A study of Nasals and Nazalization in Bengali, Dacca. Harris. Z,S. • 1951, Methods in Structural Linguistics. Chicago, s SELECTED BlfcLIOGRAPHV 217 Haugen, Einer, 1956. The Syllable in Linguistic Description, For Roman Jakobson, The Hague's Gravenhage. Page 213-21. 1958. The phonemics of Modern Icelandic, Lg. 34 Haffner, R.M.S., 1960. General Phonetics, Medison. Hill, A.A., 1958. Introduction to Linguistic Structures from Sound to Sentence in English, New^York. Hockett, C.F., 1942. A system of Descriptive Phonology, Lg. 18. 3-21. 1955. A Manual of Phonology. IJAL, Baltimore. 1959. A Course in Modern Linguistics, New York, Hoenigswald, Henry, M., 1960. Language change and Linguistic Re construction, Chicago. Hussain, Masud, 1953. A Phonetic and Phonological study of the word in Urdu, Aligarh. Hultzen Lee, S. 1964 'Grammatical Introduction1 In Honour of D. Jones. PP. 85-95. International Phonetic Association. The Principles of International Phonetic Association, London. Le Maitre Phonetique. Jakobson, R. and Halle, M., 1956. Fundamentals of Language. The Hague 1957. Manual of Phonetics, Ed. by L. Kaiser. 1964. 'Tenseness and Laxness1 In Honour of D. Jones. PP 96-101. * Jakobson R.f 1962. Selected writings I. Phonological Studies 'S. Gravenhage. Jain, B.D., 1934. A Phonology of Panjabi and a Ludhiani Phonetic Reader, Lahore. S—28 218 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Jespersen, Jens 1922, 'Language, Its Nature, Development and Otto Henry; Origin,. London. Tones, Daniel, 1950. The Phoneme Its nature and use, Cambridge. 1960. An Outline of EnglishPhonetics, Cambridge Joosf Martin, A., 1959. Readings in Linguistics I, (Edited) Washington. Kelkar, A.R., 1958. The Phonology and'Morphology of Marathi' Ph. D. Thesis of Cornell University. Kellog, H.S;, 1938. A Grammer of Hindi Language, London. Khub Chandani, 1961. The Phonology and .Morphophonemics of L.M., Sindhi, M.A. Thesis, Kaplan, H.M., 1960. Anatomy and Physiology of Speech, New York. • Kingdon, R.f 1958. The Ground work of English Intonation, Lond on. Lenneberg. E.B.. 1967. Biological foundation of Language, New York. Malmberg, Betril, 'Juncture and Syllable-division1 In ;Honour of D. Tones, PP 116-119. J Martin, Samual E., 1952. Morphophonemics of Standard Colloquial Japanese, Lg. 28.3. Mol, H., 1963, The Relation between Phonetics and Phonemics, Linguistics, I, 60-71. Moulton, W. G., 1962. The Sounds of English and German, Chicago* Nida, E.A., 1949. Morphology- The Descriptive Analysis of words, 2nd ed, Michigan. O' Connor, J.D. 1953. 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Oslo Univesity Press. Sturtevant, Edgor 1947. An Introduction? to Linguistic Science, Howard, New Haven. Swami, S.Pj 1968. Phonology and Morphophonemics of Khari Boli; Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis. Panjab University, Chandigarh. Sweet, Henry, 1964. The Practical study of Languages, Oxford (Paper back ed.) Thomas. C.K., 1947. An Introduction to the Phonetics of American English. New York. Trager G.L. and 1957. An Outline of English Structure. Smith, H.L., Washington. 220 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI Varma, S., 1936. The Phonetics of Lahnda, Calcutta. , 1961. Phonetic Observations of Ancient Indian Grammarians, New Delhi. ^^^^^» 1967. Aspiration in North-Western Sub-Himalayan H I Indo-Aryan Dialects, IL. 25:175-185. Vassilyev, VA., 1970. 'English Phonetics' Moscow. Wise, CM., 1957. Applied Phonetics. Zipf. G.K., 1936. The Psycho-Biology of Language, London. Yakov Malkiel, 1968. 'Essays on Linguistic Themes' University of California, U.S.A. * INDEX SUBJECT INDEX Accent,: 121, 122-124, 130, 141- Ancient Indian grammarians, 134 159 centralizing-, 142 composite-, 142, disruptive, Anti-penultimate syllable, 159 86; even-, 142; intensity, Anusvdra, 31 141 ; musical-, 141-142, 144- I 145, 151,157-158 ; nature of-, \Arabic,ll\5, 118 157-158; phonemic-, 144 Articulation, 11, 113 pitch-, 141, 144, 151, 153 place of-, 157-158, secondary-, Aspirates, 77,109 146, 150; sentence-, 150 9 stress-, 141-142, 144, 150-151 Aspirated : consonants, 77, 100, 110, 134: margins, 74; 157; stress-pitch-, 150-151 9 syntactical-, 148 ; weak-, 143, plosives, 133, 136 150; word-, 142 Aspiration, 37, 124 Accented : syllable, 139, 151-153, Assimilation, 28, 96 157-158 ; vowel 152 AvadhL 142 Accentual: element, 141; rhythm, 140 : tendency, 1, 16, 73, 126, Awankari, 17, 25, 57 144, 149, 158, 161 Back vowel, 21, 29, 52, 55, 70, 87, A. I. R.==A11 India Radio, 3, 7 89 Allophone, 54, 67, 99, tonalized-, Bilabial, 32, 65 54 Central, centering : vowels, 11, Allophonic: correlates, 36; 52, 108 ^ \ • ' I difference, 34 ; variant, 34-37 Centralization, 42-45, 124, 153- Amalgamation, 36 154 * American linguists, 8 Centralized ; variants, 42 ; vowels, 52, 65, 79, 100 Analysis : 4 ; | acoustic, 152; comparative, 2,69 ; descriptive, Centro-eastern Pahari, 142 7 electro-acoustic, 1, 5, 6 ; mechanical, 1, 5, 21, 39, 139 ; Class I: vowels, syllable peaks, 11, phonetic, phonological, 5 13-15, 17,20-21,28-29, 35, 45, 51, 63, 68, 72, 96, 100-102, 108- Analogical replacement, 97 109, 145-146, 150. 153-154, 156, 160 , Analogy, 97 Class II: vowels, syllable peaks, Anaptyctic : syllable peak, 155 ; 11-12, 14-15, 17, 20-21 28, 31, vowel, 64-66, 155, 158 36,37,40J44, 51, 58, 60, 61, Anaptyxis, 64, 66 63-64, 70, 79, 96, 101, 103, 105, 222 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABI 116, 125, 130, 145-146, 150,. Composite accent, 142; pattern, 152, 160 ^^^^^^^^^ 145 Classification, 11 Compound vocables, 86, 121-122, 131 Closed : monosyllabic, 63, 139- 140 ; syllable, 46, 64, 76, 118, Conforming patterns, 122 I 128, 132, 137^^^^^^^ Connected speech 160 I Closeness, 118, 121, 128 Consonant, 12, 16, 67, 92-93, 101, Closer variant, 152 I 113,-114 ; group, 134 ; sequence 76, 108-109, 138-139 ; long-, Cluster, 50, 57, 62-66, 79, 99, 109 93, 99, 100-102, 107-108, 111, 112, 119, 131-132, 138-139, 155; 116, 130, 139 consonant, 8, 515-16, 28, 76, 117, 123, 132-135, 138 Consonantal, element, 28: palatal, 112; lengthening, 72- Codas: 114,.(def.); margin, 17, 74, 108 ; margin, 113, 117, 57, 66, 69-71, 74, 76, 86, 91, variant, 112 108, 115, 119, 124, 127, 129- 132,137,145, 150, 155; long-, Consonantalization, 87-88 (see, 72-73 nonrsyllabic) Co-extensivej 139; cluster, 108, Continuant, 78, 98, 119 ; onset 111-112 margin, 60 Colloquial : dialects, 27 ; expre- Contrastive level, 144 ssion, 3, 65 ; Hindi, 88 ; pronunciation 65 ; speech, 13, Controlling principles, 2 (also see, 78, 118 determinants) Compact, compactness, 62, 111, Conventional, 138, 160 134-135, 155, 138 Convergence, 21, 156,458 Comparative, analysis 2, 69; Converging : feature, 76, 79, 108 ; distribution, 73 ; survey, 113 pattern, 110, 119-121, 156, Complex: coda margin, 15, 57, 158 ; point, 77 66, 72, 76, 78-80, 82-83, 85 86, Correlate, 90-91, zero-, 46-48, 50, 92, 97, 109. 119, 129,3145, '150, 90-92, 96 correspondents, 90, 155 ; correlates, 120; forma 92, 152. tion, 16 ; interludes ; 15-17, 35J40, 45, 48 57-59, 86, 90-91, Dental: nasal, 32, 112 ; plosive 95, 98-99, 101-102, 105-112, 80; stop, 64: voiceless 117, 123, 125-126, 128, 131 fricative, 60 137-139, 145,152, 154 ; margin,^Derivative ; forms, word,|25-26 8,? 58, 84, Jll 1-112,115; onset- margin, I 50, 56-57, 60-64, Descriptive, 2,7 66, *75-76, 79, 84, 88, 90,94, Determinants, .57, 122-123, 140- 109, 138, 155 ; syllable peak, 141,146-148,150. 24,70,96, 114 ;v Devoicing, 125 Complexity, 24, 96 Diachronic, 73 Components,t56, 76,^09-110, 113, 115, 117, 121 Dia-phone, 114-115, 162-163 INDEX 223 Dialect, 46, 135, 141-142 Echoed words, 75 Dialectal:: areas^ 45, 81 ; forms, Elision, 45-46, 50, 62, 107, 130->| 87 ; preferences, 81 ; variations, 131, 149, 153-154 55,. 94, 117 Emphasis, 24 Diffused : pitch, 142-; syllabic division, 137 Enclitics, i 16 Diffusion : of phones, 138 ; of English : language, 142 ; syllabic syllabication, 140 structure, 66 ; vocables, 65," 67, 115, 118 Diphthongs, 20,25-26,115 Exponent,>68 Diphthongal, 17, 114 Final: cluster, 77, 79, 84, 93 ; Diphthongization, 20,i24-25 J closed syllable, 12,26-27, 44, 82, Disruptive : accent, 86 ; syllabic 90, 101, 106, 146 ; component, tendency, 92, 111x 84; consonant, 73 member, N 80, 90, ; open syllable, 14-15, Distribution: 21, 55; of serai- 43, 51, 100, 106, 109, 146; consonants, 87, also see, open and long syllable, 27, positional distribution, range 127 ; plosive, 68 ; position 49, of-, 120,4 comparative, 73 80, 96, 108, 133, 145 ; syllable, 24, 27, 35, 42-43,-46-48, 61, 67, Distributional preference, 113 70, 73, 94-95, 107-108, '* 119-120, Disyllabic, 12, 14-15, 21,,26, 29, 123-126, 131, 137-138, 143-144, 39, 42, 46, 49, 51, 56, 63,70, 150-151, 153, 155, 158 ; 81, 94-95, 106, J18-119, 120- 121, 124-126,, 136 First : consonant, 137"; member, 75-77, 79-80, 86, 95, 123,. 125, Disyllabic : pattern, word, 42-43, 131, 133-134; prefixial mor 53, 73, 81, 84, 101-102, 136, pheme, 125 ; '• stem, 125 ; 145-148, 150-151, 153, 155-158 ; syllable, 42, 101, 122, 126, 129, correspondents, 82 145-147, 160 Divergence, 21, 99, 157-158 Flapped: consonant, 110, 116; .retroflex consonant, 82 Divergent tendencies, 5, 83, 131 French, 144 Diverging patterns, 110, 119, 120- ; 121, 156-158 Fricative consonant, 28, 56, 81, 110, 116 Diverse combinations, 113 Front: lax vowel, 65, vowels, 21, Division of vowels, 11 51-52, 55, 87, 90, 92 ; un Doabi, 3 rounded vowel, 94; Dogri, 18-19, 25, 28, 43/140 Functional units, 9 Double peak, 8 Geminated : coda margin, 14, 72- j73 ; consonants, 8,72,101, 116, Doubling, 134-136 139 ; interlude, ,17, 40,,45, 99, 100. 106-107, 123; onset margin, Duration, 140, 152-153 107; stops, 85,109 - * Eastern : Hindi, 25 ; Panjabi, 19 Gemination, 17, 28, 105, 123 224 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE F HINDI AN DPANJABI Generalization, 7 Inglide, 27 Glidal, /j/, /v/, 24, 89-90 sound, Initial: cluster, 56-58, 66 ; conso 87 ; vowel, 121 nant margin, 58 ; complex onset margin 62: occurrence, 12 ; Glides ! 20, 27 ; weak-, 20* 23, 98 ; position, 13, 48, 54-55, 88, 94, weak gliding, 89 112, 134, 148 : syllable, 12, 38, Glottal : plosive, 65 ; stop, 6 ! 43,45-46,48,51,54-56,58, 64, 87, 93-94, 105, 119, 123-124, Grammatical categories, 118, 143 138, 144, 147-148, 150, 152-153, Graphemes, 2 155-159; vowel 103 Graphemic : forms, 21 ; symbols, 2 Inscriptions, 134-135 Grouping of phones, 140 Intensity: 34, 124, 146, 152; accent, 141 Gupta : inscriptions, period, 134- 135 Inter-commu nicatio n, 2 Gurdaspur, 37 Interlocking, 121, 160 Interlude, 31, 34-35, 58-59, 61-63, Heterorganic nasals, 01, 82 66, 76, 82, 86, 95, 98, 104, 120, High tone : 34, 39, 41, 71 ; peak, 123, 125, 136, 138, 155, long-, 54 •': 106-108, zero-, 17, 19-21, 26, 40, 50, 53, 121, 124 Hindi : correlates, 89, 92-93, 108, 127, 152 ; correspondents, 102, Internal: juncture, 125-127; order, 108-109 107 ; parallels, 127 Inter-syllabic behaviour, 131 Historical, 28, 134 Inter-vocalic: consonant, 8 ; gemi Homorganic : nasals, 15, 42, 77, nation, 123 ; position, 112, 136 / 79, 84-85, 119 ; nasal ingiide, Intonation, 142 31 ; stop consonant, 76, 79 Intrasyllabic, 124 Hybrid word form, 75 Isogloss, 140 Hyper literary Hindi, 87 Jamuna, 43 Identical: orthography, 2 ; sequ ences, 18 ; syllable peaks, 21 : Junction of phones, 134 vowels, 17 Juncture, 121-126, 128, 161 Imparative mood, 143 Juxtaposition, 109 Inaudible, nasalization, 32 Kashmiri, 139 Incipient; 63 : syllable, 68, 117, Kauravi, N.W., 26, 46 139 \ Kumauni 142- Indeterminate : 45, 48, 68 ; vocali zation, 70 Lahnda, Lahndi ; 81, 98 ; phone tics, 4, 19, 21 ; phonology, 4 Independent syllabic status, 19 Lahore, 37 Indian grammarian, 64 Lateral consonant, 56, 65,,77-78, Infinitive verbal form, 16 83,93,110,116 -.'/ INDEX 225 Lax : syllable|peak,j53 ; vowel,p6, f Medial imposition, [49, J 54, p8; 121, 152 | I • syllable, 93, 107, 127, 130 Laxity of doubling, 135 Metaphorical, 14, 15, 20 Lengthenedjplosive, 90, 95 Monophonic, 114 J Lengthening : |24 ;]of Jinterlude,|Monophthongs, 24, 26 103 ; of intervocalic sonorants, 103 ; of syllable peak, 39 1 Monophthongization, 26 Level tone, 34 I Monosyllables, J14, 29-30, 37, 63, 67,73,82,1114, 118, 120J124, Lexical : 21 ; word, 51, 67, 118, 128,1131, 140, 145J15CT I • 121 ; word boundary, 10 Mo Linguistic . analysis, 2 ; behaviour, |84 /word, 45, 108* 3 157Jf49| 113, 161 ; community, 161 ; factor, 160 ; family, 1 ; group, Morphemes : 109, 111 ; boundary, I 161; interference, 15 ; material, 110,123-125 2; transformation, 2 Morphological: environments, Literary : form 80 ; Hindi, 85, 98, 110, 121; structure, 101^^^^ 111 ; Panjabi, 111 ; speech, 78 Musical accent, 141-142, 144-145, Liquids, 16 151, 157-158 IBM • Loan words, 2, 15, 78 Nasal: 16, 56, [60, 64,J77-80, 83, Long.: coda margin, 72-73 ; conso 86, 88, 110, 116, 120; conso nants, 93, 93, 100-102, 107-108, nant, 29, 33, 71 ; interlude, I 111,116,136, 139; interlude, I 112 ; margin, 74, palatal-, 112 • 106-1081; JopensyllableJ 30, 76, Nasality, 29-30, 91-92; I 118, 136 syllable, 158 quantity, 39-41, 147, 151 Nasalization, 27-33, inaudible, 32 ; variant, 11, 37 ; vowel, 30, 73, progressive-, 43, phonotactic-, 100, 48,[l48,J 153| I rHH I • 32, regressive-, 31 -32 • 1 Loose :3 clustering ]62LM complex iNasalized syllableJpeaks, 28,30-31, margins 63 ; junction of phones, 41,171,74^^^^ 138 I 1 • 11 Ml Narrow transcription, 68 Looseness of phones, 122 Negative particle, 128-129 Loss:!of initial!syllable 146 of syllabicityj 128 ;I of I syllable^ Neutral ijsyllable Jpeak, J 81 \ 111 ; j peak, 130 | • vowel, 38, 58, 96, 102^^^ Low tone, 34, 54 Neutralization, 155 Ludhiana, 37 Non-accentual, 38 Macrosegment, 24,-69, 139 Non-centralizing accent, 142-156 Majha, Majhi, 3, 37, 81 Non-central syllable peak, 107 Malwai, 37, 98 Non-continuant, 63 Marginal phonemes, 114 Non-final syllable 26, 105 11 S—29 H* 5 II 1 226 SLLYABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANJABt Non-geminated : complex coda Orthographically, 1, 16,102 margin, 15, 76 ; complex inter- I lude, 108-109 ; interlude 38,45, Orthography, 96, 102, 112 116, 123 ; vocables, 102 Palatal; consonant, 112; nasal. Non-infinitive forms 16 112 Non-initial syllable, 40, 46, 105 Panjabi; correlates, 89, 95, 105, Hi; ; correspondents, 97-98, Non-lengthening of interludes, 107, 127,1 153 ;f Shabad Jog* 105, 107 Kosh, 12, 15 Non-monosyllabic, 117, 122, 132 Partial loss, 72 Non-nasalization, 71 Paralinguistic, 14 ; emphasis, envi ronment, 24, 148-149 ' Non-occurrence, 105, 109 Pastparticiple, 143 Non-phonemic, 27 Pause, 125 Non-plosive, 14 Non-stop consonants, 81-82, 119, Peak : margin sequence, 117 ; r I 158 l ' nucleus, 8 ; satellite, 114 Penta : phonic, 114, 116 ; syllabic Non-syllabic, 17, 20-21, 96 114, 118, 122, tonalized-, 74, Non-vocalic, 17 76 zero-, 154 Normal: position, 152 ; quantity, Penultimate syllable, 47-49, 51, 89, 41 ; speech, 113, 136, 142, 144, • 106-108, 137, 151, 156,159 146 ; tempo of speech, 71 Peripheral: phoneme, 114; vowels, Noun, 143 11 Nuclear : peak, 8 ; Persian, 36, 115, 118 Nucleus, 8, 17, 20, 25-26, 114 Per so-Arabic, 13, 30, 77, 89, 136 Object, 143 ||j Phoneme, 8, 113-115, 140-141, 161 Onomatopoeic, 14 ; onomato- poeas, 30 Phonemic, 27-28, 30 ; accent, 144 ; nasalization, 27 ; norm. 8, 36 ; Onset; margin, 17, 29, 30, 46, 51, presentation. 133 ; standard, 54-55, 58, 67, 87-88, 93-94, 114- 8 ; status, 143 ; structure, 144 115, 119, 121, 127, 129, 131, Phonemicized, 88 136-137, 151 ; plosive, 58, 133 Phonetic : analysis, 5 ; changes, Openness, 41-42, ,118, 121, 128 2; existence, 135 ; peculiarities, 3 ; presentation, 9, 133; princi Open ; syllable, 117-119, 127-128 ; ples, 2 ; realization, 102 ; seg syllable peak, 51, 64, 66, 76, ments, 9 ; values, 2, 9 126, 146; syllabic tendency, 70,92 Phonological: analysis, 5; ele ment, 7; environments, 40; Opener variant, 39, 41-42, 152 features, 6 ; laws, 8 ; order, Orthographic, 36 ; presentation, 2, 115 ; peculiarities, 3 ; standard, 9, 135 8 ; sequence, 161 ; system, 161 INDEX 227 Phonologically : acceptable, 2; Pronunciation, 40, 45, 96, 101, Conditioned, 16, 31, 63-64, 66, 107, 111, 115, 135, 138, 151 I 74, 83 Prosodie feature, 155 Phonology, 64, 120, 131 1 Phonotactic : environments 20 ; Prothetic vowel, 64-65, nasalization, 31-32 Prothesis, 64 Phrase level, 75 I Puadh, 18 Pitch : accent, 141, 144, 151, 153 ; PuddhL 3, 25-26 prominence, 143, 145 Placement of stress, 144 I Quadri-phonic, 114, 116 Plosion, 68, 138, 149 I Quadri-syllabic, 118, 122, 158 Plosive, consonant, 13, 31, 43, 64, Quality, 20, 57, 66, 107. 118, 121, 78, 81, 83-84, 101, 103, 110, 124,-151-152,160-161 ; vowel,- • 1119, 121, 136, 138-139, 151; 143 element, 71, 131, 134 Qualitative difference, 34, reduc Polysyllabic,-word, 12, 14, 17, 29, tion, 107, 151 . 39, 46-47, 49, 51, 56, 70, 73, 89, 94, 105, 107-108, 121, 125, Quantity, 39, 41, 50, 107, 114, 121- 145 ; pattern, 150 122, 124, 126, 147, 149-151, 160-161 ; long-, 39-41, 147, 151 Positional distribution, 11, 17, 42, 48, 50, 87, 93, 96, 98, 108, 115, Quantitative difference, 34, reduc- 118 ; positionally long, 46 tion, 107, 151 Post accentual, 149, 153 ; pheno- Quick tempo of speech, 48, 50, mena, 153 ; syllable peak, 154- 130 155 ; vowel, 156 Post-nuclear margin, 114 Reduction: quantitative, quali Post-vacalically, 114 tative, 36, 41, 51, 107, 124, 153; of pitch, 124 ; in quantity, Pothohari, Pothowari, 37, 81, 95 35 Pratiiakhyas, 134 Regional, 77 ; tendencies, 78, 80, Pre-accentual: phenomena, 153 ; 155,; variations, 53 syllable peak, 153-154 Regressive : nasalization, 31-32 Preference, 13, 16 Restrictions, 12, 15, 68, 98, 101, Pre-junctural position, 36, 41, 68 105, 109, 114-115, 117 Pre-nuclear margin, 114 Retraction, 41 Pre-pausal occurrence, 69 Retroflex : consonants, 77, 79 ; plosive, 64-65 Primary accented syllable, 149 Rhythmic adjustment, 39 Primary pitch accent, 149 Rolled consonant, 77, 84, 93, 116, Prominence, 11, 38, 42, 124, 139, 120-121, 131, 138 141-142, 147-148, 151, 153, 157, 159-160 Rounded vowel, 94 • 228 SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF HINDI AND PANjABl Sanskrit 3, 7, 25, 28, 69, 92,, 115- Speech : community, 140; habits, 116, 135, 151 140 melodies, 141 Second : component, 86 ; *C 121, Standard Hindi, 2, 4, 26, 110 127, 137 ; member, 58, 60, 76, Standardization, 26 77, 80, 88 ,94-95, 125, 131, 134, 138 ; person, 143 ; prefix, 125 ; Stops stop consonants, 15, 56, syllable, 37-39, 43-46, 51, 94, 80-82, 110, 121 195, 122, 124, 126-130,136, 137, Stress accent, 141-142, 144, 150- 146, 148, 150, 152453, 158; stem, 125 f 151, 157 Stress-pitch : accent, 150-151 ; Secondary accent, 146, 150 contrast, 143 Segmental release, 68-69, 138, 149 Stressed syllable, 151 Segmentation, 160 Stressless, 143 Semi j consonant, )• 46, 55, 60, 69, Sub-phonemic, 34 85,,87, 91„94, 98, 116, 120, 131, Substantive, 14 138 • I Suffixial; extension, 129-; mor- Semi-vowel, 56, 80, 110-111, 121, pheme, 129 134 Supra segmental features, 2 Sensitiveness, 58 I Svarabhaktiyowel, 57, 62, 64, 81 Sentence ^accent, 150 1 f Syllable, Syllabic: adjustment, 106, Sequence, 20, 26, 99, 123-124, of 108 ; aspect, . 4 ; boundary phones, 161 * of syllables, 32, 123-127, 129-130, 151 ; corre 123-124 lates, 82 ; cut, 122, 137-138 9 Sequential occurrence, 17, 114 1 chain, 123 ; distribution, 27 ; division, 33, 36, 40,48, 88, 103, Short, shorter: quantity, 40, 146, 111, 121-124, 136-137, * 152; 151 , syllable, 107, 147; vari environment, 161 ; extension, ant, 40-4!; vowel, 29, 72, 114, 106- '07, 130 ; groupings, 117 ; 117-118, 126, 136, 153 junction, 110; juncture, 122 124,161; loss, 82,107; margin, Sibilent, 15-16, 64, 77-81, 83, 120, 8, 12, 114-115, 122, 124, 131 ; . nucleus, 8 ; patterns, 17, 45, 118, 137, 145-146, 161 ; peaks, Simple : coda margin, 67, 72, 85, 11-33,41-45, 115, 117, 121-124, : 96 ; inierludes, 36, 88-89, 99, 128-132, 145, 147, 151; pecu 106, 111, 117, 125, 128, 136; liarities, 109 ; position, 24, 118, margins, 37, 54 ; peak, 114 147-148. 150, 161 ; prominence, Simplification, 26, 75, 84, 106-108, 145-148, 151, 160 ; range of-, 112, 153-155 118 ; restrictions, 99 ; sequence, 117,119, 122, 125, 128,; silence* Sonants, 81-82, 116 124 ; status, 19 ; tendencies, 5 ; Sonorant, 16,^46, 62, 110, 119, 158 unit 113-116, 118 * Syllabication, 113-140, 151, 154 Sonority, 34, 113, 144; principle, 144 i Syllabicity, 48 INDEX 229 Syntacticall(accent),ll48 ;] utter-H Variation in length,]38-39 • ances, .20 H^V Vedic : rhythm, 107; syllabication, Systematic mistakes, 7 134-135 Velar : coda margin, 71 ; stop, 86 Tempo, 101 [ 111 I Verb, 143-144 |l I I i Tenacious : junction of phones, Verbal stem, 16 131, 134,1136437, 151-152, 154, 157-158 ; phone, 123 ; syllabi Visarga, 70, 145 ] 9 WEk cation, 40, 133 Vocalic : element, 88 ; exponent, 68 ; glides 88 ; preferences, 65 ; Tenacity (of phones), 123, 131-133, reduction, 106, 145 ; release, 135, 137-139, 155 140; unit, 113-14; variants, Tenseness, 36, 50 I 51,53-54' Tenser variant, 50 Vocalization, 67^70, 88, 90, 94-95 Tense vowel, 16, 20-21, 152 I Vocalized coda margin, 70 Terminal contour, 41 VocoidsJl9 | 1H fill Tonalization, 70, 71 I Voiced :|aspirate, 34, | 54, 107; 4 Tonalized: allophones, 54 ; peaks, fricatives, 67, 76 ; plosives, 76 9 I 74. 76 ; variants,'34, 36 stop, 109 ; non-aspirates, 109 1 Tone, 37, 76, 157 Voicing, 124-125 Tetraphthongs, 19 Voiceless : aspirates, 109; bilabial, J 64| coda margin, 46 ; fricative, Transformation, 111 60]; I non-aspirates, [109 stop, Tripartite :]complex coda margins, • 109, 110, un-aspiratedf plosive, interludes, BM10-111 84-85 74 ] I • margins, 115 I I '9IB Vowel : accented-, 152 ; anaptyctic Triphonic, 114-116 I 64-66, 155, 158 ; back-, 21, 29, Triphthongs, 19 52, 55, 70, 87, 89, central, cen tering-, 11,52,108 ; centralized, Tri-syllabic : patterns, 43, 48, 51, 52, 65, 79.100, (also.see, class I, 121,127, 147-148, 151, 156-157; class II vowels), division of-, word, 12, 21-22, 118, 122, 153, I 11, front-, 21, 51-52, 55, 65, 87, 156, 158 90, 92, 94 ; harmony, 35 ; lax-, 16, 121, 152 ; long-, 30. 73, 100, Un-accented|syllable, 152 I 118, 148, 153, quality, 143; Un-aspirated correspondents, sequence, 17, 24, 27 ; short-, 133 jjlong voiced plosive, 76 ; 29,72,114,1117-118, 126, 136, stop consonant, 77 ; voiceless 153 dental, 79 West Pakistan, 3 Un-even quantity,§146-147[ ||J Western Uttar Pradesh, 40 Unit of contrast! 8 of J Word : (accent, 142 i boundary, phonemes, 54 ; of reference, 8, 10 finall position,! 145 ; level, functional-: 9 1 MSMiJMfcli. 115,|144 Variant[:Icloser, consonantal, 112 ;| Zero Jcorrelatej46-48,B50,190-92, 152 ; long-, IL 37,|allophonic, 96, interlude, 17, 19-21,E6, 40, 34-37, centralized, 42 ; tenser- 50, 53, 121, 124 : margin, 114 ; 50, tonalized-, 34,36jzero-, 45| peak, 154f; variant, 45[ | 1 / I E RBR AmU M ( Only [those errors which are likely to mislead the (reader arc corrected]).SSSL I • II < 9ai i^^B i M'WHR Page • H Line 1 SK9|£r ror l^^Bj^m}WI ifiMCorrectionT 11 30 /packand/ /pakhand/ 13 1 /dUdhlja/ /dudhlja/ T6 5 doUbtless doublets 23 31 £SUjha:a] [StJja.a] 27 1 /daln/ [den] /daln/ [den] 32 24 /kudll/ /kurlS/ 37 32 Ichil /c>t/ 39 16 /g ulab/ /gUlab/ 44 21 /darmlk/ /tarmlk/ 44 28 /maraus/ /manUS/ 46 8 Kaurali Kauravi 47 28 [wldhva] Cvldva] 48 5 [granti] [grantf] 49 22 [kvalti] [kvalti] 51 31 /Juglndar/ /jUglndar/ 58 5 /pArdhan/ /pArdan/ 70 8 /'nbav/ lanBav/ 72 3 /dig/ Atfg/ 72 5 /tag/ /tag/ 80 6 /sasn/ /la'sn/ (P.) 103 12 [le-a] [le'ta] (P.) 105 12 /Ujen/ /Ujen/ 124 1-2 /ku-putr/ /kU-pUtr/ 126 4 /an-vadhan/ /an-vadan/ (P.) 140 9 bassed based 156 25 /pakhand/ /pakhand/ 194 26 /p'ra/ /pera/ (P.J 2001 1 1 22-231JIH/kvallti / 11 fl 1 /kvallti/ • 0 I I I • y J