The Integration of Myth and Ritual in South-Central California: The "Northern Complex"

TRAVIS HUDSON THOMAS BLACKBURN

HERE can be little doubt that rehgious prerequisite to the achievement of this goal Tbeliefs (and the ritual practices associated must be a general overview of the ideological with them) constituted exceptionally impor­ bases (i.e., ritual practices and mythological tant elements in the daily lives of the native beliefs) which served as the primary rationale peoples of south-central Cahfomia. Complex for ceremonial interaction. We hope that the mythologies, elaborate cosmographies, and present paper wUl serve as an initial step interlocking belief systems served to link both toward the ultimate achievement of just such the individual and the community with the an overview. realm of the sacred, and in turn were given Previous efforts to develop the kind of dramatic expression (in both concrete and general synthesis just described have encoun­ abstract form) by shamans, priests, and var­ tered serious—and often insurmountable— ious other rituahsts. The primary setting for obstacles in the form of the extant data. The these community-oriented religious activities information available for certain ethnic groups was the "fiesta," a complex of events which (such as the Juaneno, Luiseno, and Cahuilla), also constituted an important medium for while often relatively detailed, has also fre­ significant social, political, economic, and aes­ quently been suspect or difficult to use as a thetic interaction (Blackburn 1974; Bean consequence of distortions or reinterpreta- 1972). These ceremonial occasions appear in tions; an example would be the two different fact to have drawn many different commun­ versions of the Boscana manuscript (Kroeber ities into a coherent yet flexible network of 1959:282-293). In addifion, for a number of interacting subsystems that transcended nor­ key groups the data have been either rather mal ethnic, pohtical, and hnguistic boundaries. fragmentary (as in the case of the Serrano, It seems clear to us that a reconstruction of this Gabrielino, and Fernandeno) or almost totally system, involving both a deUmitation of the nonexistent (as in the case of the Chumash, constituent components and a description of Tataviam, and Kitanemuk). As a consequence, their integration, should be a major goal for many more questions regarding ideological future ethnohistoric research in the region; systems in south-central Cahfornia have been however, it seems equally clear that a necessary raised in the past than have ever been answer-

225 226 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

ed, and those few societies that have been be described in greater detaU, and a better adequately described stiU seem to float hke understanding of the integration of social and disconnected islands in a murky sea of ethno­ religious behavior may yet be forthcoming for graphic speculation. the area as a whole. The primary function of In 1925, in conjunction with a brief sum­ the present paper is simply to integrate the mary of Gabriehno and Fernandeno religion, various data now available on Kroeber's A.L. Kroeber pieced together scattered and "northem complex," in order to add a httle fragmentary data to sketch the bare outlines of ethnographic flesh to his skeletal outline. In a major mythological system in south-central addition, some brief general comparisons wiU California involving an apparent pantheon of be drawn between the "northern" and "south­ six or seven "gods" (1925:622-624). With con­ em" complexes, and between Cahfomia ideo­ siderable foresight, he suggested that these logical and social stmctures. However, no real deities were in part female and were more or attempt has been made to create a definitive less associated with the Datura cult; of equal overview at this time, although we do hope that interest was his discovery that many (if not aU) this paper wiU eventuaUy aid others in achiev­ of the deities on his list were also recognized ing that goal at some future date. among the southem Yokuts and possibly the Serrano. However, none of these supernatural KROEBER'S "NORTHERN COMPLEX" beings was clearly recognizable on lists of Kroeber presented his data concerning the deities collected from ethnic groups south or "northem complex" in a table with a lengthy east of the Gabrielino, even though some of caption (1925:623); that table is reproduced these groups were (like the Gabriehno) partici­ here as Table 1. Since Kroeber did not cite his pants in the Chingichnich cult. Although sources of information for the data which he Kroeber clearly grasped the significance of this included in the table, a general review of both "northem complex," and realized that its rela­ sources and data is necessary here. We wiU tionship to the "southem" Chingichnich com­ begin with the Gabriehno. plex warranted a great deal more research, he The hst of Gabrielino deities was extracted was unable to pursue the topic further in the from Hugo Reid's letters of 1852 (see Heizer absence of relevant data. AU he could do was 1968:52-54, and notes 100-101).' Chukit (a call attention to his discoveries and hope that female being) and her four unnamed brothers more information would be forthcoming. are mentioned in a myth; Chukit is "enamored New data have appeared. Within the last of the lightning, after expressing a desire to fifteen years major syntheses devoted particu­ possess it." She becomes pregnant, and her larly to ideology have been produced for such brothers (with the eldest taking the most active native southern Cahfomia groups as the role) attempt to discover which of them is Luiseno (White 1963), Cahuilla (Bean 1972), responsible. She teUs them that it was hght­ and Chumash (Blackburn 1974, 1975; Hudson ning. Subsequently she gives birth to a male et al. 1977; Hudson and Underhay 1978). In child named Mactutu, who utters his first addition, a great deal of material relevant to sentence when the navel cord is cut. As the "northem complex" has recently been Mactutu matures into manhood he becomes discovered among the unpubhshed ethno­ wiser and wiser, arguing with the elders and graphic notes of John P. Harrington, especial­ seers (pulum) on various subjects. "After gain­ ly those collected from southern Yokuts and ing a victory he always told them it was useless Kitanemuk consultants around 1917. As a to dispute with him, as he was the Son of God." consequence, the "northern complex" can now The chiefs and wise men finally decide to kiU THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX" 227

Table 1 THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX" PANTHEON according to Kroeber (1925:623)

YOKUTS. YOKUTS. FERNANDEftO. In fixed order GABRIEUNO. SERR.\NO. of Jimson­ In fixed order of "Gods" in order weed prayers. other prayers. of mention.

TiiuBhiut Tiiiiehiut Pamashiut.. Pamashiut Yohahait Yohahait. ... Echepat 5. luichepet.. Pitsuriut 4. Pichurut... Tsukit 3. Chukit Chukit (in myth, sis­ ter of 4 brothers). Six stones at Ukat rtheir 1. Ukat NanamiiYiat, sister). Little Bear 2. Tamur Tomar (title of oldest Valley, were son of chief). "gods." 6. Manisar Manisar (title of old­ (wife of est daughter of 5). chief).

FORMULA: 7 Yokuts (-t, prayers) —3 Yokuts (-t, Jimson weed)+2 Gabrielino (-r, chiefs) =6 Fernandefio (-t, -r, gods) =6 Serrano (V). him by buming him alive and dissipating his The world was at one time in a state of ashes so that he could not ascend into the sky. chaos, until God gave it its present forma­ Kroeber also beheved that two terms men­ tion; fixing it on the shoulders of Seven tioned elsewhere in Reid's account were actual­ Giants, made expressly for this end. They ly the names of additional Gabriehno deities; have their names, and when they move these terms were Tomear and Manisar, which themselves, an earthquake is the conse­ quence [Heizer 1968:19]. according to Reid were titles given to a chiefs eldest son and daughter (Heizer 1968:9). Kroeber thus apparently assumed that Reid's Kroeber apparently believed them to be the "Seven Giants" were equivalent to the "deities" names of members of the pantheon because of mentioned in the San Fernando list: Veat, their presence on a list of five "gods" and one Taimur, Chuquit, Pichurut, and luichepet "goddess" stemming from the 1811 "Interroga- (husband of the "goddess" Manisar—she who torio" sent to Mission San Fernando, and gives them their seeds). In a footnote Kroeber because of the following statement made by pointed out that some of the speUings were Reid: unclear in the original manuscript; thus Chu- 228 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY quit might also be read as Chuguit or Chugerit, Chingichnich complex. Merriam states that while luichepet could be Inichept or even To-me-arr' (-Tomiar) was a title given to Quichepet (1908a: 14). As shown in Table I, someone from a prominent village who acted Kroeber eventuaUy used Ukat for Veat (a as a captain during the Gabriehno Mourning possible error that will be discussed later), Ceremony (1955:77); the individual selected Tamur for Taimur, and Chukit for Chuquit, had to have lost a close relative in order to hold and left the remaining names unchanged. this temporary position. The title of this office Engelhardt (1927:29) and Geiger and Meighan is almost certainly equivalent to Reid's Tomear, (1976:58, 158), who also worked with the a term which according to Reid was applied to original document, spelled these same names the chiefs eldest son. However, Merriam states Veat, Jaimur, Chuhuit, Pichurut, Quichepet, unequivocally that the title of the chiefs son, and Manisar, however, Geiger and Meighan who performed the Eagle Dance during the in an endnote changed the spelhng of Jaimur to Mourning Ceremony, was not Tomiar but Taimur and Manisar to Mamisar. In the case To-ve't (1955:83). The latter, of course, is a of Chukit, Taimur, and Manisar, it was evi­ Luisefio synonym for Chingichnich (Boscana dent to Kroeber that the Fernandeno and 1933:30). The seeming discrepancy in deriva­ Gabrielino correspondences were more than tion noted above for Tamur (tamit 'sun' or coincidental, and that the unnamed deities on tomiar 'chief?) may be more apparent than the Gabrielino list probably corresponded real; if we assume that the primary referent of similarly to the remainder of the named Fer­ both words was "sun," and that the Gabrielino nandefio deities. used the expression on occasion as a title for an Kroeber's next step was to attempt a important ritual office in much the same way translation or semantic analysis of the names as the Chumash used the term slo'w in similar of these deities, in the hope that a better situations (Hudson et al. 1977), then the prob­ understanding of their ritual or mythological lem simply becomes one of faulty or incomplete significance might be gained in this way (1925: translation. This suggestion certainly receives 623). Manisar, he noted, was probably derived additional support as well from the obvious from mani-t 'Datura'. On the basis of data correspondences in both meaning and usage drawn from the southern Yokuts (to be dis­ between Manisar and mani-t ('chiefs eldest cussed later), Pichurut was translated as mean­ daughter' and 'Datura').^ ing "the breath of life" and Ukat as meaning Although there was an apparent hnk be­ "looker" or "seer." By using available vocabu­ tween Tamur-Tove't in Gabriehno ritual and laries, it is now possible to suggest translations the Tobet of the Luiseno, Kroeber concen­ for some of the other names as well; thus trated upon the Fernandeno list of deities and Chukit probably means "deer" (from F. sukut examined it for the known Chingichnich syno­ and G. sukat 'deer'), while Tamur may mean nyms of Saor, Quaguar, and Tobet (Boscana "sun" (from F. tamiat and G. tamit 'sun') 1933:30); he correctly concluded that they were (Kroeber \9Qlb.l%, 80, 82, 160, 1909:251). absent. He noted that the Gabrielino equiva­ Reid recorded these same terms as zucat and lents of Y-yo-ha-riv-gnina ("The Giver of ramir (Heizer 1968:12-13). Life") and Qua-o-ar ("Creator") were also However, Tamur has also been translated apparently absent from the hst (for more on as "chief," and derived from G. tomiar (Kroe­ Qua-o-ar = Kwawar, see Harrington 1933:139, ber 1909:251); this suggests a connecfion be­ note 59). However, Kroeber seems to have tween the chief in Gabriehno society and the missed the obvious correspondence between sun—it also suggests a hnk with the "southern" the G. Qua-o-ar of Reid and the L. Quaguar of THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 229

Boscana; he also failed to note the fact that the from peeled yucca stalks about two feet Veat of the San Femando Mission hst is long. Quail topknots were attached to almost certainly a phonetic Spanish rendering them at one-inch intervals, and bunches of of Wiyot, the name of the "dying god" who was white eagle down were fastened to one end. replaced by Chingichnich, and who was one of The mahivat, obtained from the coast, the most prominent figures in Luiseiio mythol­ were about two feet long and a quarter of ogy (Boscana 1933). It seems obvious that an inch thick, painted red. The wide ends Kroeber would have put greater emphasis on were indented and had shell inlaid in the the possible involvement of the Fernandefio in wood, while the opposite ends were pointed. These wands were kept carefully stored the "southern" Chingichnich complex than he away with other ritual gear in a huge did if he had reahzed the connections between basket; some chiefs might have to borrow Tamur-Tove't and Tobet, Veat and Wiyot, and some from others [Blackburn and Bean Qua-o-ar and Quaguar. 1978:567]. Two additional Chingichnich synonyms In summary, it seems apparent that Si'hivit have been reported in the literature and should (-mahivati) and Pura are both terms that refer be discussed. The first of these is Pura, men­ to ritual objects and personnel associated with tioned by one of DuBois' informants as mean­ the "southern" Chingichnich complex rather ing Chingichnich in the "old language of the than to mythological figures; their absence coast" (1908:122). Both Kroeber (1925:622) from the San Fernando list of "gods" is and Harrington (1933:128, note 51) examined certainly understandable. this term and concluded that it was probably a Kroeber's remaining data on the "north­ corruption of the Gabriehno word for "doctor" em complex" concem the Serrano and south­ or "shaman," and cognate to the term pul or em Yokuts. The extent to which the Serrano "shaman" as used by many southem California were actually involved in the subsystem is tribes (Strong 1929:340, Table 22). The other certainly moot; Kroeber included them on the synonym is Si'hivit or Si'hi'vut, which appear­ basis of a statement that six stones in Little ed in a Gabrielino Mourning Ceremony song Bear Valley were "goddesses" (Kroeber 1908c: and was suggested by the informant as being 34). Gifford suggested that the name of one of the name of a deity equivalent to Chingichnich these was Namuyat, a female being on whom (Roberts 1933:65-67). Roberts suggested that no other information is available (1918:182, the name might be cognate to L. sivutpaviut, a note 37). The southern Yokuts data were sacred Chingichnich object which was carried collected from a Yauelmani consultant named from community to community during rituals Chalola (Kroeber 1907^:363, 372-374, nos. 33 and exchanged for food. Apparently some of and 35; 1925:502-504, 623).^ Tuushiut, Pama­ these sticks were tipped with crystals, painted shiut, and Yohahait were supematural beings red, white, and black, and inlaid with shell named in a speech given by the old man in (DuBois 1908:98, and note 40c). Waterman charge of a Datura ceremony before the ini­ called the crystals "medicine-stones," and add­ tiates drank. The same three beings, along with ed that the sticks were carried by the old Echepat. Pitsuriut, Tsukit, and Ukat, were also dancers (1910:299-301). Harrington discover­ named in a Yokuts good-luck prayer (Kroeber ed that the Kitanemuk had similar ritual items: 1907fl:372-373; 1925:511). Kroeber noted that Wands presented to visiting chiefs at the the names appeared to be given in some sort of waqac and placed on the kutumits poles fixed order, and that the 'r' sound in Pitsuriut were obtained by trade. The kakait, ob­ was not Yokuts. Chalola suggested rough tained from the Tubatulabal, were made translations for a few of these names, although 230 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY with some hesitation; thus Tuushiut perhaps Ranch, from three key consultants: Eugenia meant "maker," Yohahait "cmsher," and Ukat Mendez (Kitanemuk), Magdalena Olivas "looker" or "seer." Kroeber felt that the mean­ (Kitanemuk), and Jos6 Juan Olivas (Chu­ ings suggested for Ukat, Tsukit, and Pitsuriut mash) (Walsh 1976:39). For the sake of were highly suspect, since the names were brevity, we wiU present most of the data we probably originally of Takic origin; Chalola's wish to discuss in the form of an extensive translations, therefore, were perhaps little quote from a recently pubhshed summary of more than folk etymologies. In addition, Kroe­ Kitanemuk mythology and cosmography ber speculated that there might be a relation­ (Blackburn and Bean 1978:568), rather than in ship between the name Tuushiut and the tosaut the form of undigested original notes. It should stones mentioned in connection with Chumash be noted that Harrington was aware of the fact rituals (a possibility which we will discuss in that many of the Kitanemuk names he collect­ detail later). ed corresponded to names on the 1811 hst from In summary, in 1925 Kroeber drew atten­ Mission San Fernando, and that he occasion­ tion to the existence of a "northern complex," ahy asked his informants questions about the involving a six or seven deity pantheon, among Chingichnich religion. the Gabriehno, Fernandefio, southem Yokuts, Kitanemuk mythology was a mixture and possibly the Serrano; he could only specu­ of elements, many of which had their late as to the possible involvement of such origin among the Chumash, Yokuts, or other groups as the Chumash, Tataviam, Gabriehno. The universe was originally Kitanemuk, Kawaiisu, and Vanyume in the created by canniqpa, a being who formed complex, although he did feel that it was earth and sky and made the urehatam conceivable that the Kitanemuk were inter­ tdqqdtam 'first people' by breathing on mediaries between the Fernandefio and the clay images of them. These people included southern Yokuts. He also pointed out that the ancestors of the present birds and some elements of the "northem complex" animals, the most important of which were might well be found among the "southern" five brothers and a sister. The brothers Chingichnich groups as well. Because of the were named yuqaqat (the c\dts\.),pitsurayt, hukaht, papamas, and pamasyit, and the paucity of relevant data, Kroeber could only sister tstiqqit. The sibhngs created five sketch in the bare outhnes of his proposed superimposed worlds, the smallest on top complex and hope that further information and the largest (that in which people now would be forthcoming at a later date. live) on the bottom. This world was circu­ lar and floated on a surrounding ocean HARRINGTON'S KITANEMUK DATA supported by two gigantic serpents whose The ethnographic and linguistic notes of movements caused earthquakes. Later John P. Harrington are proving to be of there was a great deluge that covered all but the tops of the highest mountains. AU inestimable value to contemporary scholars First People were drowned or tumed to concerned with native California societies, and animals with the exception of the six have already shed unexpected hght on a num­ sibhngs, who were safe in their home at ber of seemingly insoluble problems. Kroeber's a^iykitsa tivat, a beautiful place in the "northern complex" is a case in point, for there south where flowers bloomed continually is a great deal of relevant information on this and it was never hot. Although the bro­ complex in Harrington's notes, particularly thers lived apart from their sister, hukaht those relating to the Kitanemuk. These notes began to visit her secretly and tstiqqit were collected between 1917 and 1918, at Tejon became pregnant. She gave birth to Hum- THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 231 mingbird, and hukaht was punished for his all day and dancing all night. Light was incest by having his arm and leg bones supphed by a creature called koceanat, removed so that he could no longer move. with an upper torso hke that of a man, and After that tstiqqit had many children, the a lower body consisting of a burning ancestors of the people living now. She was brand. He sang while the brothers danced. the wisest of the sibhngs and taught her During each song the brothers took turns children everything they needed to know in racing three times counterclockwise a- order to survive, such as making tools and round the world. They also hunted whales, baskets, hunting, preparing tobacco, and tossing them back and forth like baUs until making the yivar or sacred enclosure. they died, then throwing them up on shore. yuqaqat sent them off in different direc­ There were also pdppahavim, dangerous tions, telling each man to marry a certain beings that roamed around after dark woman, and where to hve and what lan­ (equivalent to the Central Chumash guage to speak. Thus different tribes of nunasis) [Blackburn and Bean 1978:568]. people were created, tstiqqit and her five brothers stiU lived at a^iykitsa tivat, and The following additional material on prayers were frequently addressed to her Kitanemuk ritual interaction has been extract­ while facing south. ed from Harrington's original notes and Ughtly The land of the dead, tipea, was located edited for presentation here: in the east. A few people had gone there According to Jos6 and Magdalena, the and returned to tell their friends. The religion of the yivar was the custom at normal round of activities was reversed Ventura and of the Castec people, and of there, for the spirits slept during the day the Fernandefio and Gabriehno. It was and played, danced, and sang all night. also the custom of the people at Santa tipea was a very beautiful place; there was Barbara and Santa Ynez, but was not the always plenty to eat, and spirits never aged. custom of the Tularefio Yokuts. The The chief of tipea was tameat or Sun, who Kitanemuk understood it but did not prac­ lived in a shining house with two daugh­ tice it, nor did the Serrano. ters. They appeared old, but never aged. The religion of the coast—that rehgion Sun played peon every night with tstiqqit, in which they knew aU things—was not with Moon as referee; if tstiqqit won it was here. It was at Ventura and reached to San a bountiful year, but if Sun won many Gabriel. It was very strong at San Gabriel. people died and there were wars. It did not pass on to San Luis [Rey], for The rainbow, the colors of which were those were different people. In that rehgion those of various seeds and flowers, was you took ants or Datura and they taught held up at both ends by pahikyit or you all things. A few wise ones here knew Morning Star, a woman with hair so long it it, but the Kitanemuk did not have the reached her heels. She was the grand­ religion of over there on the coast. Magda­ mother of the three Thunders. Evening lena does not know G. chingichnich. Star was a man. The Kitanemuk universe Eugenia says that yivar was the same as was quite anthropomorphic. Ventureflo 'antap. They called the 'antap in There was a race of dwarves (with Kitanemuk yivarakam. They did not have adults the size of a small boy) called it here, for it was only over there on the ^anuhnusi tdqqdtam who lived somewhere coast. They had these enclosures at fiestas to the north. The Kitanemuk also knew of long ago, and the ones inside the enclosure the Central Chumash ^elyewun or Sword- were the "devihsh ones," the proprietors of fish, whom they called papamasryam. the yivar. They swung buUroarers and had These were eight brothers who lived in a deer-bone whistles and feather banners. house under the sea near Mugu, sleeping Eugenia saw such fiestas at Pirn, Saticoy, 232 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

mat'apqa'w. Las Tunas, and San Feman­ also recognized by the other groups as weU, but do. it also seems clear that the Serrano may not According to Jos6 and Magdalena, have actually participated in the "northern 'iwihinmu [Mount Pinos] was the center complex" at all. and starting place for all of this religious One of the more important discrepancies custom. The initiates of the yivar are brought out by Table 2 involves the topic of taught to sing songs, long songs with Ventureflo Chumash words. Even the creation. The Yokuts being Tuushiut ("Maker") words used by the Fernandefio in the yivar was certainly not cognate to the Kitanemuk are in Chumash. Only after a boy has creator Tsannixpa, and in fact may not have learned these songs is he taught to play the ever been regarded in the same way. (The same tunes on the deer-bone whistle. obvious parallels between the tosaut and tisait Eugenia says that the old ones who stones of the Chumash and Kitanemuk, and lived way over on the coast beyond the the Yokuts "being" Tuushiut, lend consider­ Fernandefio, who spoke another language able weight to this argument.) Yokuts creation and became extinct early, were the enUght- myths generally lack the Kitanemuk idea of a ened ones. These wise ones sang three "high god" creator, nor do they place any real songs to make an earthquake. The songs emphasis on the creation of man and his were addressed to the panahutr, two large culture. Most Yokuts myths involve Eagle snakes which hved under the earth; when (and Crow, Cougar, etc.), and earth, animals, these water snakes rolled or twisted it and man are usually described as being created caused earthquakes. These people along the San Pedro coast not only produced out of a mixture of soU and seeds (Gayton and earthquakes, but did other powerful magic Newman 1940:11, 19-20; Latta 1936:19). One as well. They were merely the Chingichnich Yauelmani myth (Kroeber 1907c:299), how­ rehgion people, I imagine. ever, does have a Kitanemuk parallel so far as the creation of man is concemed; in the Yokuts INTERNAL COMPARISONS story Coyote leaves Deer under a tule mat aU It is evident from Table 2 that the Kitanemuk night, and by morning she has become a "deities" mentioned by Harrington's inform­ woman. Coyotes attempts to have intercourse ants correspond closely to those included by with her, and finally succeeds. Deer then Kroeber in his "northern complex," although becomes the mother of modern people. Gayton as might be expected certain discrepancies are and Newman remarked that this particular apparent as weU. Two of the Kitanemuk beings myth had no exact parallel anywhere in south- (Pamasyit and Yuxaxat) have cognates only central California, but that some Yauelmani among the southern Yokuts; five others myths did have a tinge of Shoshonean influ­ (Pitsurayt, Hukaht, Tstiqqit, Manic, and ence. This suggestion now seems highly likely Tameat) have cognates among the Feman- in hght of the Kitanemuk data. If the Kitanemuk defio-Gabriehno, and three of these are also and Yauelmani materials do correspond close­ present on the southern Yokuts list. One would ly, the identification of Coyote as impregnator expect Echepat or luichepat to be mentioned of Cukit in the Yauelmani myth might suggest on the Kitanemuk list, but he is surprisingly that Hukaht could be Coyote in the Kitanemuk absent. The Kitanemuk deities Papamas and account—as could Ukat in the Fernandefio Tsannixpa also appear only once in Table 2 (as and Gabriehno sources. However, this hypoth­ would the Serrano "goddess" Namuyat if she esis is not supported by the foUowing Kitan­ were included). In short, it seems that most of emuk information collected by Harrington: the members of the Kitanemuk pantheon were Tstiqqit was bmshing her hair and THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 233

Table 2 THE KITANUMUK DATA AND KROEBER'S "NORTHERN COMPLEX" DEITIES

Southern Kitanemuk Yokuts Fernandetio Gabrielino

Tsannixpa ? ? ? Yuxaxat Yohahait ? ? (?; a brother; ("Crusher"?) Evening Star?) Pitsurayt Pitsuriut Pichurut ? (?; a brother; ("Breath of ("a male") Morning Star?) Life"?) Hukaht Ukat C/)kar ? ("Deer"? a ("Deer"? "a ("Deer"? "a brother; Polaris?) sister"?) male") Papamas ? ? 7 ("Swordfish"; a brother; Wind?) Pamasyit Pamashiut ? 7 ("Dew"? a brother; ("Dew") Morning Star?) Tstiqqit Tsukit Chukit CuA:/7 ("Deer"? a sister; ("Deer; a ("Deer; a Earth?) female") sister") Manic ? Manisar Manisar ("Datura"; wife of a ("Datura"; wife ("Datura"; a brother?; Moon?) of luichepet) female) Tameat ? Tamur Tomar ("Sun"; a bro­ ("Sun"; a ("Sun"; a ther? Sun) male) male) Tisait Tuushiut ? 7 (sacred stone) ("Maker") ? Echepat luichepet 7 ("a male") threw away the grime and the next morn­ oldest brother asked each of his brothers in ing they saw a coyote sitting over there turn: "Why is it that you said there were no where she had thrown it. "How do you other people?" And at last Papamas an­ think that there are no other people, when swered, "This is no person, this is coyote." there is a coyote?" Magdalena forgets who The oldest brother replied, "We are the made this remark, but that was the origin only ones. There are no other people." of the coyote. Tstiqqit made all the people; only the coyote she did not make. The In addition, the Fernandefio and Gabrielino 234 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY terms for coyote are hitiir and ytur, respective­ The Kitanemuk beings Manic and Tameat ly (Kroeber 1907/?:82; Heizer 1968:13).'* clearly correspond to Manisar and Tamur- Serrano creation accounts are even more Tomar of the Fernandefio and Gabriehno. anomalous than those of the southern Yokuts, There is an interesting comment on the San at least with regard to possible participation in Femando hst to the effect that Manisar was the the "northern complex." The prominent fig­ wife of luichepet, one of the brothers. It seems ures in Serrano myths are Pakrokitat and odd that this brother is not mentioned in the Kukitat, two brothers who are constantly Kitanemuk material, since they (hke the south­ bickering among themselves. Kukitat is be­ em Yokuts) named the pantheon members in witched by Frog, and his heart is stolen by their Datura prayers. Tameat, or Sun, was Coyote during his cremation (Gifford 1918: almost certainly one of the brothers whose 182-185). This story is obviously akin to the name was forgotten by Harrington's Kitane­ Cahuilla myth involving Mukat and his broth­ muk informants, since he played a prominent er, and clearly ahgns the Serrano with other role in Kitanemuk religion and undoubtedly participants in the "southern complex." received considerable emphasis as a team Papamas (the Kitanemuk being whose leader in the celestial peon game with Tstiqqit. name was suggested by one of Harrington's This game, representing the eternal stmggle informants to mean "clouds running before the between the forces of life and death, was also wind") was the only member of the Kitanemuk important in both Chumash and Yokuts myth­ pantheon of First People for whom there ology. appears to have been no cognate among other According to one of Latta's informants, groups. However, the term papamas was also the Chunut, Wowol, Telumne, and Tachi applied by the Kitanemuk to the supematural Yokuts believed that a celestial peon contest Swordfish Brothers, who were important to took place following the burning of the things the Chumash and Fernandefio, and probably of the dead (1949:238-244). The game was to the coastal and island Gabrielino as well. A played at Tihpiknits Pahn, "Land-of-the- Swordfish Song called papumarata was per­ Dead," a place about six days journey to the formed by Fernandefio singers at Chumash north. The ruler, Tihpiknits, a great bird rituals during the winter solstice (Hudson et al. person, played against Ki'yu, Coyote. When 1977:61, 105, note 61), and these beings figured Tihpiknits won someone would die and go to prominently in Chumash mythology and cere­ the Land-of-the-Dead, but if Ki'yu won he mony. It is possible that Papamas was one of would try to bite his opponent and puU Cukifs unnamed brothers in Reid's Gabrielino feathers from him. Ki'yu would toss the feath­ myth, and was either omitted or given the ers to the south, and the north wind would name luichepet on the San Fernando hst. bring them to the Yokuts in the form of white However, it is even more probable that the geese in winter. When people saw the geese Kitanemuk informant unconsciously linked coming someone would say, "Well, I guess Papamas and Pamasyit, when only the latter Ki'yu won that time." Gayton and Newman was actually a member of the pantheon. The reported a nearly identical version of this myth existence of the cognate southern Yokuts name among the Yauelmani Yokuts, and identified Pamashiut again lends credence to this hypoth­ Tipiknits as the guardian spirit of the after- esis. Future research may resolve the problem, world, adding that when he won people died, since there are many unstudied Harrington but when Coyote won wild doves and seeds notes on the southern Yokuts that may yet increased (1940:18, 85). Harrington also col­ shed hght on both Pamashiut and Echepat. lected data on this belief from two of his THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 235

Yokuts consultants, Dion and Juana D. They Tstiqqit, nor between the respective brothers in stated that Tipik'nic was a captain or care­ the two stories. Certainly the members of the taker of the Land-of-the-Dead and the father "northern complex" pantheon are not collec­ of daughters. He played peon at night with tively represented in Chumash mythology. Ka'yiw. When Tipik'nic won people died, but Also missing is the attribution of any specific when Ka'yiw was victorious he tossed out origin to the First People, although they were many pigeons. It is also interesting that the considered giants in some cases, and their informants added that the uncle of Ka'yiw was disappearance or transformation was due to a Chraka'a or Thunder.' great flood (Blackburn 1975); however, these Harrington's Yokuts informants stated cognate elements have a wide distribution and that the Land-of-the-Dead was reached by a are not particularly significant. Accounts of httle bridge that moved up and down. A bear the origins of Hummingbird, Coyote, and and a snake were stationed at the bridge to bite Dog, as weU as the idea that Deer's leg-bone any hving person who tried to cross. The was removed to make the first ceremonial bridge was called K'a'nal, a name also given to whistle, are also absent from the existing the gravepole erected at Yokuts fiestas and corpus of Chumash narratives. later moved to the cemetery for erection over The Chumash and Kitanemuk do appear the grave of a captain. This behavior obviously to have had similar cosmogonies in some had close parallels among the Kitanemuk, respects. Thus the Chumash believed that there Chumash, Gabriehno, and Fernandefio (Black- were either three or five worlds floating in an bum and Bean 1978:567; Merriam 1955; abyss; the middle world (of man) was support­ Blackburn 1975). ed by two gigantic serpents, and earthquakes were caused by their movements (Blackburn EXTERNAL COMPARISONS 1975:Narrative 1). The Fernandefio and Gab­ Any extemal comparisons should properly rielino may very well have had similar beliefs. begin with the Chumash, since they were Although the Kitanemuk believed that geographically contiguous to each constituent Tstiqqit and her brothers created man, the participant in the "northem complex," and Chumash attributed this achievement to Sun, may therefore have shared a number of signifi­ Sky Coyote, Morning Star, Eagle (Slo'w), and cant ideological traits with them. Blackbum's Moon. Lizard aided in shaping man's hand. recent work on Chumash mythology and cos­ These events took place after the great flood, mogony (1975) provides a reasonable basis for the transitional event during which the First comparison, and indicates that there were both People became the present animals, birds, and similarities and differences (with the differ­ plants (Blackbum 1975:25, Narratives 6 and ences being perhaps the more immediately 7). The celestial beings just described do ap­ obvious) between the Chumash and their pear to have composed a kind of Chumash Takic and Penutian neighbors. The Chumash pantheon analogous in some respects to that of appear to have lacked the concept of a single the Kitanemuk. Thus they also played peon in creator, nor is there any mention of an incest­ the sky, with Sun as captain of one team and uous relationship between two important Sky Coyote (rather than Tsuqqit) as his oppo­ supernaturals; however, in one myth (Narra­ nent; Moon was scorekeeper. Hudson and tive 5) a father does suspect his daughter of Underhay (1978) have recently suggested that having been impregnated by one of his twelve these mythological beings can be equated with sons, although there does not seem to be any specific celestial objects; the correspondences other similarity between the daughter and seem fairly clear with regard to the Morning 236 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Star (which probably occurred in most myths Coyote insists upon howling at Morning Star, as the two Thunders), the sun, and the moon and precipitates a flood (Latta 1936:19). (which was probably equated with old woman Among the Kitanemuk, Morning Star and Momoy or Datura). Eagle or Slo'w probably Rainbow are given the same name—Pahikyit. corresponded to the Evening Star, while Sky The latter is regarded as an attractive female Coyote was hnked with the North Star, Polaris. who is the grandmother of the three Thunders. Another important personage (who was not, Two Thunders were important in Yokuts however, a member of the pantheon) was the mythology, however, and were obviously asso­ chief or caretaker of the Land-of-the-Dead. He ciated with rain (Kroeber 1907c: Myth 23). The may possibly have been equated with the star apparent Yokuts association of rain with both Altair, whUe the two companion stars were the the two Thunders and Morning Star suggests a caretaker's sons or daughters. possible equivalency between the mythological The Chumash, Kitanemuk, and Yokuts beings and the celestial object; this is certainly shared very similar beliefs regarding the effect supportable for the Chumash. Perhaps the the peon game played by the pantheon had Kitanemuk name Pahikyit was incorrectly upon the human condition. The team of Sun and attributed to Morning Star and should be Evening Star was associated with death, and if applied only to the rainbow, since it does not it won people would die. The opposing team of occur on the hst of pantheon members; how­ Sky Coyote (Polaris) and Morning Star was ever, its absence could be due to a use of secular associated with rain, food, and hfe. When it as opposed to ceremonial titles, or to the use of won the coming year would be a rich one with multiple terms for the same deity (as in the case lots of rain, acorns, islay, chia, ducks, and of the several Chingichnich synonyms). The (another cognate) geese. The Chumash and first explanation seems most probable. Per­ Yokuts also shared a number of beliefs con­ haps Pamasyit (whose name has been etymolo­ cerning the soul's journey to the Land-of-the- gized as meaning "dew") and Pitsurayt, both of Dead. whom have Yokuts cognates, were thunder In light of the data now avaUable on the brothers; we can only speculate. Chumash, we can reasonably suggest that the The Chumash regarded Morning Star and members of the "northern complex" pantheon Sky Coyote as members of the same peon may have also been associated with important team, associated with rain, life, and food; the celestial objects. This inference is virtually a Yokuts seem to have had very similar beliefs. truism in the case of Sun (Tameat) and Moon, One of Harrington's Yokuts informants stated of course, but it is also supported by the that Coyote's uncle was Chraka'a, or Thunder. Kitanemuk belief that the celestial peon teams Among the Tuhohi Yokuts, the two important were composed of from two to four players, creator beings Eagle and Coyote ascended into with Moon as scorekeeper, and by the know­ the sky after their work was done; they can stiU ledge that the Chumash players were members be seen there (Kroeber 1907c:209; Gayton and of their "pantheon." With this hypothesis in Newman 1940:57). The Chumash drew a clear mind, let us examine the various beings de­ distinction between Sky Coyote (the "father of scribed in Kitanemuk mythology to see what mankind" and Morning Star's teammate) and corroborative evidence can be marshalled. the regular Coyote of mythology. The former The Chumash associated Morning Star (Polaris) always "looked down from above with rain and thunder, and it appears that the over the well-being of man," while the latter Yokuts and Kitanemuk may have held similar (Aldebaran) was most conspicuous during the behefs. In one Yauelmani myth, for example. month of Datura (January) when he was THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 237 engaged in administering Z)fl/ura (Hudson and Hukaht rather than Tstiqqit, by analogy with Underhay 1978:100-103). There are parallels the Chumash and Yokuts pattern (see Note 3). between the Chumash idea that Sky Coyote Unfortunately, we lack information concern­ was the "father of mankind" and the mythol­ ing the peon game among the Gabriehno, ogy involving Cukit among the Yauelmani although we do know that they associated Yokuts and the Kitanemuk. We have already north with geese (Heizer 1968:40); they may noted the Yokuts myth in which Coyote se­ have regarded this as a clue to the game's duces Deer (Cukit), thereby giving rise to outcome, just as the Chumash, Kitanemuk, mankind. The cognate Kitanemuk story does and Yokuts did. not mention Coyote, but does state that Tstkqqit Evening Star is hnked to Eagle (Slo'w) in was the mother of mankind, with Hukaht Chumash mythology, and as Sun's peon team­ (deer) as father. It seems reasonable to suggest mate is also associated with death. One of that Hukaht- Ukat of the "northern" pantheon Harrington's Kitanemuk informants stated the was Sky Coyote or Sky Deer. His connection Evening Star was called Yihahurc, but this with Two Thunders may be imphed in Reid's name does not appear on the list of Tsiiqqifs Gabrielino account in which Ukat impregnates brothers. However, it is possible that we are Cukit with hghtning (see note 4 on Sky Deer). once again confronted by the problem of Tstiqqit, as the mother of mankind and synonymous terms; could Yuxaxat or Yoha­ provider of knowledge, seems equivalent in hait be another designation for Evening Star? some ways to earth; this suggests a secondary Another possibility is raised by the phonetic (or even primary?) Sky Father-Earth Mother similarities between Yuxaxat (or Yuqaqait in theme with parallels elsewhere in southern Harrington's original transcription) and ka­ California. The apparent Chumash equivalent kait, the term given to the ritual wands used in is Chup, described as a provider of food and an the Mourning Ceremony and mounted later on important female supernatural being. It is the kutumits pole. The association with death interesting that Chup was frequently associat­ is obvious, and there already exists a precedent ed with the deer in Chumash ritual practices; for the apparent deification of a Kitanemuk for example, an 'antap costumed as a deer ritual object by the Yokuts in the case of the opened the Earth ceremony, and deer-tibia tisait stones (- Tuushiut). The point, however, whistles were used by the 'antap during the is certainly moot at this time. ritual. The 'antap were also said to have played It is highly hkely that Papamas or Sword- these whistles at 'Iwihinmu, where the appear­ fish was not a participant in the celestial peon ance of deer apparently had ritual significance game, although he was undoubtedly an impor­ (Blackburn 1975:Narrative 102; Hudson et al. tant supernatural being; he definitely did not 1977:43-53). The Chumash, hke the Kitane­ participate in the Chumash or Yokuts versions muk, also believed Sun and Earth were in of the game. However, Swordfish was impor­ balance with one another; this recaUs the tant to the Chumash in other ways; he was Kitanemuk belief that Sun and Tstiqqit were considered the chief of all other fish and opponents in the celestial peon game. How­ thought to be endowed with considerable ever, in view of the Chumash and Yokuts supernatural power (Blackburn 1975:Narra- parallels equating the Sky People with celestial tives 4, 14, and 27). There is a great deal of objects, it is possible that the statement that archaeological (Rogers 1929:410; Orr 1944) Tstiqqit was one of the peon players was in and ethnographic evidence (Heizer 1952:46; error. The captain of the benevolent team Bowers 1878:318-319; Mohrand Sample 1955) among the Kitanemuk should have been to connect this being with the ehte group 238 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY around which Chumash ritual was organized, meant. "He said something about the 'anetapi and the Fernandefio papumarata songs pre­ coming." Harrington ended the note with the viously mentioned suggest that a similar situa­ following (edited) comment: tion existed among that people as well. How­ Informant understands 'anetapi, but does ever, we do not know the exact significance of not know any detahs about them, nor how Papamas for the Kitanemuk, although one many there were nor what their pets might informant etymologized the word as meaning have been. She never heard of them mak­ something like "clouds blowing swiftly before ing a house at a fiesta, but she does know the wind." that the Indians of the San Fernando Many of the behefs which have been region had them; it was not the custom of discussed so far were attributed by the Kitane­ the Indians here. muk to coastal peoples hke the Chumash and As in the case of the Kitanemuk data, there Fernandefio-Gabrielino, whose ritual activi­ is the definite suggestion here that the 'antap ties involved ceremonial officers referred to as complex had a wide distribution which includ­ 'antap and yivarakam, respectively. It was said ed the Chumash, Fernandefio, and Gabriehno. that the origin of the two groups was the same, Among the Chumash the cult was apparently and that both sang Ventureiio Chumash songs tied into each political province; it also served within the sacred enclosure at fiestas. In the to integrate provinces, some of which cross­ case of the Chumash, there have been several cut linguistic boundaries (Hudson and Under­ descriptions in the hterature of the 'antap cult, hay 1978:27-32). It seems probable that both its paha or ritual leader, and such ritual objects the Gabrielino and Fernandefio were similarly as the buUroarer and deerbone whistle used at organized; Johnston describes what appear to ceremonies; the significance of 'Iwihinmu have been political provinces among the (Mount Pinos) in Chumash religion and my­ Gabrielino, as in the case of several villages in thology has also been discussed (Blackburn the San Pedro area which were mled by one 1975; Applegate 1974:198-199; Hudson and chief (1962:24), and Harrington (unpublished) Underhay 1978). However, the fact that there recorded the fact that the captain at San existed an awareness of (if not actual involve­ Gabriel invited the captains of other villages ment in) the cult on the part of the southern from as far away as Azusa to attend fiestas. Yokuts has not previously appeared in print. Reid describes ritualists within the yobagnar Gayton and Newman recorded a Yauel­ (-yivar) or sacred enclosure who were homolo­ mani Yokuts myth in which twelve brothers, gous to the 'antap; these rituahsts included called 'ane'tapi, were brought to earth by seers, captains, adult male dancers, and female Coyote to reside at Taslupunau (1940:85-86). singers, and they were said to be able to cure Kroeber places this village in the San Emidio diseases or create them, poison people with Mountains, not far from the Kitanemuk but herbs and ceremonies, make rain, communi­ within Chumash territory (1925:P1. 47). StiU cate with supernatural beings, transform them­ another mention of the 'antap can be found in selves into animals, and foretell the future Harrington's Yokuts notes; one of his consult­ (Heizer 1968:21, 40-42). It is interesting to note ants talked about a man named Chololo that Johnston rendered yobagnar as tobangar [Kroeber's Cholola?, see Note 2] who commit­ or "the whole world," a term which may be ted the error of dancing by the light of a related to Tobohar, the first man (1962:46-47; lantern. This was not considered proper. The cf Heizer 1968:19, 119-120, note 57). The shadow of a tail appeared during his dance, Chumash term for the sacred enclosure or and the consultant asked Chololo what it siliyik was also said to mean "the whole world" THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 239

(Hudson et al. 1977:112). their presence in Chumash mythology, al­ Another item that seems to have been though they did figure in ritual activities and common to the Chumash, Fernandefio, and sacred songs. Gabrielino was the deerbone whistle, which Another interesting series of correspond­ ethnographic accounts describe as being used ences between the Chumash and their Takic in historic times in both Gabriehno (Heizer neighbors involves the use of charmstones. 1968:30) and Chumash mourning ceremonies Yates (1889:305; 1890:19) collected several (Hudson et al. 1977). The missionaries at San descriptions of Chumash ceremonies in which Gabriel, San Fernando, and San Buenaven­ charmstones were used to bring rain, cure the tura also noted that this instrument was used in sick, and so on, which not only suggest a conjuction with "great feasts" (Geiger and symbolic involvement on the part of the 'antap, Meighan 1976:133-134), and its archaeological but an involvement with Gabrielino parallels. distribution is generally coterminous with Chu­ For example, in one ceremony the Chumash mash, Fernandefio, and Gabriehno territories arranged twenty charmstones in a circle, and (Hudson 1969:40-44). StiU another cult object after sprinkling them with water pushed them that seems to have been shared by these people violently together. In another ritual twelve was the sunstick, a device used to "puU" the sun charmstones were arranged in a circle with a back to a central position at the time of the black stone called Tu-Cait [tisait] placed in the winter solstice (Hudson et al. 1977:56-58; center. The stones were then showered with Hudson and Underhay 1978:62-66). chia seeds, goose down, and red ochre while A number of ritual activities were un­ men danced and sang. Yet another ritual doubtedly shared as well. One example of this involved arranging the stones in a square with would be the performance of the Papumarata five on each side. A bowl was centered in the song at Chumash ceremonies by Fernandefio middle of the square with a "medicine man" rhuahsts, while another would be the tari tari standing beside it and blowing smoke toward song sung in conjunction with the Barracuda the stones and the bowl. What is perhaps the Dance (Hudson et al. 1977:47,61,90,101,105- most significant in all of these descriptions is 106, and notes 28, 61-62, and 77). An even the use of ritual numbers; thus twelve stones more striking example was volunteered by are used, or twenty stones, or twelve stones Simphcio Pico, one of Harrington's Ventureiio with a thirteenth in the middle. These numbers consultants. appear to correspond nicely to the ritual number of 'antap rituahsts that took part in Wiwiyit is hke a god, mentioned in their [Chumash] songs and witchcraft. He is not various ceremonies; the thirteenth member of mentioned in stories (the kwayin and the group was ihe paha or cult leader (Hudson 'ilish are different stories), but this was the et al. 1977). name of a person, a male person Simplicio A Fernandefio ritual that symbolically thinks, mentioned in vocative in their mirrors the ceremonies just discussed was songs. Manesal is another person mention­ described by a Yokuts man who had lived at ed in songs similar to Wiwiyit. He thinks San Fernando as a boy (Kroeber 1908^). It is they danced [to them] too. These two were curiously reminiscent of the ceremonies de­ Shoshonean gods, he thinks and volun­ scribed by Yates. The ritual was performed by teers [Harrington, unpublished]. thirteen men, one of whom was the leader, with Wiwiyit and Manesal undoubtedly were Sho­ aU being considered very strong in super­ shonean "gods"—Wiyot and Manisar. It is natural powers. Three men hned up on each interesting that Simplicio specifically denied side of a square, with the thirteenth man in the 240 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY center. (The square was evidently a ground- Timbrook, and Rempe 1978:174, 178). painting.) The man in the middle of the square Titles given to ritualists in southern Cali­ held four strings, each of which ran to one side fornia constitute stiU another argument for and was held by one of the three men on that intensive panethnic interaction. Among the side. When all was ready the strings were Chumash, for example, the 'antap cult leader shaken, and the result was either an earth­ was caWtd paha (Blackburn 1974:105; Hudson quake or illness for whatever person the central et al. 1977:19); the cognate title pahave was man had in mind (Kroeber 1925:626). While said to mean "medicine man" among the the presence of twelve men led by a thirteenth Gabrielino (Kroeber 1909:251). The Serrano in this Fernandeiio ceremony is interesting and and such members of the "southern complex" strongly suggests Chumash ritual practices, as the Luisefio, Cupeiio, and Mountain and another feature of the ritual first pointed out Pass Cahuilla applied the term paha to the by Kroeber (1925:665) is also worth noting: the major Datura ritualist; the Desert Cahuilla strings used remind one of the cords employed used the same word for the ceremonial assis­ by the Luisefio in conjuction with ground- tant of the net or chief (Strong 1929:340, Table paintings to symbolize the human spirit and 22). A similar term, paha-m, was used by the "tie the worid." Tubatulabal, and was said to mean "weather Recent evidence indicates that interaction shaman" (Voegehn 1938:64), while a Luiseiio between the Chumash, Fernandeno, and informant translated paha as "crimson snake" Gabrielino was considerably greater than pre­ (Tac 1952; White 1963:147-148).* viously suspected, and economic (and in some The apparent correspondence noted by cases pohtical) integration no doubt promoted Kroeber (1925:623) between the Yokuts deity ritual exchanges as well. Brown noted that a Tuushiut and the tosaut stones employed in Catahna Island man was married to a Chu­ Chumash ceremonies (and mentioned in mash woman and was the chief of her village at Juaneiio mythology) constitutes additional ev­ Mahbu (1967:45-47), while a Fernandeiio man idence that tends to support the notion of wide­ named Rogerio (Heizer 1968:6; Johnston spread ritual interaction; it also sheds some 1962:183) is described in Chumash sources as hght on the relationship between the "north­ belonging to the 'antap cult—it is interesting to em" and "southern" complexes. According to note that he also had ties to Mahbu (Hudson et Boscana (1933:31), the tosaut stone was a al. 1977:31,91). Economic ties linking the three sacred rock used by Nocuma (Sky) to secure groups under consideration have also been the earth's motion, and Fish opened such a described (Brown 1967:8; Kroeber 1925:629- stone and poured out its liquid contents in 630, 899-900), and Chumash placenames are order to expand the ocean. Harrington com­ known to have been given to islands occupied mented that his Chumash informants were also by Takic speakers (Applegate 1975:28, 30; acquainted with the word, and said that it Blackburn 1975:Narratives 19,23,92; Hudson, referred to a black rock (charmstone) obtained Timbrook, and Rempe 1978:150). It is partic­ from Santa Barbara Island (1933:145, note 66). ularly interesting that Santa Barbara Island Henshaw made a nearly identical statement was called 'Icunas (a Chumash word meaning concerning the acquisition of tosaut stones "deer-bone whistle") by both the Fernandeiio from this island (1885:6-7; Heizer 1955:158, and Chumash (Hudson 1978:27), and that note 69), and added that they were considered many of the mariners (whether Chumash or "magician's stones" and were associated with Gabrielino) who traveled from island to island the charmstones (ma-nuc-nu) used in rain- were members of the 'antap cult (Hudson, making; Yate's use of the term Tu-Cait has THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 241 already been mentioned in a previous context. seductive woman at wiU (White 1963:144). Harrington also recorded Kitanemuk descrip­ However, the analogy is weak (if not tions of these ritual objects: absent) as far as other members of the "south­ Most people had sacred sentient stones em complex" are concerned. Among the (tisait) in their houses to protect them from Cupefio, and the Pass and Desert Cahuilla, the storms, or to place in water to be dmnk as two principal creators are both male, and are a medicine. These stones, variously shaped, called Mukat and Temaiyauit (or Tumaiyowit) were obtained from the coast. They were (Hooper 1920:317-328; Strong 1929:130-143, kept wrapped with offerings of eagle down, 253, 268-270). An incestuous affair does take seeds, beads, and tobacco; the offerings place, but it involves Mukat and his creation were changed yearly at the winter solstice Moon (a beautiful woman). For this and other [Blackburn and Bean 1978:567]. actions, Mukat (hke Wiyot) is poisoned and The fact that tosaut stones are mentioned dies; his body is cremated but Coyote steals the in connection with myth and ritual in both the heart. northern and southern areas raises the ques­ Cahuilla and Cupefio versions of this myth tion of possible paraUels between deities as match previously mentioned Serrano narra­ weh. Kroeber suggested (1925:623) that the G. tives more closely than they do the Luiseiio Ukat might be equivalent to the L. Ikaiut (or account popularized by Boscana. Here the Ycaiut) mentioned in one Boscana account correspondences would be between Mukat and (1933:31-32) though not in the other (1934); Kukitat, and between Temaiyauit and Pak­ Ikaiut and her husband Sinout were described rokitat. Kukitat/ Mukat conceivably could be as being the parents of Wiyot. Boscana trans­ equivalent to L. Tukmit and thus in turn to G. lated Ikaiut as meaning "that which signifies Ukat, but this would result in some major above"—i.e., the sky. Harrington could only problems involving Wiyot and Mukat; both assume that this translation was correct (1933: are described as having been poisoned by the 147, note 75). In a Luiseno version of this myth First People—Mukat for seducing Moon, Darkness and Earth are a brother and sister while Wiyot becomes Moon after he dies (with Earth, not Sky, being female) who (DuBois 1908:135, 148; Harrington 1933:117, commit incest and become parents of many note 39). In light of the San Femando hst things, including Wiyot (Boscana 1933:11-12; recording Veat (= Wiyot) as an important deity, Harrington 1933:115-116, note 35; DuBois it would appear that Boscana's material (de­ 1906:52-60; 1908:128-148). Another Luiseiio rived from coastal informants) was biased in version identifies Wiyot's parents as Sky many ways in favor of Gabriehno rather than Father (Tukmit) and Earth Mother (Tomaiyo- Luiseiio sources. wit). The incestuous affair between a male sky The most notable distinction between the and a female earth is equivalent to the incident "northern" and "southern" complexes involves involving Ukat and Chukit in the "northern yet another deity, Chingichnich. He appears to complex" myth, although the personnel in­ have figured prominently among the Gabrielino, volved are Sky and Earth in the one case and Juaneiio, Luiseiio, Diegueno, and to some Coyote and Deer in the other. Nevertheless, it extent the Cupefio (DuBois 1908:75-76; Bos­ seems probable that Boscana's Ikaiut was cana 1933; Waterman 1910:274-275; Strong actuaUy a male deity, equivalent to both Ukat 1929:324). While Wiyot was described as being and Tukmit. Parenthetically, it is interesting to one of the First People, Chingichnich was the note that in Luiseiio mythology Deer (G. creator of modern people. As a "captain of Cukit) was thought capable of becoming a greater power" than Wiyot, Chingichnich (the 242 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

"aU-powerful," "almighty," and "omnipresent") What was unique about Chingichnich was that taught people how to create rain, influence the he was viewed not as a member of a pantheon dew, and produce various plants and animals. of deities, but rather as the single source from He also taught people the laws by which they which all power had come to man; it is this were to hve, how to build the sacred enclosure, aspect that probably had its origins in and how to conduct its important rituals; those Christian theology. so entmsted with these powers became a pul. There are two accounts of the origin of the Ascending into the sky, Chingichnich watched complex of beliefs involving Chingichnich, over mankind, sending avengers (bears to bite, both of which state that it developed among serpents to sting), misfortunes, infirmities, or coastal peoples. The first account, coUected by death to chastise those who did not obey DuBois (1908:75), relates that the complex (Boscana 1933:29-30, 34-35). Kroeber (1925: originated in the north and was brought from 656) has pointed out that this religious concept there to the islands of Santa Catalina and San was totally unique in southem Califomia, and Clemente; from there it spread to the mainland some others have suggested that the Chingich­ at San Juan Capistrano and then eastward and nich cult developed as a result of contacts southward to the Luiseno and Diegueiio. The between Europeans and native Cahfomians second version, recorded by Harrington (1933: between A.D. 1542 and 1788, and actually had 88), attributes its origin to a place called its origins in one of the world's dominant Pubunga in Gabrielino territory, not far from religions (White 1963:94-95). modern Long Beach. Either account places the The name Chingichnich has never been mainland source south of San Pedro, while recorded in conjunction with southern Yokuts DuBois' data suggest that the ultimate origin groups, and Harrington stated that his Kitane­ was someplace north of Santa Catahna Island, muk informants were not familiar with it perhaps among the Chumash. The latter hy­ either. However, certain general Chingichnich pothesis now seems rather unlikely in hght of parallels did exist among the Kitanemuk, but our present knowledge of Chumash mythology they involved the deity Tstiqqit, the mother of and religion (Blackburn 1975; Hudson et al. modern peoples, who taught her children how 1977). In fact, while it is possible that the name to constmct and use the sacred enclosure, and Chingichnich and its synonyms were simply how to perform such important activities as not recorded by the priests at Mission San hunting, basketmaking, and so forth. It is Femando, the complex would appear to be probable (though not specifically stated) that largely a creation of the southeastern Gabrielino she also promulgated the basic behavioral and their neighbors below San Pedro. norms, but we do not know if she (hke It is conceivable that DuBois' consultant Chingichnich) sent avengers to punish those confused the complex of ideas associated with the who disobeyed her rules. Latta noted (1949: deity Chingichnich with the ritual officers or 210) that the Yokuts beheved that an avenging publem (a term said by one informant to be rattlesnake was occasionally dispatched to synonymous with Chingichnich) who promul­ both punish and spy. The Chumash considered gated it. There are a number of corroborative these avenging animals to be the "pets" of Sun pieces of evidence that can be marshaUed in (Blackburn 1975), and it is quite probable that support of this hypothesis. Harrington's the Kitanemuk held similar views. The concept Kitanemuk consultants stated (see above) that of a vengeful deity who brought culture to man the religion practiced by the 'antap j yivarakam thus does not in itself appear to be a sufficient was present on the coast among the Chumash, reason for considering Chingichnich unique. Femandeiio, and Gabrielino, and we have THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 243 already noted that it involved a great deal of affiliated with the same moiety as Sun). social, economic, and pohtical interaction. The correspondences just noted seem more Chumash oral tradition also states that this than coincidental, especially if we consider the rehgion developed on Santa Cruz Island some­ mythological origins of moieties as well. time after initial European contact, and spread Among the Serrano, for example, the creator from there to the mainland (Hudson et al. Pakrokitat was the being who assigned the 1977:11, 17-19). It seems reasonable to infer people to the various sibs (Gifford 1918:178), that the siliyik I yivar complex originally had a while among the Cahuilla it was Moon, a being fairly wide panethnic distribution, and that the created by Mukat, who performed this task Chingichnich elements incorporated into it (Strong 1929:136). Gifford beheved (1918:117) southeast of San Pedro were essentially a result that the Luiseiio had sibs but not moieties, but of the readaptation of concepts involving Sun both Strong (1929:288-289) and White (1963: and Cukit. In short, we suggest that Chingich­ 135) thought that moieties had once existed nich represents an historic, nativistic reaction and were an integral part of Luiseiio social to European intrusion, involving a fusion of structure. the creative figure of Cukit, the powerful and The duahsm inherent in the continual vengeful figure of Sun, and elements of interplay between social organization and rit­ Christian theology to form a syncretic native ual behavior that characterized so much of equivalent of "God." southern California is evident in other data as There is some evidence to suggest that well. The Serrano Coyote moiety, for example, many of the religious elements that we have had the ceremonial chief and dance house, been discussing (such as Wiyot, Chingichnich, while the WUdcat moiety had the paha and and the siliyik I yivar complex) may have been fetish bundle (Gifford 1918:178-179; Strong developed out of certain ideological concepts, 1929:12). It has been suggested that the involving a pantheon of deities, with consid­ Luiseno once had a similar arrangement erable antiquity in southern California. This (White 1963:149-157), and a cursory examina­ hypothesis is based upon the apparent link tion of Harrington's notes on southem Yokuts between the mythic duality expressed in the rehgion indicates that these people may have celestial peon game and the duality in social been organized in the same way. Strong has organization involving sibs/clans and moieties suggested (1929:291) that moieties were once that characterizes much of southern Califor­ present from the Miwok south to the Cupeiio, nia. The striking parallels between these two but were replaced at an early date along the cultural subsystems are shown in Table 3, in coast by other social systems. Gifford has which data on social organization presented by argued (1917:217) that a moiety-sib complex Strong (1929:341, Table 23) and King (1969: was once centered in southern California, 46, Table 4) have been organized according to possibly among the Gabrielino; outward from mythological affiliation. It is readily apparent this center, sibs were lost to the north and that kin group membership was closely corre­ moieties to the east and south. As an alternate lated with peon team affiliation. There natural­ hypothesis, Gifford suggested that moieties ly were many more sibs than peon players, but and sibs might have been separate institutions it would seem that each such group was in their respective areas, with both diffusing associated with one of the important Sky into the central region occupied by the Serrano, People, and therefore belonged to the same Cupefio, and Cahuilla. We believe that the moiety (i.e.. Crow, Raven, Rattlesnake, and hnks between mythology and social organiza­ Bear, as Sun's "pets," would be expected to be tion discussed above reinforce the suggestion 244 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY that sibs/clans and moieties once constituted CONCLUSIONS basic and essentially interdependent elements in social and ideological systems throughout Over fifty years have elapsed since Kroeber the region under consideration. While a defini­ first suggested the existence of a shared pan­ tive choice between Gifford's two hypotheses theon of deities (comprising a "northern com­ might perhaps be premature at this time, it is plex" distinct from the Chingichnich rehgion) worth noting that the mythic bases of social among the Gabrielino, Fernandeiio, and south­ organization are reflected more clearly in the ern Yokuts. Quite a few relevant and essential­ stmcture of the "northern complex" pantheon ly corroborative data have accumulated in the than anywhere else. interval (largely as a consequence of recent

Table 3 ASSOCIATION OF CELESTIAL PEON PLAYERS WITH CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA MOIETIES AND CLANS (Adopted from Strong 1929:341, Table 23; King 1969:46, Table 4)

Celestial Peon Game Westem Combined Inezeilo General Combined Players Miwok Mono Yokuts Salinan Chumash S. Calif. Luiseiio Cahuilla High Up Moiety A Sun's Team Land Down Down Bear Tone Wildcat Wildcat Wildcat Earth or Sky Low Down Moiety B Coyote's Team Up Up Up Deer Tone Coyote Coyote Coyote Captain, A Sun Sun A 7 7 7 7 7 7 A Team A Eagle Evening Star A A A 7 A 7 A (B) Captain, B Coyote North Star B B B 7 7 B 7 B Team B Water, Fog Morning Star B 7 ? 7 7 ? B 7 Captain, B Deer Earth B 7 7 B 7 B (A) 7 Team A? Crow, Raven Sun's pet A A A 7 (B) 7 A A Team A? Bear Sun's pet A 7 A A A 7 ? A Wild Cat 7 A 7 A 7 7 A A A Fox ? A 7 A ? 7 ? 7 A Badger 7 A 7 7 7 7 ? 7 A Lizard ? A 7 ? 7 ? 7 7 7 Buzzard 7 B B B 7 7 ? 7 B Falcon 7 (A) B B 7 7 7 7 ?

Notes: ? - missing or unknown; ( ) - questionable. THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 245 access to John P. Harrington's field notes), Sky People (perpetually engaged in a great with the result that a substantive expansion celestial peon game whose outcome could and amendment of Kroeber's rather sketchy affect hfe and death) was seemingly recognized formulation can now be undertaken. The by both Chumash and "northem complex" Kitanemuk must clearly be added to the list of peoples. groups involved in the "northern complex," One of the significant features of this while the Serrano should apparently be ex­ pantheon involved the equation apparently cluded (Fig. 1). Some southern Yokuts groups drawn between its more prominent members adopted elements of the complex and com­ and certain celestial objects. Moon (a neutral bined them with their own mythology—the female figure) acted as the scorekeeper for the resultant blend seems to owe more to central peon game in the upper world; the Chumash than southern California. The mythological probably equated her with Datura (Momoy, system of the Chumash (hke that of the Manic, Manisar). Kitanemuk (and to some Yokuts) was distinct from that of their Takic extent Fernandefio and Gabrielino) data in­ neighbors to the east, although certain broad dicate that Sun (Tameat, Tamur) and (Sky) similarities can be discemed. A pantheon of Coyote or Sky Deer (Hukaht, Ukat) were

NORTHERN COMPLEX

SOUTHERN COMPLEX

'ANTAP-Y+VAR CULT

Nicoleno

Co

Fig. I. Distribution of mythic-ritual "complexes" in south-central California. 246 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY opposing team captains. Tstiqqit (Cukit) seems and solstitial rites, and elaborate eschatologi- to have symbolized Earth, and for this reason cal beliefs. The Kitanemuk, as a consequence was apparently not considered one of the Sky of economic and pohtical ties to groups to the People. Among the Chumash, the remaming team west (Chumash) and south (Tataviam and members were Evening and Morning Star; Femandefio), acted as intermediaries between Morning Star was also equated with the male the coast and the southern Yokuts. The Two Thunders. In view of other general simi­ Luiseiio and Cahuilla (on the basis of cognate larities between the Chumash and "northern ritual terms and certain mythic elements) were complex" groups, it seems likely that the latter similarly influenced by the Gabriehno. Coastal also believed that these two celestial objects beliefs associated with the 'antap/yivar cult were players in the peon game, although we were adopted by many inland groups and can only suggest that they may have been combined with older concepts to form a kind equated with Yuxaxat (Evening Star) and of ideological mosaic. Thus it was the coastal either Pamasyit or Pitsurayt (Two Thunders or groups who were the religious innovators, and Morning Star). Papamas or Swordfish was a the spread of their innovations was ensured by prominent being among the Chumash, Fer­ the very fervor and intensity of their ritual nandefio, and perhaps the Gabriehno, and was interaction. Some of the diagnostic character­ considered to be one of Tstiqqit's brothers by istics of this coastal religion included the use of the Kitanemuk; it is possible that he may have a sacred enclosure, the employment of the buU­ symbohzed or been equated with wind. It can roarer and deer-bone whistle in ritual, and cult be suggested as weU that the division of the Sky officers who speciahzed in the performance of People into two opposing teams was closely community-oriented ceremonies and (perhaps tied to the dichotomous social organization most importantly) enjoyed reputations for that characterized many groups in central and controlling awesome and unprecedented southern California. It is conceivable that amounts of supernatural power. As one Kitane­ members of the pantheon were once more muk informant put it, these were the people widely recognized, since some elements of "who knew all things." It was the 'antap/yivar "northern complex" mythic organization are cult, not behefs in Chingichnich, that inland reflected in the social structures of groups who groups most associated with the coastal Chu­ did not belong to the complex as usually mash, Fernandeiio, and Gabrielino. defined; for example, there is some evidence to As might be expected. Christian influences suggest that Boscana's coastal peoples (wheth­ on native behef systems seem to have been er Gabriehno or Juaneno) retained certain strongest among coastal peoples; one example features associated with the pantheon in their of this process might be the Luiseiio being mythology. Wiyot. Wiyot, who was known to the Chu­ Some of the most significant religious mash as Wiwiyit and to the Fernandefio as developments in southern California appear to Veat (= Wiyot), may have been equivalent to have taken place among such coastal peoples both the Gabriehno god-child of Cukit, Mac­ as the Chumash, Fernandefio, and Gabriehno, tutu, and to the Kitanemuk being Pituru\ It with the Chumash playing a leading role. seems probable that Wiyot was a rather minor These developments revolved around the figure in the "northern complex" pantheon 'antap/yivar cult or rehgious complex, which prior to European contact, and was only appears to have had its origins in a conver­ accorded some prominence protohistorically gence of such mythic and ceremonial elements as a result of Christian influences. These as sun worship, highly developed mourning influences certainly appear to be reflected in THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX' 247 the Chingichnich complex, which seems to be a The entire problem is too complex to be fully mission period nativistic movement that devel­ discussed here. "Deer" is hukaht in Kitanemuk but oped among the Gabriehno. Some facets of the sukat/sukut in Gabrielino/Fernandeiio. Bright complex suggest that the Gabriehno combined suggests that Tstiqqit and its cognates might or Christian themes with reinterpreted native might not be derived from the word for deer in some behefs in order to create it. The figure of Takic language, although the sound shifts are rather unusual. There has obviously been a great Chingichnich was apparently formed by fusing deal of reciprocal borrowing of terms in the area; it beliefs associated with Cukit (the creator of is conceivable that the southern Yokuts may have man and his culture) and Sun (a supremely linked Hukaht to Coyote. It is also possible that the powerful male being). Many of the symbols Kitanemuk recognized two deer supernaturals; connected with Chingichnich appear to consist Chumash accounts mention the appearance of red of behefs that were originally associated with and white deer at Mount Pifios (Blackbum 1975: Sun (e.g., titles such as Tamur and Tobet, and Narrative No. 102), and it has been suggested that Sun's "pets"—who became Chingichnich the Chumash associated the color red with the earth "avengers") and simply reinterpreted in order and white with the sky (Hudson and Underhay to accommodate new and radicaUy different 1978:146). religious concepts. This elaboration of beliefs 5. The phonetic form of these words strongly and symbols thus appears to have formed a suggests a Kitanemuk rather than a Yokuts origin. kind of thin veneer covering older concepts 6. 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