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Twenty Years After Post-Communist Countries and Twenty Years After European Integration

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Twenty Years After Post-Communist Countries and Twenty Years After European Integration TWENTY YEARS AFTER POST-COMMUNIST COUNTRIES AND TWENTY YEARS AFTER EUROPEAN INTEGRATION When in 1989 communism collapsed in central and eastern new identities, the countries of ex-Yugoslavia have, with the Europe, the road seemed to be open for the reunification of a exception of Slovenia, not yet found their way into the Euro- divided Europe. The enthusiasm for membership of the Euro- pean Union and have not arrived at a sustainable reconcili- pean Union was great among the nations of the former Soviet ation. Ukraine and the countries of the Southern Caucasus bloc. The German Democratic Republic became part of the have not yet turned into stable democracies and their per- Federal Republic of Germany within a year, a year later the spectives for EU-membership are practically non-existent. sovereignty of the Baltic states and Ukraine was restored. Belarus has remained more or less untouched by changes Whereas the disintegration of the Soviet Union proceeded in in neighbouring countries and Russia, finally, has not made a remarkably calm way, everything went wrong in Yugoslavia the much hoped-for progress on the road towards democ- where ethnic conflicts led to ten years of bloody civil war and racy and has developed an often problematic relationship the disintegration of the country (1991-2001). with the European Union and other neighbours. In 2004 the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Where do the post-communist countries of central and Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia became members eastern Europe as well as those of the Western Balkans of the European Union. Rumania and Bulgaria followed now stand in Europe? What role has the example of the three years later. Twenty years after the end of communism European Union played in the last twenty years? In what in Europe, the European Union includes ten post-commu- way has the accession of the post-communist countries nist member states, eleven, if one takes the former GDR influenced the European Union and its policies? How do into account. This, however, does not mean that the “re- the post-communist countries see themselves in twenty unification of Europe” has been successfully concluded. years time? And, finally, on what goals and values should Many post-communist states are still struggling with their Europe’s future be based? Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung European Union, Brussels 15 Rue d’Arlon – B-1050 Brussels – Belgium T +32 2 743 41 00 F (+32) 2 743 41 09 E [email protected] – www.boell.eu TWENTY YEARS AFTER POST-COMMUNIST COUNTRIES AND EUROPEAN INTEGRATION Supported by the European Commission – Programme EUROPE FOR CITIZENS: Structural support for civil society organisations at European level. Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Published by the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, European Union, Brussels Printed in Belgium, July 2009 © The authors and the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, European Union, Brussels All rights reserved German-English translation: Margaret Cameron Polish-English translation: Ewa Urbańczyk-Piskorska Croatian-English translation: Ana Heidl English language editing: Margaret Cameron except (4): Alan and Pauline Chamberlain Proof reading and photo research: Jonathan Niessen Text editing, coordination and final editing: Marianne Ebertowski Production: Micheline Gutman Cover picture: Arthur Barys D/2009/11.850/2 The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung , European Union, Brussels This publication can be ordered at: Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, European Union, Brussels 15 Rue d’Arlon B-1050 Brussels Belgium P (+32) 2 743 41 00 F (+32) 2 743 41 09 E [email protected] W www.boell.eu FOREWORD 4 PART ONE Central Europe: The New EU Member States 7 1. Ilana Bet-El: Post-Cold War Enlargement and the Coming of Age of the European Union 8 2. Adam Krzemiƒski: Between Disappointment and Optimism: The Polish Experience 17 3. Jifií Pehe: The Czech Republic and the European Union: A Problematic Relationship 22 4. Veiko Spolitis: Amidst Centripetal and Centrifugal Moves: 31 The Ongoing Transformation of the Baltic States 5. Werner Schulz: Catching the European Train – German Unification: 43 A Stepping Stone Towards a United Europe PART TWO The Western Balkans: The EU Perspective 51 6. Nicholas Whyte: The European Union and the Western Balkans 52 7. Vladimir Pavićević: The European Perspective of Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo 60 8. Tihomir Ponoš: Croatia: An Apprehensive Fan of Europe 67 9. Ugo Vlaisavljević: Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Continuity of Ethno-Politics in the Age 78 of European Integration PART THREE Ex-Soviet Union: The EU’s Eastern Neighbours 91 10. Fraser Cameron: The Eastern European Policy of the European Union 92 11. Beka Natsvlishvili: Georgia on the Way to Europe 102 12. Jens Siegert: Russia and the European Union: A Deep Moat in Place of the Iron Curtain? 111 13. Juri Durkot: Tales from Ukraine 120 4 FOREWORD In the words of the Polish journalist and dissident, lands to continue, the history of 1989 would have Adam Michnik, 1989 was Europe’s annus mirabilis. been much darker. This remains Gorbachev’s The peaceful revolution of that year was a miracle historical achievement even though it was based effected by the people in central and eastern on a miscalculation: Gorbachev believed that Europe. Hardly any one (and certainly no western reform would strengthen the socialist system; in head of state or politician) had foreseen that a fact it sealed its fate. popular movement active in different countries would, in just a few months, topple socialist The spirit of the early part of this period of change regimes and force the mighty Soviet Union to at the beginning of the 1990s was captured in retreat behind the borders of Russia. There was American political scientist, Francis Fukuyama’s Ronald Regan’s legendary call “Mr. Gorbatchev, famous book The End of History (published 1992). tear down this wall!” made in June 1987 as he Fukuyama’s main thesis was that with the collapse stood at the Berlin Wall but neither U.S. diplomats of socialism there was no longer any serious nor European governments took it seriously and opposition to liberalism and that the whole world some did not even want it: to them two Germanys would now commit itself to the combination of was preferable to one. democracy and capitalism that had emerged successfully from the battle with the rival socialist This wonder of freedom did not just fall out of the system. sky. It had a long history; the Czechoslovakian Charter 77 group was part of it as was the Polish The question we have to ask at the end of the trade union movement, Solidarność; one could first decade of the new millennium is: how valid also include the Prague Spring of 1968 and the is Fukuyama’s assessment today? Or is what we Soviet dissident circle around Andrei Sakharov, or are experiencing in many of the post-communist even go as far back as the Hungarian uprising of countries an erosion of their newly won democracy 1956 or the events of 17 June 1953 in the GDR, the against the backdrop of a global economic crisis first mass revolt in the Soviet sphere of influence that is questioning the legitimacy of capitalism? after the war. This crisis with the ideas of democracy and market economy does not, however, mean that The reason 1989 was so successful in comparison alternatives will emerge that will create a similar to earlier revolts was due to its peaceful nature. impact as the communist and fascist oppositional The images of tanks in East Berlin, Budapest and movements in the 1930s. Prague were still in peoples’ minds and nobody could be sure that these tragedies would not The wave of freedom that began in 1989 has swept be repeated. The trauma of these events was beyond Europe. The democratic movement in the creative force for the development of a new China that was crushed in the usual manner at concept of resistance, namely no violence but Tiananmen Square is also part of it. The epicentre, dialogue with the powers that be to bring about however, was in Europe, including Russia. One of peaceful transformation. its most important achievements has been the political reunification of Europe on the basis of That these improbable aims were met was not the rule of law and democracy. due exclusively to the skill and prudence of the opposition movements. Without the political The historic mission of creating a free and spring in Moscow, without Gorbachev’s readiness united Europe, however, is not yet complete. We to keep Russian troops in the barracks and allow should not make the mistake of either drawing the reform movements in the socialist brother or accepting new and lasting division lines in Foreword 5 Europe, neither in the case of ex-Yugoslavia nor post-communist countries of central and eastern against Turkey, Ukraine or Georgia. Currently, the Europe as well as those of the Western Balkans effects of the economic crisis threaten even what now stand in Europe? What effect has all this had European integration has already achieved. We on “old Europe“, those members of the European are going through a period of a dangerous lack Union whose historical experience took place of European solidarity and inability to act when on the other side of the Wall? In what way has what we need is more not less Europe if we are to the accession of post-communist countries overcome the crisis. influenced the European Union and its policies? The contributors to this publication do not just We have also looked to the future. How do the look back with pleasure to those euphoric days post-communist countries see themselves in when the people of central and eastern Europe twenty years time? Upon what goals and values overcame the continent’s division but they have should Europe’s future be based? One thing is also made sober assessments of the intervening clear: although a united Europe needs strong period.
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