DOCSLIB.ORG

Burma Elections 2010 and 2012

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Burma Elections 2010 and 2012 UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State [email protected] Burma 2010 Election Results http://hiu.state.gov HUMANITARIAN INFORMATION UNIT One small step for democracy? Amid allegations of election irregularities, National Parliament election results, 2010* including ballot stung, coercion, fraud, USDP Ethnic Pro-Democracy National Unity Party Independent Canceled intimidation, and violence (see Burma 2010 People’s Parliament 258 47 9 12 0 4 Election Irregularities, page 2), the (Lower House) regime-backed Union Solidarity and Nationalities Parliament 129 26 7 5 1 0 Development Party (USDP) won national, (Upper House) regional, and state elections. * The military appoints 25% of all seats to its soldiers: 56 additional seats in the Nationalities Parliament, 110 additional seats in the People’s Parliament Despite USDP using election apparatus and military force to manipulate votes, some people voted for the party of their choice. Ethnic states in particular voted for Lower House Upper House non-USDP candidates (see table below). Military* USDP Other Parliament Makeup in Ethnic States Chin Kachin Kayah Kayin (Karen) Mon Yangon Region Rakhine Upper House 8 USDP Shan 4 Pro-Democracy Lower House Parliament Makeup in Regions 37 USDP Mandalay 8 Pro-Democracy Tanintharyi Magway National National National Independent Democratic Unity Unity Bago Force Party Party Ethnic Ethnic Ayeyarwady National Democratic Sagaing USDP USDP Military* Force Yangon Military* * 25% of all seats reserved for military Names and boundary representation are not Sources: Democratic Voice of Burma, Burma News International, Irrawaddy, March 26, 2012 - U553 STATE (HIU) necessarily authoritative. International Crisis Group, AltASEAN.org UNCLASSIFIED Burma 2010 Election Irregularities Neither free nor fair? Kachin State Legal framework The 2008 Constitution, approved in a discredited referendum, Sagaing reserves 25% of all Parliament seats for members of the Region military. It also allows the government to create lists of “ghost voters” and assign these votes to the regime-backed Union Chin Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). State Shan State Rules and restrictions Mandalay Rakhine Region State Magway The constitutionally-mandated Union Election Commission (UEC) Region rejected 10 of 47 political parties and banned Aung San Suu Kyi from participating. Her National League for Democracy (NLD), which won a Kayah landslide victory in the ignored 1990 elections, subsequently State boycotted the 2010 election. One-third of the 3,153 approved Bago Region candidates were members of the USDP. The UEC banned election Mon commentary and analysis in the media, prohibited outside monitors Ayeyarwady State Kayin Reported election State and foreign journalists, vetted and rejected candidates, reviewed all irregularities per township Region campaign speeches, and signicantly restricted campaigning. Fraud, Violence & Campaign Yangon harassment & intimidation, restriction Region Results and irregularities coercion arrest Number of incidents The government’s ocial voter turnout was 76.48% at 40,000 polling Tanintharyi stations in 325 townships. Though this gure may be inated, in Region comparison, the regime claimed a 99.07% turnout (and 92.48% 1-5 6-10 >10 approval) for the 2008 constitutional referendum. Percentage of village elections Foreign-based Burmese news organizations collected more than 500 canceled per township reports of fraud, protests, illegal activity and other election irregularities. 1-33% 66-99% 33-66% 100% U.S. Department of State [email protected] Township State/Region http://hiu.state.gov boundary boundary HUMANITARIAN INFORMATION UNIT Names and boundary representation are not Sources: Democratic Voice of Burma, Burma News International, Irrawaddy, March 26, 2012 - U554 STATE (HIU) necessarily authoritative. International Crisis Group, AltASEAN.org, Burma Partnership UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State [email protected] Burma Reforms and 2012 By-elections http://hiu.state.gov HUMANITARIAN INFORMATION UNIT Since its discredited 2010 elections, the nominally civilian Government of Burma has made a number of political reforms. Ocials state the April 1 by-elections will be more free and more fair than previous elections, though less than 4% of all seats are open (see map). The Union Election Commission has made voter registration lists publicly available, oered all parties an Kachin opportunity to broadcast TV and radio messages at government expense, and publicly called for State an end to informal campaign restrictions. Western governments have said they will heavily scrutinize the election conduct in the context of considering further easing of sanctions. Sagaing Burma reform timeline Region Discredited referendum approves 5/10/2008 the 2008 constitution. It guarantees 25% of parliamentary seats to the 11/7/10 Regime-backed Union military, allows the military to take Solidarity and Development Chin over government during a state of Party sweeps rst Burmese State emergency, and creates many general election in 20 years Shan State Mandalay administrative bodies, including Region the Union Election Commission 11/13/10 Aung San Suu Kyi (ASSK) freed Rakhine Magway Nay Pyi Taw from seven years of house arrest State Region 4 lower house seats ASSK says she is willing to 11/19/10 Kayah work with the government State 3/30/11 Burma inaugurates its rst civilian government in nearly 40 years, led by President Thein Sein Bago Region Thein Sein announces an amnesty, 5/17/11 cutting one year from all sentences Mon and commuting death sentences 9/5/11 The government establishes the State Ayeyarwady Kayin Myanmar Human Rights Commission Region State Burma lifts bans on prominent 9/15/11 to investigate abuses under the 2008 news websites, including some Constitution Yangon Region critical of the government 9/30/11 Myitsone Dam project Open Parliament seats suspended, widely seen as a Burma frees about 200 10/12/11 Nationalities Parliament response to public opposition (Upper House) political prisoners including Tanintharyi several prominent dissidents People’s Parliament Region (Lower House) 1/13/12 Burma releases 651 prisoners, including UEC approves 19 political parties, 2/7/2012 hundreds of high-prole activists Regional Parliament including eight new parties, for the UEC eases some restrictions on by-election and approves ASSK’s 2/20/2012 Nationalities and People’s political rallies amid NLD complaints Parliament candidacy for the Lower House seat in Kawhmu township, Yangon South. Only Postponed USDP and National League for Democracy (NLD) are contesting all 48 seats. 3/26/2012 Government postpones by-elections Occupied seats in Kachin State Township boundary 4/1/2012 Election Day Names and boundary representation Sources: Union Election Commission, Reuters March 26, 2012 - U555 STATE (HIU) are not necessarily authoritative..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Reform in Myanmar: One Year On
    Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°136 Jakarta/Brussels, 11 April 2012 Reform in Myanmar: One Year On mar hosts the South East Asia Games in 2013 and takes I. OVERVIEW over the chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. One year into the new semi-civilian government, Myanmar has implemented a wide-ranging set of reforms as it em- Reforming the economy is another major issue. While vital barks on a remarkable top-down transition from five dec- and long overdue, there is a risk that making major policy ades of authoritarian rule. In an address to the nation on 1 changes in a context of unreliable data and weak econom- March 2012 marking his first year in office, President Thein ic institutions could create unintended economic shocks. Sein made clear that the goal was to introduce “genuine Given the high levels of impoverishment and vulnerabil- democracy” and that there was still much more to be done. ity, even a relatively minor shock has the potential to have This ambitious agenda includes further democratic reform, a major impact on livelihoods. At a time when expectations healing bitter wounds of the past, rebuilding the economy are running high, and authoritarian controls on the popu- and ensuring the rule of law, as well as respecting ethnic lation have been loosened, there would be a potential for diversity and equality. The changes are real, but the chal- unrest. lenges are complex and numerous. To consolidate and build on what has been achieved and increase the likeli- A third challenge is consolidating peace in ethnic areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma - Conduct of Elections and the Release of Opposition Leader Aung San Suu Kyi
    C 99 E/120 EN Official Journal of the European Union 3.4.2012 Thursday 25 November 2010 Burma - conduct of elections and the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi P7_TA(2010)0450 European Parliament resolution of 25 November 2010 on Burma – conduct of elections and the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi (2012/C 99 E/23) The European Parliament, — having regard to its previous resolutions on Burma, the most recent adopted on 20 May 2010 ( 1 ), — having regard to Articles 18- 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948, — having regard to Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) of 1966, — having regard to the EU Presidency Statement of 23 February 2010 calling for all-inclusive dialogue between the authorities and the democratic forces in Burma, — having regard to the statement of the President of the European Parliament Jerzy Buzek of 11 March 2010 on Burma’s new election laws, — having regard to the Chairman’s Statement at the 16th ASEAN Summit held in Hanoi on 9 April 2010, — having regard to the Council Conclusions on Burma adopted at the 3009th Foreign Affairs Council meeting in Luxembourg on 26 April 2010, — having regard to the European Council Conclusions, Declaration on Burma, of 19 June 2010, — having regard to the UN Secretary-General’s report on the situation of human rights in Burma of 28 August 2009, — having regard to the statement made by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in Bangkok on 26 October 2010, — having regard to the Chair’s statement at the
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's Long Road to Democracy
    UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest.
    [Show full text]
  • Old and New Competition in Myanmar's Electoral Politics
    ISSUE: 2019 No. 104 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |17 December 2019 Old and New Competition in Myanmar’s Electoral Politics Nyi Nyi Kyaw* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Electoral politics in Myanmar has become more active and competitive since 2018. With polls set for next year, the country has seen mergers among ethnic political parties and the establishment of new national parties. • The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party faces more competition than in the run up to the 2015 polls. Then only the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) represented a serious possible electoral rival. • The NLD enjoys the dual advantage of the star power of its chair State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and its status as the incumbent ruling party. • The USDP, ethnic political parties, and new national parties are all potential contenders in the general elections due in late 2020. Among them, only ethnic political parties may pose a challenge to the ruling NLD. * Nyi Nyi Kyaw is Visiting Fellow in the Myanmar Studies Programme of ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. He was previously a postdoctoral fellow at the National University of Singapore and Visiting Fellow at the University of Melbourne. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 104 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION The National League for Democracy (NLD) party government under Presidents U Htin Kyaw and U Win Myint1 and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been in power since March 2016, after it won Myanmar’s November 2015 polls in a landslide. Four years later, the country eagerly awaits its next general elections, due in late 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma Coup Watch
    This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) Has Been the Country's First Experience of a Functioning Legislature for Almost Four Decades
    Burma’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: a young legislature in a changing state By Liam Allmark Beginning in 2011, the inaugural session of Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) has been the country's first experience of a functioning legislature for almost four decades. After General Ne Win's 1962 coup d'état abolished the post-independence parliamentary system, legislative power was exercised by the military through a succession of internal structures, appointed councils and single-party bodies. Tentative moves towards restoring an elected assembly in 1990 were quickly aborted by the ruling regime when the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a resounding majority of the vote. Consequently many of those who won seats spent the following years in prison or exile. This picture finally began to change with the adoption of a new constitution in 2008 establishing today's system of 'disciplined democracy'. Elections were held to the new Pyidaungsu Hluttaw in 2010 and since members took their seats at a purpose-built complex in Naypyidaw the following year, this young legislature has become a focal point of Burma's shifting political landscape. Parties and elections Whilst the military no longer exercises direct and complete control over Burma's legislative system, it nevertheless retains considerable influence: 25% of members in the 440 seat lower chamber (Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives) and the 224 seat upper chamber (Amyotha Hluttaw, or House of Nationalities) are Defence Service personnel directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. This is particularly significant given the requirement for any constitutional amendments to be approved by more than 75% of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, effectively creating a military veto.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress
    Burma’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs March 28, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44436 Burma’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress Summary The landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma’s November 2015 parliamentary elections may prove to be a major step in the nation’s potential transition to a more democratic government. Having won nearly 80% of the contested seats in the election, the NLD has a majority in both chambers of the Union Parliament, which gave it the ability to select the President-elect, as well as control of most of the nation’s Regional and State Parliaments. Burma’s 2008 constitution, however, grants the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw, widespread powers in the governance of the nation, and nearly complete autonomy from civilian control. One quarter of the seats in each chamber of the Union Parliament are reserved for military officers appointed by the Tatmadaw’s Commander-in-Chief, giving them the ability to block any constitutional amendments. Military officers constitute a majority of the National Defence and Security Council, an 11-member body with some oversight authority over the President. The constitution also grants the Tatmadaw “the right to independently administer and adjudicate all affairs of the armed services,” and designates the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services as “the ‘Supreme Commander’ of all armed forces,” which could have serious implications for efforts to end the nation’s six-decade-long, low-grade civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • 2021/480 of 22 March 2021 Implementing Regulation (EU) No 401/2013 Concerning Restrictive Measures in Respect of Myanmar/Burma
    22.3.2021 EN Offi cial Jour nal of the European Union L 99 I/15 COUNCIL IMPLEMENTING REGULATION (EU) 2021/480 of 22 March 2021 implementing Regulation (EU) No 401/2013 concerning restrictive measures in respect of Myanmar/Burma THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, Having regard to Council Regulation (EU) No 401/2013 of 2 May 2013 concerning restrictive measures in respect of Myanmar/Burma and repealing Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 (1), and in particular Article 4i thereof, Having regard to the proposal from the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Whereas: (1) On 2 May 2013, the Council adopted Regulation (EU) No 401/2013. (2) On 22 February 2021, the Council adopted conclusions in which it condemned in the strongest terms the military coup carried out in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021. It called for de-escalation of the crisis through an immediate end to the state of emergency, the restoration of the legitimate civilian government and the opening of the newly elected parliament. (3) The Council also called upon the military authorities to release the President, the State Counsellor and all those who have been detained or arrested in connection with the coup. The Council insisted that unimpeded telecommu­ nications must be ensured, freedoms of expression, association, and assembly, and access to information guaranteed, and the rule of law and human rights respected. It condemned the military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators while calling for maximum restraint to be exercised by the authorities and for all sides to refrain from violence, in line with international law.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's “Saffron Revolution”
    Burma’s “Saffron Revolution” is not over Time for the international community to act December 2007 Based on a joint international FIDH - ITUC mission on the Thai-Burma border Burma’s “Saffron Revolution” is not over. Time for the international community to act December 2007 Table of contents 1 The current situation in Burma ................................................................................... 9 1.1 The crackdown of large, peaceful protests ................................................................. 9 1.2 The situation is not 'back to normal' ........................................................................ 13 1.3 “It is not over” ...................................................................................................... 14 2 The people of Burma and their representatives are ready for a transition ................. 17 2.1 Non-violent means for achieving democracy ........................................................... 17 2.2 Political maturity ................................................................................................... 18 2.3 A capable democracy movement ............................................................................ 18 2.4 No civil war if regime change happens.................................................................... 20 3 Cautious support for the ‘dialogue’ ........................................................................... 22 3.1 SPDC: no genuine willingness for dialogue (an unanimous view expressed by witnesses) ......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Burma's Constitutional Process
    Chronology of Burma’s Constitutional Process February 12, 1947: While Burma is still under British colonial rule, the Panglong Agreement is signed by Burmese leader General Aung San and several ethnic nationality leaders from the Shan, Kachin, and Chin areas. The agreement is designed to hasten independence from the British and avert ethnic tensions in the new Burma, as recognized in paragraph 7 that states, “Citizens of the Frontier Areas shall enjoy rights and privileges which are regarded as fundamental in democratic societies.” July 19, 1947: General Aung San and several members of the cabinet are assassinated in Rangoon. U Nu and his Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) prepare to take power from the British by finishing Burma’s first constitution. January 4, 1948: Burma gains independence from British rule and institutes the 1947 constitution. The new constitution and its federal structure included the Shan state, Karenni state, Kachin state, and Karen state, with the Chin Hills being classified as a “special division.” The constitution granted the right of secession to special division states after 10 years (chapter 10, articles 201-206) subject to a majority vote in the state assembly and majority in a plebiscite. March 2, 1962: The military Revolutionary Council under General Ne Win overthrows the constitutionally elected civilian government. December 15-31, 1973: The Revolutionary Council conducts a referendum to endorse the new constitution, which is carried by over 90 percent of the vote in a process that many international observers do not assess as fair. March 1974: Burma’s second constitution is implemented, transferring power from the Revolutionary Council to the Burma Socialist Program Party (BSPP).
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's Transition to “Disciplined Democracy”: Abdication Or Institutionalization of Military Rule?
    Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should limit in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers serve to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior publication encourage exchange ideas and academic debate. Working GIGA GIGA Research Programme: Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems ___________________________ Burma’s Transition to “Disciplined Democracy”: Abdication or Institutionalization of Military Rule? Marco Bünte No 177 August 2011 www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers GIGA WP 177/2011 GIGA Working Papers Edited by the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien The GIGA Working Papers series serves to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. Inclusion of a paper in the GIGA Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. When working papers are eventually accepted by or published in a journal or book, the correct citation reference and, if possible, the corresponding link will then be included on the GIGA Working Papers website at <www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers>. GIGA research unit responsible for this issue: GIGA Research Programme 1: “Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems” Editor of the GIGA Working Papers series: Bert Hoffmann <[email protected]> Copyright for this issue: © Marco Bünte English copy editor: Meenakshi Preisser Editorial assistant and production: Ellen Baumann All GIGA Working Papers are available online and free of charge on the website <www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers>.
    [Show full text]
  • General Elections in Myanmar from the Perspective of Inter-Ethnic Relations: Contest and Adaptation
    General Elections in Myanmar from the Perspective of Inter-Ethnic Relations: Contest and Adaptation Zhu Xianghui Associate Research Fellow Myanmar Research Institute & Center for China’s Neighboring Diplomacy Studies, Yunnan University Myanmar is still a country full of political crisis and ethnic conflict. The latter is the main factor hindering its political development. In the period of feudal dynasties, the Bamar and ethnic minorities fought against each other and established states dominated by the Bamar several times. The British, after it colonized Myanmar, implemented the policy of divide and rule. With this policy, it divided Myanmar into two independent political entities, namely "Burma Proper" and “the Frontier”1, resulting in the estrangement between the Bamar and the ethnic minorities. After independence, successive Myanmar governments have carried out the policy of Burmese Chauvinism, which led to increasingly fierce ethnic conflicts in Myanmar. Some ethnic minorities turned to armed struggle and organized their own military forces to resist the rule of the central government. The war continues to this day. This is the main line of ethnic relations in modern and contemporary Myanmar and the focus of scholars studying Myanmar. In addition, there is another clue less involved by Myanmar researchers, that is, ethnic minorities participate in the political life of Myanmar by forming political parties and participating in elections, trying to enter the Assembly and government and fight for their rights within the institutional framework. The trend of constitutionalism and ethnic relations reflected in this clue are also of great significance but have been ignored by scholars studying Myanmar for a long time.
    [Show full text]