A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 1
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
CONTENTS Preface Acknowledgements The Schnackenberg Papers Introduction Chapter I The Founding of the Wesleyan-Methodist Mission at Mokau Chapter II The Mission Established Chapter III Consolidation Chapter IV A Time of Change Chapter V The Last Years at Mokau Chapter VI Kawhia Chapter VII A New Beginning Chapter VIII Raglan Chapter IX The End of a Mission Chapter X Conclusion Bibliography
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A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
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A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
PREFACE For many years the Wesley Historical Society has desired to publish the story of Cort Henry Schnackenberg and has, from time to time, considered ways and means of obtaining a worthy account of his life and work. The Society is grateful to Mr. George Hammer for permission to publish this work which was, in the first instance, presented as a thesis to the University of Auckland for the degree of M.Litt. The document bears some of the marks of its origins with its careful documentation and well reasoned statements. Mr. Hammer has had a lifelong interest in the story of Methodist Missions and at the same time he writes from outside the Methodist Church. He is thus able to bring an objectivity which those from inside the tradition might find hard to achieve. We are glad to be able to offer to the Society this story told with a rich background of fact and with a real sensitivity. Many of the portraits and illustrations are from "The History of Methodism in N.Z." by the late Dr. W Morley. The Society expresses its indebtedness and acknowledges its source in each case. The Rev. Mary Ford has contributed photos and has encouraged and assisted in the publication. The descendants of C.H. Schnackenberg have contributed generous financial assistance and we offer our sincere thanks. The Methodist Archives have been able to come forward with a little known photo of C.H. Schnachenberg and the photo of Mrs. Jane Schnackenberg has been extracted from a family photo. The map on page 3 is adapted from a locality map from the Rev. G.I. Laurenson's "Te Hahi Weteriana". The Society gratefully acknowledges the assistance it has willingly received from all the above sources and people and offers this publication with confidence to the Church. W.J. Morrison
Inscription from Cort Henry Schnackenberg’s Bible
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A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Acknowledgements This study of Cort Henry Schnackenberg has been made possible through the co- operation of many people whose help has made my task easier. I express my thanks to all concerned. Some have contributed in a major way. In particular I wish to thank Rev. Mary Ford, the great-granddaughter of the missionary. Her personal interest in the family papers, her encouragement and information, have been invaluable. I am also appreciative of the interest and help offered in the initial stages of this project, by Professor Nicholas Tarling, Dean of the Faculty of Arts, Auckland University. To Associate Professor Hugh Laracy I am especially grateful for his friendly and valuable advice throughout. My task would have been much more difficult without the generous assistance rendered to me by Mrs Judith Bright, Librarian, St John's Theological College, Auckland. Her support and that of her staff made the many months spent on research at StJohn's College a real pleasure. Thanks must also go to Mr Mark Mete, Lecturer, Maori Department, St John's College for his translation of the letters written in Maori. The letters Schnackenberg wrote in German presented a number of difficulties. Many were faded and difficult to read. I am indebted to Mrs Margaret Playle for her patience and skill in the translation of these. I am grateful also to the Wesley Historical Society for making the publication of this work possible. Finally, I express my deep appreciation to my family, all of whom have been involved in similar research. To my wife Rae, for her checking, proof reading and general advice, to Paul and Margaret, both post-graduate students at Cambridge University, for their unstinting support and encouragement for my studies. I offer my sincere thanks. G.E.J. Hammer
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A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Schnackenberg Papers A collection of letters, manuscripts, and journals was held by Mrs J.E. Astley (nee Katrina Schnackenberg), eldest daughter of Cort Henry Schnackenberg. Before donating the collection to Trinity Methodist College, Auckland in the mid 1940s she removed sections which she considered too personal. These have never been recovered. In 1961 the collection was borrowed from Trinity College by Mary Astley (now Ford), a great granddaughter of Cort Henry Schnackenberg. The material was passed on to Cort Astley, a grandson. He had a single typescript made of the documents and his sister, Cicely retained the collection for some time. The originals were mislaid for some years but were eventually returned to Trinity College. In 1973 St John's College, Auckland received the bulk of the present collection from Trinity College, but the contents were not indexed, nor were the typescripts included. In 197 8 the typescripts were passed from Cort Astley to Douglas Astley and finally to his sister Mary Astley (Ford) for safekeeping. In 1982 Mary Astley (Ford) allowed the Waikato Museum of Art and History to photocopy the typescript. A copy was also sent to the Turnbull Library, Wellington. In the same year, Mary Astley (Ford), unaware that the originals had been returned, gave a copy of the typescript to StJohn's College, Auckland. Meanwhile, in 1980, Douglas Astley came into possession of a number of documents not in the original collection. These filled in many of the gaps left in the 1940s collection. They were photocopied at the University of Waikato. Mary Astley (Ford) contacted other descendants of Cort Henry Schnackenberg and a small amount of additional material was discovered. All the original material is now held in the Methodist Theological College Archives at St John's College, Auckland. Typescripts are available for most of the material. There are no typescripts for the letters written in German and no translations for these letters, nor for those written in Maori. When Schnackenberg wrote his letters in the letterbooks he often left out the name of the addressee, or the date, or his own place of residence. This created some difficulties for the writer of this work, but it has been possible to fill in the essential details. The relationship to other letters, the order in the letterbook, and the contents of the letter have all helped provide a fairly accurate guide to the information required. Where this has occurred the detail not given in the letterbooks is enclosed in round brackets, e.g.Mokau, (12) June 1848: to (Whiteley). In all other cases letters from Schnackenberg are shown as follows: Mokau, 12 June 1848; to Whiteley. All other footnotes show a source reference, followed by the normal details needed for identification: e.g. Whiteley, Kawhia, 14 April 1850: to Secretaries (London). In order to avoid confusion and retain the spirit and integrity of the times, all weights and measures, apart from distance and area, have been kept in their original form throughout this work. Distance and area are given in metric measurements. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 6
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Introduction Cort Henry Schnackenberg became a catechist in the Wesleyan-Methodist mission in 1843. During his thirty-seven years of service in the church he witnessed some of the most momentous events in New Zealand history. Little is known about his early life in Germany, the years he spent in London, or his short sojourn in New South Wales. What we do know comes largely from his own memory of incidents recalled many years later. While it might be thought that such information/could give a false idea of the character of the man, the writer has been impressed by Schnackenberg's honesty and genuine piety. He regularly committed to paper his innermost religious convictions, and analysed his own failures and weaknesses in the many letters he wrote throughout his life. Often troubled by what he saw as his unworthiness to serve his Maker, Schnackenberg never spared himself in his quest for eternal life in his duty to God and in his service to his fellow man. Schnackenberg spent fourteen years at the isolated mission station at Mokau and several years at Kawhia. He ended his days in the frontier town of Raglan. In these remote areas, he demonstrated his resourcefulness, his courage, and his skills as a pioneer. Life demanded that he use his many practical talents as a house builder, farmer, gardener and trader, if he and his wife were to survive in the wilderness. As a lowly catechist, he was left to his own resources at Mokau. In spite of the many demands upon his time and energy, he carried the gospel to widely scattered settlements. He also established a school, built a chapel, set up small trading ventures for the support of his mission, and played a significant role in the affairs of an almost totally Maori community. When Schnackenberg became an ordained minister and moved to Kawhia in 1858, he and his wife were confronted by the unrest caused by the King Movement, Hauhauism, and the fighting of the 1860s. He was driven first from Kawhia and later from Aotea by threats to his life. After the death of his first wife in 1863 he spent nearly a year in Auckland before remarrying in 1864 and returning to Raglan. There he raised a family of five children and played an important part in the life of the small township until his death in 1880. Schnackenberg is not a well-known figure in nineteenth century New Zealand history .Even in his own church, his work has been accorded only passing mention. Fortunately, over the last few years, hundreds of the letters he wrote and preserved in letterbooks, have become available. These letters cover the period from 1846 to 1880 and provide a fascinating insight into all aspects of his life in New Zealand. His correspondence presents a rare opportunity to understand at first hand the thought and actions of a man living through the conflicts, particularly in the Waikato of the 1860s and 1870s. Events far beyond his control engulfed him and drove him in directions he Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 7
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 had not foreseen. The confusion, the interplay of many powerful forces and the self- interest of individuals, all combined to bring about complex and far reaching changes which shaped the future of New Zealand. Schnackenberg witnessed not only the disintegration of the Wesleyan-Methodist Maori mission, but also important changes in the structure of the church, the chaos of the New Zealand wars and Hauhauism. Education had always been very important to Schnackenberg and the 1872 Act brought great changes in this field as well. Towards the end of his life he saw how the gold rush in the Thames district brought prosperity to the Auckland province, and how Sir Julius Vogel's public works scheme transformed land communications and brought a flood of new settlers to the country. It is against this background of rapid change that Schnackenberg formed and expressed his opinions. Unlike the hysteria of some newspaper correspondents of the times he presented a steady calmness and logic in his pronouncements. Schnackenberg himself was however a victim of change. Perhaps his greatest strength lay in his ability to adapt to these changes yet still retain his religious convictions and a certain sense of detachment and objectivity. Schnackenberg never gained the public recognition accorded to the founding Wesleyans, such as Hobbs, Whiteley, Wallis, Buttle, Smales and Turton. By the time he was ordained in 1858, new European circuits had expanded rapidly and the Maori mission was in decline. Schnackenberg was a foreigner, he remained in the isolated areas of the country, and he made no move to occupy a European circuit. As a result, he was taken for granted by his superiors and some of his colleagues. Nevertheless his service and devotion to his ministry is worthy of much more recognition than he has received in the past. This study has attempted to place Schnackenberg in the context of his times and assess how well this German-born missionary coped with the personal, religious, economic, and political pressures of his age. Owing to the limitations of space, much that is of interest in the Schnackenberg collection has had to be omitted. The major events which form the background to the life of Schnackenberg have been studied in detail by scholars over the last thirty years. In this work, the writer has given only the information necessary to understand the influence those events had on the life and opinions of Schnackenberg.
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A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Chapter I The Founding of the Wesleyan-Methodist Mission at Mokau The Rev. William White, superintendent of the New Zealand mission, and the Rev. William Woon arrived at Kawhia where Woon was to begin the first mission, in November 1834. They had been well received by the large Maori settlements on the Raglan harbour, where influential Maori teachers had been active for some time. However, the missionaries hoped that Kawhia would become the centre of a large circuit which would cover the settlements on the rivers and bays, arid inland for about 60 kilometres. The Wesleyans, already in dispute with the Church Missionary Society over areas of influence, lacked the manpower and resources to carry out their objective. Even with the arrival of the Rev. James Wallis in late 1834 only the Rev. John Whiteley, Wallis himself and Woon were available for the expansion of missionary activities beyond their headquarters at Mangungu on the Hokianga harbour. The situation had been further complicated by a serious difference of opinion between White and Whiteley. Later Wallis joined Whiteley in opposition to the superintendent. White had wished to concentrate the mission's energies on the Hokianga until additional missionaries arrived from England. Woon had been sent to assess the situation and to preserve the Western coast of the North Island from the expansion of the C.M.S. which already had 18 missionaries working largely in the north and eastern part of the island. After considerable acrimony and pressure from Whiteley and Wallis, a special district meeting held in April 1835 recommended the transfer of Woon, to form a new station at Manakau. Whiteley replaced Woon at Kawhia and Wallis established a new station at Whaingaroa (Raglan). In October 1835 Whiteley reported, "I have received several invitations to visit the people of Mokau a small harbour 2 days to the Southwards of this".1 Whiteley was unable to spare the time but arranged to send "two of my domestic natives and intend as soon as possible to devote a week or ten days to this apparently interesting people".2 In May 1836 the Rev. Nathaniel Turner arrived in New Zealand to replace White as superintendent. As the dispute with the C.M.S. over the establishment of new mission stations remained unsettled, Turner, acting on instructions from London, withdrew both Whiteley and Wallis from their posts. The matter was referred to the Wesleyan- Methodist Society and the C.M.S. in London for a decision. As neither society wished
1 Whiteley, Waiharakeke (Kawhia), 4 October 1835: to Rev. Beecham (Secretaries, London). Whaingaroa was spelt Waingaroa by the early missionaries. 2 ibid. The Maoris at Mokau were a branch of the Ngatimaniapoto tribe which inhabited the area south and west of the Kawhia Harbour. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 9
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 to compete with the other and confuse the Maori, it was agreed that the Wesleyan- Methodists would occupy the west and the C.M.S. the east of the island. This broad decision made it possible for Wallis and Whiteley to return to their respective stations in early 1839. At the district meeting of the New Zealand mission in 1840 it was reported "at Mokau a piece of land has been tapued for a Mission Station and a raupo hut built".3 Mokau officially became part of the Kawhia circuit and the Rev. G. Buttle was appointed to assist Whiteley. In May 1841 Wallis, on a visit to Taranaki and Port Nicholson, called at Kawhia. Wallis felt a station at Mokau should have been established earlier but there was a difference of opinion among the missionaries about sending Buttle, a single man, to occupy such a remote outpost. Wallis believed "the difference of opinion has not been so much the cause of the unoccupancy of Mokau as Bro. Buttle's own objection against removing there".4 It was finally agreed by both Whiteley and Wallis that the needs of the people should come first and Buttle was instructed to proceed to Mokau without delay to investigate the establishment of a station. He found the situation far from promising and described the location of the so-called mission house and the living arrangements as totally unsatisfactory. After a discussion with Wallis, it was decided that Buttle should return to Kawhia and report to Whiteley and then make further arrangements to occupy Mokau. After the completion of these arrangements, Buttle returned to Mokau but his mission ended in disaster. Soon after his arrival the mission house was destroyed by fire. Buttle recorded, "Having no house to live in, when I had collected my things together and given them in charge of a man who has since been baptized Bumby, I left [for] Kawhia and was again received into the family of Brother Whiteley".5 Whiteley was obviously disappointed at the situation at Mokau, especially as Buttle decided to visit Sydney in the hope of finding a wife. Whiteley decided to have the mission house at Mokau rebuilt. He then informed London, "I am however expecting soon to engage the services of a pious young man as an Artizan more especially for Mokau, which will doubtless relieve me considerably".6 Unable to spare the time to visit Mokau himself Whiteley was conscious of the need to have someone stationed there permanently. As a result he again wrote to London and explained that he had persuaded the "young man of steady habits and deep piety to take charge of Mr
3 Woon, Minutes of the New Zealand District Meeting held by adjournment at Kawhia, Waingaroa and Mangungu, December 1840-January 1841: to Secretaries (London). 4 Wallis, Waingaroa, 27 May 1841: to Secretaries (London). 5 Buttle, Kawhia, 17 November 1841: to Secretaries (London). 6 Whiteley, Kawhia, 22 March 1842: to Secretaries. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 10
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Buttle's house until other arrangements can be made".7 The young man's name was Cort Henry Schnackenberg, a German and an upholsterer by trade. It seems clear that Whiteley had more in mind for Schnackenberg, for he was well aware of his services to the mission. Whiteley had recorded in his journal, "A note from Mr Mcfarlane informed me that poor Mr John Guthrie died yesterday .... His coffin was made by our carpenter and as a matter of necessity he was buried to-day before I returned, Mr Schnackenberg performing service".8 On 30 November 1842 the Rev. H.H. Turton paid a brief visit to Mokau where he found Pumipi (Bumby) the keeper of the mission house very ill and most of the Maori away. His description of the locality of the mission is illuminating: "horrid locality this for a Mission station - no-land, No anything ... but dirt and smoke, dog-barking, pig grunting and native babble in abundance, the Pa within 20 yds of the gate, and two villages within a stone-throw on the hilltop - no wonder our poor Bro. Buttle becoming nervous in such a place as this".9 At the annual district meeting held at Kawhia on 2 September 1844 the appointment of two salaried Catechists was recommended, one at Whakatumutumu, on the upper reaches of the Mokau River and the other at the Heads. The two were to receive a yearly salary of £60 each which was to include every expense connected with travelling, carriage of goods, and the carrying out of duties. A sum of £15 was allowed for the Catechist's house and this was to be charged to the expenditure for 1845. The Report of the Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society for the year ending April 1846 confirmed the appointments: "Provision for the more effectual working of the extensive circuit has been made during the last year, by the appointment of Mr Miller to Whakatumutumu, and Mr Schnackenberg to Mokau heads. These distant parts could only be very occasionally visited by the Missionary, and the people were in danger from the emissaries of Rome, and the evils of heathenism.'10
7 Whiteley, Kawhia, 26 April 1842: to Secretaries. 8 Whiteley, Kawhia, 27 October 1841: Journal. 9 Turton, Beecham Dale, dated 15 December 1842: to Secretaries. 10 Report of the Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society for the year ending April 1846: Kawhia-Mokau, p. 37. Although it is difficult to establish the extent of Roman Catholic influence in the area in 1844, Schnackenberg wrote, "The Roman Catholic party at Tongaporutu is increasing in numbers, receiving addition from the interior, while our cause has been much weakened through the removal of several persons to the neighbourhood of New Plymouth." Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 11
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
On his journey to take over the mission station at New Plymouth, Turton called at Mokau where he held a divine service. He reported: "Mr Schnackenberg is expected here with his wife in a few days. He is lately married in Sydney and is now returning to his former station, with every prospect of success. He is a very pious man well acquainted with the language, and much interested in the duties of his station. His wife also seems well adapted for his present position."11 Cort Henry Schnackenberg was born atWilstead, Ottersberg, Hanover on 27 November 1812. He was the third son of Heinrich and Katrina Schnackenberg who were small farmers. In later years he recalled that on his father's farm he gained experience with sheep, cattle and horses, and he became familiar with the growing and harvesting of hemp. Schnackenberg remembered little of the first 12 years of his life. He attended the village school like other children but does not appear to have come to the notice of the school master nor parish minister. At the age of 12 he was humiliated before the whole congregation of the local church when he failed to realise that the Thursday before Easter was a holy day. Along with two others, he was told by the minister "we should go to school until we were twenty years old unless we were more industrious".12 From this time forward his father undertook his religious instruction. He was a man of Christian principle who spent part of the last Sunday of his life explaining like views to his son. At the age of 14 his father died and Schnackenberg went to live with his elder brother. During this time he attended the church and took the sacraments regularly, became serious about his school work, and read widely. At the age of 18 he went to London, where it would appear his other brother had already taken up residence. At first he suffered from the 'Ague' but when partially recovered, he learned a trade. It is likely that during this time Schnackenberg attended an Evening School in London for 12 months and learnt "the Art of Bookkeeping and making out accounts in proper manner".13 He then joined a mercantile house, which was more suited to his health and he recovered fully. He was however, also attracted to other pursuits and once or twice visited "low and filthy dancing rooms near Whitechapel and the shows at Greenwich Reld".14
11 Turton, New Plymouth, 20 March 1845: the Wesleyan-Methodist Magazine, 1845, Part 11. Extracts from a letter. 12 (Mokau), 2 October 1856: Journal, letters etc. Letterbook 16. 13 Mokau, 27 December 1850: to brother and cousins. 14 (Mokau), 31 May 1857: to (Trappett). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 12
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By the age of 26 Schnackenberg felt he was "in danger from the temptations which are so various and powerful in that great city".15 However, while present at the confirmation of a number of young people in a Lutheran Church in London he received a "fresh baptism of the spirit".16 His somewhat lonely life was unsatisfactory and he decided to overcome his pride and declare his faith openly. As his command of the English language increased Schnackenberg found pleasure in attendance at the Lutheran, then the Independent and lastly the Wesleyan-Methodist church and in private devotion. In time however, he found something in the doctrines of the two former churches he could not accept totally. Schnackenberg came to believe that the doctrines of the Wesleyan-Methodists were strictly in accordance with the Scripture particularly "the doctrine of the present salvation and the assurance thereof the Witness of God's Spirit - then by the use of discipline, prayer & self-denial to press forward to entire sanctification, is to go on to perfection".17 A rather timid and bashful person, Schnackenberg now made an open "attachment to the Redeemers cause and of opposition to the works of the devil".18 In this cause he gained new strength and faith. It is this religious conviction Cont Henry Schnackenberg retained for the rest of his life. Many times he wavered and despaired, but he had the humility to recognise his own human weaknesses and shortcomings, and he always found the inner strength to rise up and continue the struggle. As he recorded in his journal, the Lord was always close "when thou goest out and when thou comest in I will be with thee... only be thou very courageous - It is I who fighteth for thee ... and will give thee, if I find them faithful a crown of life".19 This faith he translated into service to God and his fellow man and sought to "procure a brighter crown of life which God has promised his faithful servants - a gift not of death but of grace".20 On 26 March 1838 Schnackenberg emigrated to Australia on the ship 'Bengal' along with some 300 others.21 He arrived in Sydney on 21 July 1838. He left England with only £2-5-0 in his pocket as his cousin, upon whom he had depended, refused to lend him £10. On his arrival at Sydney he again suffered at the hands of his relations, when another cousin looked after him for a week then ordered him out of her house because she felt insulted by Amy Walsall, who became Schnackenberg's wife in 1843.
15 (Mokau) 2 October 1856 Journal, letters etc. Letterbook 16. 16 ibid. 17 ibid. 18 ibid. 19 ibid. 20 ibid. 21 Mokau, 7 December 1846: to Henry. Letter written in German. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 13
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Schnackenberg was left with little money, few friends and the illness which had affected him in London returned. He was rescued by Peter Paulus, a countryman resident in Sydney, who took him in, supported him for many weeks, visited him in hospital and later, when he had recovered, charged him only 10 shillings a week for board. During his year in Sydney, Schnackenberg learnt the trade of ropemaking. This restored his confidence and gave him a feeling of independence. He joined a mercantile firm and was sent, as its agent, to purchase flax and timber in New Zealand. Meanwhile, he had become a member of the Independent Church in Pitt Street, Sydney. Before leaving for New Zealand he was given a letter of introduction signed by the Deacon and five members of the chapel. He was also given advice, by Mr John Fairfax, a prominent member of the Independent Church: "As you are not likely to meet Independents in New Zealand, you should immediately associate with Episcopalians or Wesleyans because away from the fire you will soon loose [sicj heat and light".22 Schnackenberg departed for New Zealand on 12 November 1839 on the brig 'Bee'and arrived at Kawhia on 27 November. He lived in or near Kawhia and visited Mokau and while carrying on his trading activities he became associated with the Rev. John Whiteley then stationed at Kawhia. Years later Schnackenberg recalled Whiteley' s young daughter replying to his questions in Maori, leaving him to work out the meaning. On 10 December 1842 the vessel on which he was a passenger was wrecked while entering Raglan Harbour. He was saved from drowning by a young Maori sent out to the stricken vessel by the Rev. James Wallis the missionary at Raglan. After the promise of a handsome reward Schnackenberg was brought ashore and the £50 he was carrying was restored to him. He "returned among the sand hills - to give thanks for my deliverance and for resolution to spend my life in the service of men who had been instrumental in hauling my life from a watery grave".23 When Schnackenberg entered the mission in 1844 he did so "with a firm determination to seek neither wealth, honor, nor ease, but the Glory of God and next to my own salvation, the welfare of others”.24 Meanwhile, he returned to Sydney and married Amy Walsall (nee Trappett) at Pendarvis Cornish Settlement, on 12 July 1843. Schnackenberg had known Amy in
22 Mokau, 7 Feburary 1850: to Rev. Thomas Buddle. John Fairfax, founder of the firm John Fairfax and Sons of the Sydney Morning Herald and other papers. Fairfax arrived in Sydney from Warwickshire on 24 September 1838 and became a deacon at the Pitt Street Independent Church. See Auckland Star, 27 November 1939, p. 6. col. 5. 23 Raglan, 23 August 1877: to (Buddle). 24Mokau, 24 February 1854; to Rev. William Boyce. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 14
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London where she had been a member of the Independent Church. Both had attended Independent Church services at Sydney. He was 31 years old and Amy several years older with a 19 year old daughter.
Historic Places Trust monument at Te Mahoe with the Rev. Mary Ford, great grandaughter of C.H. Schnackenberg. The Schnackenbergs arrived in Auckland, via the Bay of Islands, in February 1844, spent ten days in the town and a fortnight on the overland journey to Kawhia. Here he left Miss Walsall with the Whiteley family, where she was employed as a governess and then proceeded on to Mokau. It had been intended that the Schnackenbergs should travel from New South Wales on board the mission ship 'Triton', but as the vessel was going elsewhere the New South Wales church authorities arranged passage on a merchant ship. Whiteley expressed his concern to London about the additional expense involved and indicated that the cost should not fall on the New Zealand mission. The question of who should pay the travel expenses was to become a contentious issue at a later date. The original mission station at Te Kauri, at the mouth of the Mokau River, which Buttle and Turton had found unsatisfactory was abandoned after nearly two years and the Schnackenbergs moved the station to Te Mahoe about two kilometres up river. The new location had plenty of water and firewood, and Schnackenberg erected a Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 15
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 house of two rooms - "one 12 ft by 12 ft serves as a sitting and working room, the other 12 by 8 as a bed, book, writing, and store room. They are both weatherboarded outside and rapued and reed inside".25 Both the Schnackenbergs felt an attachment to the Independent Church, but were uneasy about its Calvinistic principles. When they left for New Zealand and became members of the Wesleyan-Methodist Society neither quarrelled with the doctrine that "Christ died for all".26 With this common faith and the active participation of his wife in the work of the mission, Schnackenberg began his long career on a firm foundation. Cort Henry Schnackenberg was not like the missionaries sent out from England to convert the Maori. While he had no formal training in theology, he had a conviction based on years of reading, discussion and involvement in a number of churches. His faith and piety were beyond dispute. He had suffered sickness and hardship and overcome both. Above all, he was a practical man well able to cope with the everyday requirements of living in an isolated community and he had become a fluent speaker of Maori, well-acquainted with their customs and way of life. His farming background enabled him to provide the food required on a remote station and he was skilled in carpentry. He also had a sound business sense and a knowledge of bookkeeping which he had put to good use as an agent for a rope manufacturing company in Sydney. As a foreigner on a remote station he was thrown upon his own resources, but he maintained his contacts with family and the outside world, through reading and letter- writing. He was no orator or leader of men, but he had a genuine interest in education and the acquiring of knowledge for the better understanding of Christianity and the advancement of the individual.
25 Mokau, 16 July 1850: to Buddle. 26 Mokau, 23 July 1850: to Woon. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 16
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Chapter II The Mission Established The transfer of the mission station to Te Mahoe and the erection of a two-roomed house, established the mission on a permanent footing. In May 1846 Schnackenberg recorded that he had nearly completed a third room for the use of visitors. His garden, of nearly half a hectare, had produced an abundance of vegetables throughout the summer, as well as ten bushels of wheat, a sack of oats, two of barley, about ten bushels of Indian corn and ten cwts of potatoes. His small goat herd continued to increase. He killed three and from the fat made six and a half dozen candles. The rest of the herd provided milk for churning into butter. There was also an abundance of pork and poultry. Even the weather was kind and no fire was required in the evenings, although the calmness was often broken by thunder and heavy rain. Schnackenberg engaged two young Maori boys for cooking and housework and this gave him time to erect sheds for storage, and fences to prevent his stock from wandering. There is little doubt that the life suited him. He was used to hard work. He was also required to visit settlements, to study, read and make translations. The visits he accepted but he sometimes regarded his other duties as a burden and he admitted "I am apt to run to every call [of] other business".27 However, his wife, his superiors, and his own conscience, persuaded him to devote part of each day to study, not only for his own benefit, but for the better instruction of the Maori. Travel was difficult and expensive. Schnackenberg took steps to reduce his time away from the mission, by employing more Maori agents to carry the Gospel to the scattered villages. The extra time enabled him to set up an infant Sunday school where he and his wife offered rewards and inducements for perseverance, application in learning, and cleanliness. Schnackenberg had critical views on the Maori among whom he lived. "A New Zealander has no control over his children and he never dreams of the wholesomeness of correction except when applied to a slave".28 He did not expect any immediate change in the children of his school, but he hoped that by patience, kindness and occasional presents, they might improve - particularly in cleanliness. In Schnackenberg's opinion "New Zealanders are disgustingly filthy in their persons, dress, food and habitation".29 On 9 June 1846 Whiteley arrived from Kawhia. He stayed for five nights because of the bad weather and the large number of people who had gathered to meet him.
27 Mokau, 11 May 1846: to W.T. Trappett. 28 ibid. 29 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 17
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During his visit, Whiteley examined the classes, baptised seven people, married two couples, and gave the sacrament to about 30. It seemed that the mission was off to a good start, but Schnackenberg was burdened by the ill-health of his wife. For the first two years, she had seemed well, but she now became ill three or four times a week. Schnackenberg believed fresh air and cleanliness improved health and he and Amy bathed in the river, at the bottom of the garden, everyday, during the summer, and took walks along the beach. But it was to little avail. In a letter to Whiteley written on 22 June 1846 he explained that his wife was very weak, he had lost his two boys who helped in the house, and he could do little but teach the children who came to the school each day. The rest of his time was taken up with looking after Amy and the house. Schnackenberg realised that Amy, apart from her physical disabilities, was isolated from friends and relations. He implored her daughter to write frequently and if possible, long letters as "They will contribute much to her comfort - perhaps to her health. You know she has no company and letters from you would make great amends for the want of it' '.30 He also had difficulties with the Maori over his use of the land occupied by the mission station. When he cut down a tree, Schnackenberg was reminded that he ought to have consent, or to pay for it. The Maori refused to supply him with firewood unless he paid their price and they prevented him from destroying the dogs which killed his sheep. The location of the mission station, although described by some travellers as the finest place they had seen in New Zealand, was not very convenient. Schnackenberg had to travel by canoe, or walk through mud at low tide, to reach the village a mile away. Finally, he was unable to hire help as the Maori kept demanding food and clothing, which the mission could not supply. For Amy Schnackenberg with her ill-health, the situation must have been very depressing attimes.On 150ctober 1846 she wrote to her sister Isabella, "Could my dear Husband be as useful in the service of God in England, oh what would I give to come home, but as it is may our separation be sanctified".31 When she was well, however, there is little doubt that Amy had a considerable influence upon her husband. Devoted and loyal, she did much to encourage him in his progress in the church, and by her practical good sense, strengthen his resolve when his determination flagged and the way seemed unclear. In the early days of the Mission, she visited the villages with him and took a lively interest in places and people. She described the Maori dressed in
30 Mokau. 23 June 1846: to Miss Walsall. 31 AmySchnackenberg, Mokau, 1846: to Sister Isabella (London). This is one of only two letters written by Amy Schnackenberg found by the writer. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 18
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 shirts, roundabouts, blankets, or native sheets made of New Zealand flax. The food, she wrote, consisted of an abundance of shellfish including one not so large as an oyster but similar in flavour. Lobsters were also caught but not for every day food, unlike the pipi. She gave a graphic picture of a large fishing expedition at the Mokau Heads: "The greater part of the fish were salmon, tho' there were many other sorts . . the women heated native ovens, i.e. a large hole filled with firewood, and stones put upon that. The fish are scraped, gutted and washed in salt water and then about 4 or 500 put in each oven - then they are covered by leaves of a spicy nature over that a sufficient quantity of grass and earth as is necessary to prevent the steam escaping."32 Amy described her illness as an "obstinate costiveness which has caused piles I suppose to a severe extent, and not having medicines, as are recommended in our medicine book, nor being able to get it, I have of course suffered much''.33 Finally Amy recorded the'' kind and tender solicitude of my dear Husband for my wellbeing both here and hereafter, and the help I have received from his small, but well selected library, have greatly contributed to my everyday comfort . . .".34 Meanwhile Schnackenberg's relationship with his superior, Whiteley, became strained. Schnackenberg was upset that Whiteley had been to Auckland but had not brought the medicine he ordered for his wife. The church had not paid the cost of travel from Sydney and Whiteley now regarded it as a debt. Schnackenberg expressed his views in a letter to his friend and countryman, the Rev. J.F. Riemenschneider, of the North German Mission, stationed at Motukaramu on the upper reaches of the Mokau River. He pointed out that missionaries sent out from England were fitted out and transported free of charge, and provision made for their wives and children while he was expected to pay his own fare. Schnackenberg asked "am I so much inferior to all the rest?"35
32 ibid. 33 ibid. 34 ibid. 35 (Mokau), 12 November 1846: to Riemenschneider. See also, Greenwood, Riemenschneider of Warea, 1967, p.28. Whiteley wrote to Riemenschneider on 12 November 1845 that he regarded the setting up of a mission at Motukaramu as an intrusion on his preserve. This letter was forwarded throughSchnackenberg. This combined with the antipathy of Te Kuri and the general exodus of people from the area effectively closed the mission which began late in 1844 and ceased in the spring of 1846. Riemenschneider was subsequently offered a site for a mission at Warea, south Taranaki, by Rev. H.H. Turton, much to the annoyance of Whiteley, Greenwood, W. Chapt 4; also Schnackenberg, Mokau, 31 August 1846: to Thos. Skinner. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 19
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He accepted the situation as a stern lesson for the future and decided he would not put his trust in men alone, but in God. As a result of a salary rise to £80 a year, he drew up a plan of industry and economy which he hoped would free him of debt within one year. No additions could be made to the house, the mission was to become, as far as possible, self-sufficient in food and travel to new Plymouth and elsewhere was cancelled. Schnackenberg's feeling towards Whiteley was one of bewilderment and he felt a sense of injustice: "I am quite unable to account for the change in your writing and your conduct towards me in the last few months, as I am not aware that the least change has taken place either in my principles, or in my conduct towards you and others".36 He thought of Whiteley not only as his minister and superintendent but also as his best friend and his actions were regarded as unkind and unfriendly. There were, however, several factors of a general nature which probably influenced Whiteley in his request for the payment of Schnackenberg's transport from New South Wales. Over the years, there had been an enormous expansion in the number of Wesleyan-Methodist mission stations. In 1803 there were 15 stations and 34 missionaries world-wide. By 1840 the number had grown to 245 stations and 367 missionaries. During this period, expenditure has risen from £1,363-11-10 to £130.098-15-7. This latter figure exceeded the income by nearly £40,000 and caused great concern.37 In an organisation which relied almost entirely on public and private donations, retrenchment was essential.38 On 17 March 1844 the Rev. Walter Lawry, the newly appointed general superintendent, arrived in Auckland, from England, with clear instructions from the London Committee to carry out a policy of retrenchment in New Zealand.39 Whiteley, the chairman of the southern district, was put under pressure to reduce expenditure as the accumulated expenditure had risen to £10,044. He was greatly
36 Mokau, 15 February 1847: to Whiteley. Letter marked; 'not sent'. 37 Report of the Jubilee Fund of the Wesleyan-Methodist Mission, 1863-8. 38 Wesleyan-Missionary Notices, Vol. II, Nos. 66 & 67. For June and July 1844, extract from the Report year ending 31 December 1843, 547. 39 In 1821 Lawry and the Rev. Samuel Leigh had been given instructions to establish the first Wesleyan-Methodist mission in New Zealand and then expand to Tonga. Leigh arrived on 22 January 1822 and set up a station at Whangaroa which he called Wesleydale. He returned to Sydney in November 1823 with his health shattered and on 10 January 1827 Hongi's followers destroyed the mission. Lawry called at New Zealand in 1822 in the St Michael and promptly left for Tonga. His efforts to establish a mission failed and he returned to New South Wales on 7 November 1823. See Hammer, G.E., "The Early Years of the Wesleyan Methodist Mission in Tonga", chapter 3, pp. 33-43, MA thesis, Otago, 1952. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 20
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 alarmed and informed the London Committee: "Never since my connection with the Mission have I been so completely unmanned''.40 Little money was provided by the Maori and Whiteley was left with no alternative but to carry out a rigid control of all expenses. Further, travel between Kawhia and Mokau was very difficult and Whiteley regarded the supervision of Mokau as a burden, a view he had expressed as early as 1841.41 The work of his own circuit, his wider responsibilities within the New Zealand mission and his failing health made him indifferent to the concerns of a mere catechist on a remote station. Schnackenberg, a foreigner, isolated by distance, background and position, from the general policy and politics of the New Zealand mission would have been unaware of the pressure which accounted for Whiteley's apparent change of attitude towards him. As the Mission became more firmly established, Schnackenberg was faced with considerable unrest among the Maori tribes. Piritoka, a Maori from the neighbourhood of New Plymouth, claimed lands belonging to his sister in the Mokau district. The Mokau people refused to acknowledge this claim. In his anger, Piritoka laid a curse or kanga on all the chiefs of Mokau and thus placed a tapu on the land. The situation was further complicated because Piritoka had been a former slave of Taonui, the leading chief of the upper reaches of the Mokau. The kanga insulted not only Taonui but his son Te Kuri, as well as Te Kahoroa and Waitara, the chief of the people living at the Heads.42 The Mokau chiefs demanded utu and the people of Pukerangiora gathered together £113 worth of goods and offered them to Taonui. He refused them as insufficient, but Te Kuni took them as part payment. As a result a tapu was now placed on the beach from Mokau to New Plymouth, so that travellers and traders could not pass. Turton wrote to Taonui and advised him to take no notice of the kanga as the whole episode was simply a family matter and harmless. It would seem that Turton underestimated the seriousness of the action taken by Piritoka, as Te Kuri threatened to use force. The tapu had serious consequences for New Plymouth as the beach was the only land route to the north. In early March 1846 the Solicitor-General, W. Swainson, on his way to New Plymouth, was turned back at Tongaporutu and forced to return to Auckland. Perhaps more important, in spite of Schnackenberg's efforts, the postal service was disrupted. Finally, a meeting was arranged at Mokau and attended by the inland chiefs and Kawhia chiefs. Some 400 armed Maori from Kawhia and Mokau, were confronted by a similar number led by Taonui and Te Kuri. Schnackenberg feared that fighting would follow but Waitara reassured him and talks to lift the tapu took place.
40 Whiteley, Kawhia, 23 September 1844; to Secretaries. 41 Whiteley, (Kawhia), 14 May 1841: to Secretaries. 42 Turton, New Plymouth, March 1846: to Secretaries. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 21
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Te Kuri was greatly offended by a letter he had received from Turton. This was read to the gathering and included the words: "Ekataine ana Kautou e nga pakeha. Ka he tenei pukapuka".43 Te Kuri displayed hostility to Europeans and openly supported Hone Heke in his struggle in the north. The tapu was finally lifted at the instigation of the Kawhia chiefs and Waitara of Mokau. The local Maori found their food supply exhausted after the hui and even the mussels, which the tribe regarded as protected, were dried and carried off by the people of the interior. Largely as a result of the tapu, Schnackenberg, established contact with Donald McLean, Inspector of Police and Interpreter to the Police Court in New Plymouth. He warned him that Te Kuri had a whole catalogue of grievances against Europeans and in particular against Turton and McLean himself. On 26 November 1846 Schnackenberg wrote to McLean and gave his views on the general state of the Maori tribes in his area. He knew of no agreement of Taonui to join Rangihaeata who was threatening the Wellington settlement. No one from that district had been near Mokau since the hui, but some of the Maori along the coast atWaikawau, Puketoa and Keretahere acknowledged Te Rauparaha as their matua. Schnackenberg's opinion was that should Taonui join the rebels to the south, he would get many recruits from the coast. Waitara was not a relation of Te Rauparaha but the latter was matua to his wife. For Schnackenberg, it was important that Waitara, the local chief, should not become involved in any anti-European or anti-government activities. For this reason and out of a sense of justice, he gave vigorous support to Waitara in his claim for the completion of the purchase of the vessel 'Hydras'. In May 1844 Waitara had sailed on the Hydrus from Mokau to Nelson. After visiting his friends, Waitara had entered into an agreement with Claringbold for the purchase of the vessel. The contract was signed by Claringbold, as owner, Waitara and a witness. The price agreed was that Waitara should deliver 200 pigs to Claringbold. The 'Hydrus' visited Mokau several times and Waitara supplied a total of 120 pigs. Unable to produce any more at the time, Waitara told Claringbold to sail to Kawhia and wait until he could complete the agreement. In late 1844, Claringbold was threatened with a court action over a debt he owed to Perry a New Plymouth merchant. As Claringbold was unable to pay, the 'Hydrus' was assigned to Perry as a security. Perry agreed to release the 'Hydrus' to Waitara upon receipt of the final instalment of 80 pigs. In the meantime, the 'Hydrus' made a number of trips to Kawhia. When Waitara had the 80 pigs ready to complete the contract, Schnackenberg wrote to Perry on his behalf. It appears that Perry dispatched the vessel to Mokau, but Claringbold and a man named Rutter, acting together as a crew, took the 'Hydrus' to Tonga. Upon returning to Auckland, the vessel was seized by Governor Rtzroy and held at Auckland in late 1845. The 'Hydrus' deteriorated rapidly
43 Te Mahoe, 6 July 1846: to Turton. Translation: "You are being laughed at by the pakeha. This letter is wrong". Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 22
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 while lying on the beach and a number of proposals about the payment of the 80 pigs was rejected by Waitara in July 1846. As far as he was concerned, the 'Hydrus' was now of no value to him and he demanded payment for the 120 pigs he had delivered.44 Schnackenberg's view was quite clear. Waitara had paid much more than the vessel was worth and if Perry had employed untrustworthy hands, in Claringbold and Rutter, Waitara ought not bear the loss. He told McLean that "it would be policy and justice too that he should have the whole without further payment".45 Schnackenberg was concerned that Waitara would lose confidence in the Europeans as a result of his treatment and join Te Kuri, his brother-in-law. "In such an event I fear Mokau would soon become the scene of war and bloodshed".46 By the end of 1846 Amy Schnackenberg was close to death.Her increasing weakness caused her husband great anxiety, and when she was barely able to walk she pleaded with him to fetch her daughter from Kawhia. He felt the end was near but he was placed in a very difficult position. He wished to transport Amy to New Plymouth for medical attention, but he could not afford the expense. The Whiteley children were ill with whooping cough so he felt he could not ask Whiteley to bring Mary Walsall to Mokau and he could not leave his wife to fetch her. Fortunately, Amy showed slight signs of recovery and the crisis passed. By March 1847 Schnackenberg had "succeeded in procuring an Enema Instrument",47 which combined with suitable medicine, restored Amy's health, although she was to remain sickly for the rest of her life. It is little wonder that Schnackenberg felt he had been unable to devote his all to the service of God. He "felt like a climber in God's vineyard and living only to please himself and others".48 During his visits to the scattered villages, he was constantly occupied listening to complaints and giving advice. In April 1847 at Marokopa, there was a dispute over a horse, at Puketoa, trouble over a blanket, and at Mangungu, a quarrel over pigs. There was also considerable discussion among the Maori that such offences by church members should be brought to the kaumatua for a decision. Schnackenberg favoured such a system, but felt those outside the church would disregard the decisions unless they could be enforced. However, he informed Whiteley
44 Mokau, 26 February 1847: to Wm Donnelly. (Copy of agreement and abstract, Nelson, 9 December 1844 was also forwarded with this letter, but not extant). See also Schnackenberg, Mokau, 6 July 1846: to Mr Charlton 45 Mokau, 1 September 1846: to D. McLean. 46 (Mokau), 28 September 1846: to Whiteley. 47 Mokau. 9 March 1847: to Mrs Mary Trappitt. 48 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 23
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 he was'' much interested in the subject because I think it is a large step towards civilisation and order".49 Waitara, who had recovered from a serious illness, was still concerned about the payment for the pigs given for the 'Hydrus'. Schnackenberg advised him to go to Auckland and sell the vessel. He believed it would never be used at Mokau because the people were so ignorant and poor that they could not sail the ship or employ others. Meanwhile, the Maori of Mokau became involved in a new venture and most planted small patches of wheat. They sold pigs in New Plymouth to pay for handmills. In January 1847 Amy Schnackenberg had recovered sufficiently to travel to New Plymouth to stay with the Turtons. The journey of three days was mainly along the beach. Amy walked a few miles and then was carried by Maori until the Waitara River was reached. From there she rode the mission horse supplied by Turton, along the Devon Line, made by the New Zealand Company. The party travelled over bridges spanning small streams flowing from Mt Egmont. The weather was hot and the road dusty as both sides were flanked by ferns six feet high. After their arrival at Turton's Station, the party went to the beach about three kilometres away to cool off in the sea. Schnackenberg described the land around New Plymouth as very fertile. He estimated the population as 1100 with an equal number of Maori. The town had two excellent mill streams and the settlers, nearly all agriculturalists, raised good crops but complained about the lack of a harbour. He described Mt Egmont, about 45 kilometres away, as a sublime object, especially in fine weather, with its white cap of snow. For Amy Schnackenberg the change must have been one of great relief after her isolation in Mokau. She enjoyed the company of the Turtons and others and each day she rode the mission horse along the beach and to town. After ten days, the Schnackenbergs made their way back to Mokau. Since his arrival in Mokau, Schnackenberg had taken no part in the yearly district meetings of the church. Whiteley suggested he should attend the next meeting for conversation and examination in doctrine and discipline. As a catechist he could not play any part in the decisions of the district meeting as he was not allowed to take part. Attendance involved considerable travel and a long absence from his station and his wife. Schnackenberg was also reluctant to join a large gathering of ordained ministers. He appears to have had a lack of confidence in his own ability to perform the role of a minister because he had had no formal training and supposedly a poor education. He was also probably conscious of being a foreigner who spoke with an accent. The report of the Kawhia circuit, which included Mokau, was presented by Whiteley at the New Zealand district meeting held at Auckland on 14 July 1848. Considerable
49 Mokau, 27 April 1847: to Whiteley. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 24
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 progress has been made during the year and the number of members in the society had doubled. Several women had learnt to read and had been engaged to teach others and male teachers had advanced in their knowledge of the Bible and the doctrines of the church. At Waipuna, the nearest settlement to the mission station, a chapel had been built and there had been a very good attendance of children at services and school on Sundays. Schnackenberg had a special interest in schooling. His early attempt to establish a school on the mission station had not been successful, but he and his wife had spent nearly a month at Waikawhau giving instruction in religion, the English language, writing, arithmetic and needlework. On their return to the mission station several people had offered their children for attendance at school. Two, Luke and Raparea made rapid progress in English reading and Schnackenberg devoted much effort and time to them. In arithmetic, the boys had mastered addition and multiplication, but subtraction and division puzzled them. High hopes were held for the future, but pupils were often self-willed and difficult to manage. The evening school was in the Maori language and the first and second catechisms were studied and a start made on the Book of Job. Schnackenberg summed up his own feelings and the general situation in a letter to a Mr and Mrs Dawsley, friends of the Trappitt family, in Sydney. His own health was good and despite the solitary life where he was cut off from civilised society, he was content. As far as the general situation was concerned "To make this province a prosperous city I believe it is necessary there should be an overwhelming price to put down rebellions at the same time the just rights of the Aborigines should be acknowledged".50
50 Mokau, 23 August 1847: to Mr and Mrs Dawsley, Sydney, New South Wales. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 25
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Chapter III Consolidation By 1849 the situation for Schnackenberg's school had become critical since the district meeting had made no provision for its upkeep. However, Schnackenberg persuaded his colleagues to allow him to set up a rope-manufacturing business to provide funds in support of the school. Such an enterprise, he believed, would promote habits of industry and further the pupils' economic and spiritual usefulness. Further, he felt, he could make up for his own lack of training in theology by providing a valuable service to the Maori!51 In effect, what Schnackenberg set out to establish was an industrial boarding school. By October about 120 lbs of rope had been produced and sold at New Plymouth. Boys attended school in the morning and in the afternoon worked at making rope or on other tasks about the mission station. The grade of rope produced was confined to middle-size as the heckles were not fine enough to dress the flax for fine work and the jack and locks not strong enough for large work. There was also need for cut timber to make the wooden machinery for the jack and wheel parts, and for a building in which to store the rope and dress the flax. Thus Schnackenberg was able to put his trade of rope-making, learned in Sydney, to good purpose although the increasing demands on his time, reduced his visits to the scattered villages. In November 1849 Schnackenberg sent three Maori with coils of rope to Perry, a New Plymouth merchant. The largest coil was 33 lbs at sevenpence per lb., about 90 yds long. The next was 43 lbs at sevenpence per lb, and contained two ropes each about 100 yds long. The smallest was 33 lbs at eightpence per lb. This also contained two ropes about 100 yds long. He notified Turton that the ropes were to be left with Perry until sold. He also arranged for the Maori, who delivered the rope, to bring back a pikau of tobacco of about 40 Ibs and he asked Turton to check the price as he had previously paid Hoskins, a New Plymouth store keeper, 3/- a pound but he had purchased tobacco for 2/9 in Kawhia.52 A few weeks later Schnackenberg informed Turton he had received word that a New Plymouth trader named Oliver intended to take a cutter to Mokau to pick up wheat. He explained that the Maori had little wheat left and he intended, if Turton had no objection, to sell to Oliver, four or five hundred feet of timber. He indicated he would charge 2/- per 100 feet above the cost of cutting, to cover the 10/- he had paid for each
51 (Mokau), 21 August (1849): to (Woon). See also Turton, Aotea, N.Z., 19October 1840: to Secretaries: "I am however fully convinced of the inconsiderateness of those who assent '- anyone will do for a missionary'". This attitude had not changed when Schnackenberg entered the mission in 1844. 52 Mokau, 27 November 1849: to Turton. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 26
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 tree, the use of tools plus the cost of the labour. The original price of sawn timber was 6/- for kahikatea and 8/- per hundred feet for rimu. Meanwhile, Whiteley and his wife had visited Mokau in March 1849. Whiteley commented on the difficulties of travel between Kawhia and Mokau and pointed out that Mrs Whiteley was the only other European woman to have made the trip, apart from Amy Schnackenberg and her daughter. At the district meeting at the end of 1849 Whiteley asked for a transfer on account of his wife's health. He was appointed to Ihumatoa, Manakau, but Mrs Whiteley did not feel her health would benefit from such a change. Whiteley than asked the district meeting to separate Mokau from Kawhia as the difficulties of travel and his declining health made the supervision of the station very difficult. Lawry, the general superintendent, supported the change as Mokau was “three heavy days journey... and the road impossible for horse and over cliffs and precipices and mountain.”53 On the other hand New Plymouth was but two days' easy travel away. The route was mainly along the beach and could be undertaken on horseback when the tide was low. Further, the Rev. Thomas Skinner had been moved from Waimate, in South Taranaki, to New Plymouth, and the district meeting felt this would give Turton more time to supervise Mokau. This change brought Schnackenberg directly under the control of Turton. The Rev. Henry Turton, the son of a minister, had arrived in New Zealand in April 1840 to take up the post at Waima, but found it occupied by the Rev. J. Warren. Turton was therefore sent to open a new station at Aotea halfway between Whaingaroa (Raglan) and Kawhia. At the New Zealand district meetings held in December 1840 and January 1841 under the general superintendent the Rev. John Waterhouse, the New Zealand mission was divided into the northern district, under the chairmanship of the Rev. John Hobbs and the southern district, under Rev. John Whiteley. On 25 May 1843 Whiteley reported to London that the Rev. C. Creed, the first missionary, stationed at New Plymouth had formed a close attachment with a Maori girl called Rae. Whiteley was confronted with another breach of church discipline when on 8 July 1843 Samuel Revans, proprietor of the New Zealand Gazette, in Wellington, received a letter from the Rev. Gideon Smales. The letter was in answer to an article which claimed he had purchased 100 lbs of gunpowder on the 2 or 3 May.54 Coming shortly after the Wairau incident the action aroused considerable alarm among the settlers.
53 Whiteley, Kawhia, 19 January 1850: to Secretaries. 54 Smales, Te Aro, 5 July 1843: to Editor of New Zealand Gazette. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 27
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At the annual district meeting of the southern district, held at Ngamotu on 4 September and by adjournment at Waipa on 22 September 1843, Smales was admonished, criticised for want of prudence, and posted to Aotea where Whiteley could supervise him. Creed too, was censured and ordered to take charge of the station at Waikowaite, [Waikouaita], Otago. As a result, Turton was moved to New Plymouth in 1844 where the European settlers were very critical of Creed's behaviour. Turton's appointment was no doubt influenced by the need for Whiteley to keep a close check on Smales, but it is clear that he was more suited to a part-European circuit than to a totally Maori one, although Whiteley would not admit this was one of the reasons for the change. For Schnackenberg, the change of superior in 1850 virtually terminated his close, and at times strained relationship with Whiteley. It also ended the necessity for him to make the difficult journey to Kawhia. The south, already much larger with a growing European population, offered relief from the isolation of Mokau. Turton was an educated man with wide interests and not averse to taking an independent line in church and business affairs. The Maori of Mokau became increasingly interested in growing wheat and decided to erect a mill for grinding their grain. Schnackenberg was called upon to witness the signing of an agreement between Europeans and the Maori to build the mill. In order to protect the Maori, he added a clause which gave him authority to call in some other person to inspect the work before payment was made to the contractors.55 Schnackenberg advised R. Brown, a merchant of New Plymouth, that the chief Waitara would let him know when the Maori had threshed the wheat at Awakino. There were also considerable quantities of wheat available at Waihi and Tongaporutu but he could not advise Brown of the exact amount. Schnackenberg asked Brown to send a letter overland, before he dispatched his vessel for Mokau so that he could make the arrangements for shipment. Personal and family matters also occupied Schnackenberg's attention. Amy's health was again at a low point and Mary Walsall, her daughter, joined the Schnackenbergs at Mokau in July 1849. She proved a great help to her mother but she also relieved Schnackenberg of duties around the house and assisted in the school. Schnackenberg's own health had also deteriorated. When he visited New Plymouth in September he consulted Dr Wilson and Mr Sharland a chemist. Schnackenberg was prescribed "ten drops of diluted Sulphuric Acid ½ a grain of Quinine in a wine glass of water daily".56 About ten days later he advised Sharland he was not quite well and continued to spit a small quantity of blood. In October, he confided in his friend Riemenschneider that apart from spitting up blood, he had got so thin and weak that at times he could neither
55 (Mokau), 12 September 1849: to Whiteley. 56 (Mokau), 12 September 1849: to Whiteley. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 28
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 read nor talk. Fortunately, his health did improve and he was able to resume his normal life.57 The illness was probably a recurrence of the bouts of sickness Schnackenberg had suffered in England and Sydney. The symptoms suggest he suffered from consumption and it is possible that had been a factor in his emigrating to Australia. The illness would not have been unusual. Turton, for example, had suffered from consumption, but claimed that “eight thousand miles of travel on foot, & above three thousand on horseback and by ship"58 had cured him. By the beginning of 1850 Schnackenberg had begun to feel the pressures of missionary life. When his wife and step-daughter reminded him that he was beginning to look old, he reflected upon the nature of his work. "For I am preacher, schoolmaster, doctor, carpenter, butcher, gardener, thresher, miller, perhaps also cook etc etc, ropemaker and salesman.59 He also felt he was regarded as of little account by the senior members of the New Zealand Mission. He received a letter from the Rev. Thomas Buddle in Auckland suggesting that Miss Walsall should join his household as a servant. Schnackenberg was upset by the tone of the letter and still resentful because Whiteley had given no guarantee of permanent employment to Miss Walsall and had failed to assist her to visit her mother when Amy was very ill. He commented "such little occurrences [sic] show in what light we are regarded by our High Priests".60 A few days later he wrote a rather sharp letter to Buddle and stated "I am glad to hear from you and indeed from any Elder of the Mission. And I do regret I am not more frequently favoured with their company and correspondence".61 He explained that Miss Walsall was needed at Mokau because of her mother's poor state of health. There is no doubt Schnackenberg was given very little supervision or consideration by his superiors, over the early years of the mission, when he most needed help. Much of this was the result of the structure and history of the Wesleyan-Methodist mission in New Zealand. Between 1828 and 1843 the drive to establish new stations often appears to have been motivated by the desire to occupy territory before the C.M.S. or the Roman Catholics became established. There was no training programme, and in practically every case, totally inadequate preparation for the living conditions of missionaries and their families. In effect, missionaries were often left to fend for themselves. Communication with England took many months and often instructions took as long as two years before they were received in New Zealand. Cut off from friends, family and the parent church, the missionaries faced a severe shortage of
57 Mokau, 15 October 1849: to Riemenschneider. 58 Turton, New Plymouth, 28 January 1850: to Secretaries. 59 New Plymouth, 28 January 1850: to Mrs Mary Trappitt. 60 (Mokau), Tuesday 5 February (1850): to Mrs Mary Trappitt. 61 Mokau, 7 February 1850: to Rev. Thos. Buddle. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 29
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 building materials for their simple houses, lack of furniture and always a shortage of books, slates, and printed hymns and Bibles so necessary for their work. The district meetings, held once a year, may have worked well in the British Isles where transport was relatively easy, but in New Zealand it took many days of travel, often on foot, or in small ships, to reach a central point. The democratic system based upon the district meeting had many drawbacks in the New Zealand situation. The chairman's position lacked the authority of the bishop in the Anglican or Roman Catholic churches, so decisions taken at the district meeting had to be confirmed by London. The centuries of organisation which stood behind the established churches made their task much easier as they could respond quickly to local conditions, and influence governments much more effectively. The Wesleyan-Methodists relied upon the financial support of the congregations and well-wishers in England and this, like any similar movement, waxed and waned according to events often far-removed from the mission field. There were no valuable church holdings built up over centuries to sustain the Evangelical Movement. Isolation and overwork also fostered a feeling of frustration and even pettiness, which found an outlet in the power struggles which went on at the district meetings and in the letters missionaries wrote to London. Schnackenberg had enough problems of his own dealing with the Maori, but the influx of Europeans, even in remote Mokau, added to his burden. He intervened on behalf of Rihi, a child of William Court and a Maori woman. Court decided to desert the woman and child and return to England. Schnackenberg insisted that some provision be made for the child apart from leaving it at a rather dubious gambling house run by Levis. He also upset a millwright when he persuaded the Maori not to pay a third of the agreed sum until he was sure that the task would be completed. This meant the sawyers could not be paid by the millwright. As a result, Schnackenberg became unpopular with the few Europeans at Mokau.62 He now decided to take a more active part in the marketing of wheat grown in the Mokau district, and gain a small profit for the school. Schnackenberg asked Turton's permission to purchase the wheat at 2/- a bushel. This would prevent waste and encourage the Maori to plant more wheat the following season. From this, the mission would gain threepence a bushel as well as a cheaper rate for carrying a bulk order of stores by sea from New Plymouth. If he approved of the scheme Turton was asked to arrange the bulk order and provide at least £5 in gold and silver to pay for the wheat.63 In May 1850 Schnackenberg received a request from R. Brown of New Plymouth for a sample of the coal mined at Mokau by the Maori.64 In June he sent Brown a small sample of the coal but his offer of 40 figs of tobacco to Te Kaka, the chief, for a larger
62 Mokau, 12 February 1850: to Whiteley. 63 Mokau, 29 May 1850: to Turton. 64 Mokau, 29 May 1850: to R. Brown Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 30
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 sample was refused. As a result Schnackenberg ended up offering to pay for the 40 figs of tobacco and the enterprise of Brown went unrewarded. The arrangements with the wheat had an equally depressing result. The 'William James' arrived at Mokau towards the end of June and 109 bushels of wheat and maize, 12 coils of rope and Riemenschneider's property, from his abandoned mission up- stream, were loaded. Schnackenberg was very disappointed with the bulk order brought by the vessel. Many of the articles were much more expensive than anticipated and some were of inferior quality. Above all, he was annoyed at the charge of £8-5-6 for freight and commission. No doubt Rundle and Oliver were equally dissatisfied with the quantity of cargo picked up at Mokau. Schnackenberg felt he could have transported his goods more cheaply by the overland route. It was, as he put it, "an experiment, but has failed to give us satisfaction".65 While he was critical of the Europeans, Schnackenberg was equally disappointed with the Maori. They considered the price of 2/- a bushel for wheat too low and Te Kaka wanted money before he would supply a reasonable sample of coal. '' Instruction is offered to their children, a market has been found for their wheat, coal, timber, and flax, but with the exception of flax, all is despised''.66 The millers and the merchants of New Plymouth were keen to trade with Mokau, but the Maori were too dilatory in procuring a cargo, so the venture was not worthwhile. Despite the setback, Schnackenberg informed his brother-in-law in New South Wales: "I have had many letters and if I was disposed and permitted might carry on an extensive trade".67 There seems no doubt that Schnackenberg's background of trading with the Maori before he entered the mission, his shrewd business instincts and his hard work, would have enabled him to make a success of a trading enterprise. However, the instructions to missionaries, revised in 1834 and repeated over the following years, left no room for any misunderstanding about missionaries' responsibilities. Personal piety, mental improvement, an increase in general knowledge and in Christian divinity were of prime importance and missionaries were instructed not to meddle in politics or followtrade.68 The Wesleyan-Methodist mission also disapproved of missionaries buying land. The Rev. John Waterhouse reported to London in 1841 that the 52 hectares of land held by Rev. Nathaniel Turner, the former chairman, had been sold and "No missionary has private property in this land".69
65 Mokau, 9 July 1850: to Turton. 66 Mokau, 9 July 1850: to Turton. 67 (Mokau), 1 August 1850: to Trappitt. 68 Findlay and Holdsworth, The History of the Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society, Vol. I, pp. 161-164. 69 Waterhouse, Mangungu, 7 January 1841: to Secretaries. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 31
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Meanwhile, on his return from Auckland, McLean, now acting for Sir George Grey as a land purchasing officer, held discussions with the Mokau Maori about their offer to sell about 14 kilometres of land on the banks of the Awakino River. He indicated however, he would consider the purchase of all the land between Mokau and Awakino. Schnackenberg reported that the people seemed pleased with the prospect but he feared the proposed sale would cause some strife.70 However, unlike the case in some other parts of the country, there was a friendly relationship between Europeans and Maori. Sir George Grey visited Mokau in early February 1850 and paid Waitara £35 as compensation for the lossof his pigs in the 'Hydrus' affair and £10 to purchase a cow. Apart from occasional visits by Te Kuri, which caused some tension, there was no trouble. Although the mission was entirely in the power of the Maori, Schnackenberg had no fear as he regarded them as protectors against unsavoury Europeans who moved from settlement to settlement.71 He was, however, very critical of the life style of the Maori. They were filthy in their persons, in the preparation of their food and in their houses. Although calico garments were available they were usually covered by a mat or blanket and with few exceptions, they never washed. Although potatoes were cleaned for cooking, little else was kept apart from the pigs and dogs which lived among the people. Schnackenberg objected especially to the preparation of maize which was left in water for months, crushed and then eaten. This, he held, made their very breath offensive. The dwelling places too, were filthy. In the winter, some slept in a whare puni - about 20 feet long, ten feet wide and six feet high with an entrance of three feet square. Others slept in sheds equally smoky, dirty, and full of fleas. There was no chimney and no division into rooms. Males and females of all ages crowded into the confined space which was often filled with tobacco smoke. Sometimes a pig or dog also found shelter among the sleepers. For Schnackenberg, these living conditions were not only disgusting, but injurious to health, against decency, morality and the improvement of the mind. Needless to say, he slept in the open when he visited a settlement. Despite these conditions, Schnackenberg saw much progress as to all outward appearances, the Maori had at least embraced Christianity. Cannibalism and other barbarous customs no longer existed. For him, however, great difficulties remained, particularly as' 'the children can bear no restraint and the parents do not understand the value of education and discipline".72 As far as the church was concerned, he saw the Maori as being at a transition point between heathenism and Christianity. Previously they had been in a state of bondage, always in dread of gods and tapu, and always in danger of losing their property, health
70 Mokau, 1 or 2 April 1850: to Whiteley. 71 Mokau, 12 September 1850: to Henry Trappitt. 72 Mokau, 27 December 1850: to my Dear Brother and Cousins. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 32
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 and even their lives. Many had embraced Christianity to escape from such a system, but without the desire for repentance, faith and commitment. As a result, they frequently abused the blessings conferred upon them. Schnackenberg did his best to retain contact with his own family and friends in Germany and England and he wrote many letters to his wife's relatives in New South Wales and England. Many went unanswered for long periods of time. Some were probably lost in transit, yet his interest in letter writing never declined. As early as 1849 Schnackenberg had begun to make provision, out of his meagre income, for the additional support for his wife's mother in England. In September 1850 he wrote to Henry Trappitt and explained the last letter he had received from London was dated July 1847. He expressed his concern for Amy's mother, particularly as cholera had been raging in London and she was growing old. He was anxious to know if she had received an order on the mission station for £15 he had arranged for her. In December 1850 he sent £15 to Isabella Trappitt in New South Wales and asked her to come to live with them at Mokau. He also invited Amy's sister Mrs Forwood, recently widowed, to send some of her children to live with them. In order to improve his wife's health Schnackenberg built a small summer house near the beach as Amy was fond of the sea. He also bought her a horse which she rode frequently when they lived at the summer house. Schnackenberg was, in many ways, a strong family man and one can only guess at his feelings when he wrote: "God has not given us any children".73 In November 1849 Mrs Turton died unexpectedly in child birth and the husband was left with four children. On 13 February 1851 Turton visited Mokau, stayed for a week and proposed to Mary Ellen Walsall. They were married in New Plymouth on 10 April 1851. He was 33 years of age and she was 27. Schnackenberg accompanied Mary Ellen to New Plymouth and acted as a father, by making all the necessary arrangements but Amy did not attend the wedding. Schnackenberg had a very strong sense of duty which extended from his family and friends to the people he dealt with, whether European or Maori. He did not hesitate to give support when it was needed, nor did he refrain from censure when he believed an injustice had occurred, or when there had been a breach of the strict moral code he followed.
73 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 33
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Chapter IV A Time of Change The departure of Mary Ellen, whom Schnackenberg described as a "great writer and an excellent teacher",74 threw a further burden, not only on his wife, but also upon himself. It therefore seemed sensible to encourage family members to emigrate to New Zealand and join them at Mokau. In order to present a fair picture of the situation in New Zealand, he consulted Turton. Turton's view was that New Zealand was suitable only for hard-bred men and persons of capital. Unless a prospective settler had more than £500 or £600 in capital, it would be foolish to make the change to New Zealand. As far as Mokau was concerned as a place of settlement, for other than mission purposes,' 'it would be murder and nothing less . . ."75 Therefore, Schnackenberg advised his brother-in-law to stay in New South Wales in the meantime. The extra work placed on Amy affected her health again and Schnackenberg asked her daughter, now Mrs Turton, to send a bottle of the best brandy and a few bottles of the best wine, so that Amy might get some relief from her pain and sickness. She thought of herself as a dying woman, but Schnackenberg did not think Amy was worse than she had been at times in the past. Nevertheless, Schnackenberg began to think of the future and the need for some form of security for his wife and himself as the church offered very little. He was well aware of the situation of the family of Miller, the catechist at Whakatumutumu. After he died in early 1848, Miller's widow with her four children had had to rely upon the charity of Lawry, the general superintendent, who was already short of funds. During the Rev. George Stannard's visit to Mokau, Schnackenberg had a long discussion with him about the purchase of land. He followed this with a letter to Stannard after he had returned to Auckland. Schnackenberg offered to buy half a 'Script', or if the price was as low as £50 or £60 per script, to enter into a partnership with Stannard for the purchase of two.76 When he received a reply from Stannard that 60 hectares were available, Schnackenberg contacted Turton. He explained that Amy had about £20 available for the purchase of supplies which could be used for the venture. Schnackenberg had not been aware that he was allowed to purchase land, while a member of the mission, until informed by Turton some time earlier that it was not totally prohibited. He expressed his fear, to Turton, that as he was getting older or could lose his place in the mission, he did not want his wife to find herself in a
74 Mokau, 7 May 1851: to Mrs Wood. 75 Mokau, 25 July 1851: to W.T. Trappitt. 76 (Mokau), 29 July 1851: to Stannard. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 34
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 position similar to that of Mrs Miller.77 Schnackenberg wrote to Stannard again in October 1851 but the rise in the price of land, caused by a government ordinance, seems to have terminated the whole project.78 Meanwhile, Amy made preparations to visit her daughter in New Plymouth. She sent Mary dress and cap patterns and asked her to purchase some pale white and lavender satin so that she could make one morning and one best dress when she arrived. She also indicated she would require a shawl, cloak or turnover. She informed her daughter that Mr S. was breaking in a horse which could be led so that she could make the journey and she explained the many changes on the mission station. The house had been raupoed outside, the former boys' room had been converted to a cookhouse and the flax house given a new roof. The grass, required for the work, had been purchased with large quantities of tobacco, but the work had been carried out by the boys on the station.79 Much to Schnackenberg's surprise, the Maori had carried out major repairs to the chapel while he was away visiting the villages. The roof had been replaced with nikau and ti and the sides with ngae. All the bad posts had been replaced and the windows, tables and seats had been washed. Schnackenberg had accompanied his wife to New Plymouth and while there he had been invited to preach at one of the services, but he had refused and arranged for one of his Maori teachers to take his place. On his return to Mokau he had confronted his conscience and wrote in his journal: "If I did wrong O Lord forgive me. I now intend to study that I may be prepared when I go again". 80 In many ways Schnackenberg had reached a turning point in his service to God and the mission. He thought it was unlikely he would stay in the mission at Mokau where he was not called upon to take English services. He had no confidence in preaching in English as he feared contempt and ridicule. As a result he felt he lacked the "divine call and the Holy Spirit's assistance and blessing in the work".81 On the other hand, he had a duty either to take up the cross or deny his faith, thus declaring himself an unworthy disciple. Schnackenberg made a series of resolutions which he committed to paper. He resolved to do all the good he could in preaching, teaching, warning, reproving and "fearing neither difficulties nor crosses while thus engaged".82 In future he promised to stand by his resolutions "counting neither pleasure, profit, honour, or even life dear to
77 (Mokau), 6 August 1851: to Turton. 78 Mokau, 7 October 1851: to Stannard. 79 Amy Schnackenberg, Mokau, 27 November 1851: to daughter Mary. 80 (Mokau), 29 December 1851: (extract from journal). 81 ibid. 82 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 35
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 myself, so I do but glorify my God, benefit my neighbours and work out my own salvation''.83 This re-dedication marked an important stage in Schnackenberg's life. Not only was his faith renewed, but after having worked for so long in the mission with the Maori, he was now required to administer to the spiritual needs of the European settlers. This requirement had been clearly foreshadowed at the district meeting of 1843 where recognition was accorded to the growing number of settlers reaching New Zealand. The missionaries attending the meeting agreed that "at the Native Stations the whole time of the Brethren is devoted to the object of their mission ... at the European settlements, a division of time between Aborigines & colonists becomes a matter of expediency".84 In effect the seeds of the decline of the Maori mission had been planted. These were to take root and grow as an increasing number of settlers flowed into the country. For Schnackenberg, isolated as he was in an almost totally Maori community, the dilemma which most of his colleagues had faced for some years already was a new experience. Some inkling of the difficulties began to appear in the education of the young Maori. Schnackenberg recognised that the manner of Maori living and customs imposed a severe handicap upon the young. He reported that most found it "impossible to rise unless they can induce all around them to rise at the same time".85 Schnackenberg believed the mission in New Zealand had reached a critical stage and the hold of the missionaries over the minds of the Maori had greatly diminished. In his view, there was need for a major move to encourage and strengthen the sincere portion of the Maori church and prevent the other Maori from abandoning their formal allegiance. The Australian gold rush persuaded the Trappitt relations to remain in New South Wales. Schnackenberg was sent a specimen of gold, which he forwarded to his friends in Germany, with accounts taken from the newspapers. In New Zealand the price of produce increased as the demand grew in New South Wales. Wheat reached 10/- a bushel at New Plymouth and 5/- at Mokau, and the Maori, expecting to become rich, began buying horses. So intense was the interest in the gold rush that £100 reward was posted for a similar discovery in New Zealand. Always interested in new ideas in education, Schnackenberg asked Turton to approve a scheme to make better use of his facilities. He asked for a plough, two horses, a few cows and between £10 and £20 per year to settle on the land a number of Maori who
83 ibid. 84 Minutes of the annual district meeting of the southern division of the New Zealand district held at Ngamotu, 4 September 1843 and by adjournment at Waipa, 22 September 1843. 85 Mokau, 31 December 1851: Circuit Report. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 36
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 would accept his instructions and conform to the rules of the school. The programme would consist of three hours a day instruction in religion, history, the globe, writing and ciphering. The balance of the day's work would be left in the hands of suitable monitors. The earnings from these farming operations would be pooled and with the money, the Maori would buy blankets, material to make their own clothes and to build their own houses. Schnackenberg requested that he be allowed to visit schools at Waipa, Auckland and Waikato to gain knowledge to improve his own teaching. It appears that he received little support from Turton and his interesting, imaginative proposal was quietly dropped. Sadly, Schnackenberg reported on 29 October 1852 that because of the lack of funds his boarding school had been unable to accept more pupils and only three remained.86 The year 1852 began on an uncertain note. Schnackenberg was unsure about his future as a missionary. A visit from the general superintendent in the early part of the year had left him with no information as to his future. He wrote to relations in New South Wales that he did not know' 'whether we shall be removed or dismissed''.87 It is little wonder the Maori complained that sometimes he was very angry. His wife also thought that he was often rude and impolite.88 Family matters frequently occupied Schnackenberg's attention. He arranged for Mrs Forwood, Amy's widowed sister, to send two of her children to live with them. He sent a sum of £20-10-0 for the fare of one child and made it clear that if the children did not like New Zealand he would send them back to New South Wales. Schnackenberg asked Thomas Forsaith of Auckland to meet the children and engage two Maori to bring them to Mokau. Schnackenberg seemed to be unaware of the power struggle within the church. This had surfaced at the district meeting held in October 1849 when a majority of missionaries had refused to accept that the general superintendent could over-rule the decisions of the district meeting. In their view the district meeting was the supreme decision-making body in New Zealand. This opposition left Lawry, the general superintendent, in serious difficulties as he had been appointed by the conference in England and had been given instructions to reduce the financial expenditure of the New Zealand mission. He had carried out his instructions and partly as a result, became unpopular. Lawry appealed to London: "I am often annoyed and bound to say that you will be pleased promptly to support or supersede me in the position I occupy"89. The unrest became more intense when Hobbs wrote to London on behalf of the district meeting, requesting a ruling whether or not it was lawful for a Methodist
86 Mokau, 29 October 1852: Mokau School Report. 87 Mokau, 27 April 1852: to My Dear Sister. 88 ibid. 89Lawry, Auckland, 7 March 1850: to Secretaries. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 37
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 minister to charge interest on money.90 A further strong objection arose when Lawry refused to submit for discussion at the district meeting a statement of his own expenditure. A formal memorial of complaint was signed by nine ministers and forwarded to London on 19 December 1850. The reply was very much to the point. "The General-Superintendency is not to be dealt with lightly as though it were a novelty. It originated with Mr Wesley himself... ,"91 Lawry was confirmed in his appointment and the London committee totally rejected the derogatory statements as to Lawry's character which had been circulating in England. As to what rate of interest should be charged, the committee decided that that was a commercial question and should be dealt with accordingly. However, charges against Lawry, originally published by an anonymous letter writer had been republished after his departure from England for New Zealand. This time the letter bore the signature of Joseph H. Fletcher of the Wesleyan College and Seminary at Auckland.92 A sub-committee was set up in London to examine the whole issue. It condemned Fletcher, but it also decided to send a deputation to New Zealand, "Not only to investigate his case; but also to ascertain the state and prospects of the Society's missions in the whole of Australasia".93 The Rev. Robert Young and the Rev. William Boyce were appointed to visit New Zealand as a deputation and "report upon the state and working of that Mission to the Committee and the Conference".94 Their report, eventually presented to conference in 1854, was far-reaching and laid the groundwork for a considerable change in the structure of the New Zealand mission. Fletcher was censured for his actions while Lawry was able to satisfy the deputation in general about his land deals as most of his land holdings had either been sold or transferred. He was, however, found to have charged up to 20 per cent interest on loans. Officially he was exonerated but his position as general-superintendent was no longer viable. In a separate letter to London, Boyce stated that Lawry had been tactless when dealing with his colleagues and had left most of his work to Buddle. Lawry was physically incapable of carrying out his duties, but he would not admit it.95 The deputation recommended: "efforts being at once made to raise a large amount from local resources towards meeting their requisite authority''.96 Turton was criticised because he had established a large farm in New Plymouth, with the intention of using the income, together with the government grant, to fund the Grey's Institution.
90 Hobbs, Auckland, 28 November 1850: to Secretaries. 91 Secretaries, London, 23 September 1851: to NZ Missionaries. 92 Secretaries, London, 23 September 1851: to Missionaries of the New Zealand District. 93 ibid. Report of Sub-Committee of Reference: 26 November 1851. (Secretaries London). 94 Secretaries, London, 1 October 1852: to Young and Boyce. 95 Boyce, Auckland, September 1853: to Rev. E. Hoole Secretaries London). 96 Report of Deputation presented to Conference 1854 Secretaries London). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 38
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However, the value of the stock was only equivalent to the debt. It was felt that the financial situation would become precarious if the government reduced its grant in the future. The deputation considered that missionaries themselves should manage the schools and farms, and outside managers should not be employed. Whiteley and Reid were recommended for appointment to a provisional board, to advise on the setting up of industrial schools. The future of the New Zealand mission was set out in the report commissioned in 1852, finalised in September 1853 and placed before the 1854 conference in England. Boyce had indicated that Lawry would probably oppose all reductions of men and money and any union with Australia, but both he himself and Young were convinced that "one Conference for the Southern Hemisphere (of the Pacific at least) is sine qua non whether we look to the efficient Govt. of the Churches, or to the future support from local services".97 For Lawry, who was aware of the deputation's findings, the situation was untenable. At the district meeting of 12 September 1853 held in Auckland his request "to set down and repose at the English Conference of 1854"98 was granted. As expected Lawry received no support in London and he finally departed from his post in New Zealand a broken and tired old man. The setting up of the Australasian Conference was carried and the close tie with England was broken. In the midst of all the upheaval at the highest levels in the church, Schnackenberg was concerned with other matters. His efforts at Mokau gained recognition when the annual district meeting of 22 November 1852 recommended that Cort Henry Schnackenberg be received as an assistant missionary subject to an examination by the Brethren Whiteley, Wallis, Buttle and Smales. Meanwhile, the sale of Maori land assumed a greater importance as Waitara was anxious to sell and have Europeans settle at Awakino. This confirmed the opinion of Andrew Sinclair, Colonial Secretary, who had discussed European settlement with the Maori at Mokau in early 1850.99 McLean sent Rogan, the surveyor, to hold discussions about the purchase of a larger block than first envisaged. Schnackenberg's opinion was that Waitara's people were prepared to sell the larger area of land and letters were sent to Te Kuri, Toanui and Niutone to seekapproval. Schnackenberg asked for Turton's instructions about the purchase of the land occupied by the mission station and he indicated also he would be interested in purchasing land from the government for himself once a sale had been completed. Schnackenberg acted as interpreter and mediator between McLean and the Maori in the land negotiations. He hoped a successful conclusion would give him some consideration when the land was
97 Boyce, Auckland, September 1853: to Hoole (Secretaries London). 98 Lawry, Auckland, 28 September 1853: to Secretaries. 99 Sinclair, Auckland, 12 April 1850: to Lawry (Secretaries London). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 39
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 released for sale to settlers.100 He passed this information on to his brother-in-law in New South Wales and suggested he should join him at Mokau where there would be opportunities for trading. If valuable land could be obtained, Schnackenberg was prepared to join his brother-in-law in the purchase for which he had about £100 available. The sale of the land was opposed by Te Kuri and the Ngatiawa, who had some connection with the Mokau Maori. In any case, McLean did not have the funds available to make an immediate purchase, although Schnackenberg was hopeful that the sale could be arranged at a later date. In October Messrs Halse and Cooper visited Mokau on behalf of the government, but found the block offered too small and some of the best land under tapu, so they turned their attention to Awakino and further north. On 8 November 1852 the two Forwood boys arrived in Auckland on the brig Rauen. Their stay at Mokau was short for on 8 February 1853 Schnackenberg wrote to Forsaith in Auckland and enquired about a return passage to New South Wales for both. He stated that the conduct of John, aged 19, the elder boy, was the cause of some anxiety to them. He also informed Turton, in New Plymouth where an incident had taken place that he had "seen none of his fooleries ... I wonder the girls did not order him out of their presence, or leave it themselves".101 The disappointment Schnackenberg must have felt was tempered by a request from the Maori at Waikawau, supported by Forsaith in Auckland, made to the district meeting to allow Schnackenberg to administer the sacraments. He had long felt that Baptism and the Lord's Supper were a means of grace and should have been administered regularly. He felt that his new status, when granted by the district meeting, would open up the way for his acceptance by ordained ministers. He believed also that it would lead him to cultivate a greater personal piety and a greater usefulness to the mission. Schnackenberg was examined by Whiteley, Wallis, Smales and Buttle and the report of the examination was shown to him by Whiteley on 23 June 1853. It stated: "We are of opinion that he should be received as an Assistant Missionary for Native work".102 Schnackenberg objected strongly to the term "Native Work" and he contended that no such distinction had even been made for anyone else. After strong representations, the condition attached to his appointment was dropped. Schnackenberg's work in education continued and his appointment of the Maori teachers and church elders of Harauwhira as kaumatua, his son Hamiona and his wife Reupene, as well as Pumipi as tamariki, promised well for the future. This was especially so as the school was now listed as one which qualified for a government
100 Mokau, 30 August 1852: to Trappitt. 101 Mokau, 16 February 1853: to Turton. 102 Mokau, 28 June 1853: to Whiteley. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 40
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 grant. Schnackenberg worked under a handicap as the parents of his pupils refused to send their children on to either the Grey's Institution in New Plymouth, or to Three Kings School in Auckland for more advanced schooling. They objected to the former because it would degrade their children to mix with those of a slave tribe, and to the latter because it was too far away. However, Whiteley, at the request of the proprietors of the Wesleyan College, recognised Schnackenberg's interest in further education when he was invited by them to take one or more shares in the establishment. It seems that his visit in May 1853 and also the discussions with the staff of Three Kings, had been valuable in broadening his own knowledge and in establishing good contacts for the future. Also important for the future was a brief visit made by the members of the Deputation, Rev. William Boyce and the Rev. Robert Young in early October 1853 on their way to New Plymouth. Both were very influential in the Wesleyan-Methodist church and it must have given Schnackenberg considerable satisfaction to meet them, particularly as senior New Zealand missionaries had rarely visited Mokau. The removal of Woon from Waimate in South Taranaki opened up the possibility of a change of station for Schnackenberg. The change was suggested by Turton and Schnackenberg took it seriously and worked out very carefully how he would move his equipment to Waimate. He also explored the possibilities of keeping a flock of sheep, growing hemp, and making rope. The situation was complicated however as he did not want "to oppose Mr Stanwood's appointment to Waimate".103 Turton's proposal was not accepted by the district meeting and Schnackenberg remained at Mokau where he was well settled. Soon afterwards, Turton received a letter from Boyce informing him that instructions had been given to Buddle, in Auckland, to increase Schnackenberg's yearly allowance from £90 to £120. This news gave fresh heart to Schnackenberg, he was to receive an increase, while most other missionaries had had their allowances reduced. Because of this recognition of his service to the mission, Schnackenberg hoped he would soon become an ordained minister with the authority to administer the sacraments. Yet in spite of his change of fortune, Schnackenberg was uneasy about the future. He found it difficult to set aside the time to study and he still had a fear of preaching in English, which would be necessary if European settlement were to take place in Mokau. He also sensed that changes were about to take place in the organisation of the mission in New Zealand. Schnackenberg was aware that mission stations would be responsible for running industrial schools, but it is doubtful whether he had any idea of the far-reaching changes proposed by the Boyce-Young deputation. The sale of Maori land had now become a major issue in the Mokau district. An area of 6,400 hectares was on offer at Awakino, but Schnackenberg thought the Maori
103 Mokau, (21) November 1853: to Turton. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 41
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 were prepared to sell up to thirty kilometres inland or a total of 48,000 hectares. Most of this land was of little use and Schnackenberg was of the opinion that no land should be purchased unless the Mokau River itself was offered for sale.104 McLean arrived in Mokau towards the end of March 1854 and began negotiations with the Maori. Schnackenberg's view on the sale of Maori land was quite clear: "they will do right and profit every way, by allowing such land to be occupied by others of which they cannot make use themselves".105 In early April Schnackenberg informed Turton that McLean had purchased 6,400 hectares at Awakino for £500 and that he had offered £200 more for 1000 hectares of land between Awakino and Mokau, but the Maori had refused to sell.106 Schnackenberg explained that he wished to purchase some of the land at Awakino, get a house built on it, and employ Ropiha and Hokipena to run a flock of sheep or cattle. He suggested to Turton that some of the stock could be purchased from the Grey's Institution farm in New Plymouth, and that if necessary, he and Turton could share them unless half had to belong to the mission. Schnackenberg explained that Rogan, the surveyor, and others, had already chosen most of the land.107 Considerable dispute arose among the Maori over McLean's offer to purchase the block of 1000 hectares between Mokau and Puripuri, extending inland to Mangaira, and also a small area from Awakino into Mokau, about two kilometers at the back of the mission station. Kaka and his people refused to sell, so McLean offered the consenting parties £100 which was accepted. Schnackenberg assisted Rogan in drawing up the deed and in defining the boundaries before the money was paid. The situation concerning the mission site was complicated when Te Waru, one of the parties concerned, refused to accept his share of the payment. He claimed £3 was not enough. Schnackenberg referred him to Rogan and McLean on the assumption that a few more pounds would settle the deal and "we shall have all clear, I think, and receive a splendid Reserve as a Mission Station"108. A native reserve of 200 hectares was established, but Schnackenberg felt privately that 800 hectares of good land had been given up for a paltry £100. Kuri and Kaka opposed the deal, but as the consenting parties were more powerful, the dissenters could do nothing but complain. Soon after Schnackenberg informed Trappitt, his brother-in-law in New South Wales, that he and Turton had purchased 35 sheep at 30/- each, and he would send for them and put them on the land he hoped to buy. He told Trappitt he was "in constant
104 Mokau, (24 February-13 March) 1854: to Turton. 105 (Mokau) (20-30 March) 1854: to Turton. 106 (Mokau) (? April) 1854: to Turton. 107 Later Rogan became a judge of the Native Land Court. 108 (Mokau) (7 April) 1854: to Turton (second letter). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 42
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 communication with the Land Commissioners, who are very liberal in acknowledging their obligations to me, and if you come here we will have then something of more value than polite letters, I hope".109 As far as the church land was concerned, Schnackenberg, on the advice of McLean, wrote to Lawry, Turton and Whiteley and prepared an "Official Application" to the colonial secretary for a grant of land. Rogan, however, refused to carry out a survey until the dispute had been settled with the sellers. In Schnackenberg's opinion, Rogan was not helpful and the government grant was held up indefinitely. The sale of Maori land became a major issue when Rawiri, a chief of the Puketapu hapu of the Atiawa tribe, offered the government an area of land at Tarurutangi in the Puketapu block. He was opposed by land-leaguers under Waitere Katatore. On 3 August 1854 Rawiri, who was also a government assessor, and a party of his followers was attacked by Katatore. Rawiri and one of his followers were killed and several injured,110 This episode caused uneasiness at Mokau where the Maori appeared to support any government move to punish the offenders. They felt that if no action was taken, they might be treated in a similar fashion by Waikato for having sold their land. However the government took no action to punish those who had murdered their agent and Maori opposition to the sale of land became widespread.111 Meanwhile Schnackenberg was still intent on securing the mission land. He asked Turton to make application to the government to obtain a 'Crown Grant' for about 80 hectares for mission and school purposes. He wanted the boundary to run from the bottom of the mission garden, eastwards to the bend in the River Mokau. He added "the sooner the Natives part with their land the better it will be for themselves, as well as the general prosperity of the Colony".112 Schnackenberg explained that he had "rendered Mr Commissioner McLean and other Govt. Officers all the help I could to further the purchase of land in this neighbourhood, and should think it my duty to do the same in future".113 Schnackenberg kept in close contact with McLean about the Mokau Maori attitude to the Rawiri incident. He felt that he was recompensing McLean for his trouble and kindness by "keeping you informed of everything that may occur here, which has any reference to that affair".114
109 Mokau, 18 May 1854: to (Trappitt). 110 New Zeahnder, 16 August 1854, No. 870, Vol. 10. p.3. Taken from the Taranaki Herald, 9 August 1854. 111 Mokau, 13 August 1854: to McLean. 112 Mokau, 17 August 1854: to Turton. 113 ibid. 114 Mokau, 1 September 1854: to (McLean). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 43
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Meanwhile, as feared, Waikato demanded utu for land sold by the Mokau people, near the mission station and at Potoma. The latter, they claimed, belonged to them, in common with the Mokau people, by right of conquest. The Mokau chiefs acknowledged the right to Potoma, but not to any other part, and Takerei (Waitara), the leading chief, decided to visit the Waikato chiefs before they came to see him. In September 1854 Schnackenberg wrote to Woon that he feared there was a danger of war among the Maori, and perhaps with the government. Although all was quiet at Mokau he felt the people of New Plymouth had reason to be alarmed as the Rawiri affair was now seen as a land question, which had already divided tribes and Europeans. Schnackenberg warned Trappitt of the situation and advised him that land might not be sold for some time as the government wished to obtain large blocks before offering it to settlers. Despite the mounting tension over land sales to the government, Schnackenberg was now prepared toenter into a partnership, with his friend and countryman Riemienschneider, in a farming venture in the Tataraimaka district. He offered to advance £25 or £50 towards the cost of the farm in the hope that "In my old age we might possibly like to sit down upon it, and become neighbours".115 The sale of Maori land had always troubled the Wesleyan-Methodist missionaries. As early as 1842 Governor Hobson offered to purchase 50,000 hectares in the Waikato for twopence halfpenny or fivepence a hectare. Turton, then stationed at Aotea, had opposed the suggestion. His reasons were stated clearly in a letter written to the secretaries in London. He thought that such fine land was worth between 6/- and 7/6 a hectare. More important however was his view that the sale would involve the whole patrimony of the members of the tribe. Finally, he believed that any such sale would alienate the land forever "for when they sell their land they sell with it their nationality, since it consists of little more than territorial possessions”.116 Here Turton had touched upon the very heart of the matter. Later, on 31 July 1847, 21 Wesleyan-Methodist missionaries and catechists signed a memorial requesting the Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society in London, to uphold the Treaty ofWaitangi and oppose the' Despatch' from Earl Grey to the governor, "laying down the doctrine that, the New Zealanders have no right in the uncultivated lands of their country, and that those lands ought to be taken as property of the Crown”.117 Schnackenberg himself favoured the sale of Maori land to the government on the understanding that the Maori was a willing seller. He did his best to persuade the
115 Mokau, 8 January 1855; to Riemenschneider. 116 Turton, Beecham-dale, Aotea, 10 May 1842: to Secretaries. 117 Missionaries, Auckland, New Zealand, 31 July 1847: to Secretaries. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 44
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Maori in his area to part with the land they did not use. He also favoured European settlement, which he felt would bring benefits to all concerned. Here he faced a basic dilemma, which became increasingly pressing, even in remote Mokau. The alienation of their land and the increase in the flow of European settlers brought home to the tribes and particularly to their chiefs, that, as Turton put it "their nationality" was slipping away. Missionaries in other parts of New Zealand had faced the problem for many years, but to Schnackenberg, living in an almost totally Maori area, the situation was new. The task of maintaining the unique position of a missionary became increasingly difficult. Although he was not aware of it at the time, the decline of the Maori mission was already at hand, and gathering pace.
Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 45
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Chapter V The Last Years at Mokau In March 1855 Schnackenberg received a letter from Whiteley, who had become Chairman of the northern district after the departure of Lawry. Schnackenberg was informed that he was to remain at Mokau but that Smales had been appointed to administer both Aotea and Kawhia. This arrangement caused Schnackenberg some surprise as he was well aware of the burden placed upon Smales by two large circuits, a family and his own farm. As Schnackenberg's appointment to Mokau had been confirmed by the recently-established Australasian Conference, there was little he could do about it.118 The Australasian Conference, as the new parent body for the New Zealand missionaries, arose out of the Boyce-Young report. It brought a major change to the New Zealand mission, for no longer was it necessary to refer matters to the secretaries in London, with all the delay that that entailed. However the dominance of the Australian missionaries at the Australasian Conference ensured that many important decisions were still taken overseas. The situation in the Australian colonies was very different from the one the New Zealand missionaries had faced. Often it was not understood there. The financial support from England had now declined and the New Zealand mission was forced to raise most of the money it needed from its own circuits. In the case of the Maori circuits, the task was very difficult indeed. Schnackenberg's interest in affairs in Europe was rekindled with the outbreak of war in the Crimea. He expressed doubts about the 'fickle French' who, he feared, would leave England to carry on the war alone. In any case he felt that the power of Russia would not be greatly diminished by a defeat in the Crimea and that she would still remain a threat to Europe.119 He was also concerned about his own family and wrote a long letter to his nephew, Thomas Schnackenberg in London, inviting the family to emigrate to New Zealand. He offered Thomas's parents a 20 hectare section he had purchased near New Plymouth.The other members of the family were invited to join him at Mokau. Schnackenberg expressed his deep concern for the mother, and Thomas's sisters who were "slaves to perpetual & ill-paid needlework".120 He was also concerned about the hard labour forced upon his 52 year old brother. Schnackenberg was prepared to assist with the passage money but he laid down very strict conditions. He let it be understood that he moved in respectable circles and that he would be ashamed if
118 Mokau, 13 March 1855: to Turton. 119 Mokau, 5 March 1855: to Major C.L. Nugent, 58 Regiment, Auckland. 120 (Mokau) (?) April 1855: Dear Thomas (Schnackenberg). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 46
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 anyone bearing his name were to frequent public houses or indulge in the silly habit of smoking. Schnackenberg's views on drink were also clearly expressed when he wrote to invite Joseph Binnington to leave Melbourne and settle in New Zealand. He advised Binnington to leave his lodging place at 'Cross Keys' public house at once, and to move to a private house. Schnackenberg reminded him that strong drink had brought much hardship to his father and sorrow to his mother and it had destroyed Schnackenberg's dear friend Tietjens.121 Schnackenberg was also keen for his relations in Germany to settle in New Zealand. Yet he did not apply to the colonial secretary for land, as he had heard that that year's harvest had been extraordinarily good in Germany and one of his cousins had gone to America. He felt he could not urge his relations to make the move because the distance was so great, the difficulties of removal daunting, and the likelihood of disappointment probable.122 Meanwhile, Takerei Waitara had been appointed an officer of the government, a distinction Schnackenberg felt he valued much more than anything the church could have conferred upon him. As a result he was strengthened in his desire to sell land and encourage settlers. However Hikaka, Nga Tare and Kaka continued their opposition to the sale of the Mokau River and land adjacent, and the coal which Schnackenberg considered to be the only valuable asset at Mokau, and the chief aim of the government. Unrest among the tribes increased and Schnackenberg travelled with nearly all the Mokau people to Kawhia where it had been reported that a war party of the Waitato had taken the town. When they arrived at Kawhia the Waikato had departed but Schnackenberg feared that there would be future conflict between the Waikato and the Ngatimaniapoto tribe, of which the Mokau people formed a part. To the south the Waitara and Ngatiruanui tribes of South Taranaki have joined Katatore and his party in opposition to land sales. Schnackenberg became impatient and despairing about the Maori situation and he wrote ' 'they seem determined to push themselves and each other to the grave".123 He was upset by "their continued idleness, filth, and improvidence, their eagerness for every european [sic] vice and foolishness . . . their casting off again what little restraint a profession of religion had imposed and returning to their guns etc."124 On 14 July 1855 Schnackenberg received advice from Buddle, the recently-appointed chairman of the Auckland district, that he was now authorised to administer the sacraments in the Mokau circuit. Whiteley, after only ten months as chairman, had
121 Mokau, 16 April 1855: to Joseph Binnington. 122 Mokau, 23 May 1855: to (McLean). 123 Mokau, 25 June 1855: to (Skinner). 124 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 47
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 been replaced and appointed to New Plymouth. This was upsetting for Whiteley, who now suffered for his support of Lawry. Whiteley wrote to London: "as I have only been here about 10 months I had no idea of being removed so soon. But contrary to all expectations I am now stationed at New Plymouth".125 This change also upset Turton who wished to remain in New Plymouth or return to England. For Schnackenberg, the authority to administer the sacraments gave a new meaning to his faith and he called upon "God, my Master, and my Father, open thou mine eyes that I may know thee well, and that I know my duty”.126 He was now on trial for the full ministry and the step made him'' shudder at the responsibility of this Sacred Office. I would rather be a Farmer or a merchant than a Parson, but I dare not carve for myself".127 As a government grant had formed part of the financial support of his mission school since 1853 Schnackenberg was required to furnish a report to the Board of Education. His report of 1855 stated that two elders were assisting in the management of the school and with their help, a schoolroom of the best materials and workmanship had been erected. A chapel was also under construction. The cost was £10 cash plus Schnackenberg' s own labour, but the new buildings were worth £20 each and formed part of the school property. A further £20 had been spent on iron pots, tin dishes, basins, axes, spades and tools for ropemaking. Without the new building and equipment the school would have been unable to function. There was accommodation for ten pupils at £5 a head per year, but the schoolroom could hold 20 to 30 pupils. The number who had attended the school as steady boarders was five and another five remained for one to six months. The total allowance for the school was made up of £65 government grant and £95-17-10 provided by the mission.128 There was also some progress being made in church affairs and the report on the Mokau Station of 24 November 1855 gave a membership of 85. Two chapels had been built during the year, one at Mokau and the other Waikawau. Schnackenberg explained that while those members by their Christian conduct and attendance at services gave him pleasure, many other Maori were totally indifferent to the teaching of the church. Slowly, Schnackenberg became aware of the changes taking place in the church organization. He did not attend the district meeting of 1855, mainly because Turton did not invite him. He still felt inferior in the presence of other ministers, but his duty
125 Whiteley, Auckland, 5 March 1856; to Rev. E. Hoole (London). 126 (Mokau), 14 July 1855: Journal. 127 Mokau, 27 September 1853: to Henry Schnackenberg. 128 Mokau. 16 July 1855: to Thomas Russell Secretary to the Board of Education, (Auckland). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 48
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 to attend became clear. Skinner now occupied the Kawhia station, formerly held by Smales in conjunction with Aotea. The Kawhia Maori agreed to pay £100 a year for Skinner's support, but his appointment was regarded as temporary until Turton took over the mission. Turton however refused to move from New Plymouth. This attitude did not surprise Schnackenberg. He informed Turton that he hoped he would not be put off by a few hardships. If Turton would not take up the post Schnackenberg offered to do so but he had no confidence in the promise of the Kawhia Maori to provide the £100 contribution for the support of the missionary. To prepare himself for his promotion in the ministry, Schnackenberg was aware that he must devote a reasonable time to study. This he found difficult as the practical nature of his commitments, the work in the school and visiting the villages left him little time. However he asked Turton who was visiting Auckland to purchase for him 'The History of the Church of Christ' by the Religious Trust Society for 28/- and a copy of 'Walker's Pronouncing Dictionary'. The latter purchase probably provides the key to Schnackenberg's lack of confidence when preaching in English and his fear of looking foolish. He wrote many letters and his written command of the English language was equal to that of his colleagues, apart from very rare mistakes in idiom, but living in a Maori settlement, he would have had few opportunities for conversation in English. It is likely that his foreign accent accounted for some of his uneasiness when preaching in English. The arrival of his brother-in-law, W. Trappitt from New South Wales, turned Schnackenberg's attention again to a trading venture. He wrote to a merchant in New Plymouth on Trappitt's behalf and offered to supply for sale about 80 bushels of wheat, 200 bushels of maize and a few hundred weight of rope and wood. He was prepared to supply the grain at cost price in return for the carriage of half a ton of sugar, 2 cwt of salt, 2 cwt of soap, one chest of tea, and about half a ton of general goods. Schnackenberg's relationship with the Turtons which had never been very close began to deteriorate. As far back as 1852, he had written to Mrs Turton that he desired to be on close terms, "but there is such a difference of opinion between us ... that I fear such will never be the case".129 He was upset when Turton, his supervisor, failed to invite him to what would have been his first district meeting in 1855. Matters came to a head when Schnackenberg unwittingly came across Mary, a young Maori girl in his charge, in compromising circumstances on the mission premises in New Plymouth. Schnackenberg took her back to Mokau, after having informed Turton of the incident. In an angry exchange of letters Turton referred to Schnackenberg's concern as all "- fudge, foolery and trash"130 and branded him as a spy. Schnackenberg had gone to
129 (Mokau), 27 November 1852: to Mrs Turton. 130 Mokau, 17 July 1856: to Turton. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 49
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 great lengths to explain his position and had informed Turton that "during my long residence among the Natives, I have learnt that nearly all the young men, and also the young women too are fornicators. To these I may add nearly all Pakehas ... ".131 He had accepted Turton's complaint about his nephew, Forwood, and taken appropriate action and he resented the fact that Turton would not take similar measures. The removal of Mary from the Turton's house upset Mrs Turton, but Schnackenberg was firmly resolved that anyone under his control should have no liberty to sin. He needed considerable strength of character to stand by his principles especially when "the Natives tell the girl that I take such care of her in order to save her for myself. . .".132 For Schnackenberg however his duty was clear. The trading arrangement undertaken on Trappitt's behalf was a failure, as the price of wheat fell and no vessel visited Mokau. Schnackenberg was left with a large quantity of wheat and maize which he was forced to feed to the pigs and horses. The venture into merino sheep also went sour. Schnackenberg had purchased 35 from Turton for 35/ - each two years earlier when there was a prospect of opening up land for settlement. The sale of land had not eventuated and the natural increase in the flock necessitated the sale of at least 100 sheep. He offered these to Devenish a farmer for cash, but the price had fallen and he faced some financial loss. The general stage of affairs in New Zealand had been greatly influenced by the gold rush in Australia. While this was at its height, New Zealand reaped a harvest from the high price of provisions. For the previous three years, potatoes had sold for £10 a ton in New Plymouth and £20 to £30 a ton in Sydney and Melbourne. The price now went down to £3 a ton and about 6000 tons was not harvested because of the high cost of labour and the low returns. Where there had been prosperity there was no stagnation in all forms of commerce. The price of bread fell to sixpence for a 21b loaf, while beef, mutton and pork sold at sixpence a pound. Mechanics and labourers continued to make a reasonable living, but those with high expectations and mainly clerical skills found it difficult to secure employment. In Schnackenberg's view the colonies were for the working classes and the poor, who were much better paid and had cheaper food than the public in England. Those who felt they had been treated like slaves in England now considered themselves of some account in New Zealand and he saw some become farmers, merchants and large land owners, Even ordinary labourers demanded and gained twice the pay they had received in England. Schnackenberg concluded that those who wished to succeed in New Zealand must work hard and suffer privations no matter from which class they had come.133
131 Mokau, 30 May 1856: to Turton. 132 ibid. 133 Mokau, 17 July 1856: to W.J. Binnington. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 50
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Once again Schnackenberg's situation at Mokau became uncertain. Turton agreed to go to Kawhia only on the condition that after three years he could return to England. The Australasian Conference refused his request and it seemed likely he would leave the ministry. Skinner was also in a difficult position at Kawhia as the Maori had failed to pay the £100 for the upkeep of the mission. Without funds he too contemplated resigning. The uncertainty, constant work, study and general strain placed upon Schnackenberg probably accounted for his wife's reference to his "sour temper and rude behaviour".134 In his mission and school report of 1856 Schnackenberg stated that few had responded to the deeper message of Christianity. The majority of the Maori still regarded religion as merely a preservation from the evil influences of the Maori gods or a check on the customs of heathenism. Schnackenberg attended the first district meeting in Auckland in December 1856. While there, he had to lead prayers and conduct class meetings. He was also required to prepare for the examination in theology. Much of his time was spent at the residence of Mrs White where he could work without interruptions. When he returned to Mokau after an absence of seven weeks, he no longer felt isolated from the centre of the church activity and little-known to his colleagues. This new found confidence marked an important step in his ministry. After 13 years he had begun to realise that he was not inferior to his brethren nor were his views of little account. In the past he had received scant consideration from his superiors. He had been left to find his own way and to sustain his faith, without help. As he put it "We live in a solitary circuit and am seldom visited by Europeans. My Superintendents Messrs Whiteley & Turton were only such in name".135 The situation remained unsettled at Mokau. The sale of land had been blocked by the opposition of an increasing number of chiefs, and nothing had been resolved about the mission station site. The mission house was of little value as only £20 had been allowed for its construction and upkeep in 1844 and £20 in 1855. The roof had been reeded and covered with toitoi several times, but the floors now required repair. The outhouses were in good order and the mission grounds contained a productive orchard and about four hectares of well-fenced grassland. All this, Schnackenberg felt, was of little value unless the mission could obtain some legal right to the land. The station also had 15 head lo^f'r one third belon9ed to him uncler an agreement, drawn up with Whiteley in 1846 He had returned the sheep to the mission farm at New Plymouth in the hope that Whiteley would purchase them. Buddle, the chairman, refused to agree and he was compelled to pay for grazing until they could be sold elsewhere.
134 (Mokau), 26 August 1856: to Rev. Samuel Ironside. 135 Mokau, 22 May 1856: to Rev. W. Draper. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 51
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Schnackenberg's break with Turton became irrevocable when he refused to take sides in a conflict between Whiteley, who wished to move into the mission house in New Plymouth, and Turton, who refused to leave it. Added to his worry was 'the wickedness & profligacy of Natives and half castes, together with the trials of a nervous wife, I am almost driven to despair".136 Schnackenberg's relationship with his wife caused him some concern. He admitted she was affectionate faithful and kind, but she was not wise, forebearing or obedient. "Her feelings are so sensitive and her judgement so weak, that the latter is swayed by the former".137 He admitted he had many misgivings just before his marriage. One can however, have considerable sympathy for Amy Schnackenberg. Almost completely cut off from European society, and in frail health, she lived and worked under the most primitive conditions. Schnackenberg, often very critical of the Maori for their failure to accept religion in its true meaning, was equally as ready to defend them when he felt they were unjustly treated. When the Taranaki News published an account of the wreck of the schooner Harry near Tongaporutu on 18 November 1857 the editor, in effect, condemned the Maori for the inhospitality the crew received when they had reached the shore. Schnackenberg pointed out that only Tikipote had demanded payment for a sail he claimed the master a Mr Morrison had given him. In order to settle the matter Schnackenberg, while expressing his anger "through (sic] a sovereign into the blanket of the extortioner".138 He added that neither Tikipote, his slave and his wife, nor his daughter were baptised and Tikipote had a bad reputation on the coast and even in New Plymouth. Schnackenberg thought it most unfair that the Mokau chiefs, who were visiting Kawhia and the people who were quietly planting potatoes, should be accused of inhospitality. Even more unfair was the slur cast on religion because of the actions of one man. He agreed that Tikipote was a great hypocrite but added "so are thousands of others (both Maoris and European)".139 Schnackenberg's report of 1857 did not however spare the Mokau Maori for their general attitude to religion. The erection of a large mill, which he regarded as an extravagance, the purchase of several ploughs, carts etc. showed signs of prosperity. On the other hand, he stated, "in spirituals they present only deadness and stupidity"140. He found some consolation in the quality and work of the Maori teachers whose influence was high in the settlements. Church membership had nevertheless
136 Mokau, 23 June 1857: (Journal). 137 (Mokau), 3 November 1857: (Journal). 138 (Mokau), (? November) 1857: to the Editor of Taranak'i News. 139 ibid. 140 Mokau, 16 November 1857: Circuit Report. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 52
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 decreased from 81 to 75 over the year. Because of the effort required to run a mission school and the irregular attendance, Schnackenberg had changed the organisation and sent Maori teachers to the settlement at Waikawau as an experiment. The move appeared to be a success as children had made good progress and Schnackenberg sought permission to establish similar schools in other settlements. On 2 January 1858 Cort Henry Schnackenberg was formerly and solemnly ordained to the office of the Christian ministry by the Rev. T. Buddle, chairman of the northern district and his colleagues. For Schnackenberg it was the most solemn and important day of his life. The 1857 annual district meeting also ordered his removal from Mokau to Kawhia. Schnackenberg was sorry to leave his remote station at Mokau, but pleased to be appointed to a much more important post. At Kawhia he would be called upon to minister to a small English congregation as well as to a large Maori one. He was now ready for the fresh challenge. From a personal point of view, he looked forward to his wife again having contact with European society after nearly 14 years in the wilderness. Schnackenberg quickly made plans for his new responsibilities. He wrote to Mrs White in Auckland and asked her to recommend a young woman to assist in general house management and in the school he proposed to establish for half castes. The Mokau mission was left in the care of Hoani Eketone, a native assistant missionary. On 7 May 1858 Schnackenberg advised Buddle that' 'We only arrived here on Tuesday last... we were nearly a fortnight on the way".141 Schnackenberg's years at Mokau mark the end of what may be termed the old mission. He lived and worked among an almost totally Maori population and his influence no doubt played an important part in many of the decisions they made. His relationship with the leading chief Waitara and his people was generally good and even chiefs from further up the river such as Te Kuri were never hostile to him personally, although they opposed European settlement in the district. When disputes occurred between individuals over horses, pigs, blankets, and even domestic matters, Schnackenberg was frequently called upon to give his opinion.142 He also played a leading role when conflict arose among tribal groups. When Te Kuri and his followers confronted Waitara and the Kawhia chiefs on Sunday 5 July 1846 over the tapu placed on the beach, it was Schnackenberg who gained an assurance from Waitara "that no fighting was intended . . . ,"143 The murder of Rawiri and some of his followers on 3 August 1853 caused concern in Mokau and the chiefs wished to visit the place where they had been buried. This would have inflamed the situation and Schnackenberg advised them to avoid taking sides. "I tell them I will neither write nor
141 Kawhia, 7 May 1858: to Buddle. 142 Mokau, 24 April 1847: to Whiteley. 143 Mokau, 5 July 1846: (Journal). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 53
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 give my hand to the murdered and they ought neither".144 In June 1855 he accompanied the Mokau Maori on a journey to Kawhia where the Waikato tribe were reported to have taken possession of the town. It was a great relief to him that the Waikato had departed before the party reached Kawhia. His work in the schools was tireless and although the number of pupils was never large, the pupils were influential in the Maori settlements. His initiative in using his trade as a ropemaker enabled the school to survive until a government grant was received in 1853. Underlying his work was the desire for peace so that he could bring about a change in the lives of the Maori whom he regarded as his responsibility. This was well summed up in a letter written on 5 December 1851: "If one wants to do well let him forsake Maoritanga and follow Pakehatanga, practise cleanliness, learn house building and useful hobbies. Forsake the Maori ways. Adopt the Pakeha standards. They have given us many advantages of our lives. Don't put the Pakeha down. Hold him in high esteem."145 When injustice was apparent however he was fearless in his denunciation of it. When he left Mokau the restlessness, obvious in the north and in the south, was but a ripple in Mokau. Much of the calm there was the result of Schnackenberg's presence. In his personal life he proved he was a real pioneer who could turn his hand to any practical task needed in the wilderness. He never pined for the town life but never cut himself off from what was taking place in the outside world. His many letters, the newspapers from Auckland and New Plymouth, and his conversations with passing travellers, both European and Maori, kept him well-informed. In his spiritual outlook Schnackenberg's earlier idealism had given way to a more mature realisation of the difficulties he faced as a missionary. While he faltered at times and had occasional doubts about his work, he always came back to the conclusion that he was in the right place. It was his duty to carry out God's work, not only for the good of the Maori, but for his own salvation. To achieve this, he frequently sought guidance from his Maker to give him the grace to do what was necessary. Times had changed since Schnackenberg's arrival at Mokau in 1844. The growing European population, with all its good and bad elements, had created a new and rapidly-growing distrust among the tribes, as the chiefs saw the basis of their authority, the land, slipping rapidly away. Kawhia, one of the centres of unrest, presented a totally different environment from Mokau and Schnackenberg was to be severely tested.
144 Mokau, 1 September 1854: to (McLean). 145 Mokau, Te Mohoe, 5 Tikenia 1851: to Dear friends. Translation from Maori. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 54
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Chapter VI Kawhia Disillusionment came quickly at Kawhia. Schnackenberg found Miss Hobbs, the daughter of the Rev. John Hobbs, unsuitable for the work in the school as she had little control over the half-caste pupils. The mission house was so damp that they were all forced to sleep upstairs. He was compelled to mend windows, gates, fences and roads. There was no grass for his cows and horses and he stated he "should like to bestow a sound whipping upon the backs of each of the lazy, wasteful & everything ... who had prepared me & 12 months hard labour".146 As if these problems were not enough, Schnackenberg soon found himself facing a much more serious one, the growing power of the King Movement. Hone Pumipi, the master of the vessel 'Nepukameha', anchored in the harbour, appearsto have been sent to sound out his reaction to it. The Maori flag was flown by the 'Nepukameha' and soon others appeared before the house of Hone Wetere. the son of old Kikikoe. Takerei Waitara and others visited Schnackenberg and showed him a letter containing the laws already passed and assented to by King Potatau. Schnackenberg had little sympathy with the King Movement and he determined to attend a hui to discuss the erection of a custom house, and to tell the Maoris "that if their object is to waste their time, spend their money, and dry up the springs of England's aroha the Maori King foolery is one means to accomplish it".147 As far as he was concerned his chief aim should be to preach the truth and urge obedience to it. After a year Schnackenberg wrote to Amy's mother in London. He explained that Amy was pretty well for her age, but she needed a good housekeeper. Miss Hobbs had refused to do the washing and cooking and had been dismissed. Maori girls were ignorant about housework and often rude and bold in their conduct. All the mission buildings had been repaired, and the station which a year before had been a wilderness, now looked more like a farm. He informed Mrs Trappitt that Turton had left the mission and had been appointed a district magistrate in Auckland on £300 a year. Schnackenberg regretted to report, however, that the people of the circuit had made little progress and "their idle, dirty and heathenish habits [are] almost immeasurable hindrances to every kind of good'.148The European population of Kawhia was as indifferent and degraded as the Maori, but he added "they are not a fair specimen of Europeans".149 The work load Schnackenberg was forced to undertake undermined his health and he was troubled with headaches, vomiting, indigestion,
146 Ahuahu, 5 June 1858: to Dear Brother (?) 147 Kawhia, 21 July 1858: to Hon. the Colonial Secretary. 148 Kawhia, 27 January 1860: to Dear Mother (Trappitt). 149 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 55
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 sleepless nights and weakness. He was also concerned about his financial affairs. He instructed his solicitor, James Ritchie of New Plymouth to forward to him the principal and interest on two promissory notes which had been repaid by Messrs St George and Hawke as he had heavy expenses to meet.150 Schnackenberg complained that with half the allowance Whiteley had received he was expected to achieve the same result, although the cost of labour and food had risen three or four times. In spite of the difficulties, and his bout of ill-health, he often had an attendance of 200 Maori at a service and on Sundays he spent from 6 a.m. until 10 p.m. travelling from one settlement to another and holding services for up to 300 Maori and a dozen Europeans.
Wesleyan Mission Station, Kawhia, 1845. - (From Quarterly Paper of Wesleyan Mission House, London, September 1846.) - Morley's History. Events at Waitara had had a profound effect on the Maori at Kawhia. Messages passed quickly between Wi Kingi and the Kawhia chiefs and it soon become clear the local tribes supported the Land League and Taranaki. Schnackenberg attended two large meetings of Kawhia Maori. He reported that the Ngatihikairo tribe had always supported the King Movement and the Land League but the Ngatimaniapoto and the Ngatimahuta, who lived at the South heads of the harbour, urged all European not to
150 Kawhia, 3 February 1860: to James Ritchie. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 56
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 be alarmed. Niutone, the chief of the Ngatimaniapoto, was not given to violence, but a number of the younger chiefs were determined to go to Waitara to fight. Despite the assurances given to Europeans, some, especially those with large families like Brewer, Hunt and Laurie, became greatly concerned. Their alarm increased when it was learned that a party of Maori had taken 14 guns from Yates's store. On 26 April 1860 another large meeting was held by the tribes and all except Takarei (Waitara) said "they must fight or loose [sic] . . . their land and liberty altogether".151 Schnackenberg had already made representations to the government when he had answered the questionnaire of the 'Select Committee' in 1858. He had recommended that the strongest restriction be placed upon the sale of fire-arms. In November 1859 he had also briefed the ministers at the annual district meeting in Auckland. His own opinion about the King Movement was reinforced in February 1860 when a taua headed by two men of Te runanga', forcibly entered the mission and removed two halfcaste orphan girls entrusted to his care "both of whom were prostituted".152 Schnackenberg was also upset by the actions of Tapihana who made a collection for the church in October and gave the money to the Maori king. Schnackenberg dismissed him from his position as a teacher in the Wesleyan-Methodist church, but Tapihana continued his preaching and told Schnackenberg to "go back to England where you come from".153 Schnackenberg informed McLean that the majority of the Ngatihikairo and a portion of the Ngatimaniapoto, under the leadership of Anatipa, had bound themselves to Wi Kingi. As a result of all the unrest, McLean, now native secretary, ordered all Europeans including Schnackenberg to leave Kawhia. Most Maori, however, were friendly and requested the Europeansto return. Although Schnackenberg was concerned about the safety of himself and his wife, he would have preferred to remain at Kawhia, or even go to Waitara to attempt to persuade the Kawhia people to return home. The strong rumours circulating in Kawhia that a man-of-war was on its way, caused great excitement among the tribes. Schnackenberg suggested that such action would only inflame the situation and informed McLean: "A silent blockade will wound them severely and bring upon them the displeasure of 3/4 of the Kawhia population".154 Alarm spread to Aotea and Raglan where there was a fear that the Kawhia tribes would move north. Schnackenberg was upset by these fears and he told Buddle that the Whaingaroa (Raglan) and Aotea Maori had long been land-sellers and it was in their interests to protect the settlers and support the government. In his view the danger would come not from the south, but from the Waikato. At Waipa, 50 head of
151 Kawhia, (7 April) 1860: to His Excellency the Governor. (Not sent). 152 Kawhia, 28 April 1860: to McLean. 153 Aotea, 12 June 1860: to (McLean). 154 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 57
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 cattle and horses had been taken from the Rev. John Morgan's station and from other farms. Fire-arms and other property had also been seized and Europeans ordered off by the Maori themselves.155 Schnackenberg thought it unfair that Kawhia Maori, who he claimed had purchased the guns from Yates's store and had not harmed Europeans in any way, should be regarded as the main danger. "As to our poor people they are to be pitied as well as blamed".156 The local Maori believed the Europeans would reduce them to slaves as soon as they were able and they were vexed with the missionaries because some of them had bought land and openly supported the queen and government. Although the majority of Maori at Kawhia had no ill-feeling towards Schnackenberg, there were those who identified his movements with those of the government officers. The hardening of attitudes placed him in a difficult position. Schnackenberg believed that the Kawhia Maori were being unfairly punished by the blockade while no action was being taken against the Waikato. Both the Waikato and the Ngatimaniapoto had a claim on Waitara based upon conquest, but he understood Te Wherowhero had received some payment in compensation while the Ngatimaniapoto had not. However, Schnackenberg saw the King Movement as a rebellion or war against the government, not against settlers or ministers. He expressed extreme displeasure at his official removal from Kawhia and blamed McLean "who had acted with much dissimulation, Mr Brewer with rashness, and together with other Europeans with envy if not malice, and Mr Skinner with cunning, secrecy and selfishness".157 In September Schnackenberg wrote that the blockade of Kawhia was too late and ineffective. He felt it should have been imposed two years earlier when he had informed Buddle, McLean, Halse, his assistant and the select committee of the House of Assembly that the King Movement meant rebellion and the Maori were arming for war. The blockade was now of little value as the Kawhia Maori simply moved to an area where it did not apply. The situation had not been helped by the large amount of property left behind by the European when they abandoned Kawhia. This had fallen into the hands of the rebels without labour or payment.158 Schnackenberg was also critical of past government policy which had given aid for the erection of mills, the purchase of horses and ploughs. He believed this was wasteful because the Kawhia harbour was excellent for shipping and brought an influx of wealth and population. As a result the Maori did not feel themselves under any obligation to the government.The prosperity however did enable them to indulge their habit of gambling and drinking to purchase large quantities of firearms and make large contributions to the expensesofthe Maori
155 ibid. Rev. John Morgan was the Anglican missionary at Otawhao, near Waipa. 156 ibid. 157 Ahuahu, 24 July 1860: (Journal). Brewer was customs officer at Kawhia; Skinner the previous missionary at Kawhia. 158 (Kawhia), 20 September 1860: to Buddle. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 58
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King's government.159 Schnackenberg explained to the governor that tension had increased mainly because of the Native Offenders Bill of 1860 and the blockade of the Kawhia port. While he could do nothing about the former Schnackenberg suggested the blockade was "unwise, and dangerous unless an overwhelming should crack the rebels and overawe the Waikato tribes".160 During this time of unrest Schnackenberg did not neglect his schools. Kawhia continued under the control of Maori teachers whom he visited from time to time. He also built a school house, provided furnishings and farming equipment to cultivate unfarmed land. All this extra expense forced him to borrow money and he requested an additional £50 a year from the Board of Education to cover the extra costs. He also informed his brethren that he and his wife had little fear when at home as no violence had been committed against unarmed Europeans. He asked them to "Give us your prayers, but no muskets, powder, men of war, or soldiers and I believe we are safe".161 Schnackenberg consistently endeavoured to keep the position in Kawhia in perspective and to refute wild rumours and the emotional writing of the newspapers of the time. In November 1860 he wrote to the editor of the NewZealanderwho claimed that 500 men had set out from Kawhia for Taranaki and that formerly the local Maori had brought spoil back from the earlier battles.162 Schnackenberg replied that the tribes could not muster 500 men and the correct figure was more likely to be 80. The spoil brought back amounted to seven horses, one foal and a few articles of soldiers' clothing. He stated that he had provoked the wrath of the leading Kingites and opposed the war party, both when going to Taranaki and when returning with spoil. He was now grieved and ashamed they were determined to continue the fighting. Schnackenberg had never spared the Kawhia Maori in his reports, but he denied they were more blameworthy than others. On 17 December 1860 a meeting was held at Kawhia. Hone Wetere, who had been to Auckland to see if he could make peace, tried to persuade his people to return from the fighting in the south. The Ngatimahuta and Ngatihikairo tribes were well represented but no Ngatimaniapoto were present. Schnackenberg attended the hui and reminded the gathering of the progress made over the last 20 years. The gathering approved of a party going to make peace and resolved that no more men should be sent to fight at Waitara. In early February 1861 about 200 Maori returned from Taranaki. This party also included members from Waikato and Waipa. A shortage of powder, food, and friction with the Ngatimaniapoto, appeared to be the reason for their return.
159 Kawhia, October 1860: to His Excellency the Governor. 160 Kawhia, October 1860: to His Excellency the Governor. 161 Kawhia, 17 October 1860: to the Board of Education. Thiswas the Church Board of Education, responsible for church schools. 162 The New Zealander, 24 October 1860, col. 5 for original article. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 59
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Schnackenberg had little faith in their desire for peace, as expressed by some of the party and the Ngatimaniapoto. Hone Wetere, on his way to make peace, was stopped by Takerei Te Rau of Waipa, and Nuitone, who had gone on a similar mission, was sent back from Mokau. Schnackenberg and his wife both suffered ill health as a result of the strain in coping with the difficult and increasingly dangerous situation. Schnackenberg often felt tired, confused and forgetful, and the least irregularity in eating caused headaches and sickness. However he believed "that much of our ill health is in our own power"163 and he persevered in carrying out his duty, and daily bathing. He followed the tenets of his faith in the expectation of a better life. His immediate concern for the future remained unchanged as he saw little hope of peace and he advised the governor: "that unless peace is made soon, the active ... part of the Native race will nearly all become rebels".164 He added that as far as the Kawhia Maori were concerned, they were numerous, wealthy, active and intelligent. They continued to act together and were controlled by the "Runanga o te Kingi". He also warned the governor not to trust the Waikato or even the Ngapuhi of the north. Meanwhile, the Schnackenbergs had returned to Kawhia in July 1860 and while subjected tocommonannoyancesbroughtaboutbythe "filthy, deceitfuland overbearing ways of many",165 they had not been molested, threatened or frightened by any Maori since the fighting had began. The war itself, Schnackenberg believed, had been "unwisely begun and has been as unwisely and unsuccessfully carried on".166 Although he had no sympathy for Wi Kingi, Schnackenberg was also critical of the government's supporters. He expressed disgust at the lies and exaggerations of the queenites, and his total disapproval of the actions of soldiers in burning down pahs on Sundays. The seriousness of the general situation was illustrated by the absence of Schnackenberg, Wallis of Raglan, and Reid of Waipa from the 1860 annual district meeting held in Auckland on 5 November. All those attending felt it was not prudent for the three missionaries to leave their people while the war was in progress. In early 1861 the crisis deepened. The chiefs in the Kawhia area who leaned towards peace had lost influence. Nuitone was ill and Takerei (Waitara), while opposed to war, supported the King Movement. A large party journeyed from the east coast with the intention of joining the conflict at Waitara but paused at Waipa. Even in Raglan, the
163 Kawhia, 20 February 1861: to Reid. 164 Kawhia, 8 March 1861: to His Excellency the Governor. 165 Kawhia, (March) 1861: to Mrs White. 166 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 60
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 leading chief, Nero, let it be known that if Waikato was attacked he would join the war against the pakeha. Schnackenberg informed McLean that "the Natives are not subdued and I fear, the war spirit was never stronger. They want peace but on their own terms".167 The support Schnackenberg gave to the chiefs, who sought peace at the December 1860 meeting of tribes at Kawhia, probably assisted their cause at the time. However, more militant views prevailed and the peace initiative collapsed. Schnackenberg's attempt to influence the government also met with little success. The failure to restrict the flow of arms. the removal of Europeans from the Kawhia district and the ineffective blockade of the harbour, all indicate that his views were ignored. Finally his appeal for peace before both sides had taken up entrenched positions fell on deaf ears. In June 1861 McLean resigned from the Native Department and this added to the inactionand confusion during the last days of Browne's governorship. Not until Grey returned to office in September 1861 did a new and more decisive policy begin to take shape. Meanwhile Tamehana, the King Maker, visited Wiremu Nero and Tripione, the native assessors at Raglan and then travelled to Waipa where the east coast party waited. They were joined byWi Kingi, Rewi, Tikaokao and about ten others. Some of the Kawhia chiefs also planned to attend a large gathering at Ngaruawahia. where the young chief Matutaera, the son of Potatau Te Wherowhero, was to be proclaimed king by Tamehana. Schnackenberg reported that in his hearing Tamehana had declared that "if peace is made now, well, if not, let us attack north, south and all round the island".168 While expressing his disapproval of the gathering of Maori resistance, Schnackenberg also felt some sympathy for their cause. He believed some chiefs preferred the favour and money of the government to owning the land, but he knew of none who wished to be controlled by it. Perhaps, he pointed out, it was too much to expect the Maori to be loyal, as Europeans would not live under the rule of foreigners. Schnackenberg quoted as examples the Irish, the French in Canada and the Dutch at the Cape. He did not speak openly to the Maori about the matter, but he thought it "unjust and unwise to thrash the Maoris into loyalty”.169
167 Kawhia, 9 April 1861: to McLean. A hand-written note concerning the spelling of Nero appears on a copy of an article on Wi Neera Te Awitaia, written by E.H.Schnackenberg, son of the missionary. He suggests that the long vowel accent should be placed on the e' thus: Nero, when it would be pronounced "Nayro". The Native Land Court records the name as "Neiro". Others wrote Neera. Cort Henry Schnackenberg uses Nero and this spelling has been followed by the writer. 168 Kawhia, 16 April 1861: to His Excellency the Governor. 169 Kawhia, 1 June 1861: to (Buddle). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 61
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Wm. Thompson (Wi Tamehana) the King Maker (Morley's History) In spite of all his immediate problems, Schnackenberg still sought to improve his own education. He invited Dr Day to join him in Kawhia for about six months. During this time he hoped to obtain further help with the English language, undertake a course in Latin, and gain some further experience in administering medicine. For this service, he was prepared to provide accommodation and payment. Unfortunately for Schnackenberg Dr Day did not accept his offer. Schnackenberg's advice to his brother in London on how to deal with sickness provides an insight into how he managed to look after his own health. He advised his brother that "one week’s open air, gentle exercise, and an easy engaged mind did me more good in less than 3 months Doctors pills, salts and nasty potions".170 His wife had benefited too from a daily bathe in two buckets of cold water with two or three pints of boiling water to take the chill off in winter. Schnackenberg diagnosed his brother's complaint as asthma and advised him to keep his bowels regular by diet and exercise, and to eat fresh animal food, eggs, bread, tea, cocoa and coffee, but to avoid suppers of bacon and cheese. He further advised that his brother should wash his head in cold water, but keep his feet very warm. His final advice was to leave London.
170 (Kawhia) (6-13) July 1861: to (Brother Henry). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 62
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Schnackenberg explained that he had studied "Graham's Modern Domestic Medicine" and had become a bit of a doctor himself, frequently prescribing for patients. The meeting of the Maori leaders at Waipa and Ngaruawahia saw the consolidation of the King Movement, with the elevation of Matutaera to the title. But the threat of immediate warfare was avoided. The blockade of Kawhia was removed and vessels were able to enter the port immediately. Schnackenberg expected about 1000 Maori would also return to the Kawhia area. A number of chiefs had asked Schnackenberg to propose them for the position of native assessor. He was well aware however that they were motivated by the honours and salaries attached to the office, rather than by any desire to administer the queen's law. On a personal note, Schnackenberg explained to the government officers that with the departure of the officials, he had taken over the task of dealing with all the mail to and from Kawhia. This required him to forward all the mail to Aotea by messenger at a cost of 5/- per week. He offered to continue the service until a postmaster was appointed, but he asked for the refund of his expenses. With the prospect of war less likely, the blockade lifted and his return to Kawhia, Schnackenberg set out to re-establish his position which had been compromised by his removal from the mission station by McLean. This action he had resented as it was taken as a sign by some Maori that he was unduly influenced by the Europeans and the government. His first task was to expand the school at Kawhia. Accordingly he proposed to the Board of Education that a verandah be built around the mission house so that he could accommodate up to 40 pupils. The building also required shingling, a partition, a few tables and benches, beds and flooring. For this work he asked for an additional £30. To meet the general expenses Schnackenberg proposed to change each pupil £7 per year. He explained that he could not reduce the cost, as the school had little income. The land would not even grow vegetables because the soil was heavy and covered with sorrel, furze and toi toi. However the 8 hectares he had fenced now supported ten head of cattle and 22 sheep. Amy, as usual, would look after the pupils' clothing, washing and cooking but she would now have the assistance of Miss Allen. Annie Jane Allen had been engaged as a governess during the Schnackenberg's visit to Auckland in November 1861. Apart from assisting Amy she was also to work in the school and teach English. Jane Allen's arrival at Kawhia made life much easier for both Schnackenbergs. She soon settled into the life on the station and proved to be a good worker and a skilful teacher. During the visit to Auckland Amy's health deteriorated further and she suffered from weakness in her body and pain in her breast. After her return to Kawhia the decline continued further. Her only treatment was to wash the scirrhus with a lather of soap and take small doses of citrate of iron and quinine.171
171 (Kawhia), (19-27) February 1862: to Dr Mathews. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 63
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Meanwhile Schnackenberg had a visit from a party of some two dozen Maori dressed as soldiers and under the command of Reihana. Schnackenberg was pleasantly surprised when they marched to the chapel and took part in the service, especially as he had been warned that the party intended to drive him out of Kawhia. He was annoyed however with the Maori who frequently jumped their horses over his fences and left his gate open so that his stock wandered away. On the whole though he felt the Maori generally behaved well. A hui about the queen's government had been a failure. The gathering refused to accept any chief put forward by the government as administrator. Although Schnackenberg already led a busy life he was now also confirmed as postmaster. Each morning from 9 a.m. to 1 p.m. he spent with the boys of the school, removing the weeds which infested the mission ground, and digging patches for grass. An inspection of the school by Mr Taylor, the government inspector, proved satisfactory and his plans for expansion were approved. With the additional £33 granted by the Board of Education he ordered 20,000 shingles and 2,000 feet of boards and scantling. The price arranged with C.W.D. Stocken, the timber merchant, was 12/- per 1000 for shingles and 12/- per 100 feet for timber. The visit of Taylor brought an unexpected windfall as he recommended to the colonial secretary that the mission should be given a special grant of £50 for the alterations. As a result Schnackenberg wrote to Buddle and requested permission to purchase a hand mill from Sam Morgan. All the Maori mills were broken and the mission's two steel mills would hardly grind two bushels of wheat a day. In August 1862 Schnackenberg paid a short visit to Mokau as there was concern about the operation of the mission station. The journey was made in atrocious weather and he found the station in a dilapidated state. At Te Mohe the grass had been ploughed up for a potato field, the orchard allowed to run wild, the schoolroom removed, the cottage stripped of all the raupo and reeds, and the chapel unused. The lack of suitable people for staffing the remote stations troubled Schnackenberg and he suggested to Buddle that each missionary be allowed £20 for the employment of a catechist to carry out visits to such areas. He made it clear that "A Native teacher should be under constant instruction and superintendence to keep him out of dirt and debt, and teach him cleanliness, order and obedience and loyalty as well as divinity".172 As church interest in the Maori Mission had declined considerably by the 1860s the suggestion was never given serious consideration. Later, Schnackenberg set out to attend the annual district meeting to be held in November 1862 in Auckland. Unfortunately the vessel Thistle, on which he was travelling was forced to return to Raglan during a heavy storm. As a leg injury made it impossible to travel overland he did not take part in the gathering.
172 (Kawhia), (August) 1862: to (Buddle). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 64
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Aware of the continuing insecurity of his financial affairs, Schnackenberg took further steps to provide for his future. He instructed Thomas Russell, a solicitor in Auckland, to arrange a loan of £100 from his funds, for Mr Edward Allen, the father of Jane Allen, at an interest rate of 8 per cent. He also notified Russell that on 22 March 1863, a sum of £120 was due at the Bank of New South Wales. He asked him to invest the money on a good security at 10 per cent. The general state of the country continued to trouble Schnackenberg. He was surprised at the number of armed men still going to Taranaki and at the amount of plunder they brought back. Buddle's reassurance that no offensive war was likely contrasted sharply with Whiteley's opinion. Schnackenberg still voiced his opposition to martial law and bloodshed and again suggested a strictly-enforced blockade as an alternative. In February 1863 he invited Sir George Grey to visit Kawhia as Hone Pumipi had stated his intention to follow the queen's law. Schnackenberg thought this move could mark a general turning in the attitude of the Ngatimaniapoto as Kingism was no longer popular.173 A few days later he informed Whiteley that Anatipa had similar views and that Hone Te One had been made assessor. While these moves seemed favourable for the government, Schnackenberg was cautious and concluded "I think it is possible that nearly all Kawhia may profess loyalty, but I am afraid it will be little more than a profession produced and moved by temporal gain”.174 Schnackenberg was also unhappy with the inconsistencies he saw in government policy. He was unhappy that the Maori were able to keep their plunder and that murderers and robbers went unpunished, and that the price of cattle from Maori land had been forced up by the demands of the army. He also felt that thousands of pounds had been squandered each year on road-building in Raglan and on the Rev. John Morgan's farm equipment at the CMS station at Otawhao.175 On 6 April 1863 a group of the most influential chiefs of the Ngatimaniapoto wrote to the governor, strongly condemning actions taken by the tribes to the north, and
173 Kawhia, 11 February 1863: to Sir G. Grey. 174 Kawhia, 8 February 1863: to (Whiteley). 175 Kawhia, 9 March 1863: to (Reid). See Howe, K.R., "Missionaries, Maoris and Civilization in the Upper Waikato, 1833-1868. "A study in culture contact, with special reference to the attitudes and activities of the Rev. John Morgan of Otawhao". M.A. thesis, Auckland University, 1970. p. 240. Howe claims that organ organised a spy network and received reports from "Rev. Schnackenberg, a Lutheran at Mokau". There are no letters addressed to Morgan in Schnackenberg' s papers. Schnackenberg was not a Lutheran and he had no need of an intermediary as he had direct access to the government, usually through McLean. The information given by Schnackenberg was of a general nature. There is no evidence he was a spy. See also Schnackenberg, Kawhia, 9 March 1863: to (Reid). He refers to Morgan as follows, "Poor Mr Morgan - a pity he did not leave sooner". Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 65
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 pointing out that they had no ill-will towards Europeans.176 The declaration arose out of the actions of Hone Te One, the native assessor who had informed Europeans that the inland runanga had resolved that all pakeha should be expelled. The Kawhia chiefs, Anatipa, Takerei, Aihi and others, then met and declared that no pakeha at Kawhia should be either robbed or expelled. They also disclaimed all sympathy with the actions taken by the tribes at Hangatiki, Kihikihi and Otawhao.177 It would seem at this stage that the Kawhia chiefs, particularly those of the Ngatimaniapoto tribe, were more interested in events in Taranaki. Events moved swiftly. Gorst, the resident magistrate at Otawhao left in April 1843 and he was followed by Morgan. Reid departed from Waipa in May. On Sunday l0 May 1863 Schnackenberg received news that eight soldiers had been murdered at Tataraimaka and in June that Aporo, a Kawhia chief, had been arrested and imprisoned for his part in the unrest at Otawhao. This news alarmed Schnackenberg and he reported to Sir George Grey that bad feeling had been stirred up by the arrest and that many were threatening revenge.178 Schnackenberg claimed that the serious incidents at Otawhao, which had forced the resident magistrate to leave and Morgan the CMS missionary to abandon his experimental farm, had been planned by others. Aporo, he believed, had only acted as their spokesman. He asked Grey to remember the many cooperative acts of Aporo and release him.179 Personal problems also continued to press in upon Schnackenberg. Letters from Sydney brought news of the death of Amy's sister, Mrs Forwood. At about the same time Amy's own condition began to deteriorate even further. Schnackenberg wrote that "she feels everything, even trifles to the very quick".180 The outbreak of a general war which had been threatening for so long erupted when Sir George Grey sent troops into the Waikato in July 1863. It became clear to the Schnackenbergs that they could no longer achieve any good by remaining at Kawhia and preparations were made to leave. However, on Saturday morning at 10 a.m., 22 August 1863 Amy Schnackenberg died. She had suffered from cancer for the last eight years of her life, but had struggled on against great odds, carrying out a vital part of the mission work.
176 Translation: Chiefs, Kawhia, 6 Aperina 1863: to governor. 177 Kawhia, 9 April 1863: to (Buddle). 178 Kawhia, 23 June 1863: to His Excellency, the Governor. 179 Howe, K.R. "Missionaries, Maoris and -Civilization in the Upper Waikato, 1833- 1863". This M.A. thesis deals with the incidents in detail. However, Howe's statement that "During the war the Wesleyans were bitterly opposed to the Maoris and gave unqualified support to the Government", p. 214 is far too sweeping. Schnackenberg did not give unqualified' support to the government. 180 Kawhia, 28 April 1863: to My Dear Brother (Henry, London). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 66
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Schnackenberg recorded that "She was a sincere faithful and affectionate wife, has done much for the Natives in teaching English, Needlework, washing and cooking - and also by Example”.181 An article published in the Wesleyan Chron icie also paid a fitting tribute to Amy. "In her the natives have lost a sincere friend. She had long devoted her life to promote their best interests. It is gratifying to record that they, all rebels not excepted, treated her with great respect and expressed great sympathy with the Missionary in his loss."182 Schnackenberg buried his wife, then with Jane Allen, left the Kawhia station for Raglan. Jane Allen returned to her parents in Auckland, but he remained in Raglan until 26 September 1863 when he departed for Auckland. There he was "partly employed in preaching to Maoris, visiting the prisons and otherwise rendering assistance in the Auckland Circuit”.183 The death of Amy and the evacuation from Kawhia marked another turning point in the life of Cort Henry Schnackenberg. He and his wife had faithfully carried out their Christian duties for nearly 20 years in the remote areas of Mokau and Kawhia. The Mokau mission had withered away and now Kawhia was facing the same fate. The Maori Mission, which had promised so much in the early days following its establishment, was in tatters. For Schnackenberg, the future must have looked very bleak indeed. For the second time, he had been forced to leave Kawhia, but this time it was not McLean and the Europeans who had removed him, but the danger created by the Maori tribes. The very foundation of his standing as a missionary had been eroded. He had tried to cope with the dilemma which faced those who sought to remain impartial, and to keep aloof from the conflict between European and Maori. Earlier Schnackenberg had seen the conflict as one between the government and the King Movement, but it rapidly became impossible to divide settlers' attitudes from government policy. On the Maori side too, although there were those who gave allegiance to the queen and nominal support to the government, there seems little doubt that there was general sympathy for the King Movement. Critical of both sides, Schnackenberg a foreigner, probably saw the dilemma more objectively than many of his colleagues, but he too was overtaken by the tide of events and forced to support the queen's law.
181 Kawhia, 22 August 1863: (Journal). See also, Coney, Sandra, Euery Girl, p.32. "With only his report, we cannot know whether Amy's last pathetic days were embittered by Cort's growing admiration for the robust Annie". The suggestion is mere speculation. The writer has found no evidence to support it. 182 (Buddle), 28 September 1863: To the Editor, The Wesleyan Chronicle. Thos Buddle, Letterbook, 1847-1856. 38 Annual district meeting begun in Auckland, 9 November 1863. 183 Annual district meeting begun in Auckland, 9 November 1863. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 67
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Chapter VII A New Beginning With the death of his wife, Schnackenberg began to reconsider the future. His first task was to make a new will. He listed his assets at a total value of £900. Of this sum, he had £100 in land, £50 in horses and cattle, and £ 150 made up of books, clothes and furniture. His other assets included £213 in the Bank of New Zealand, £100 on loan to the Rev. J. Wallis, a further £100 to E. Allan, Auckland, and £50 deposited in a savings bank. He was also owed £73 by W. Ritchie, New Plymouth and £60, plus some years' interest by a man named Norris. He did not however, expect to recover these debts. In his will he made provision for £200 to be paid to his late wife's relatives, £300 to his own family, and a total of £100 to Miss Allen and the Maori teachers at Kawhia, Ahauhau, and Mokau! The balance of the estate was willed to the Wesleyan-Methodist mission. His final request was that he be buried "in a decent manner ... with a neat white fence around the grave and a tombstone at its head",184 preferably at a mission station, Ahauhau if possible. Schnackenberg also wrote to the authorities to enquire whether or not he was a British subject, under the 'Naturalization Rule' as he had purchased 20 hectares of land at Omata, near New Plymouth, and could not legally own it if he was still regarded as a foreigner. In October 1863 he received a letter from W. Swainson, formerly Attorney General, confirming that his British citizenship had been declared by Ordinance of the Legeslative Council in 1845 and that it had been backdated to 29 January 1840. He was at pains to explain to the Rev. John Egglestone, superintendent of the Australasian missions, that he had not been expelled from Kawhia, but that he had left because he could not stay alone with Miss Allen. However, he was concerned that some Kingite might hold him as a hostage if he returned to the mission. The school continued under the control of two monitors. Schnackenberg was keen to return but the Maori King had visited Kawhia and the Maori from the area were engaged in fighting in the Waikato so it was not an opportune time to do so. Schnackenberg was upset by the decision of the 1863 district meeting to post him to the Hokianga mission. As the decision had been made without consulting him, he objected to being treated in such a manner. Also he dreaded "the hardship of such a large and neglected circuit".185 As a result of his complaint the matter was dropped
184 Raglan, 24 September 1863: outline of will. The loan to the Rev. James Wallis was made in the 1850s to help him establish his elder son "on a farm and grist mill on the Okete Falls, just off the upper Whaingaroa harbour and close to the present day Te Uku". See Jensen, J.H. and Barber, L.H., The Schnackenberg Fam i ly Papers, Auckland- Waikato Historical Journal, September 1987, No. 51, p. 26. 185 (Auckland), 14 November 1863: (No title). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 69
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 and Schnackenberg continued his duties in Auckland. One of these was holding divine services with the prisoners held on board the 'Curacao' in the Auckland harbour. On the 16 December he returned to Raglan, travelled on to Aotea and Ahauhau, and preached to large congregations of Maori.
Letter of Naturalization (from W. Swainson) On 21 April 1864 he made a very important decision. He wrote to Edward Allan of Allendale, Mt Albert and asked his permission to marry his daughter Jane. It appears Mr Allen offered no objection and Schnackenberg had already discussed his re- Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 70
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 marriage with his colleagues. Most had been opposed to his remarriage so soon after Amy's death. The Chairman, Buddle felt it "may compromise my ministerial character and compromise my brethren likewise".186 Reid seemed to be the strongest voice in opposition and Schnackenberg was prepared to postpone his marriage. On reconsideration, Buddle was prepared to carry out the ceremony as he was sure objections would soon pass away. For Schnackenberg an early marriage was important "because I want my beloved Jane in my work".187 On 12 May 1864 the Rev. Buddle married Cort Henry Schnackenberg to Annie Jane Allen in Auckland.
Annie Jane Schnackenberg Jane Allen was born in Leamington, Warwickshire, England. She had played the organ in the Wesleyan chapel and taught in the Sunday school. She arrived in Auckland on the Black Eagle, with her parents, brother and sisters in November 1861 and was later employed as a governess, by the Schnackenbergs, at Kawhia until Amy's death. There is little doubt that Jane was a person of considerable character and a great help to Amy during the last months of her life. She was also an excellent teacher, fluent in Maori, and genuinely dedicated to the work associated with the life of a missionary. She brought a new vigour to the mission because of her comparative youth and good health. Schnackenberg was 52 years of age and Jane 28 when they married. Soon after his marriage, Schackenberg and his new wife returned to Aotea station and undertook the supervision of Ahauhau as well. They found a state of general
186 Aotea, 21 April 1864: to E. Allen. 187 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 71
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 confusion but no real hostility to their mission. However, Maori returning from the Waikato had retained their arms and the Kingites were numerous and threatening.188 Schnackenberg was concerned to learn that ships were entering the Kawhia harbour with supplies for a trader named Greene. He complained to McLean that it appeared that Greene could trade with the rebels as he chose, in spite of the blockade. Schnackenberg added that his supplies had to be brought from Raglan at an additional cost of 3d to 6d a pound. As the trade with Kawhia seemed to be extensive Schnackenberg suggested that the rebels could be punished by preventing them from selling their cattle, pigs, wheat, and potatoes. This would deprive them of money to buy arms. He understood however, that merchants easily bribed native assessors and policemen. Thus it appeared impossible for Major McGregor, the Raglan resident magistrate to prevent trade with the rebels. Schnackenberg was equally critical of Europeans in Auckland and Raglan who "fill their pockets with unlawful gain, afford means to our infatuated Natives to destroy themselves, to ruin many out settlers, to break up mission stations, and to keep us in constant apprehension of losing our liberty if not our lives".189 He warned McLean that there were 500 to 1000 armed men in the area between Kawhia and Mokau on the coast and Awamutu and Taupo in the interior. The nature of the county made it possible for these men to feed themselves by planting small areas of land in the numerous valleys and by catching the fish from the sea. It was almost impossible, however, for soldiers to defeat them in such country. Schnackenberg reported that the Maori King was at Te Paopora up the Mokau River. He had been joined by a number of Taranaki Maori who had arrived with a new atua' called Te Hau or Te Anahua" (i.e. the angel). Schnackenberg had already been warned to be civil to the party or he would lose his life. All neutral Maori were instructed to leave the area or to join the King Movement, otherwise they would be crushed by "the destroying angel who is to be accompanied by 100 Taranaki priests, and then followed by 400 Waikatos and Maniapotos first to Raglan and Awamutu and then northwards".190 Schnackenberg warned McLean that an attempt might be made on Raglan, as Wiremu Kingi, suspecting the next move by the government would be against Taranaki, was intent upon creating a diversion. When Skinner left Aotea, in October 1863, his departure had been followed by the first monitor Maka and Hohura.
188 Schnackenberg used the term Kingite to describe the followers of the King Movement and Queenite for those who supported the queen's government. References to Kingites appeared in his letters in early 1860. See Kawhia, 19 March 1860: to (Buddle). Early in the following year the term Queenite also appeared. See: Ahauhau, 7 March 1861: to Buddle. The practice was followed when he referred to Raglanites in a letter dated 12 November 1869: to Bro. Smith. The terms Kingite and Queenite were used extensively in the newspapers of the period. The writer has followed this practice. 189 Kawhia, 18 July 1864: to (McLean). 190 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 72
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Both these chiefs left to join the fighting. As there was a shortage of funds and no other missionary available the district meeting of 1864 once again combined the circuits of Aotea and Kawhia and placed Schnackenberg in charge. The general situation in the Aotea-Kawhia district had been outlined in Schnackenberg's 1864 Kawhia report. He regarded the Ngatimaniapoto as the boldest supporters of the King Movement, the Ngatimahuta as the most earnest because the King was from their tribe and the Ngatihikairo as the largest cash contributors to the movement. However, many among the three tribes did not support the King Movement or join the fighting. None of these people had ever held government positions and had therefore gone unnoticed, but Schnackenberg had been able to hold his ground in the mission because of their support. Two assessors had been appointed by the government. Both had formerly been supporters of the King Movement. During the summer, with the help of their policemen, they took the opportunity to seize much property belonging to the Kingites who were their personal enemies. Others who were their friends were not interfered with in any way. In Schnackenberg's opinion, three quarters of the property seized was never paid over to the government and large sums of money were spent on liquor. His view was that native assessors should not be entrusted with such powers, but he could not object openly as that would have brought him into collision with the government. All he could do was to preach against intemperance, immorality, and deception, and show a Christian spirit uninfluenced by the politics of the day,191 Schnackenberg expressed two main objections to the King Movement. He objected, on church grounds, to "The despotic Runanga or Council of Kingites over riding the Church authority, or discipline when brought to bear upon themselves",192 and he refused to pay a tribute to the King - "all other Europeans paid, but I refused. The collector said “the wind will roar, and you will have no shelter".193 The challenge of the King Movement to church and state made Schnackenberg's determination to avoid the politics of the day, and remain aloof, almost impossible in practice. The general unrest was reflected even in his schools. Instruction was given in the Maori language, English, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic and Geography. The boys were required to assist with farm work, while the girls spent their time sewing. However, children would not remain at school for any length of time. Schnackenberg felt that "education is only valued by the Natives, because they have discovered, that educated Natives can sometimes get a higher price for provisions etc."194 No amount of liberty, food or clothing would keep a pupil for a number of years. Sadly, he came
191 Aotea, 7 October 1864: Aotea Circuit Report. 192 Aotea, 19 June 1860: to Buddle. 193 Kawhia, 6 November 1863: Circuit Report of Kawhia. 194 Aotea School Report, 1864. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 73
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 to the conclusion that only by a change of spirit and a true understanding of Christianity would the position improve: "love of drink, various kinds of gambling, endless tales about the war, and the doings of Europeans occupy by far the greatest attention of Natives at all times, but more especially on the Sabbath Day”.195
Tawhiao, Maori King J.Martin Photo Auckland War Memorial Museum 15400 Schnackenberg received a further blow to the teaching of his church, and the improvement in Maori attitudes when Hauhauism began to spread through the tribes and to give new strength to the King Movement. Hauhauism was born from the prophetic visions of Te Ua in September 1862 and slowly gained ground, first in Taranaki. Emissaries carried the teaching through the tribes to the north and its influence became a powerful factor in a resurgence of Maori opposition to the government and settlers. Basically "Pai Marire was an effort to assert a separate Maori identity that the assimilationist process of government and missionary activity seemed to deny".196 The new movement arose at a time when the defeat at Orakau had led to a steady decline in support for Kingism. Schnackenberg recorded in November 1864 "at present, I think, but very few Natives have any confidence and hope in kingism. This
195 Aotea Sunday School Report, 1864. 196 Clark, Paul, Hauhau, p. 66. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 74
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 is now almost a thing of the past.... The majority of the Natives sympathise with the king movement, though not so willing to fight for it... ,"197 The conversion to Hauhauism of Matutaera the Maori King, who had taken the name of Tawhiao, changed the position. Both the King Movement and the followers of Te Ua wanted separation from the control of Europeans and contact only on Maori terms. While the King Movement was largely a political one it did not reject the Christianity of the missionaries. Hauhauism was a spiritual movement which offered its own form of religion. Much of this faith was based upon the Old Testament, but also incorporated many spiritual values of the Maori from pre-christian days. As such, it was an anathema to the teaching of the missionaries and undermined their authority further. When Schnackenberg left Kawhia for Aotea in October 1864 all was calm, but when he made arrangements to return, two months later, he was warned by one of his teachers he should not do so. A party of Waikato Maori had arrived from Taranaki, with the Kawhia chief Monahe of the Ngatimahuta tribe, and had set up the new karakia and threatened to kill Schnackenberg if he returned. Schnackenberg took the advice of his teachers and remained at Aotea, although he felt he was not in any real danger. However, he reported to the governor that in addition to Kingism "we shall now have to contend with this new or old superstition".198 In January 1865 the Hauhaus arrived at Aotea and Schnackenberg confronted one of the tohunga, who claimed to speak German. After questioning him in German he explained to the meeting that the tohunga was an impostor. But because he felt he had damaged the tohunga's influence he decided to be more cautious in the future as the Kingites were numerous. Schnackenberg considered that "the present move called Te Hau', and Te Anehura' - on Pai Marire religion is another addition of kingism".199 He did not regard it as dangerous but as "a reaction of Maori regard for the pakeha".200 With the large areas of the Waikato confiscated, up to 3000 troops taking possession of Taranaki, the militia guarding the towns throughout the region and a continued inflow of settlers, "the rebellion is no longer formidable, unless there should be a general rising which I think unlikely".201 He was however, upset by the murder instigated by Kerehopa, of the Rev. Carl Sylvius Volkner, of the CMS at Opotiki on 2 March 1865. This action of the Hauhaus led by Kerehopa202 presented a potentially dangerous face of the new movement.
197 Auckland, 23 November 1864: to (Missionary Secretary, Sydney). 198 Aotea, 19 December 1864: to His Excellency, The Governor. 199 Aotea, 17 June 1865: to Mrs White. 200 ibid. 201 Aotea, 1 January 1865: to Nephew Thomas (London). 202 Raglan, 18April 1869: to Henry Halse. "Kereopa, the fellow who threatened me with death some 4 years ago when I exposed their ignorance ... of his prophet who professed to Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 75
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Other matters now occupied Schnackenberg's attention. He sent his pregnant wife to Auckland and arranged for Dr Day to look after her. He made representations to the government on behalf of the widow of the late chief Nuitone Te Pakaru of Kawhia for the payment of an annuity which had been due for payment two months before his death. At the same time as he was arranging these other matters, Schnackenberg, who never forgot that he was a German by birth, was carrying on a vigorous debate by letter with Reid in defence of German actions arising from the 'Danish Question'. Also he took issue with the editor of the NewZealander over his treatment of the same topic. Schnackenberg claimed the editor "displayed only his ignorance & partiality, whilst pleasing our future Queen, and the British public, insulted our present Queen, the family and the whole German nation”.203 Meanwhile, important changes had already been decided upon at the annual district meeting held in Auckland in early November 1864. Buddle had been transferred to the Nelson circuit and his place as chairman had been taken by the Rev. James Buller. Buddle was clearly upset by the move, "three of our Brethren have become exceedingly zealous about Itinerancy & as I have been so long here they think there should be a change".204 Hobbs and Henry Lawry, son of Walter Lawry, came in for most of Buddle's criticism and were described as "brethren never celebrated for much work (as] for anything practical".205 After an initial coolness Schnackenberg had eventually built up a good working relationship with Buddle who understood many of the difficulties he faced. A further significant change involved the Rev. John Smith. He was moved from Raglan and Schnackenberg became responsible for the three circuits of Kawhia, Aotea and Raglan. The district meeting had also expressed concern at the difficulties the New Zealand missionaries were facing by having to leave their circuits to attend the Australasian Conference. As a result an invitation was extended to the Australians to hold the 1867 conference in Auckland. For Schnackenberg the added burden was unfair. He was now alone with a new chairman and expected to provide for the needs of a large area previously served by three missionaries. He was no longer young and the Maori unrest made his task not only difficult but dangerous. He expressed his feelings in a letter to Wallis: "There is much more work than I can well do ... I should be glad had I nothing but Raglan to look after".206 The Schnackenbergs first child was born on 30 April 1865 at the Allen's
speak German". This took place in January 1865. Volknerwas killed in March 1865. Later Schnackenberg stated he did not know the people who had killed Volkner. However, it is clear that Kereopa and Kerehopa were the same person. 203 Aotea, 23 January 1865: to Reid. 204 Buddle (Auckland), 5 December 1864: Letterbook. 205 ibid. 206 Raglan, 20 March 1866: to (Wallis). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 76
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 home at Mt Albert and named Katrina Elizabeth, but called Rina by her parents. Schnackenberg was absent at her birth, but arrived a week later after a hurried journey from Raglan. The event brought a new responsibility into his life. The letter written to Rina on the occasion of her first birthday gives an insight into his feelings: "Always remember that Jesus loves you -loves you even more & better than I do".207 He imparted some of his own philosophy of life to his daughter when he advised her to pay "proper attention to cleanliness, to food, to drink, to sleep, to work always try to be in good health, as well as a sound mind".208 After a visit of the governor to Raglan at the beginning of May 1866, Schnackenberg , wrote and asked for a number of favours. He asked that the quarterly allowance for his mission schools be paid on time, as he had been placed in financial difficulties because of delays in payment. He also asked that he be given six months' notice before the schools at either Kawhia or Aotea were to be closed so that he could make necessary arrangements. Finally he asked for a pension of £10 a year for chief Niho of Rakaunui of Kawhia as he was almost the only chief of influence at Kawhia who had never sympathised with Kingism or had been in the pay of the government. Schnackenberg's time was increasingly taken up with the superintendence of the schools at Aotea and Kawhia as he was compelled to rely upon monitors at each station. As a foreigner not accustomed to preaching in English, he was also forced to give extra time to reading and study. These duties combined with his normal work led him to fear he would end up by achieving little and "I may yet have to give it up".209 Fortunately for him his wife took a full part in leading the singing, teaching in the Sunday School and in assisting at prayer meetings. The townspeople too were kind and helpful. It was a difficult time for Schnackenberg, but he hoped he would not be moved on as "I am a poor hand indeed among strangers".210 With his family responsibilities, Schnackenberg also gave his attention to the investment of a sum of £ 110. The money had become available as payment for his sheep and cattle he had sent to New Plymouth nine years earlier. He instructed F. Newman, Auckland, to find a suitable investment preferably in land. He asked for Newman's opinion about a small section of land owned by Captain W.D. King situated at ‘Woodthorpe' not far from Hobson Bay. He explained that he did not want to buy confiscated land. Although he did not object to the principle of confiscation as a government measure, he felt as a missionary he could not own such land.
207 Whaingaroa River and district (Raglan), 30 April 1866: to Rina. 208 ibid. 209 Raglan, 31 May 1866: to Rev. & dear Sir (?). 210 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 77
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Schnackenberg soon became involved in the affairs of Raglan and this brought him into conflict with a number of people. The most vocal of these was Richard Todd, who as a correspondent, wrote an article for the Weekly News, which was published on 21 July 1866. Schnackenberg objected to the statement that"- We have two churches - one never used - and the other only occasionally". He informed the editor that a service and Sunday school were held in the Wesleyan church every week and a school every day. The Lord's Supper was administered once a month and a prayer meeting held every Wednesday evening. Schnackenberg also took exception to a letter he had received from Buller. The new chairman requested him to visit the Maori settlements in the Waikato. He added that Wallis had informed him that he had visited them regularly when he had been stationed at Raglan. Schnackenberg felt that "to talk in this way to the Chairman who is a comparative stranger is annoying to me".211 Schnackenberg had also been slighted by one of Wallis's sons who had ignored him when he came on a brief visit to preach in Raglan. As far as the Waikato was concerned, Schnackenberg had raised the matter of the reoccupation of the Waipa station at the previous district meeting, but he had been informed that no funds were available. Despite the tension between some members of the Wallis family and Schnackenberg, William Wallis, who lived in Raglan remained cordial, and Schnackenberg determined to avoid unpleasantness if he could do so. Schnackenberg also came under attack from Mrs Corlett212, who had established a private school in Raglan. As she charged 2/- a week, several parents could not pay the fee and Schnackenberg was approached to provide a day school. This was setup and classes were held in the chapel. In general, however, the townspeople of Raglan showed Schnackenberg kindness and support. With the additional responsibility for Waipu and the other Waikato stations, Schnackenberg had had a further circuit added to his already heavy burden. As he remarked: "if I go to the Waikato stations too, the work in the three or 4 Circuits, over which my work is spread already, must be still more neglected".213 The state of affairs at Kawhia and Aotea gave no cause for optimism either. About half of the whole population had suffered from fever and more than 100 had died of the complaint. Hauhauism was flourishing among both Kingites and Queenites, but Schnackenberg noticed some changes had taken place in its content and services. "I am aware the most objectionable parts are being modified, and a mode of worship less repugnant to common sense, in holy Scripture is being instituted for nonsense and
211 Raglan, 27 July 1866: to Buddle. 212 Raglan School Centennial, 1866-1966, p.2 . Schnackenberg described Mrs Corlett's husband as an idle man. Mrs Corlett established a private school in a tent in 1866. Later she achieved some recognition as a writer, in Sydney, under the pen name of 'Silver Pen'. 213 Raglan, 27 July 1866; to Buddle. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 78
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 lewdness".214 In early January 1866, Schnackenberg accompanied by W. Rolleston. an inspector of schools, was prevented from visiting Kawhia by Waata, a young Kawhia chief. Schnackenberg blamed the incident on Akate, Potatau's sister's son, who was regarded as a prophet and a successor to Te Ua of Taranaki. The unsettled state of the area continued and Schnackenberg informed Mr J. Wilson of the Herald he had advised the government that at least 100 Waikato refugees had recently left Kawhia for Tauranga. He also suspected that they had been joined by a party of the Ngatimaniapoto of Hangatiki, some twenty-five kilometres inland. Their intention appeared to be to look at the fighting and then decide whether to join it or not. The Maori attempted to keep their plans secret and to help maintain this all Europeans were restricted in their movements in the district. There was no general alarm among the Europeans, but Schnackenberg advised the governor that he felt the situation could deteriorate rapidly unless the Kingites were defeated at Tauranga and Taranaki. He was more concerned however when one of his monitors fished in tapu waters and a taua overpowered those left at the Kawhia mission station. The mission house and the chapel were damaged and 18 sheep, eight lambs, three head of cattle and a horse were stolen. As Erueti, the monitor was a chief, the matter was not simply an attack on the mission. The Maori king disapproved of the action taken against Erueti, and most of the stock was returned. However, this did not stop Schnackenberg informing R.O. Stewart, the resident magistrate in Raglan, and Mackey, the chief clerk in Auckland. He gave notice that "I intend to prosecute these thieves & house breakers as soon as it can be done".215 Apart from the conflict between the King Movement and the government, there was rivalry between chiefs and tribes, and this often confused the situation still further. Hone Te One, the native assessor, and his people, moved from the north side of Kawhia to the north of Aotea. Tapihana, a leading Kingite chief then ordered all Europeans to leave as well. Schnackenberg believed that this was not an expulsion ordered by the King, but merely a continuation of the quarrel between One Te One and Tapihana. Most Kingites on the south side of the harbour were reluctant to expel Europeans as they feared the government would send a warship. Schnackenberg wished the government would force the Kingites out of the Kawhia harbour so that he could return to his mission station. He favoured this approach only if the government action did not lead to an attack on Raglan and the Waikato settlements.216 His feelings were clearly expressed when he wrote "The Kawhia School has been my hobby, and if
214 Kawhia and Aotea Report, 1866. 215 Raglan, 3 May 1867: To His Excellency, The Governor. 216 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 79
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 it was not for the turbulant Tapihana both Mr Rolleston & yourself would find ... a representation of Christianity, Civilization and Loyalty”.217 On 23 April 1867 the Schnackenberg's second child, a daughter, was born. She was named Amy Isobel Mary after his first wife. Schnackenberg's attention was also occupied with affairs of the Raglan mission station. He asked for a 'Crown Grant' of the block of land containing 230 hectares which was attached to the station. This land had been given by the chiefs of Raglan to the Queen of England for the use of the Wesleyan Methodist church, and had been surveyed by W. Logan. Schnackenberg did not anticipate any difficulty as the grant had been acknowledged by the chiefs, but no 'Crown Grant' had been proclaimed. The exaggerated reports about Raglan, Aotea and Kawhia, which continued to appear in the newspapers led to Schnackenberg writing to the owner of the Weekly News.218 It appeared that the news about Raglan and Kawhia differed greatly according to the particular bias of the reporter. Schnackenberg felt it was his duty to present, as far as he could, a fair and objective record of events. As far as the Queenites were concerned he had little confidence in their professed loyalty. The only thing of value they had done in five and a half years, since they had abandoned Kingism, was to cut a three mile road through the bush towards Aotea and build three small bridges. The war had brought poverty to many in the Maori population. This, Schnackenberg believed, had led to a change in attitude to the consumption of liquor. Formerly it had been regarded as waipiro (stinking water), now drunkenness was widespread. This change Schnackenberg attributed largely to the European influence. In August Schnackenberg received advice that Sir George Grey was anxious that the Kawhia school should continue. This meant Erueti and his wife, the teachers, and Hera Eketone, the matron, would remain in charge of the school and Schnackenberg would manage it from Raglan, as he was prevented from visiting Kawhia. The situation, however, remained uneasy as the pupils of the school were from the Ngatimahuta and Ngatimaniapoto tribes, but their rivals, the Ngatikikairo were active in Kawhia and to the north. At Aotea the school was run by John Moore, a good, but somewhat stern teacher. When Schnackenberg moved to Raglan, he also took over the superintendence of the Karakarika school, under the control of Martha Barton. The Bartons were an influential Maori family and the pupils of the school were largely their relations. Martha Barton was a good teacher, too, but Schnackenberg had to keep a close watch to prevent her from overspending.
217 Raglan, 16 May 1867: to T. Mackey. Rolleston later became superintendent of the Canterbury Province. 218 Raglan, 14 June 1867: the proprietor of Weekly News. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 80
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
In his Raglan, Aotea and Kawhia circuit report of 1867 Schnackenberg summed up the difficulties faced by the missionaries. They were subjected to insults and danger. The Hauhaus undermined their authority and the Kingites claimed they had brought the soldiers to take away their land. No support was given by the Queenites who were often more concerned with pursuing family and tribal advantages. The Europeans too were quick to blame the missionaries for their own failures. The withdrawal of troops from Raglan and the departures of some settlers left many empty houses. Storekeepers suffered, even hotels were practically deserted. Such work as was available was poorly paid, and poverty was universal. Yet in spite of the prevailing depression, church services had not declined and there had been a small increase of £7.11.10 in the collections over the previous year. Schnackenberg concluded that "I have often felt encouraged, especially when comparing the English with the Missionary work among the Maoris".219 The general situation in New Zealand also troubled Schnackenberg and he wrote to Grey on 13 September 1867 when he heard of the governor's recall by the British government. "The Home Govt seems to know little about the wants, or cares little about the troubles of this colony. I have always thought your Excellency's policy eminently humane and wise, and therefore regret exceedingly that you have been called away at a time when not only the best but also the majority of Europeans have learnt to approve of your administration and show a disposition to help you".220 The disintegration of the Maori mission continued steadily and the district meetings were increasingly influenced by younger men, with no experience of missionary work. These men were much more interested in the pressing problems of the growing European circuits. Turton and Smales had resigned, Hobbs, Wallis, and H. Lawry had become supernumaries and even Whiteley, now old, was devoting much of his time to the requirements of New Plymouth. The Australian brethren, who outnumbered the New Zealanders at conference, had little concern for, or understanding of, the needs of the Maori in New Zealand. No attempt had been made to replace those men who had served for so long in the remote mission stations. The Native Institution, established in 1845 on the initiative of Walter Lawry, had failed to provide a pool of Maori teachers and missionaries. The Maori who had passed through the Institution had never received the training or gained sufficient status to replace the original missionaries. In any case the war would have made their situation impossible as it would have placed
219 Circuit Report, Raglan, 1867. 220 Raglan, 13 September 1867: to his Excellency Sir George Grey. This is one of three short original letters held in the Auckland Public Library. See Schnackenberg, Rev. Cort Henry, A.L.S. (3) to Sir G.G. 1861-1867 Grey Collection.
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A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 them in the same position as the European missionaries, who could not stand apart from the events of the times. The burden placed upon Schnackenberg would have been unreasonable in normal times, but in the aftermath of the war it was beyond the capability of any missionary. All he could do was to keep a general oversight over a very large area and protect his schools. The European settlers, too, required an increasingly large part of his time and energy. As a family man living permanently in Raglan, he was obliged to accept this responsibility as a major part of his ministry and also as his civic duty.
Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 82
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Chapter VIII Raglan The difficulties Schnackenberg faced in maintaining his mission schools were not helped by the delays he frequently experienced in the payment of the government grant. Often he was obliged to write to the Bank of New Zealand for an overdraft to pay school accounts. He was even unsure whether the grant of £10 per year for each child would be continued, or whether the Kawhia school would be closed.221 With the departure of Rolleston for Christchurch, Schnackenberg addressed his complaints to Henry Halse, assistant under-secretary but received no reply. Then in July 1868 he wrote to the native minister, J.C. Richmond and again asked for urgent attention to be given to the school returns. He also informed Richmond that he and Rolleston had been prevented by the Maori from inspecting the Kawhia school. He did manage to keep close contact with his teachers, and gave advice when they visited him. He also gave notice of his intention to visit Aotea as there appeared to be unrest in the district.222 On 25 July 1868 an article under the heading "The Native Race" appeared in the Weekly Herald, Auckland. The article was based upon a report prepared by the Department of the Native Ministry at Sir George Grey's request. Schnackenberg took exception to the statement that 2000 members of the Ngatimaniapoto tribe were all hostile and that three chiefs, Rewi Maniapoto, Tihaokai, and Tapihana Tiriwa were active and warlike opponents of the government. He pointed out that Te Tapihana Tiriwa was a Waikato of the Ngatihikairo tribe and that the Ngatimaniapoto of Mokau had already sold 16,000 hectares of land to McLean and Rogan. Haereiti, a Ngatimaniapoto assessor and his policemen were as friendly to the government as the Queenites. The two Ngatimaniapoto policemen were still in the service of Hone Te One, the native assessor. Half the pupils of the Kawhia mission school were Ngatimaniapoto and the chiefs Aiki and Eruiti had never fought the government. Furthermore, Rolleston and himself had been prevented from going to Kawhia by Waata, an Aotea chief. Thus, the Ngatimaniapoto were not "all hostile".223 Schnackenberg followed up his defence of the Ngatimaniapoto with a letter to Halse. He explained that all tribes had members on both sides of the conflict, but it suited the "Natives who lived near the R.M. to excuse their own people & blame the distant Ngatimaniapotos for all the dirty work done by the King . . . .".224
221 Raglan, 21 May 1868: to J.C. Richmond. 222 (Raglan), 20 July 1868: to Hon. J.C. Richmond. Native Minister. 223 Raglan (late July -18 August) 1868: to Native Minister. According to Union List of New Zealand Newspapers, National Library, 1985, no copy of this paper is available. 224 Raglan, 1 September 1868: to H. Halse. Assistant Under Secretary. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 83
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991
Meanwhile Schnackenberg had decided not to purchase the section near Hobson Bay in Auckland. He advised Captain W.D. King, who was now stationed in Melbourne, not to sell the land as values had declined and many houses were empty in Queen Street. The gold rush promised better times, but only a few of the prospectors were doing well. However, he did not think that there would be a continuation of the war as the Maori were dispirited and the pakeha had no money. Schnackenberg did buy a small section of land with a house on it from J.A. Morelli in the township of Alexandra. He paid £25 for it. He then transferred ownership of the property to his sister-in-law, Mrs Mary Elizabeth Hooper, who was in some financial difficulty.225 Thus once again he showed his concern for family relationships. Schnackenberg's lack of trust in the Queenite chiefs was shown when he advised the government neither to support the building of a pah north of Aotea, nor to grant Hone Te One and his men the 4/- a day received by the Maori at Rangiriri. He suggested that they be paid for building roads, as this work helped the settlers and was also "death to kingism”.226 Schnackenberg had observed many drunkards and gamblers at Rangiriri and he was of the opinion that'' such renegades will do the colony more harm than 10 ordinary kingites".227 In late February 1869 Schnackenberg received word of the murder of Whiteley at Whitecliffs. The news brought home to him the dangers of his own situation: "The thought that I may yet meet with a like end, will often occur. .. and lead me to call more frequently & earnestly for help & wisdom to God . . . ,".228 On 13 February 1869 Captain Gasgoine, his wife and three children and two soldiers were murdered at the blockhouse at Whitecliffs, Pukearuhe. Whiteley had ridden up soon afterwards and he too was killed.229 The massacre caused considerable tension among the settlers. Schnackenberg thought that the government should avoid provoking the Maori, but should be prepared to resist any attack. He felt that the unprotected blockhouse at Whitecliffs showed the government "was willing to provoke and unprepared to resist aggression"230. He believed that the arms should be kept locked up in readiness, and the militia employed in road-making and bridge building. Such a policy would overcome idleness and make the troops fit for fighting should it become necessary. At this stage Schnackenberg was unsure who was responsible for the murders. He was however convinced that Captain Gasgoine and his
225 Raglan, 14 May 1868: to T. Russell. 226 Raglan, 26 January 1869: to H. Halse. 227 ibid. 228 Raglan, 26 February 1869: to (Buller). 229 Herald, 18 February 1869, p. 4, col. 6. Taken from Taranaki Herald, second edition, 16 February 1869. 230 Raglan, 17 March 1869: to Buller. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 84
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 family had been shot deliberately, but that Whiteley had died at the instigation of two Europeans. The tense situation was made worse by the government's decision to hold a land court at Aotea, where some Maori wanted their land surveyed. Others were bitterly opposed to the survey. Schnackenberg expressed his fear that European lives and property could be at risk if the survey went ahead. "I say no more lest I should be charged with being opposed to the progress of colonization - but I think it my duty to inform you of my apprehension".231 In a letter to Buller Schnackenberg stated that "We are not military settlers, nor living on confiscated lands, otherwise I should tremble for our safety".232 He added that the blockhouse at Raglan was without a garrison, arms and ammunition and some 20 families were scattered over ten square miles. Schnackenberg believed that the attack at Whitecliffs had arisen out of a quarrel concerning Wetere, a young chief, who wished to lease land south of Mokau, to Europeans for cattle and sheep runs. This transaction was opposed by Tikaohao, who had always resisted colonization. Because of his rank, Wetere could not be punished so Tikaohao sent a band to kill Captain Gasgoine and his family. Schnackenberg explained that there was little chance of punishing Tikaohao because his mother was a Ngatiawa, his wife a Ngatiruanui with family connections in Waikato and his father a Ngatimaniapoto from the inland settlements. As a result, he had the sympathy of all the powerful tribes. Schnackenberg also recalled that a Waikato tohunga had predicted the murders before they took place. He believed the tohunga was probably aware of a plan to kill Gasgoine and others. In any case, the nature of the country made it virtually impossible to pursue the murderers by an attack upon Mokau from the south or from the sea. The only possible route would have been from the north. But the use of force would have caused a general conflagration. In the meantime the land court sat at Aotea, under Judge Manning233, and some land in the area passed through the legal process but the government decided not to purchase land and the situation eased. Schnackenberg was sure that the Kingites would not have permitted the land to be sold without fighting, especially as Waata had already removed survey pegs. Schnackenberg's life was placed in even greater danger when an article appeared in an Auckland newspaper stating that he had accused Te Ruki of murdering Whiteley. Schnackenberg had acted upon the advice of William Searancke, the resident magistrate for Waikato, but later found the information to be incorrect. He now
231 Raglan, 29 March 1869: to (Halse). 232 Raglan, 1 April 1869: to Buller. 233 Author of A History of the War in the North and Old New Zealand, he had been made a judge of the Native Land Court in 1865. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 85
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 believed that Te Ruki would demand utu and when he wrote to the Rev. John Warren he revealed his very real fears that' 'since the murder at the Cliffs I have never felt quite safe ".234 The responsibilities of a family, the constant unrest and the pressure of looking after a very large and difficult area placed a heavy strain on Schnackenberg's health. He was 56 years old and he had spent 25 years as a missionary. It was little wonder that he informed Warren, "I get tired some times - and have to be much more careful of my health than formerly - perhaps may even be compelled to give up my present work & travels".235 The depression which had hit Raglan after the departure of the troops showed signs of lifting. The cutter Willie sailed for Auckland with several tons of flax in early March 1869. This was one of the first exports from the harbour. Schnackenberg wrote that several mills were in production and this industry might "change our present poverty to more productive prosperity if continued".236 He also wrote to the Defence minister in September 1869 and suggested that local Maori be employed on widening the roads between Raglan and Aotea to the south and Waipa to the north. He emphasised again that roads benefited the settlers and friendly Maori and were a hindrance to the Kingites. The discovery of gold at Thames had given a boost to the general economy and this combined with the flax mills, was bringing large numbers to the Auckland province. Many prospectors on their way to the gold fields also passed through Raglan. Thus while there were signs of better prospects in Raglan for the common people, the Kingite chiefs took little part in these commercial activities. They avoided the mission, took their children from the schools and obstructed road-making as far as possible. Schnackenberg's view was that "Queenism or Kingism mean little with the common people of both parties, but the chiefs are more interested, and therefore more earnest'',237 the Kingites to save their honour, and the Queenite chiefs, to keep their salaries from the government. Meanwhile,' 'The common people have passed to and
234 Raglan (3 September), 1869: to Warren. The writer has found no reference to Te Ruki in the Herald between 18 February 1869, when the murder of Whiteley was first reported and 15 April 1869. On the latter date Schnackenberg wrote to Buller: I felt alarmed when I saw in the Herald that I charged Te Ruki with the murder of Mr Whiteley". No reference appears in the Weekly News during the same period. There are no copies of the Weekly Herald available for 1869 until 3 April. Neither the editions of 3 April nor 10 April mention Te Ruki. It is likely the comment appeared between 18 February and 8 April in the Weekly Herald. See Union List of New Zealand Newspapers before 1940, which shows this paper is not extant. 235 ibid. 236 Raglan, 5 March 1869: to (Buller). 237 Raglan, Waipa, Aotea, and Kawhia Circuit Report, 1869. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 86
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 fro from one party to the other several times during the year ... ".238 Schnackenberg also complained that traders purchased cattle and pigs from the Maori at Kawhia and sold to them loads of firearms and liquor. The firearms and liquor were supplied by Europeans and mostly purchased by the Queenites who used for the transactions money supplied by the government. In contrast to this, he could not visit Kawhia because of the control of the Kingites. During these uncertain times Schnackenberg's Maori congregations varied from ten to 50 people at class meetings and from ten to 15 at the sacraments. However, when the government officers called a meeting, tons of flour was provided for the very large number who attended. The European congregation was in better spirits with the economic upturn in Raglan, and the purchase of two new cutters to carry flax. Although many Europeans had left in 1865 the numbers attending services had not declined, and contributions had increased sharply. Schnackenberg provided one Sunday school and one day school in Raglan, both held in the chapel in the town. Steps had also been taken to open another day school at Waitetuna, about 12 kilometres away. By contrast, the situation in the Maori schools continued to be difficult. He kept a firm hand on Kawhia by insisting that teachers and other staff visit him from time to time. At Aotea, under the control of Moore, most of the older children had left school, mainly because of the indifference of their parents. At Karakariki, Martha Barton still had a good reputation as a teacher, but other Maori families refused to send their children to the school because all the pupils who attended were relations of the Bartons. The total number of pupils attending the three schools was only 46. Schnackenberg became even more involved in schooling when he had been approached by Captain J.C. Johnson to assist in setting up a school in the Waitatuna district. Johnson was prepared to give four hectares of his land, subject to the consent of Mrs Speedy and Mrs Brookfield, who were trustees. The school was to be situated at the junction of the Waipa and Haroto roads. Schnackenberg accepted the position of temporary chairman of the committee and arranged for an application for a grant from the central school committee in Auckland for the building of a schoolhouse. A meeting of 200 Kingites close to the Aotea mission school caused Schnackenberg some anxiety, but apart from removing three pupils and damaging fenceswith their horses, little harm was done. He informed McLean that "Half the number of soldiers and 1/4 their number of militia so near would have annoyed us more than this lot of Hauhaus have done".239 More serious was the concern aroused when a Mr Illbury and Captain Higgins, having landed goods from the vessel Industry about 100 metres from
238 ibid. 239 Raglan, 9 (March) 1870: to McLean. McLean had been appointed minister of Native Affairs and Defence in 1869 in the Fox-Vogel ministry. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 87
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 the mission station, began trading. On 22 June 1870 a party of Ngatimahuta under the chief Maneha from the south side of the harbour, seized the goods and carried them off. Schnackenberg made his attitude clear to McLean: "I think it was a mistake to permit a vessel to enter Aotea at all.240 The incident did not cause general alarm among Europeans, but some expressed the opinion that more Europeans ought to be at Aotea. Some Maori however wanted all Europeans removed. Schnackenberg was quick to remind Europeans that any attempt to expand the settlement at either Kawhia or Aotea would lead to war and to the forced abandonment of Raglan. He advised McLean to prohibit traders in these areas unless the government was prepared and determined to protect them. He also suggested that native officers responsible for the peace of the district should have their salaries doubled and that they should be instructed “to cease provoking kingites by letting of lands belonging to both kingites and queenites . . . ".241 Schnackenberg's advice to McLean and other government officials over the years had brought an offer from McLean, the Native Minister, on 30 September 1870 to have Schnackenberg's "name placed in the Commission of the peace".242 He refused the offer as he felt sure that he could "serve the Government - as well as the Natives, better in my capacity as a Minister of the Gospel only”.243 This attitude was consistent with Schnackenberg's past actions and views and was emphasized when he wrote to the Rev. John Smith on 12 November 1869 that Whiteley - "was not sufficiently cautious - he had too much to do with Govt officers, and perhaps should have gone back when ordered. I do not mean to run into danger if visible".244 Schnackenberg was also consistent in his defence of the land of his birth. He supported the Germans strongly in the Franco-Prussian war of 1870 and sent a subscription of £5 to L. Bucholz, the German consul in Auckland for the relief of German sufferers. He also informed the consul that he was pleased to learn from the papers "that our brave Countrymen are more than a match for their enemies".245 Schnackenberg was now a senior member of the church and he often expressed his views quite forcefully to his colleagues. The move for a New Zealand conference put forward at the 1869 district meeting had not been fully supported. Wallis and others had argued that a New Zealand conference would put power into too few hands, reduce the allowances to ministers and their children and to education. Most of these
240 Raglan, 28 June 1870: to McLean. 241 Raglan, 5 July 1870: to McLean. 242 (Raglan), 23 August 1870: to McLean. 243 ibid. 244 Raglan, 12 November 1869: to Bro. Smith. 245 (Raglan) (20 September) 1870: to L. Bucholz, German consul. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 88
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 arguments had been put forward the previous year and Schnackenberg was of the view that Wallis was using them to oppose Buller, the chairman. He also thought that Wallis did not concern himself much about the Maori missions or those who worked in them. He was critical, too, of Buller, for appointing Wallis to control the Three Kings School in Auckland and then deciding to close it down. Schnackenberg was quite prepared to accept the leadership of Buddle or Reid, if a New Zealand conference should become a reality. But as he was more than occupied with his own work, he was happy to leave the whole question in the hands of "those who know more of the constitution of Methodism, and I believe have heads and hearts too as at least as good a mine".246 At the 1870 annual district meeting of 22 November, the movement for a New Zealand conference was defeated.
Waingaroa Mission House and Church (From sketch by Mrs W.J. Watkin) Meanwhile the situation of Aotea had deteriorated further. In October, John Moore, the teacher at the mission had visited Schnackenberg at Raglan. During his absence, a runanga had decided that Moore should not be allowed to return to Aotea. Schnackenberg thought the decision was taken to support Eraera, a chief who lived close to the mission station and wanted the land for his horses, cows, and pigs. The Queenites however blamed Waata Taka, the Kingite, but Schnackenberg was sure this was only to create the impression that the Kingites were troublesome.
246 Raglan, 27 October 1870: to (Buddle). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 89
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In spite of this setback, Schnackenberg reported that matters has improved in some respects. Greater numbers attended the church and greater respect was shown to everybody connected with religion. He was frequently called upon to perform marriages, baptisms, to provide medicine for sick and to bury the dead. Unfortunately, he was only able to serve the Maori people in the neighbourhood of the Raglan mission station, as he was now unable to undertake long journeys. Even when he did manage to travel, he found it expensive and the hospitality of the Maori people hardly worth the effort. Maori society was deeply divided with '"envying and strifes, and divisions' - combined Native influence against foreign supremacy, kingism against Queenism and one portion of Queenites against another".247 As a result of the fighting, their missionary pastors were regarded as government agents, savage customs were revived, and a lust for revenge was kindled. It is not to be wondered at, that so many "fell away" but rather that any should remain ''faithful''.248 Hauhauism was not confined to the Kingites. A great many of their Queenite relatives were also Hauhaus. Schnackenberg saw Hauhauism as a composition of heathenism, Judaism, patriotism and hatred of all foreign supremacy. Such a mixed philosophy, he believed, imposed little restraint on its followers and led to fanaticism, particularly during war, but its popularity faded with the end of fighting. While Hauhauism incorporated many of the elements Schnackenberg suggested its basic philosophy was peaceful. However, the retention of a separate Maori identity and a more militant approach to European settlement became the predominant desire among many of its followers. Like the King Movement, the supporters of Hauhauism were not averse to accepting European trade or even European settlement, but they reserved the right to make that choice for themselves and not have it forced upon them. As Maori nationality was closely tied to the ownership of the land it followed that European acquisition of Maori land would be resisted. The air of mysticism which surrounded some of the teaching and practices at Hauhauism unfortunately led some of its adherents to commit acts of fanaticism. These obscured much that was reasonable and acceptable in the movement. In February 1871 Waata Taka, after sending Schnackenberg a note to remove his property from Aotea, broke into the mission house and caused minor damage. He again demanded that the property be removed as he meant to take possession of the mission station. The land which had been purchased by either Whiteley or Turton had belonged to his hapu and his own pah was close to the schoolhouse. This action made it impossible for John Moore to return to his teaching post at Aotea. In any case, the small number of pupils attending the school would not support the salary of a European teacher.
247 Raglan Maori Circuit Report 1870. 248 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 90
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Family affairs also occupied much of Schnackenberg's attention again. Jane suffered from cold or rheumatism and he was troubled with toothache. Rina was now at school and could read easy lessons, and Edward, although a strong healthy boy, still showed the effect of an accident to his right leg in December 1869. Schnackenberg was unable to travel as he expected his wife's confinement around 8 March. Also he was needed to look after Edward, who was nearly two years old. He explained to Thomas, his nephew, that although his sight was good, he could not write by candle light. The long winter evenings were spent in reading or listening to Jane reading to him, while he knitted little stockings for his daughters. Schnackenberg complimented his nephew on feeling some pride because of his German blood and he expressed pleasure that "French insolence had been chastised.”249 He was pleased that Germany had kept the two provinces of Alsace and Lorraine but he was unhappy about the large indemnity France was forced to pay. Much of the money, he felt, would be spent on organising a powerful fleet, "and I do not see what she wants with it, anymore than England requires a large army . . .".250 Later events were to prove Schnackenberg correct in his assessment of the situation. However, his mind was never far from the events in New Zealand. "Future historians, I believe, will condemn the Maori War.251 He regretted that millions had been spent on the fighting and that deception, fraud and robberies had become almost legal. Yet nothing had really been achieved. The pakeha had found it was no easy matter to defeat the Maori and the Maori could not extinguish Queenism. Unlike the period before the war, when life had been comparatively safe, confidence between the races had gone. The hatred of the pakeha superiority was still so great that names given to infants at baptism had been discarded. Missionaries were disliked because they would not support Kingism and because they were friendly with the government or with European settlers who were living on confiscated land. This anti-European feeling was general and not confined to Kingites. Schnackenberg administered to about 500 people who included English settlers, quarter, half, and three quarter castes, and Maoris, both Kingites and Queenites. The population was scattered over an area of 2600 hectares and was made up of all denominations as well as those people who were irreligous. He was often accompanied by his wife when he travelled in a canoe, but she was not a good walker and had the children to look after. She was however, as fluent in speaking Maori as she was speaking English, and she was well-received by those they visited.
249 Raglan, 6 July 1871: to My dear Nephew (Thomas). 250 ibid. 251 Raglan, 17 October 1871: to Mrs White. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 91
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Schnackenberg was never easy on the Maori people, but in spite of his clashes with them, he had a deep understanding of their situation. This was based upon the knowledge gained during more than a quarter of a century spent in living among them. The sulkiness and moroseness he saw around him was, he thought, caused by "a consciousness, that they have lost their place in the land - they have not even now the pleasure of relating their superior prowess in fighting".252 No longer was the foreigner a squatter, whom they might expel at pleasure. The white man was not only superior in knowledge, wealth, the possession of worldly goods, but also in actual warfare. These were the people whose descendants would occupy the soil they would gladly leave to their own race. As they looked around, they saw Europeans quietly but surely spreading over the land while the Maori was rapidly decreasing in power and number. The influence of religion, regarded in former years as a novelty when time was of little value, had promised a large addition to their worldly comfort and wealth. Now, religion held little that was new, but time was important as the Maori people worked for wages, sold their produce and looked after cattle and horses. The comforts of life they had discovered could only by obtained by "persevering industry, and not by attention to the outward forms of our religion”.253 The task of the church reclaiming the lost ground was immense and far beyond the resources of the declining Maori mission. Even Schnackenberg was now firmly caught up in the changes and the ever- increasing demands of the European settlers. For too long he had feared the English part of his ministry but he now had renewed confidence in his own ability and recorded "English work, I like, and I regret I was not in it in earlier life”.254 For the Maori, the future lay in education. Schnackenberg pointed out there was now no way the Maori could be prevented from gaining knowledge by means of some kind of book or newspaper. They must he held, be provided with material which related to the "living present, not the dead past. We must show how Christianity is distinctly and emphatically the religion of the age, how it is in sympathy with all that is really noble and progressive, how it is deadly antagonism to all that is mean, and unjust and false”.255 The murder of John Whiteley had been attributed to Wetere (Wesley), a young chief from Mokau. Schnackenberg explained to his nephew that Wetere had attended his school in Mokau. He had been present when Whiteley had baptised Wetere on Schnackenberg's recommendation. When Schnackenberg had been threatened with death at Kawhia in 1865 Wetere had remonstrated with the people and said "our religion is temporary, let fighting cease, and all return to our Minister - do not kill him'136. Schnackenberg did not believe Wetere had killed Whiteley, but that he had
252 Raglan Circuit Report 1871. 253 ibid. 254 Raglan, 8 November 1870: to Mrs White. 255 Raglan, 28 December 1871: to My dear Nephew (Thomas). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 92
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 been shot "at the instigation of two white scoundrels, and by men just returned from the seat of war near Whanganui Cooks Strait".256 This viewpoint is supported by a letter he wrote to Buller when he stated that "all accounts agree Capt G. & family were deliberately murdered, but Bro. W. was shot at the instance of Europeans - some say by Europeans. One of the Europeans has a brother and sister in Raglan".257 Further evidence is supplied by an article in the Weekly News.258 The article was based on a report given by Ropata Kaihau, a chief of Ohinemuru, to Richard de Thierry. "There was a white man with the Ngatimaniapotos called Jack . ... He levelled the gun and shot Whiteley".259 The report added that he was dressed like a Maori, about five feet six inches tall, young, and swarthy. Two white companions were present. This explanation is at variance with the confession signed by Henare Piripi, a halfcaste on 7 September 1882 before J. Shore and W. Poole, both of Mokau. Piripi claimed he had been present at the scene and Te Wetere had told his followers “whether it is a white man or a native we must kill him".260 The confession states that three of Wetere's followers actually shot Whiteley as he approached the blockhouse. No mention is made of the presence of Europeans, but Piripi does admit he had come from further south and had met up with Wetere's party. It is difficult to know where the truth lies, but the confession was taken 13 years after the event and we are not aware of the motives of Henare Piripi when he made it. Schnackenberg however had an intimate knowledge of the area where the murder took place and of the people who lived there. His conclusion was formed soon after the death of Whiteley. If he was correct, accusations made at the time would have been dangerous if relatives lived in Raglan and particularly as he had admitted he had been wrong about Te Ruki. This danger was avoided by relating this information only to his nephew in London. By now Schnackenberg had four children. The baby, born on 21 March 1871 was named Thomas Henry. The usual visit to Auckland to attend conference and a visit to the Allens presented difficulties whenever the family travelled overland. Schnackenberg described a return journey with his wife and three children. Amy had stayed with her grandparents at Mt Albert. From Mt Albert to Muru, the party had been transported by coach, a journey which had taken most of the day. The following day they had travelled by steamer to Ngaruawahia, where they had waited for the steamer to return from Hamilton before proceeding up the Waipa River to
256 ibid. 257 Raglan, 27 March 1869: to Buller. 258 Weekly News, 18 September 1869. 259 ibid. 260 Incomplete records found amongst the late Lt. Col. Gudgeon's papers. Copy of a "file" about 1935, and re-typed, 23 December 1955. Held at St John's College, Auckland. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 93
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Whatawhata where they had arrived in the evening. There the Schnackenbergs were met by three Maori with three horses. Mrs Schnackenberg and Rina had a horse between them, Schnackenberg had another with Edward, while the baby was carried by two school pupils and the third horse carried Rihia, a servant, with the baggage. They travelled at about three miles an hour until darkness, when they joined a party of Kawhia Hauhaus at the top of the ranges. A large fire was lit and they managed to get a little supper, sang the evening hymn, and lay down on some fern with blankets over them. At 4 a.m. the following day, after a wash and breakfast, they had set off again and arrived at their house in Raglan at 11.30 p.m., very tired and mosquito-bitten. The alternative was to travel by sea from Onehunga, but Schnackenberg was not keen to expose his family to the bar at the entrance of Raglan harbour or to a rough sea trip. The year 1872 began with the prospect of a general improvement in Maori European relationships. Many Kingites and Hauhaus were taking part in church services and there was an increasing awareness of the value of attending school among all Maori. Schnackenberg believed it was now safe to return to both Aotea and Kawhia, as there was a prospect of a formal and permanent peace. He was worried however that some ardent Kingite might attempt to kill either John Moore or himself in order to disrupt negotiations. As a result he decided to leave matters until the negotiations had been completed. Schnackenberg was offered the appointment of resident magistrate in the Bay of Plenty, but he declined because of the distance and difficulties of moving unless the government would pay his expenses. The matter went no further and Brabant, the resident magistrate at Raglan was transferred to Opotoki instead.261 Meanwhile, Schnackenberg waited anxiously for news of the date of a meeting between the government and the tribes, as he wished to attend. However, the governor and McLean, after a visit to Taupo and Tauranga, returned to Auckland and the great 'Hui' failed to take place. Schnackenberg informed Buller that One Te One had been given a pension in addition to his usual allowances, Wetere a present of a plough and two tons of potatoes, and Hetaraki a gift of 100 bushels of wheat. While this might be a wise policy for the government, Schnackenberg thought it hindered the advancement of religion. Maori attendance at meetings was generally disappointing and even a visit from the Chairman would be likely to attract a congregation of only 14 or so. In July 1872, after he had helped to establish the school, Schnackenberg resigned as chairman of the Waitatuna school committee and handed control over to the local people. He also decided not to persevere with reinstating John Moore at Aotea as his bad temper had alienated him from the local Maori, although he was a good honest teacher. Schnackenberg was annoyed by the actions of a Mr Savage at Okete, about
261 (Raglan), 8 January 1872: to Hon. D. McLean. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 94
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 six miles from Raglan. The Wesleyan-Methodist chapel had fallen into disrepair, and a public meeting had decided to raise the money to build a new chapel on a different site. The new chapel which cost £ 114 was opened in February 1872. Mr Kessel who owned the original site objected to the removal of the chapel from his land as his son and grandson were buried in the graveyard. In a fit of anger Kessel gave the ground to the Church of England. The Anglicans decided to repair the old chapel and Savage was appointed lay reader and arrangements were made to hold services every Sunday. Schnackenberg felt the building was morally the property of his church and Savage had organised the whole matter to annoy him. Schnackenberg's new chapel was open for the use of all protestant ministers. He could see no point in building two churches so close to one another when many areas had none. Family affairs again took priority when on 27 September 1872 a fifth child, Lucy Jane was born. Schnackenberg now wished to make provision for his wife and family in the event of his death. He wrote to Thomas Allen, his brother-in-law, setting out his ideas and asked for a family opinion. As he had been unable to pay the arrears to get Jane on the church 'funds' when they were married he had accepted the advice of a Mr Draper, given through Buddle, to invest elsewhere. As a result of these investments he was now able to secure £50 a year for Jane. with a balance available for the children's education. Jane wished to be left free to dispose of land and use the capital and interest, if such appeared desirable. While he approved, he was concerned that his children and Jane herself might be penniless should she marry a spendthrift. He asked Thomas Allen and his father to join Jane as co-executors when the will had been drawn up. Even as the Maori mission had declined, so did the almost total commitment evident in Schnackenberg's earlier years begin to ebb away. Different circumstances imposed themselves upon his life. As he grew older he lacked the physical strength of his youth. His family responsibilities and the requirements of the English congregation had brought a change in his attitude. Prevented by threats to his life from even visiting Aotea and Kawhia, he was forced to give greater attention to the local affairs of the town in which he and his family lived. The war and Hauhauism had undermined his standing with many Maori people, but to his credit, he never failed to defend them when he thought they had suffered an injustice. This did not however include the confiscation of large areas of the Waikato. Schnackenberg supported the government's policy as punishment for a rebellion and he advocated similar action against those responsible for the murders at Whitecliffs.2623 On the other hand, he opposed the sale
262 Raglan, 18 April 1869: to Henry Halse. "I believe the true policy is to confiscate the land ofthe murderers...". See also Howe, K.R., "Missionaries, Maories, and -Colonization in the Upper Waikato, 1833-1863", p. 234." The Wesleyans gave unqualified support to confiscations which was seen as God's way of fulfilling the command to replenish and subdue the earth''. This does not appear to have been Schnackenberg's view. See Raglan, Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 95
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 or leasing of Maori land where it was generally resisted and could lead to future conflict. For Schnackenberg, the King Movement was an attempt to set up a separate system of law and government which negated the rule of the queen, whom he had a duty to obey. He favoured European settlement, not only for its own sake, but also for the benefits he felt it would bring to the Maori. He had done his best to encourage it, particularly at Mokau. When the Maori people refused to sell their land Schnackenberg was quite prepared to abide by the wishes of those who owned the land. What he could not tolerate was the challenge to the Queen's law in other matters, and in the claim of the King Movement, to deny the church's authority over its members. Like many others, Schnackenberg was forced by events over which he had no control to move much closer to the European settlers' point of view.
22 June 1866: to F. Newman. "I should not like confiscated lands, for though I do not object against the principle as a Gov. measure yet, a Missionary, I think should not own such lands". Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 96
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Chapter IX The End of a Mission Schnackenberg continued his long association with McLean. He advised him that many Maori people had expectations that MacKay, a close associate of Grey and a judge of the Compensation Court, would support their claim for compensation, or the return of the confiscated land in the Waikato. Stafford's speech too had raised their hopes. Similarly, Bishop Selwyn's statements in the House of Lords, and other speakers in the House of Commons, had spoken in support of this viewpoint. All this added to the Maori optimism. Schnackenberg noted that Heteraka Nero, the Raglan chief, had obtained rice from Mr Kemp, a government agent, for his Hauhau relations. Nero also wanted to settle them on land at Te Mata, halfway between Raglan and Aotea.Schnackenberg was opposed to this plan as it would place a Kingite settlement near Raglan. There was plenty of land for these people to the south and he believed the government should not support the proposed settlement. His view was that Kingites who had moved into Raglan as individuals should be given work on the roads: "no land and not too many presents either".263 He reminded McLean that some Europeans thought that the "flour and sugar" policy was as expensive as active warfare. Schnackenberg would have liked to have seen less of it "but if it is that or war, I believe, it is better and cheaper to - feed - rather than - fight".264 Meanwhile, the Australasian Wesleyan-Methodist conference held in Melbourne in January 1872 had made important changes to the administration of the church in New Zealand. The control of the Australasian church by one annual conference was abandoned. It was replaced by a system which gave each colony its own annual conference as well as complete administrative and disciplinary powers. It was decided that every three years a general conference, made up of representatives from the annual conferences would meet and deal with the legislation of the church.265 In New Zealand the annual district meetings were to continue at a lower level. The new system brought relief from the difficulties of travelling to Australia. A further advantage was the concentration of the control over New Zealand affairs within the country. The new arrangement also gave increased power to ministers of the European circuits, particularly those in the South Island, where the population was growing and where few Maori lived. When education became a national issue with the introduction of Fox's Education Bill, the Auckland district annual meeting of November 1872 passed the following motion:
263 Raglan, 3 January 1873: to McLean. 264 ibid. 265 New Zealand Wesleyan: No. 14, vol. 11, 29 February 1872. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 97
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"That this Meeting while averse to any denominational system for public schools, nevertheless deprecates any legislative Ban upon the Bible".266 The main difficulty however arose from the requirements of aided-schools. The Wesleyan-Methodists feared that aid to Roman Catholic and Anglican schools would create denominational schools, "in every district of the colony; thus impairing the efficiency of existing schools and misappropriating money for sectarian objects".267 In Raglan the only building suitable for a school was the Wesleyan-Methodist chapel where Schnackenberg had already been running a school for several years. On 21 March 1873 a meeting was held in the chapel for the purposes of electing the school committee in accordance with the terms of the new act. Messrs Powell, Gilmour, Graham, Dr Harsant, the resident magistrate, and Schnackenberg were elected. Schnackenberg was elected chairman, but was immediately challenged on the grounds that he resided outside the Raglan boundary. Schnackenberg advised the central school board in Auckland that he lived about one and a half kilometres from the chapel. The only other school was at Ruapuke, about 16 kilometres away. Although he was not anxious to be chairman, Schnackenberg was determined not to be deposed in his own church after having been elected fairly. Powell removed his children from the school as he did not like Holmes the teacher. Also he called a meeting ofthe school committee without Schnackenberg's consent. On 3 May 1873 a letter appeared on page 23 of the Weekly News, stating that two members of the Raglan school committee had called a meeting, but had been denied entrance to the schoolroom. Schnackenberg replied that it was Powell "Own [sic] Correspondent, I suppose) who makes the attempt to stultify the Education Act, and arrogate to himself the entire management of school affairs in Raglan".268 While Schnackenberg had been concerned mainly with affairs in Raglan, active Maori resistance had continued under the leadership of Titokowaru in Taranaki and Te Kooti in the inland regions of the Bay of Plenty and Waikato. Many followers of Te Kooti had been captured and tried for high treason under the Summary Trials in Disturbed Districts Act. Many had been found guilty and hanged.269 On 25 April 1873, a band of Maori had murdered Timothy Sullivan, a settler, near Cambridge in the Waikato.270 This murder had raised the spectre of a further outbreak of war as the involvement of the Ngatimaniopoto in the incident was unclear at the time. A large group of Raglan
266 Minutes, Auckland District Meeting: 6 November 1872. 267 NewZealand Wesleyan, No. 14, vol. 11,29 February 1872. Letter to the Editor, signed Sigma. 268 Raglan, 7 May 1873: to Editor, Weekly News. 269 Orange, Claudia, The Treaty of Waitangi, p. 183. 270 Weekly News, 26 April 1873, p. 11. Sullivan's head was cut off and his heart removed. See Weekly News, 10 May 1873, p. 9. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 98
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Maori had met near the mission station and denounced the murderers of Sullivan. They requested that 50 soldiers be stationed in Raglan and another 50 in the nearly settlement of Hone Te One, the native assessor at Aotea. Schnackenberg wrote to McLean that if the government was prepared to pay for additional forces, they should be stationed in Raglan, Okete, Waitetuna and Aotea. This he thought would protect the settlers and not put too much control in the hands of the local chiefs. In any case he thought that 100 more soldiers were not required at that time. The main danger was likely to come from Te Kooti, Schnackenberg thought, but as far as he was aware, the chief had few followers. If Ngatimaniapoto joined him they would not go without Rewi's consent and Schnackenberg had no evidence that this was about to happen. Finally, he advised McLean against a policy of offensive operations against Te Kooti. Instead, he believed, the roadmaking should continue and troops should remain on the defensive unless an opportunity existed' 'to make a dash upon murderers whenever they come within reach".271 In the meantime, Schnackenberg had completed his will and lodged it with W. Thorne, solicitor, Auckland. He then wrote to the Allen family advising caution about buying more land. He explained that Thomas Allen had more land than he could use, the Mt Albert property had to be worked with paid labour, and that any further purchases would incur a heavy mortgage burden. He also personally objected to the purchase of confiscated land. Schnackenberg commented at length upon an article published in the Weekly Herald.272 The article claimed that the land the government had brought at Waitara, Taranaki, had led to an attack upon settlers by Wi Kingi. Schnackenberg pointed out that the district of Waitara had had no settlers except Wi Kingi and his people. However, the government, acting upon the advice of Richmond, a Taranaki member of the ministry, had sent 400 soldiers from Auckland to join the militia in New Plymouth. Wi Kingi, Schnackenberg stressed, was the real chief, "not Teira whom the Government set up",273 and it was Wi Kingi who was driven from his land. This view conflicted sharply with the opinion of John Whiteley in 1860 who had written in his journal: "Called with Riemenschneider on Mr Govett who is very much alarmed and fears the Governor is wrong. But the question is, Is Wiremu Kingi right! My conscience says, NO, and I believe God will chastise him. May he repent and be saved".274
271 (Raglan), (early June) 1873: to McLean. 272 Weekly Herald, 7 June 1873. 273 (Raglan), 19 June 1893: to My dear Sir (Allen). 274 Whiteley, Rev. John, Friday 9 March 1860: Journal.
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Schnackenberg argued that the Waikato had been confiscated as a result of rebellion against the government, "but what was the cause of that rebellion? an invasion of their right".275 He advised Allen, who wished to purchase more land, that it would not be safe to buy land in the Waikato. In any case, the best land had already been taken. In his opinion, 20 hectares near Otahuhu was preferable to 200 hectares of swamp and barren hills. Nevertheless, he agreed to lend Allen from £200 to £400 at five per cent for the purchase of more land. Schnackenberg continued to have trouble with the Raglan school committee. A move to dismiss Holmes, the teacher, was carried by Powell, Galvin and Graham and Schnackenberg was overruled. After receiving a memorial from the parents of all the children, except the three committee members, Schnackenberg wrote to the Education Board. He asked that the school committee be dissolved and a commissioner be appointed, and that his own residential status be clarified. He also pointed out that if Holmes was to be dismissed he would not make the chapel available if his replacement "was a person of infidel as might possibly be the case".276 A letter of 3 May 1873 in the Weekly News from Our Correspondent claimed that "religious teaching was introduced and given daily in the school".277 Schnackenberg replied that the only religious act was the saying of the Lord's prayer at the conclusion of school. He stressed that without the chapel building there would be no school. In August 1873 Schnackenberg purchased two pieces of land at Karioi, one of 16 hectares, from Lusk, for £20, and the other 48 hectares from Melrose for £37.10s, and he instructed his solicitor, W. Thorne, in Auckland, to complete all legal requirements. Schnackenberg also wrote to Reid, the new chairman of the Auckland district, to express his pleasure at his appointment. Reid, like Schnackenberg, had a young family and was very interested in education. Schnackenberg'sownviewofthe Education Act was shown when he wrote "I do not like to be rash, but wish to see the working of the present School Act, but my intention is that unless the ban is taken from the Word of God, I will next year hold the Chapel, have nothing to do with the Committee, nor send my children . .. ".278 While Schnackenberg was determined to retain, as far as he could, a religious direction in education, Powell and his followers sought to remove the school from any church control or influence over the administration and curriculum. His challenge to
275 (Raglan), 19 June 1873: to My dear Sir (Allen). 276 Raglan, 3 July 1873: to F.J. Moss. 277 Raglan, 24 May 1873: to The Editor, Weekly News. Article appeared in the Weekly News, 3 May 1873, p. 23. 278 Raglan, 3 November 1873: to John Williamson, Auckland. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 100
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Schnackenberg over the chairmanship of the school committee and his public complaint about religious teaching in the school reflected the views of many in Raglan and in other parts of the country. Powell however, was in a difficult situation as the Wesleyan Methodist chapel was the only building suitable for a school. The school was well established and had been under firm church control since 1866. Schnackenberg too was resolute in defence of his Christian principles and was not prepared to surrender his control of something as important as education. A further election was held for the Raglan school committee and seven members were elected. Unfortunately, Graham drowned on 2 February 1874 when the Flora McDonald was lost with all hands off Manakau Heads, and Powell resigned. In April 1874 a public meeting of eight people met in Raglan. Prominent among the group was William Powell, Henry F. Falwasser, a former teacher at Ruapuke, and Henry Moon, a publican. A member of resolutions were passed criticising Schnackenberg and supporting Falwasser for a teaching post in the school. Schnackenberg would have attended the meeting, but he objected to the notice being posted in Moon's hotel. In any case he felt the real purpose of the meeting was to "evade the Education rate if possible".279 The school reserve, in Raglan, was occupied by Galvin, a member of the school committee, and Schnackenberg put forward a resolution that a schoolroom be erected upon it, but gained little support. The next clash came over the appointment of a new teacher for the Raglan district school. A new school committee was elected and as a result Pegler, Schnackenberg's brother-in-law, was successful and his wife was appointed teacher of needlework. With the appointment of Reid as chairman of the northern district, attention was focused upon the needs of the ailing Maori mission. Reid asked Schnackenberg for his opinion about educating Maori youths for a Maori ministry. Schnackenberg felt that the church should have done more in this direction earlier. However, he asked where suitable candidates could be found and what inducements could be offered them. Furthermore, he expressed the hope that Auckland church members would give the scheme financial support. The 1873 annual Auckland district meeting had shown some interest in Maori affairs when a motion was passed that "It is required of the Probationers that systematic attention should be given by them to the acquisition of the Maori language''.280 In the 187 5 district meeting consideration was given to "the desirability of opening the Three Kings School; more especially with reference to the education of young Maori youths, who are likely to become teachers and preachers
279 Raglan, (May) 1874: to F.J. Moss. 280 Minutes, Annual Auckland District Meeting, 20 November 1873. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 101
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 among their people".281 This was a reversal of the policy of Buller who had closed the school. Schnackenberg's age began to restrict his activities. He informed his nephew that he wore glasses for reading, had a set of nine artificial teeth, was turning grey, and often got tired when engaged in hard work or even in reading. He found difficulty in walking and riding, and he suffered from severe attacks of rheumatism. As a result, he did not have the energy for his Sunday duties, as he had had in the past. He did however gain pleasure from the progress of his children. Rina and Edward attended the local school and were well in advance of others in their classes. Amy remained with her grandparents and the younger children were healthy and active. His concern about the security of his family should he die led him to write to the Rev. John C. Symons, secretary of the Australasian Supernumary Ministers' and Widows' Fund in Melbourne. He gave details of his marriage and requested that his wife should be put on the 'Funds'. Schnackenberg also advised Reid of the death of Falwasser who had been found washed up on the beach near the town of Raglan. The cause of his death was not clear, but it appeared he had had some form of fit and had fallen into the water. A subscription had been taken up for his widow and Dr Harsant and Schnackenberg were authorised to pay her 10/- each week from the sum collected. In his report of 1874, Schnackenberg noted that some Maori had been unusually active and enterprising. With the help of loan money from the government, they had purchased a vessel. This became the only vessel for local trade and the whole district came to rely on it for supplies. Local stores had also been opened at Waipa and Raglan. Schnackenberg supported the move but' 'As in all engagements there is too much commercing, too many Managers".282 However, he believed that European sailors and traders could well follow the example of the Waikato Shipping and Trading Company as the members were "all strictly sober, and professors of loyalty and Christianity".283 Schnackenberg's report also noted that the school at Karakariki had a roll of 40, while Kawhia and Aotea had about 12 pupils in each school. The Maori in Raglan wished to have a school also but they were not willing to comply with the government terms i.e. to give land, assist in building a schoolhouse, and maintain their children in food and clothing.
281 Minutes, Annual Auckland District Meeting, 16 November 1875. 282 Native school circuit report 1874. 283 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 102
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The state of the mission property for which Schnackenberg was responsible, he described as "the Wreck of Mission Properties".284 The land only remained at Kopua- Waipa. The allowance of £50 per year, paid by the government towards the small schools at Kawhia and Aotea, did not allow for the repair of the buildings. In Raglan, the mission had two small chapels, built by subscription and kept in good repair by annual fund raising. The schoolhouse, where Schnackenberg lived, was in good repair, and the minister's house in Raglan was let for a small rental. No mention was made of the request for a 'Crown Grant' of 230 hectares made in 1867, and it must be concluded that it was not granted. Schnackenberg received word from the Rev. Symons in Melbourne that Jane had been placed on the'' Ministers' and Widows' Fund''. He sent £50 to cover the subscription and the compound interest for the period 1865 to 1875. He also contacted the Rev. Smith, now stationed at New Plymouth, to have a look at his 20 hectares of land purchased in 1854 for £25 at Omata, near New Plymouth, with a view to selling it. In March 1875 a Lodge of Good Templers was formed in Raglan by a Mr Ellis. Schnackenberg joined the Lodge, but at a meeting in April he objected to the admission of three new members without an examination of their character. One, he claimed, had not paid his debts, was not married to the woman he lived with and his two young lads had not given their legal name. After discussion, his view was accepted and their admission refused. The meeting also elected Schnackenberg as chief. In October 1875 Schnackenberg again wrote to the Rev. Symons to enquire if his wife Jane could be given first wife status so that he could buy back the years before 1865 for her. He also instructed his solicitors in Auckland, now Messrs Whitaker and Russell, to pay Edward Allen of Mt Albert the sum of £200. A letter to the Rev. James Wallis contained an offer from him to buy his one and a half hectares of land in Raglan for £30, or up to £10 more, if it proved more valuable from the "discovery of coal or any other cause".285 Schnackenberg expressed his concern about the policy of Sir Julius Vogel's government. He condemned as enormous, dangerous and wrong, the expenditure of 20 million pounds for an estimated New Zealand population of 300,000. On the other hand, he admitted that public works were being carried out at a rapid rate. Recently he and Rina had departed from Auckland by train at 7.30 a.m. and despite frequent stops had reached Mercer at 10.30 a.m. Six hours later they had arrived at Ngaruawahia by steamer. From Mt Albert they "travelled 4 miles in a horse trap, 42 by Rail, 40 by Steamer, and 10 on horseback - and the next day 5 in a boat, also 5 on foot and 20 on
284 Raglan, 3 December 1874: to Brother Crump. 285 Raglan. 9 December 1875: to Wallis. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 103
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 horseback”.286 This was a great improvement over the journey undertaken with his family in 1871. In the next few months Schnackenberg explained that a further section of the railway would be completed. He would then be able to travel 128 kilometres by rail and 64 kilometres on horseback on the same day.
Receipt for land purchase at Omata While Schnackenberg was a family man he did not always agree with his relations. He wrote to Edward Allen that he was annoyed because the Pegler family insisted upon leaving Raglan as often as possible. In his opinion Pegler had' 'done no good, or got good anywhere, except at Raglan, and yet would never have come here if you had not exerted yourself, and runs away from it whenever he can . . . ".287 In Schnackenberg's view Pegler's actions were a waste of time and money and displayed neither "sense nor reason".288 Meanwhile, Schnackenberg learned that Kereopa, a leading Kingite chief, had pulled down part of the mission house at Kawhia and he asked McLean to press the assessors
286 Raglan, 16 December 1875: to my Dear Nephew (Thomas). 287 Raglan, 7 January 1876: to (E. Allen). 288 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 104
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 to take action. The damage however, was not great and Schnackenberg was concerned that the action had been taken to prevent him from returning to Kawhia. The high hopes Schnackenberg had held for the success of the Three Kings School in Auckland were dashed when questions were asked by some church members about its purpose. Reid was upset and Schnackenberg commented that "I fear there is but little sympathy with Maori work and schools".289 This viewpoint was strengthened by the debate at the New Zealand conference held in January 1875 in Auckland which disclosed serious doubts about the future of the Maori mission. A proposal to unite the Maori mission with the home mission for the administration of property and funds was carried, in spite of the concern expressed by Hobbs and others. Hobbs stated that" He still feared that the present profession of southern sympathy was hollow"290 and the Rev. H. Lawry wished for "a guarantee that the income from the mission properties would not be misapplied".291 Later in his summing up, the president of the conference admitted that ”the Wesleyan Church has been relinquishing its work among the Maoris”.292 Some relief for the Maori mission was gained on 13 May 1875, when the Australasian conference relieved the New Zealand church of the need to pay a compulsory contribution to foreign missions. This contribution was replaced by an annual collection. But at the Auckland district meeting in November 1876 it was reported that for lack of funds and "suitable mission agents we have to state with regret, that several of our once flourishing fields of labour have been of necessity partially or wholly abandoned by us, and occupied by others".293 Schnackenberg now faced a fresh challenge to his ministry. The Hauhaus had become more troublesome, particularly at Aotea, where they zealously propagated their new karakia called Tariao. This new cult had been founded by Tawhiao, the Maori King. Schnackenberg described it as a kind of: "Waiata or Haka in which the great name of Jehovah is mixed up with Tawhiao and other Maori names, as if all were followers and equals. It is short and noisy and a revival of ancient customs carried on by loafers who go from place to place, spending their time in eating and talking . . .".294 The Tariao movement was an amalgam of some parts of the Pai Marire faith, traditional Maori beliefs and biblical teachings, particularly from the Old Testament.
289 Raglan, 18 April 1876: to Buddle. 290 The New Zealand Wesleyan, No. 49, Vol. 5, 13 February 1875. 291 ibid. 292 ibid. 293 Minutes, Annual Auckland District Meeting, 22 November 1876. 294 Raglan, 13 October 1876: to McLean. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 105
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The lost tribe of Israel with its prophets and the return to the promised land still exerted a strong influence. The Maori King in many ways was regarded as a prophet and some even thought of him as the earthly agent of God. The aim of the movement was however peaceful as it sought to ensure the survival of the Maori race.295 The trappings of the movement might be different but the aim had not changed. What it did that was new however, was to combine the political and spiritual movements in the hands of the King alone. The rumours of the return to the Maori of some part of the confiscated land in the Waikato alarmed Schnackenberg. He commented “Whether confiscation was right or wise or not, I do not pretend to determine, but Sir Donald McLean is making a sad mistake, I believe if he returned any part of Waikato. No portion would satisfy, but only increase a longing for all whether confiscated or bought”.296 Schnackenberg had again become busily engaged with his own affairs. He agreed to buy 16 hectares at Karioi from Mr Pretty for £15. The land was about two kilometres from the high water mark, but the harbour, township and sea were visible. The land had no value as a farm, but Jane, who previously favoured only Kawhia or Mt Albert was delighted with the site for a future home. Schnackenberg was often concerned about the education of his children. Rina, Edward and Thomas were well taught at the Raglan district school by Pegler and his wife. If the Peglers should leave the school, however, Schnackenberg decided that he would withdraw his children and regretfully send them away for their education. Amy already attended a private school in Mt Albert where she learnt French. Schnackenberg had little regard for the French, who had occupied Hanover, his parent's home state from 1804 to 1813. He had no objection, however, to his daughter learning French provided she did not feel she was superior to those who did not learn the language. From December 1876 to the end of January 1877, Schnackenberg's health was once more at a low ebb. His hand trembled when he tried to write, his appetite was failing and he could not sleep for more than a few hours each night. On his doctor's orders he began taking a glass of port wine every day. Despite his poor health he struggled on with his work in education. He wrote to the Central Board of Control on behalf of a number of people who wished to establish a district school at Whatawhata. He also reminded the Board that all correspondence concerning the building of a school at Raglan should pass through him as chairman of the Raglan school committee. He added that "We will build a School house and Teacher's house if the Central Board
295 Elsmore, Bronwyn, Mana from Heaven, pp. 271-272. 296 Raglan, 10 July 1876: to (Buddle). Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 106
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 will provide the funds".297 There was an element in Raglan which caused Schnackenberg much anguish, particularly in matters of education. The group included Powell, Savage and Pegler. Their attacks on his integrity upset Schnackenberg very deeply and he attributed his illness "to disappointment in my work, and grief on account of what men, who are under many obligations to me, have said and done".298 At a meeting of the Raglan school committee on 8 August 1877 authority was received to use two emigrant cottages for school purposes. It was agreed at the meeting that these should be moved to the school reserve, Lot 5, Sec 9, 2a2p, Township of Raglan. After the death of Martha Barton in 1873, the Karakariki school had been run by Alexander Barton and his wife. Schnackenberg visited the school in October 1877 after an unfavourable inspector's report had been received. He found only nine or ten children all from the Barton family attending the school. He advised the secretary of native schools that as the Bartons, an important Maori family, would not accept a pakeha teacher, John the youngest brother, should be appointed to the post. The Bartons' attitude changed, however, when John Barton moved to Wellington. Schnackenberg was asked to find a suitable pakeha teacher and he recommended John Moore, the former teacher at Aotea. The appointment was finally approved and Schnackenberg wrote to the Native Office, Wellington, to arrange Moore's salary which he hoped would not be less than £130 per annum.299 Meanwhile, the Echo was wrecked on the north spit of Raglan harbour in August 1877 with the loss of Adam Fisher and Simmonds Jackson. This disaster brought back memories for Schnackenberg. In almost similar circumstances on 10 December 1842 he had been wrecked and had nearly lost his own life. The Raglan district school committee decided that the original school reserve was unsuitable and asked the permission of the central board to use Lot 2 and 3 of Sc. 11 on the Harbour Board reserve for the school instead. The land consisted of about three quarters of a hectare and was leased to J.N. Pegler for three years at £2.10 per year, but he was prepared to forgo his lease. Arrangements were also made to remove the two cottages to the original school site on the Harbour Board reserve at the cost of £25.
297 Raglan, 2 February 1877: to F.L. Prime, Central Board of Education, Ponsonby, Auckland. 298 Raglan, 30 July 1877: to Rev. and dear Sir (?).
299 Raglan, 14 May 1878: to Gill. Native Office, Wellington. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 107
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In May 1878 Schnackenberg set out to attend the hui at Hikurangi, but returned home when he became convinced that Parakutu would not permit him to pass through his settlement. A week later Sir George Grey and the Hon. John Sheehan, Native Minister appointed in 1877, met the King and others, and a month later the Maori King paid a visit to Raglan. Schnackenberg called on him at his camp at the back of the mission station and had a friendly conversation with him and Maaka, his Tareo, or chaplain. Maaka had earlier been a candidate for the Maori ministry, but had not been supported by Schnackenberg. On the following Monday morning Maaka, the King and other chiefs attended a morning service and afterwards joined the Schnackenbergs for breakfast. The King was pleasant but reserved and Schnackenberg gathered that Grey's terms had not been accepted. A light note was introduced to the visit when the King left his velvet smoking cap, adorned with a gold-coloured cord tassel and Huia feathers, on the sofa. Mrs Schnackenberg followed him and called out"' E Pa Kau Mahue e Koe Karauna' (You have left your Crown behind you)".300 The Kingites mixed freely with the Maori people of Raglan and the settlers became alarmed that many might settle among them and prove troublesome. Schnackenberg was anxious to see a permanent peace concluded as he felt that Kingites would continue to regard robberies and even murders as allowable. In August 1878 Schnackenberg met with a serious accident. His horse fell in the thick mud, washed down by the heavy rain. He became trapped with his left foot caught in the stirrup and the animal lying over the lower part of his body. Fortunately, the horse did not move and he was able to cut the girth and allow the horse to get up without harming him further. With great pain in his left knee and bleeding from his mouth, Schnackenberg managed to catch the horse and lead it to a settler's house at Te Mata. What long-term effect this accident had on Schnackenberg's health is unclear, but in March 1879 he wrote of suffering from influenza, weakness, diarrhoea and perspiration.301 The general situation in the Raglan district had improved as a result of the extensive public works programme. A sum of £2000 had been voted for the road to Waipa and £600 for the one to Aotea. As a result, a large number of Maori people were employed and the resident magistrate reported that "not a single Native has been brought before Court, either for theft, drunkenness, or any other cause”.302 The Maori were paid 6/- a day, but the old men and boys received only half or less.
300 Edward H. Schnackenberg, Kawhia 5 (July-August) 1852: to Dear Rina. 301 Raglan, 21 March 1879: to (Buddle). 302 Native Circuit Report, 1878. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 108
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Schnackenberg continued to have the usual problem of the late payment of the government grant for the upkeep of his Maori schools. He expressed his frustration when he wrote: "I have given much of my time to the management of these schools, but I cannot give my purse as well as my labour".303 Meanwhile John Moore had resigned his post at Karakariki and Schnackenberg gained approval for the appointment of Mrs Mary Elizabeth Hooper, his sister-in-law. It now became clear that he had grown weary of the burden of managing the schools. He asked the authorities to find someone else to take on the task. He explained that he had only undertaken the work as part of his missionary duties. A further hui was arranged for 28 April 1879 at Kopua. Schnackenberg wrote that: "Waikato - and I suppose, all the real kingites or rebels, mean to muster strong, and on Monday next escort his Maori Majesty to Kopua to strike awe into pakehas, kapupas & the Maoris chiefly in the Ngatimaniapoto, of whom their King is both jealous & afraid."304 He was encouraged by the results of the hui. In a letter to Grey he expressed his pleasure "because Tawhiao's stupidity and stubbornness gave you an opportunity to withdraw former proposals of endowing kingism”.305 The King had been offered a house at Kawhia, £500 a year and the return of all unsold land west of Waipa. Such a solution, Schnackenberg thought, would have encouraged the King and it would have put all the people of the area under his lawful domination. His real feelings towards the King were shown when he wrote, "I do not say much to his face, because I and all of us have been and still are in his power, but I do not flatter him . . .”.306 Schnackenberg also expressed his pleasure that Rewi had declared his friendship to the government in the presence of the assembled Kingites at the hui. Schnackenberg's request to be released from the duties as manager of the Karakariki school was not taken up and he continued to battle the authorities for the payment of the government grant and repairs and extensions to the school. Approval was obtained for a new school building, but on a different site. This led Schnackenberg to have long discussions with the local Maori people, but they would not agree to the school being moved from its original site of 16 hectares. In October 1879 the Rev. W. Morley, president of the New Zealand conference and the Rev. Henry Bull visited Schnackenberg. Morley preached at the church at Okete on Wednesday 22 October, and the following day at Te Mata and Raglan. On Friday
303 Raglan, 14 March 1879: to My dear Sir (?). 304 Raglan, 22 April 1879: to (Buddle). 305 Raglan, 16 September 1879: to Sir George Grey. 306 Raglan, 25 September 1879: to Mrs White. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 109
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 morning at Waitetuna, before a gathering of Maori, Hemi Nero and Wiremu Otene thanked the young ministers, as they called them, for their visit. They reminded Morley and Bull that the assistant Maori missionary, "S Ngaropi is an old man, and H.S (myself) is also getting old like Wallis, Buddle, Buttie, Reid Etc, Etc; we therefore want you younger men to visit and preach to us, as elders used to do years ago".307 Always ready to oppose what he considered to be unfair treatment, Schnackenberg f objected to the higher rates resulting from an increase in the valuation put on his, and others, land. He advised the Road Boards of Raglan and Karioi that he had advertised his land for sale near their valuation; and he invited any member to take the' 'opportunity of buying and enjoying those lands at or below the price of their own valuations”.308 In July 1880 he wrote a short note to J.S. Martin. Schnackenberg arranged to vaccinate four or five children on the following day and some in the succeeding weeks. His last sentence simply stated: "I would have seen you before now, but am not very well... ".309 Schnackenberg, aware that he had some form of heart disease, continued with his work until August 1880, when he decided to visit Auckland for further medical advice. He never reached his destination alive. He died at sea on 10 August 1880. His desire, expressed in his will of 1860, to be buried at a mission station "with a neat white fence around the grave and a tombstone at its head”310 could not be carried out. He was buried in Grafton cemetery in Auckland in what later became the resting place for members of the Allen family.
307 The New Zealand Wesleyan, No. 12, Vol. IX, 5 December 1879, p. 284. 308 Raglan, 23 June 1880: to W.H. Wallis, J.P. Okete. 309 Raglan, 19 July 1880: to J.S. Martin. 310 Raglan, 24 September 1863: outline of will. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 110
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Chapter X Conclusion Schnackenberg served the Wesleyan-Methodist Maori Mission for 37 years. In spite of his best efforts, and those of his Maori assistants, there were only 2,670 Maori people out of a total New Zealand church membership of 32,494 at the end of 1878.311 The figures reflect the decline in the Maori mission after the departure of the original missionaries. These ministers were never replaced, the mission was denied resources and the war compounded the inevitable disintegration. In 1870, the Rev. J. Buller claimed that within half a century the Maori people would be English speaking, "adopting the religion, marrying English wives, would have landed estates and would be similar in position to English gentlemen".312 This notion was based upon the claim that the war was not one between the Maori and the colonists, but he believed a quarrel between the Maori and the British government. Schnackenberg was well aware, however, of the legacy. With the departure of the Imperial forces and the flood of immigrants, it became even more clear that the essential clash was between settler interests and traditional Maori rights. "The immigrants helped to swell the European population from 256,393 in 1871 to 489,933 in 1881... At the same time the Maori population fell from 47,330 in 1874 to 46,141 in 1881".313 Buller's simplistic assumption showed that he was out of touch with the real situation. Turton was much closer to the heart of the matter when as early as 1845 he wrote about the European and Maori claim to land, "the great difficulty in my opinion, arises from the almost impossibility of reconciling the two systems.... To require either European or the native implicitly to submit to the usage of the opposite party would be unreasonable".314 Turton believed that Governor Hobson should have been directed to hold a general meeting on this issue before he involved himself in any official acts. "In such a case a well digested code of laws, suited to the transition state of New Zealanders might have been adapted and acted upon from the first.. .".315 Events followed a different course and the issue was decided by sheer weight of numbers. Schnackenberg had supported Wiremu Kingi's right not to sell his tribal lands at Waitara. He, unlike Whiteley, had had no doubt that Teira was a secondary chief
311 The New Zealand Wesleyan, No. 6, vol. X, 1 June 1880. p. 121. 312 The Report of the Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society 1870, p. 120. 313 Dalziel, Raewyn, Railways and Relief Centres. The Oxford Illustrated History of New Zealand, p. 104. 314 Methodist Magazine, 1845, Part 11, New Zealand, pp. 1237-1243. 315 ibid. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 111
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 without the authority, either by Maori tradition or European law, to dispose of tribal lands. Schnackenberg had always been prepared to encourage the sale of Maori land, but only by those who had the authority to do so. His opposition to the survey of Maori land at Aotea in 1869, for sale or leasing, went a step further as he believed such a policy would lead to conflict. Even the murderers of Timothy Sullivan near Cambridge on 25 April 1873 were not condemned totally. In September 1873 he wrote; "I have read Mr. Makey's report, and am astonished to find 'how many warnings' had been given and disregarded. Without the least excuse for murder, I think the employers of the murdered man were not blameless - nor Major Mair or Mr. Searanke [sic.]. Would it not be better to prohibit the leasing of disputed land in such a dangerous locality as Waikato?"316 The confiscation of Maori land had created some difficulty for Schnackenberg. He refused to buy confiscated land himself and he had done his best to persuade the Allen family not to do so either. He even admitted that the Waikato tribes had been deprived of their rights. Events however forced him to the conclusion that none of the confiscated land should be returned to the tribes, and he advised Grey accordingly. For Schnackenberg, there was an essential difference between the Waitara and the Waikato situations. The former was a tribal matter; Waikato was, in effect, a rebellion against the lawful government of New Zealand. He took a similar stance when he advocated the confiscation of land occupied by the murderers of Whiteley and others. Schnackenberg saw the King Movement as a direct challenge to the law of the country, just as Hauhauism was a challenge to the teaching and authority of the churches. His view of the Maori king had been expressed after Grey's terms had been rejected in 187 9." No Prem[sic] or other Minister of the Govt I hope, will ever visit him again".317 While the King Movement and the Hauhauism had forced Schnackenberg out of Kawhia and Aotea, and threatened his life, nevertheless he had retained his sympathy for the Maori as a whole and for the Ngatimaniapoto in particular. He had spent 14 years living among them at Mokau, and it was the Ngatimaniapoto who had largely supported his school at Kawhia. While he was quick to censure them when he felt they were wrong, he was always ready to defend their actions when he felt they had been misjudged or treated harshly. For Schnackenberg, however, the conversion of the Maori to the European way of life and their observance of European law were fundamental to the success of his mission. Custom, tradition,
316 Raglan, 25 September 1879: to Mrs White. 317 Raglan, 8 September 1873: to McLean. See also Belich, James, The Governors and theMaori, 1840-1872, p. 75, inK. Sinclair, ed., Oxford Illustrated History of New Zealand, Auckland, 1990. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 112
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 and warfare were often barriers to spiritual enlightenment. The peace and comparative security of Mokau had enabled him to make progress, but the actions of some Kingites, Hauhausand evenQueenites, forced him into open opposition to them. Schnackenberg aimed, in his own paternalistic way, to be a true friend to the Maori. He gave up the comforts of European society and devoted his life to live amongst them. He laboured long and hard to bring a new spiritual force into their lives and to improve their way of life in general. His courage and his devotion were summed up when the missionary committee wrote: "Your Committee would bespeak the sympathies and prayers of their friends on behalf of this devoted missionary, who considers not his dear life unto him, so long as he has any prospect of providing the spiritual welfare of these misguided people."318 Schnackenberg had support from his teachers, monitors, pupils and those Maori not directly engaged in the conflict of the 1860s and 1870s. The majority of the Maori however followed the King and supported Hauhauism. Schnackenberg publicly opposed both movements. Nevertheless when King Tawhiao visited Raglan in 1878 he attended a service at the mission station and later dined with the Schnackenbergs. In 1865 Kereopa, a leading Hauhau, threatened Schnackenberg's life in a confrontation at Aotea. Ten years later, when the Aotea station was partially destroyed Schnackenberg wrote "Kereopa, a leading Kingite, told me some time ago, that Ten ploughs would be at work on the Mission Station at Aotea".319 Yet in 1880 Schnackenberg reported "Kerepa [sic] a notorious Kingite a hau hau, has come to the Service, and sat by my side ...".320 In spite of all that had taken place over the years, Schnackenberg appears to have won the respect of his opponents for his sincerity and his steadfast commitment to his missionary duties. Schnackenberg always had a deep interest in education. On his appointment to Mokau in 1843, one of his first acts was to set up a school, which he had kept operating, by selling rope and timber. He had varied his methods of teaching and experimented with different types of schooling during his 14 years at Mokau. His industrial school had provided not only an academic education, but also tuition in practical work skills. Underlying his educational work was a basic philosophy that Christianity alone provided the essential qualities needed for a worthwhile life. Throughout the war and the difficult times which followed, Schnackenberg had maintained, by means of Maori
318 Australasian Wesleyan Methodist Mission Report. Year ending March 1861. Received for the year 1860, p. 15. 319 Raglan, 9 November 1875: to Sir Donald McLean. 320 Raglan Native Circuit Report: 6 May 1880. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 113
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 teachers, his schools at Kawhia, Aotea and Karakariki. Without his dogged determination, both the schools at Kawhia and Aotea would certainly have closed. In 1866 Schnackenberg found time and energy to establish a school for the Raglan children. He also assisted with the founding of the Waitetuna school in 1870 and one at Whatawhata in 1877. In March 1873, his Raglan school became the Raglan district school under the terms of the new Education Act. A school committee was elected and he was appointed chairman, a post he held until his death in 1880. This was a remarkable achievement for a man whose only formal education had been obtained at a village school in Germany, and a brief training as an artisan in England and New South Wales. Schnackenberg was a man of considerable intellect. He was competent in three languages and he had a good understanding of New Zealand and world affairs. He read widely, had an enquiring mind and was in many ways, the model of a self-educated man. He believed clearly that the future for both European and Maori lay in the pursuit of knowledge. Despite frequent setbacks, Schnackenberg always felt that it was his duty to continue to provide educational opportunities for the young of both races. Schnackenberg can be described as a family man. Out of his meagre earnings he provided financial assistance for Amy's mother. He sent money for fares and offered to assist the Trappitt relations to emigrate to New Zealand. He also purchased 16 hectares of land near New Plymouth for his brother and family to settle there. Even as late as 1876 he had sent money to his niece Gisela in Germany to help the members of the family still living there.321When he remarried he was equally generous to the Allen family. Edward Allen received several loans at low rates of interest, Pegler, his brother-in-law, and Mary Hooper, his sister-in-law, secured appointments to the schools under his control, and he had also bought a house for the latter. Of special concern to Schnackenberg was the future security of his wife and children. He paid to have Jane placed on the 'Fund' and in his will he made provision for his children's education. His modest purchases of land were never bought to return a quick profit, but to provide a form of investment for his family. Schnackenberg who was well aware of the age difference between himself and Jane saw it as his duty to make these arrangements in case of his death. Years of sound and careful management of his limited resources had enabled him to achieve his objective. His own family came late in his life. In a number of letters to his children on their birthdays he showed his genuine affection and pride in their achievements, even at a young age. For Jane too, he displayed the same affectionate concern. In his final years he relied upon her a great deal. In times of poor health, and particularly in carrying out
321 Raglan, 4 May 1876: to Gisela. The sum was £15. Translation from German. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 114
A Pioneer Missionary – Cort Henry Schnackenberg by G. E. J. Hammer 1991 his obligations as a minister, she had provided the support he needed to shoulder the heavy burden placed upon him by the church. Schnackenberg's work in the church was of a very high standard. Never prepared to compromise his faith, he sought tirelessly for the power of grace in his own life and in the lives of those to whom he ministered. That he was disappointed many times is no reflection on his sincerity or his commitment. He sought no high office in the church. Often he genuinely felt that he could not live up to the high principles of his calling. During his years at Mokau he had received little support or encouragement from his superiors, yet in his later years he had more and more respnsibilities heaped upon him. These he accepted as part of his duties as a minister and he did his best to meet the challenges. The collapse of the Maori mission was no fault of Schnackenberg's. Massive changes in the structure of New Zealand society and within the church itself had stretched the resources of the Wesleyan-Methodist church to its very limit. When the church was faced with a huge influx of settlers it had neither the manpower, the financial resources, nor even the will, to maintain the Maori missions. More resources were required after the fighting, not fewer. The Maori mission was virtually abandoned and the groundwork established by Hobbs, Wallis, Whiteley, Turton, Smales, Buttle, Buddle and Schnackenberg was allowed to slip away while attention focused on the European circuits. Schnackenberg kept adjusting to the changes as best he could. Disheartened at times, he tended to blame himself rather than other influences, but as duty demanded he laboured on to the very end. The obituary to Schnackenberg, published in 1880, describes him as ''not demonstrative, but of a meek and quiet spirit; of retiring habits, but - ever ready to give a reason of the hope that was in him with meekness and fear".322 The 1880 annual Auckland district meeting recorded that "he rendered great service to the authorities as well as exercised a very salutary influence among the natives".323 Schnackenberg exercised considerable influence indeed among the Maori people, particularly at Mokau. Even later,the visit of the Maori King showed that he was recognised as a person of standing. His service to the government was of a different nature. Frequently, he disagreed with government policies. For example, he did not approve of the attack on Wi Kingi, he opposed the continuation of the blockade of Kawhia, he used his influence to prevent the survey of land at Aotea, and he was lukewarm about the policy of giving food to the Queenites.
322 The New Zealand Wesleyan, October 1880, Vol. 10, p. 221. 323 Minutes, Annual Auckland District Meeting, commenced, Pitt St Church, 24 November 1880. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 115
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Over the years Schnackenberg provided government officers, particularly Donald McLean with information about the general situation in the areas with which he was most familiar. McLean already "received from his network of resident Magistrates and - Native Agents - a constant and detailed flow about both Maori and settlers... "324 and no doubt Schnackenberg's views were evaluated along with this information. Schnackenberg was not, however, a government officer nor did he supply information on request. On many occasions he was critical of government policy and on others he wrote in support of those who suffered as the result of it. His service to the government was not one of an informer or a sycophantic office-seeker, but one of an objective observer. He rejected both the offer of a Peace Commission and that of the office of resident magistrate as he preferred to remain independent and not beholden to any government official. He did, however, give his opinions forcefully and clearly and the contact he enjoyed with them over many years indicate his views were respected, but not necessarily followed. Schnackenberg openly opposed the use of intoxicating liquor, except for medicinal purposes. He condemned gambling, dancing, smoking, and pretentiousness of any kind. At times he was brusque, intolerant and uncompromising, at other times ill at ease and quick to take offence. The evaluation of his colleagues that he was meek and retiring, probably arose because he suffered from a certain lack of confidence when mixing with them. His humble background, his long years in the 'bush', the possible difficulty with spoken English and his foreign origins, appear to have contributed to this feeling. He sought to avoid situations which, he felt, could expose him to criticism and ridicule. With those people he knew well much of his reserve seems to have vanished and he appeared as a courageous, determined and able man. While his German origins might have been a handicap in some respects, they also provided him with a wider perspective on world events. A most loyal British subject, nevertheless he was not blind to the weaknesses of British policy in Europe or in the colonies. When the occasion demanded it, he expressed his views with considerable logic and force. Schnackenberg, in spite of living on remote and isolated stations never became insular in his outlook. His writings show a man at ease with written English, with a well-balanced outlook and an uncluttered mind, equal to that of any of his colleagues. He was seldom wrong in his judgement of his brethren, but when he was, he was quick to admit his mistake. He did not indulge in bitter disputes, so familiar among the early missionaries, when dislike and personal emnity was carried to the extreme. He was much more concerned with keeping the peace and with avoiding unpleasantness.
324 Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Vol. 1,1769-1869, Donald McLean, p. 257. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 116
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Finally Schnackenberg was a true pioneer. His background of farming, his training as an artisan, and even his basic knowledge of bookkeeping, enabled him to cope with the trials and hardship of living in isolated areas in a new country. Cort Henry Schnackenberg was a man of many parts. He used his talents to the full in the service of his Maker. He asked much from those around him, but he was equally demanding of himself. As a missionary and a settler he was influenced by most of the great events which fashioned nineteenth century New Zealand. As an individual, he did little to shape the changes which took place, but in his own way he adapted to them while remaining true to his beliefs to the end of his life.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Manuscript material All manuscript material held in the Methodist Theological College Archives, St John's College, Auckland, unless otherwise stated. Buddle, Rev. Thomas, Essay, 'New Zealand, Past, Present and Future', (? 1868). Buddle, Rev. Thomas, Letterbooks, 1846-1856, 1860-1866. Buttle, Rev. George, Diary, 1832-1874. Gudgeon, Lt. Col., copy of a confession concerning the massacre at Whitecliffs and the murder of the Rev. John Whiteley, 1869, Whiteley collection. Hobbs, Rev. John, Diary, 1857. Methodist Church of Australasia, Department of Overseas Missions. Letterbook, letters to New Zealand, 1856-1858(photocopies). Originals held at the Mitchell Library, Sydney. Schnackenberg, Rev. Cort H., Manuscripts and typescripts of Letterbooks etc, 11 May 1846-19 July 1880. Schnackenberg, Rev. Cort H. (3) Letters, G.N.Z. Mss, GL.S8, Schnackenberg Letters to Sir George Grey, 1861-1867, Grey Collection, Auckland Public Library. Smales, Rev. Gideon, collection of papers. Wesleyan-Methodist Mission, collection of original letters mainly concerned with land. Wesleyan-Methodist Mission, the New Zealand Northern District Minutes, 1859- 1880. Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society, letters from the New Zealand missionaries to the Secretaries of the Missionary Society in London, typescript of originals, 11 volumes, 1827-1852, 1853-1862, 1867. Whiteley, Rev. John, Journal, 1832-1841, 1860-1863.
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Thesis and Research Essays Brazendale, G., John Whiteley, 'Land Sovereignty and the Anglo-Maori Wars', M.A. research essay, Auckland University, 1976. Clover, G.A.M., 'Christianity among the South Taranaki Maoris, 1840-1853. A study of the Wesleyan Mission at Waimate South', M.A. thesis, Auckland University, 1973. Hammer, G.E., 'Early years of the Wesleyan-Methodist Mission in Tonga', M.A. thesis, Otago University, 1952. Howe, K.R., 'Missionaries and Civilization in the Upper Waikato. 1833-1863. A study in culture contact, with special reference to the attitudes and activities of the Rev. John Morgan ofOtawhao', M.A. thesis, Auckland University, 1970. Sterne, G., 'Thomas Buddle's Native Ministry 1840-1865', M.A. research essay, Auckland University, 1978.
Published material All held in the Methodist Theological College archives, St. John's College, Auckland. Australasian Wesleyan-Methodist Society Reports, Sydney, 1858, 1860-1864. The New Zealand Wesleyan, Christchurch, 1872-1875, 1879-1880. Wesleyan-Methodist Magazine, London, 1839-1874. Wesleyan Missionary Notices, London, 1841-1855. Wesleyan-Methodist Missionary Society Reports, London, 1843-1859,1870,1875.
Articles Jensen, J.H. and Barber, L.H., 'The Schnackenberg Family Papers', Auckland Waikato Historical Journal, Auckland, September 1987, No. 51, pp. 25-27. Methodist-Church of New Zealand, Raglan Centennial Celebrations, Auckland, 1935, copy of a letter from the Rev. J. Wallis, to his brother dated 11 June 1952. Owen, John, 'The 1990 Essays', New Zealand Herald, 7, February 1990, section I. Schnackenberg, Edward H., 'Romance of a Rangatira', papers relevant to E.H. Schnackenberg, Meth. 19/40, Schnackenberg papers. Sinclair, Keith, 'The 1990 Essays', New Zealand Herald, 6 February 1990, section I.
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Newspapers The New Zealander, August 1854, October-November 1860, Auckland Public Library. The Herald, February-March 1869, Auckland Public Library. The Weekly News, July 1866, May-September 1869, May 1873, Auckland Museum and Institute. The Weekly Herald, June 1873, Auckland Institute and Museum.
Reference Books Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, ed. G. Scholefield, New Zealand Internal Affairs Vol. I, Wellington 1940. Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, ed. W.H. Oliver, New Zealand Department of Internal Affairs, Vol. I, 1769-1869, Wellington 1990.
Books Belich, James, The New Zealand Wars and the Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict, Auckland, 1962. Belich, James, 'The Governors and the Maori, 1840-1872', in K. Sinclair, ed., Oxford Illustrated History of New Zealand, Auckland, 1990, pp. 75-98. Binney, Judith, 'Ancestral Voices: Maori Prophet Leaders', in K. Sinclair, ed., Oxford Illustrated History of New Zealand, Auckland, 1990, pp. 153-184. Clark, P.J.A., Hauhau. The Pai Marire Search for Maori Identity, Auckland, 1975. Dalziel, Raewyn, 'Railways and Relief Centres (1870-1890)', in K. Sinclair, ed., Oxford Illustrated History of New Zealand, Auckland, 1990, pp. 99-124. Elsmore, Bronwyn, Mana from Heaven. A Century of Prophets in New Zealand Tauranga, 1989. Findlay, G.G. and Holdsworth, W.W., The History of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, Vol. I and II, London, 1924. Greenslade, W.W.H, John Whiteley 1806-1869. An expanded version of a lecture to the Wesley Historical Society of New Zealand, Vol. 24, Nos. 3 & 4, Auckland, 1968. Greenwood, W., Riemenschneider of Warea, Wellington, 1967. Wesley Historical Society (NZ) Publication #57 Page 120
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Hames, E.W., Out of the Common Way. The European Church in the Colonial Era 1840-1869. Wesley Historical Society, Vol. 27, Nos. 3 & 4, Auckland, 1972. Laurenson, G.I., Te Hahi Weteriana. Three Half Centuries of the Methodist Maori Mission, 1882-1972. Wesley Historical Society, Vol. 27, Nos. 1 & 2, Auckland, 1972. Morley, Rev. William, A History of Methodism in New Zealand, Wellington, 1900. Orange, Claudia, The Treaty of Waitangi, Wellington, 1987. Owens, J.M.R., Prophets in the Wilderness. The Wesleyan Methodist Mission to New Zealand, Auckland, 1974. The Oxford Illustrated History of New Zealand, Auckland, 1990, ed. K. Sinclair. Raglan School Centennial Booklet, 13-15 May 1966. A Short History of the Church of St Stephen the Martyr, Opotiki, 1982.
When the first of this set of graves was dug here, that of Rev Cort Henry Schnackenberg in 1880, this would have been a peaceful part of the slope down to the bottom of Grafton Gully. Native bush and bird song all around, fitting for the last resting place of those who laboured as missionaries for years in the back blocks of this country's early days.
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