Journal of Interdisciplinary Cycle Research ISSN NO: 0022-1945

Downfall of Congress in : A Contextual and Historical Account

1Dwarapureddi Shree Surya Masters in Political Science, Lovely Professional University, Punjab , 144411.

Abstract

Indian national congress (INC), since its origin, has a dominant position in influencing the political ideas in the minds of Indians. Through which it developed the nationalistic sentiments against the British rule in India before independence and establishing the stable democratic setup government with the people’s representative in post-independent India. Grand old part INC has had a great stint of ruling India for most part after independence. But of late and after the rise of NDA-BJP, Congress has seen a spectacular fall which a culmination of various reasons was. This paper analysis a part of that fall and concentrates its area around Andhra Pradesh. This paper analysis the factors which are responsible for the downfall of congress in southern state of Andra Pradesh and will look at the history and rise of congress on political scene of India.

Keywords: Andhra Pradesh, Congress, India, Downfall, Politics

Introduction

The Andhra’s were battling for the arrangement of a different Andhra Province since the time of the British yet couldn't succeed. At the point when India achieved Independence on the fifteenth of August, 1947, Andhra’s trusted that there since quite a while ago treasured longing would be acknowledged soon. The vision for a different remained a fantasy itself, despite a few re-established attempts put forward by the Andhra pioneers before Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhai Patel.

The Dar Committee, chosen under the chairmanship of S.K.Dar by the , did not propose the creation of states on etymological reasoning. In Andhra, the Commission's report

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offered such an adverse response that the leaders of Congress found it wise to soothe the unsettled feelings of the Telugus. Jawaharlal Nehru, and PattabhiSitaramaiah, known as the J.V., are an informal committee. TanguturiPrakasam, B.GopalaReddi, , and N.Sanjiva were the speakers of Andhra. In a concerted settlement, the Partition Committee could not appear. Prakasam could not help but refute the opinions of numerous people and gave a note of disagreement. The Government of India exploited Prakasam's disagreeing note and racked up the issue. Swami Sitaram,a Gandhian, sought to express the contempt of the Andhras, who made Andhra a dangerous situation. Be that as it might, on the twentieth of September, 1951, Swami gave up his 35-day fast on the allure made by Vinoba Bhave. With the exception of the increasing doubt of the people of Andhra against their own chiefs and the Government of India, little resulted from this rapidity. Andhra’s expressed their hostility to the representatives of Congress in the First General Elections of 1952 by beating them in the surveys (Bernstorff, 1973).

He tried to divert the Krishna waters by constructing the Krishna-Pennar Project for the improvement of the Tamil territories, after Rajagopala Chari became the Chief Minister of the . As they predicted the Project to spell doom for Andhra, the Andhras fomented against this. Under the chairmanship of A.N.Khosla, the Government of India selected a specialist committee which expressed that the mission in its current form should not be continued and suggested the construction of an undertaking at Nandikonda (the location of the current Nagarjunasagar Project). The Khosla Committee's report vindicated the Andhras' misgivings with regard to the antagonistic stance of the government of Rajagopala Chari towards the Andhras. Further intensity strengthened the ability of the Andhras to separate themselves from the composite Madras State and structure their own state. At this point, on the nineteenth, PottiSriramulu, a self-destructing Gandhian, began his rapid demise. Andhra was rocked into a fierce and crippling promotion by the data on Sriramulu's demise. At this mainstream upsurge, the Government of India was stunned (Weiner, 1982). On the nineteenth of December 1952, in the , Jawaharlal Nehru announced that the Andhra State would be formed by the eleven undisputed regions of Telugu and the three Taluks of the locale of Bellary, while excluding Madras District. Andhra State emerged on the first of October, 1953. It consists of Srikakulam, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Nellore, Chittoor, Cuddapah, and Kurnool, as well as the Bellary region's taluks of Rayadurg, Adoni,

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and Alur. On the issue of Bellary Taluk, on the recommendation of the L.S.Mishra Committee, it was recalled to the Mysore State. Under the terms of the Sri Bagh Pact of 1937 between the Heads of the Coastal Andhra and , Kurnool became the capital of the new State. T.Prakasam became the Andhra State's main chief minister

Methodology

This paper is purely analytical and takes into account historical incidences and draws conclusions from various articles, paper in journal, books and analysis from news papers in order to arrive at certain conclusion.

Objective(s)

. To analyse and highlight various reasons/ aspects for the decline of congress in Andhra Pradesh.

Police Action in State

During the years 1946--48, Andhras was a lot unsettled about the changes in the Condition of Hyderabad. The Nizam was incredibly on the verge of liberating himself, and he ordered that the third realm should be Hyderabad. With the aid of KhasimRazvi of the IttehadulMuslimeen and his storm troopers, the Razakars, he attempted to fulfil his goal-oriented dream. In the meantime, with the involvement of a few enthusiastic Muslims for the mix of the state with the rest of the country, the of the Hyderabad Area, who represented 93% of its population, dispatched the 'Join India' creation. In creation, the founders of the State Congress, guided by Swami Ramanand Tirtha, conjured themselves up wholeheartedly. As the Nizam confined the State Congress, its chiefs led their exercises from locations such as and Bombay. For their side, the Communists organised town security crews to defend the locals from the assaults of the Nizam Police and Razakars. The Government of India has sought to make the Nizam see reason and sign the Instrument of Accession with India. After complicated dealings, on November 29, 1947, the Nizam eventually entered into a 'Stop Pact' with India for one year to retain business as normal, which prevailed until August 15, 1947, between the British and the Nizam. The Nizam arrangement was simply to pick up a perfect chance to get military supplies from different areas of the globe and sneak it into Hyderabad. In the meantime, a designation was submitted by

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Nizam to the U.N.O. to apply to the Security Council in the Hyderabad situation (Balagopal, 1992).

The Government of India decided to monitor these inclinations by dispatching a 'Police Operation' against the Nizam with the evolving violence of the Razakars and the Nizam's attempts to become independent. 'Police Operation' began in Hyderabad on the thirteenth of September 1948. From five headings, the Indian Army, headed by Major-General J.N.Chaudhuri, invaded the State, a state with five headings. Nizam withdrew his opposition to the Security Council on 23 September. The unification of the Dominions of Hyderabad into the Indian Union was proclaimed. Major-General J. N. Chaudhuri took over as Hyderabad's military governor and served in that role until the end of 1949. In January 1950, the Chief Minister of the State was made M.K.Vellodi, a Senior Civil Servant, and the Nizam was assigned 'Raj Pramukh.' The prominent main service led by B.Rama Krishna Rao assumed responsibility for the State after the 1952 General Elections (Elliot, 2011).

Rise of Andhra Pradesh

In October 1953, the formation of the Andhra State increased the general interest in etymological states. Andhras had also been involved in the creation of Visalandhra because the people of had been persistent in their involvement in the trifurcation of their State for a long time ago. Andhras trusted the more influential Andhra to be followed by the peripheral Telugu territories of Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Mysore, and Madras. Nevertheless, the States Reorganization Commission, formed by the Government of India in December 1953 with Syed Fazl Ali as Chairman, who heard the views of different organisations and individuals, was convinced of the advantages of Visalandhra, nevertheless supported the establishment of an isolated state for . This S.R.C. report encouraged both the supporters of Telangana and Visalandhra to focus on campaigning. The Communists reacted strongly and proclaimed that in the Hyderabad Legislative Assembly and Legislative Assembly they would abandon their seats. Visalandhra was assisted by the Congress High Command and convinced the heads of the Andhra State and Telangana to recognise their differences, who instantly entered into a 'Honorable Men's Agreement.' One of the key arrangements of the Agreement was the formation for Telangana of a 'Territorial Council' for its overall turn of events. By combining nine Telugu- speaking areas of Adilabad, Nizamabad, Medak, Karimnagar, Warangal, Khammam, Nalgonda,

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Mahbubnagar, and Hyderabad into Andhra State with its eleven districts of Srikakulam, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Nellore, Chittoor, Cuddapah, Anantapur and Kurnool, Andhra Pradesh was called 'Andhra Pradesh' with its capital at Hyydra Pradesh. Jawaharlal Nehru introduced it on the first of November, 1956 (Rao & Suri, 2006). became Andhra Pradesh's primary Chief Minister, who later became the . , the last Chief of Staff.

As mentioned above, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy became the primary Chief Minister of the new State in connection with the Andhra Pradesh agreement on 1 November 1956. As a result of his being the President of the All India Congress Committee, on June 10, 1960, he surrendered the post of Chief Minister and was dominated by D. Sanjivaiah, a competent young man from the Scheduled Castes. On 12 March 1962, Sri N.Sanjiva Reddy became Chief Minister of State again after the 1962 General Elections. Yet in 1964, he surrendered the Chief Ministership on religious grounds, following the Supreme Court's adverse decision in the Kurnool Transport Nationalization event. On the 29th of February 1964, Sri KasuBrahmananda Reddy prevailed. He remained in the workforce until September 30, 1971 (Sridhar, 2006).

Political Crisis in 1969 and 1972

Andhra Pradesh was rocked by two nationalist tumults during the years 1969 and 1972, known respectively as the 'Telangana' and the 'Jai Andhra' revolutions. The citizens of the region started the Telangana disruption when they felt that the Andhra settlers had ridiculed the Gentlemen's Agreement, which supported the Andhra Pradesh structure. There were various social pressures created by the deluge of people from the beachfront locale to the town of Hyderabad. The dissatisfaction steadily spread between the authorities of Telangana and the unemployed young people who felt that the people of the Andhra district were misused. When an understudy of Khammam went on a craving strike in January 1969 demanding the use of the guarantees provided in the Gentlemen's Agreement for Telangana, the discontent revealed itself. Gradually, the violence spread to Hyderabad and various parts of Telangana. In the first instance, the development called for the introduction of the guarantees agreed on (Mendelsohn, 1978).

The development moved in a different direction when the Telangana Congress administrators sponsored the development. Dr. Channa Reddy joined the brawl and to lead the rise, framed the

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Telangana Praja Samiti. In any event, by November 1969, when nonconformist Congress officials realised that Prime Minister Indira was not for independent Telangana, there was a role in the Praja Samiti. The growth steadily diminished. In September 1971, in order to train a pioneer from Telangana to become Chief Minister, Brahmananda Reddy, then Chief Minister, surrendered his seat. P.V.Narsimha Rao became Chief Minister on September 30th, 1971. The Telangana Praja Samiti was dissolved and its people joined Congress again.

A further tumult known as the Jai Andhra Movement was dispatched to the Andhra region during 1972. The disruption was a continuation of the Telangana promotion, which demanded that the posts in Telangana, including the city of Hyderabad, should be called solitary 'Mulkis.' There has been a long history behind the 'Mulki' problem. The gave a firmman as ahead of time as in 1919, setting out that solitary 'Mulkis' are eligible in the State for public arrangements. 'Mulki' was identified as one who had been conceived or lived there continuously for a very long time in the state of Hyderabad and had made an assertion that he deserted to return to his local place. The Mulki rules continued to be in force in the Telangana locale even after the creation of Andhra Pradesh. As these laws kept up the traffic of the citizens of the Andhra region to check for the messages, their relevance was challenged in the High Court (Farooqui&Sridharan2016)

Yet at the inspiration of the State Government, on the third of October 1972, the Supreme Court ruled that the Mulki rules were constitutional and were in force. The judgement created an unprecedented national emergency in the state. The citizens of the Andhra region thought that the status of peasants in their own state capital had been reduced. They believed that cutting off their connection with Telangana was the only way to preserve their pride and started establishing the Andhra Pradesh division of the Andhra locale. As the disorder continued, on the tenth of January, 1973, the President's norm was introduced in the State. Finally, under the aegis of the central government, a constitutional settlement has emerged. The administrators of the two districts agreed on a 'Six-Point Formula' to forestall any repetition of similar rewards in the future (Palshikar, 2014).

The President's standard in the state was disavowed on December 10, 1973, and a well-known service was drawn up with Sri JalagamVengala Rao as Chief Minister. Regularity returned with this and the Regime took pride in political stability. The Congress Party cleared the surveys in

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the general elections conducted for the A.P. Legislative Assembly in February 1978, and Dr. M. Channa Reddy became the 6th Chief Minister of the A.P. Sixth March of 1978. He said that the different Telangana was not at this stage, a concern. Dr. Channa Reddy surrendered in October 1980 and was governed by T. Anjaiah, who served in power only for one year and four months, inferable from certain factional quarrels in the gathering. He was replaced by Sri BhavanamVenkataram in February 1982 and was replaced by Sri K. Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy in September 1982. Consequently, four Chief Ministers in four years governed Andhra Pradesh.

The Real Decline of Congress in Andhra

The Congress High Command's incessant reforms by the Chief Ministers created disappointment among the voters. Exploiting this well-known dissatisfaction, in January 1983, Sri N.T.Rama Rao, a major figure in the film world, arranged a territorial rally called 'Telugu Desam' and challenged the 1983 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly General Elections. His meeting was successful, and the 10th Chief Minister of State was declared to be Sri Rama Rao. On the sixteenth of August 1984, however, Sri NadendlaBhaskara Rao, Sri Rama Rao's office companion, prevailed over the change to Chief Minister by designing the justification of Sri Rama Rao by the Governor of that time. In any event, on the sixteenth of September 1984, Sri Rama Rao was reinstated, after a critical review of the governor's activities. In the March 1985 appointment, Sri Rama Rao showed that by gaining a greater share in the House, he began to respect the certainty of individuals.

From 1995 to 2004, the TDP shaped the state legislature. The INC re-framed the administration in 2004. Furthermore, this legislature ended its subsequent session, having won the Assembly races in 2009. Telugu Film Actor framed the PrajaRajyam Party (PRP) in 2008; the gathering won the third largest number of seats in the 2009 state get together decisions and then converted into congress. After the death of the chief priest, Y. S. RajashekarRajashekar.

With the Telangana RashtraSamithi (TRS) being established at this point in 2001, the state had a continuous sub-regionalist growth of Telangana. Also, the independent territories of Telangana were split off from Andhra Pradesh under the initiative of K Chandrashekar Rao. TDP had emerged with the most notable number of seats during the next races after fighting the races with BJP and Pawan Kalyan entering into legislative issues during that period. Y. After leaving

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Congress, S. Jagan Mohan Reddy's hosts created another gathering called Y. S. R Congress faction, which from 2014-2019 was the foundational opposition (Singh, 2004). The gathering of Pawan Kalyan slice connects with TDP during this time JanaSena because of dispute over the special status of Andhra Pradesh, which was one of the liabilities during the 2014 bifurcation of the state. Additionally, for a related reason, TDP cut binds with BJP in 2019. In reality, the 'walk to Athmakur' has brought about a go head to head in Andhra Pradesh between the Naidus and the Reddys. The Chandrababu Naidu-drove Telugu Desam Party (TDP), which seems to have recovered from the most humiliating thrashing in the new Assembly and Lok Sabha decisions, hosts have taken head-on Chief Minister YS Jaganmohan Reddy's YSR Congress Get-together (YSRCP) decision, asserting enormous reach and methodical badgering by the legislature of its unit (Kohli, 1988).

The Jagan government has issued ample broadcast appointments to the TDP, which was severely undermined after the genuine drubbing at surveys, by keeping the TDP system from walking to Athmakur near Guntur, where the alleged barbarities occurred.The 35-year-old rivalry between the YSR family and the Naidu family has once again gone to the front with this new go head to head. Relatively few today know how the late YS Rajasekhara Reddy and Naidu joined the Andhra Pradesh Assembly on Congress party tickets together in 1978. About the same time, both were made junior pastors in the T Anjaiah government. They had decent compatibility and shared a strong individual friendship until Naidu left the Congress to join the TDP of his dad-in- law and then boss pastor NT Rama Rao in 1984. YSR became the most youthful leader of the Andhra Pradesh Congress at around a similar time. In Andhra legislative matters, he took on the NTR government and companions became enemies. Somewhere between 1989 and 1999, because YSR was an MP in , the contention between Reddy and Naidu was not as extraordinary. In 1999, during Naidu's second term in office, he became President of the Opposition in the State Assembly. Naidu was then at the apex of his ability, running the New Delhi government of the -drove National Democratic Alliance (NDA). In 2009, YSR returned to power again and several discounted Naidu on governmental problems in Andhra. Naidu targeted YSR and his child Jaganmohan nearly every day, calling them degenerate and delinquent, somewhere in the 2004 and 2009 range. In his matchless style, YSR even hit back at Naidu.

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Congress after 2014: The Crises

The once-ground-breaking and reformist Andhra Pradesh plunged into anarchy after the grievous passing of YSR in a helicopter accident in September 2009. K Chandrashekar Rao of the Telangana RashtraSamithi (TRS) successfully partitioned the state by misusing the uprising, making Telangana in 2014. After the death of his father, a furious Jagan quit Congress to join his YSR Congress Party meeting to take on the TDP. He believed Congress had misled him and the supporters of the YSR. Naidu allegedly assisted the central leadership of Congress in New Delhi to "fix" him in a corrupt resource case in 2012, detecting that the late YSR's child might be a big test for him later on. A wounded Jagan vowed revenge at a jail in Hyderabad. Naidu shockingly returned to power in the shortened state in the 2014 Assembly and Lok Sabha choices. For an additional five years under Naidu, the struggles of a shocked Jagan endured. In any event, Jagan worked out how to create a good link at the Center with the -drove government and the departure of Naidu from the NDA a year ago enabled the YSRCP to recover. Jagan waged a robust fight against the TDP, concentrating only on Naidu and his child, Lokesh. It paid off abundantly, ensuring the YSRCP's phenomenal success in the Assembly and Lok Sabha races in May this year. After coming under power, Jagan guaranteed the framework for the gathering to investigate the alleged outrages submitted by the TDP against them during the regular Naidu (Suri, 2002).

Conclusion

Although the outcomes of the March 1977 Indian election heir deeper meaning is undeniably momentous, by no way clear. Obvious. The most appealing view, perhaps, is that the Indian people. The totalitarian regime was decisively opposed and opted for the restoration of a constitutional democratic order. Arbitrary behaviour, , 'family planning' which is also converted into a compulsory programme Sterilization - this was seen as lying behind Indira's denial Government of Gandhi Congress.In Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, its foundation before the bifurcation of the State, the Congress is faced with unparalleled challenges. Several senior leaders left the Congress opting for political sides like the YSRCP, the RashtraSamithi Telangana and the Desam Telugu Parties. Two-thirds of MLAs in Telangana have just agreed to join the TRS. This exodus is not prevented by the higher command of Congress, particularly in a crisis following the decision of President to quit the post. broke

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Andhra Pradesh, which was long a congressional bastion in 2014, when demand for Telangana grew without realising the situation. The outcome: Congress was given the entire credit for the formation of Telangana in Andhra Pradesh and the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS). "She destroyed the Congress without any sense in a state that even after was held by the party man," the Congressman said.In the rest of the nations, too, Sonia also committed similar but less visible errors, which limited the party, after five years of opposition, to 52 Lok Sabha seats. 44 locomotive Sabha seats were acquired by Congress in 2014. The Congress is actually in poor condition, full of non-leaders with demands to be leaders. In the climate of mutual suspicion that the party has created, the way a new leader is organised cannot be elected. Thus, decline of congress in Andhra like rest of India is combination of lot of factors which include party leadership, policies and certain blunders in elections as well.

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Farooqui, A., & Sridharan, E. (2016). Can umbrella parties survive? The decline of the . Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 54(3), 331-361.

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Singh, V. B. (2004). Rise of the BJP and Decline of the Congress: An Appraisal. Indian Democracy: Meanings and Practices, 299-324.

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