ARTICLES

RECONSIDERING TAINO SOCIAL DYNAMICS AFTER SPANISH CONQUEST: GENDER AND CLASS IN CULTURE CONTACT STUDIES

KathleenDeagan

Despite thefact that the Tainopeople of the Caribbeanwere thefirst Native Americans to encounter and coexist with Euro- peans after 1492, there has been almost no archaeology of Taino response to that encounter.This study explores the rea- sons for (and consequences of) this neglect, and their larger implicationsfor American contact-period archaeology. It also challenges prevailing historical models of Taino social disintegration, drawing upon six years of archaeological work at the En Bas Saline site in Haiti, the only extensively excavated Taino townsite occupied both before and after contact. Our results, organized by a household-scale analytical framework emphasizing Taino constructions of gender and class, sug- gest that there werefew major alterations to traditional Taino social practice during the post-contact period, and most of these were related to activities thought to have been the domain of non-elite Taino men. It is suggested that the relatively nonspecialized gender roles among the Tafno,as well as the clearly differentiatednature of their social classes, may have served as mitigatingfactors in the disruption of Ta'no culturalpractice under Spanish domination. This work also reveals a marked Taino resistance to the incorporation of European cultural elements, which provides a striking contrast to the Spanishpatterns documentedin contact-era Europeantowns, and underscoresthe critical importanceof incorporatinggen- der relations into studies of culture contact.

A pesar de que los Tainos del Caribefueron los primeros indios americanos en confrontarsey coexistir con los europeos despudsde 1492, no ha habido casi ninguna investigacidnarqueoldgica de la respuestaTaina a este encuentro.Este estudio explora las razones y consecuencias de este descuido, y sus implicacionesmayores para la arqueologia americana del peri- odo del contacto. Desafia tambidnlos modelos hist6ricospredominantes sobre la rdpidadesintegracidn social de los Tainos, en base a seis afios de trabajo arqueoldgico en el sitio de En Bas Saline, Haiti, el U'nicopueblo Taino excavado extensiva- mente,y ocupado antes y despudsdel contacto.Nuestros resultados un nivel de andlisis que enfa- organizadosbajo domrstico tiza las construcciones Tainas de gdnero y clase, sugieren que hubo pocas modificaciones mayores a la prdctica social tradicionalTaina durante el perfodoposterior al contacto,y que la mayoriade estos cambios estuvieronrelacionados a activi- dades que hat sido pensadas del dominiode varonesno-dlite Tainos.Esto sugiere que los papeles de gdnerorelativamente no especializados entrelos Tainos,asicomo la naturalezaclaramente diferenciada de sus clases sociales, pudieronhaber servido comofactores mitigantesen la rupturade la prdctica cultural de los Tainosbajo la dominacidnespafiola. Este trabajorevela tambidnuna marcadaresistencia de los Tainosfrentea la incorporacidnde elementosculturales europeos, lo queproporciona un contrastellamativo con el modelo espahioldocumentado en pueblos europeosde la epoca del contacto,y subrayala impor- tancia critica de incorporarlas relaciones del gdneroen estudios del contacto cultural.

ofthe central and most enduring themes tiations.These issues have been of particularcon- One in American historical archaeology has cernin recentyears, as archaeologicalattention has been theeffort to understandsocial change focused on the roles of small-scale aggregate provokedby the encounterof indigenousAmeri- groups(such as households)and individually held can andimmigrant European groups after 1492. A group attributes(such as gender,class, and race) greatmany questions of deep interestto archaeol- as productivepathways in understandinghow and ogists are embeddedin this largerproject, includ- why the diverse social landscapes of post- ing thoserelated to culturalsurvival and continuity, ColumbianAmerica emerged. identityformation and transformation,accommo- This paperis concernedwith post-contact social dation,transculturation, resistance and power nego- dynamicsamong the Tafnosof northwesternHis-

Kathleen Deagan 0 FloridaMuseum of NaturalHistory, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32611 ([email protected])

AmericanAntiquity, 69(4), 2004, pp. 597-626 Copyright@2004 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology

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This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 25 Feb 2015 20:36:49 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 598 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol.69, No. 4, 2004 paniola (today Haiti), and the largerimplications of thiswork see Cusick1998a, 1998b;Dillehay and of this for archaeologyin earlycontact period sites. Deagan 1992; Fitzhugh 1985; McEwan 2000; The Tainos were the first group of indigenous Ramenofsky1987; Rogers 1990;Rogers andWil- Americanmen and women to encounterand live son 1993; Smith 1987;Thomas 1989, 1990, 1991; with Europeans,beginning with the firstvoyage of Wesson and Rees 2002a; Wood et al. 1989). It is ChristopherColumbus in 1492,and continuing into useful to note, however,the strikingvariation and the sixteenthcentury. The criticalfirst decades of diversityin the paths of Americanand European interactionbetween Tainos and Spaniardshad a encounteracross space, time, ecology, andculture. profoundinfluence on subsequentEuropean beliefs Archaeologistsin recent years have concentrated about,understanding of, andpolicy towardAmer- on understandingand explainingthis variationin ica and its inhabitants(Jara and Spadaccini1992; termsof the specific social and historicalcircum- Rabasa 1992; Williams and Lewis 1993). Never- stancesof both indigenousand immigrantgroups, theless, very littleis knownarchaeologically about embeddedin the local Americansettings in which theTaino during this period. My discussionhas two Old Worldnewcomers found themselves. primaryobjectives: the firstis to explore the epis- Throughthese efforts, it has become increas- temological and methodologicalreasons underly- ingly evidentthat gender roles andrelations-both ing the absenceof archaeologyin post-contactera betweengroups in contactand within groups expe- Taino sites; the second is to offer a reconsidered riencing contact-are consistent and important model of Tainosocial dynamicsafter Spanish con- conditioningfactors in interculturalinteraction and tact and conquest,using gender and class as pri- its consequences(Deagan 1974, 1996;Deetz 1963; marystructuring elements. This is derivedthrough Ettieneand Leacock 1980; Ewen 1991;Fairbanks a household-scaleanalysis of archaeologicaldata 1962; Mason 1963; Rothschild2003). Gendered from the site of En Bas Saline, Haiti (Figure 1). roles both within and between groups in contact En Bas Saline is the only systematicallyexca- have complex and often subtle influenceson the vated Taino town site in the Caribbeanthat was ways in which culturecontact unfolds. They also occupied both before and after Spanish contact, help structurethe ways in which social behavioris andour work there between 1983 and 1988has pro- manifestin post-contactcultural settings. Depend- vided the firstarchaeologically derived understand ing on the contextof interculturalinteraction (e.g., of Tainoresponse (and resistance) to post-conquest conflict, trade, religious evangelization,slaving, circumstancesin Hispaniola.It revealsa consider- consensual intermarriage,etc.), the gender rela- ablymore pronounced regimen of post-contactcul- tions of social control, food productionand pro- tural continuity and maintenance of traditional curement, trade, rituals and healing, craft practicethan has been previouslyrecognized. This production,or warfaremight potentially either pro- argumentruns counter to the standardhistorical mote social continuityor predictsocial collapse. assessment (discussed below) of near-immediate Forexample, contact involving armed conflict and andmonolithic Taino social collapse.I suggestthat militaryresistance to intrusivepopulations tends to the continuityin culturalpractice at post-contact involve men, potentiallycreating a demographic En Bas Salinewas clearly conditioned by thenature imbalancefavoring women in the local groups.In of genderroles in both pre-contactTaino society sucha case, the degreeto which a post-contactgen- and Spanish-Tainointeraction, and was mediated derimbalance would encourage or mutesocial dis- by social hierarchyamong the Taino. ruptionwould be profoundlyinfluenced by whether men or womenwere traditionally the primaryfood or ritual Archaeology and Contact-Era American producers specialists. Encounters Attention to gender is but one example of increasingsubtlety in the ongoing archaeological More than fifty years of archaeologicalresearch studyof European-Americanculture contact. Nev- exploringNative Americanpeople's responsesto ertheless,the disciplinarytensions inherent in con- Europeanarrival have generatedan immensebody tactperiod studies-pointed out by KentLightfoot of literature,which obviously cannotbe assessed nearly a decade ago (Lightfoot 1995)-remain fully here (for useful syntheticoverviews of much largely unresolved. European-Americanculture

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Haitian Real

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Figure 1. Location of En Bas Saline. contactstudies necessarily involve both articulation European-American encounter and its conse- of and overlapamong precolumbian archaeology, quences,their balanced articulation remains inad- postcolumbianarchaeology, ethnographic analogy, equatein practice,particularly in our tendencyto anddocument-based history. Although all of these privilege one line of evidence (usually but not sourcesof evidenceabout the past have long been alwaystext-based) in bothconstructing models and acknowledgedas essential to understandingthe interpretingevidence.

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Interdisciplinaryintegration is also madeprob- ognizedby theTaino as subordinateto the caciques. lematicalby the fact thattextual and materialevi- The nitainos were equatedby the Spaniardswith dence bearingon the early years of Americanand nobles and appearto have assistedthe caciquesin Europeanencounter is only rarely generated at the organization of production. Behiques, or comparablescales of observation,intentionality, shamans,were partof the nitainogroup. A second or resolution (see Lightfoot 1995; Ramenofsky category, known as naborias, seems to have 1987:2-5, 1991;Wesson and Rees 2002b; Wilson referredto laborers,although it is notclearly under- 1993).The case of Taino-Spanishencounter clearly stood whether this refers to the entire non-elite illustratesthe ways in which these factors both laboring population, or to certain specific sub- shape and bias our understandingof the contact groups (Anderson-C6rdova 1990:52-56,187; periodin the Americas. Moscoso 1981:216-241; Moya Pons 1992;Rouse 1992:9).Some scholarshave interpretedthis orga- accuratereflection of Taino Cultural Practice and Gender in Late nizationas an precolumbian class difference the Taino(Moscoso 1981; Fifteenth-Century Hispaniola among Moya Pons 1992), while others suggest that this The first Europeansettlements in America were was a post-contact,Spanish-influenced structure establishedon Hispanioladuring 1492 and 1493 in (Alcina Franch1983). the denselypopulated territory of theTaino Indians The fifteenth-centuryTaino residents of north- (amongthe numerous recent synthetic overviews of ernHispaniola (the focus of thisstudy) were among Tainolife andculture, see Anderson-C6rdova1990; the most politicallycomplex of those documented Berchtet. al 1997;Guitar 1998; Keegan 1992, 2000; by the firstEuropean chroniclers (see Curet2002; Moscoso 1981, 1999; Oliver 1998:59-93; Rouse Keegan 1996; Veloz Maggiolo 1997:36; Wilson 1992;Veloz Maggiolo 1997; Wilson 1990a, 1997a). 1997b:55).Most researchersinfer that they were Theterm "Taino" has been traditionally used to des- organizedas complexredistributive (possibly trib- ignate the inhabitantsof the GreaterAntilles and utary) cheifdoms with well-defined patterns of Bahamasat the time of Europeanarrival; however, socialdifferentiation and inequality (Alegria 1997a; most researchersrecognize that this usage inap- Curet 2002; Keegan et al. 1998; Moscoso 1981, propriatelyreduces the considerablediversity of 1999:7-9; Rouse 1992; Siegel 1999; Veloz Mag- social, political,and economic formationsamong giolo 1997:36;Wilson 1990a, 1990b, 1997b).Both these people. While noting that the term is still a of the principalearly sixteenth-century chroniclers topic of lively debateamong Caribbean archaeolo- of the Taino specifically recorded that caciques gists, my use of "Taino"in this studycorresponds controlledproduction of bothsubsistence and craft to IrvingRouse's designation of "ClassicTaino" in goods by assigningspecific tasksto individualsor Hispaniola,characterized by complex chiefdoms, groups,appropriating the fruitsof theirlabor, and social hierarchy,a horticulturaleconomy based on subsequentlyredistributing goods to community root crops, and the highly artisticcraft and ritual members(Las Casas 1958 [IV, 305]:242; Martyr expressionsassociated with the Ostionoidcultural D'Anghiera1970:[II] 252). tradition(1992:9-17). Documentaryaccounts at the time of contact The Tainoare thought to havebeen matrilineal, indicatethat although the paramountrulers among andit hasbeen suggestedthat some may haveprac- the Tainowere most often men, women could also ticed avunculocalresidence (Keegan and Mach- be caciques.Women seem to have participatedat lachlan 1989). The Taino of Hispaniola were all levels in the political hierarchy,both wielding politicallyorganized at the time of contactinto at power and accumulating wealth (Sued Badillo least five hereditarychiefdoms (cacicazgos), each 1979:29-32).Elite women, for example, are known with a clearlyrecognized regional power hierarchy to have amassedvalued craft items andused them and paramountruler. It is estimatedthat the caci- for tradingand as gifts (see discussionby Wilson cazgos incorporatedbetween seventy and a hun- 1990a:141). Pre-contactgender roles among the dredcommunities, some of which hadpopulations Tainoare incompletelyunderstood and often con- numberingin the thousands(Wilson 1997b:46). tested amongcontemporary scholars, who tend to At least two distinctsocial categorieswere rec- referto the "naturaldivision of labor"as a basis for

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assigning gender to activities (e.g. Cassa both figure prominently in Taino mythology 1990:82-83; Stevens-Arroyo1988:47). The few (Arrom 1989; Stevens-Arroyo 1988:155-180). studiesthat have systematicallyinvestigated Taino Male andfemale sexualityare openly expressed in gender constructionsconclude that gender roles Tainoart, and shocked Spanish accounts imply that among the Taino were generallynonexclusive in chastitywas not valuedfor eithergender (see dis- most activities,ranging from political leadership cussion in Sued-Badillo1979:49). and fightingas warriorsto food and craftproduc- One of the most distinctivecharacteristics of tion (Guitar 1998:36-45; Sued-Badillo 1979). fifteenth-centuryTaino society (atleast to the mod- Thereare few documentedsocial or economic func- em observer)is a vibrantsense of artisticcreativ- tions that can be attributedexclusively to the ity andexuberant innovation in materialexpression. domainof eithermen or women. Taino artisansproduced a wide variety of craft Tainoeconomy was basedon intensiveroot crop items,including elaborate decorated ceramics, cot- (primarilymanioc) agriculture supplemented with ton andcotton products, ground and polished stone abundantwild estuarineresources. Both men and beads and ornaments,carved shell andbone orna- womenwere reported by chroniclersto havefished, ments, tools of stone, shell and bone, carved althoughit is not known whetherthis was a regu- wooden objects, tobacco, variousfoodstuffs, and lar or universalpractice. Cultivating and gathering exotic birdsand feathers (Bercht et. al. 1997; Gar- manioc roots were apparentlynot gender-specific cia Ar6valo 1977; Kerchache 1994; Rouse activities;however, the clearingof fieldsand prepa- 1992:17;Wilson 1990a:49-51). Chroniclersnote ration of conucos-the raised mounds in which specificallythat women spunand wove cottoninto maniocwas planted-is assumedto havebeen done clothing and hammocks,made baskets and mats, by men. The transitionfrom slash and bum farm- and carved some ceremonialwooden items, and ing to conucofarming among many Caribbean peo- potteryproduction is assumedby most contempo- ples after aboutA.D. 700-800 served not only to raryauthors to have been done by women (Cassa greatly increase the yield of manioc, but also to 1990:82;Guitar 1998:41-42). Thereis less textual decreasethe totalamount of laborrequired to farm evidence for craft activities done specifically by it (see, for exampleMoscoso 1999:103-110;Veloz men, but it is generallyassumed that men carried Maggiolo 1977[2]:202-207). Once the conucos out the fabricationof heavierwood items, such as were constructed,all thatwas requiredfor manioc canoesand buildings, and produced stone tools and was periodicplanting, weeding, and harvesting-- objects (e.g., Veloz Maggiolo 1997:38). all tasks thatboth men and women carriedout. While this process reduced the considerably Encounter and the Assumption of Collapse: labor investment of men, larger yields greatly Why Is There No Postcolumbian Taino increasedthe laborinvestment of women, as those Archaeology? who carriedout the long, laboriousprocess of con- vertingbitter manioc roots to bread(see, for exam- Shortlyafter Columbus's arrival in Hispaniola,the ple Roosevelt 1980:129-137). This divisiontends Tainocaciques formed inter-chiefdom alliances to to lend credence to the 1494 pronouncementby oppose the Spanishinvaders. Nearly five years of Michel de Cuneo-a memberof Columbus'ssec- open conflict ultimatelyresulted in Spanishpolit- ond expedition-that "Thewomen do all thework. ical subjugationof the island,the cessationof open Men concernthemselves only with fishingand eat- warfare,the impositionof tributeon the Tainoin ing" (Cuneoin Parryand Keith 1984:92).Colum- 1495, and the formal implementation of bus himselfobserved that "it appears to me thatthe encomienda1503. Underthis institutionthe Indi- women work more than the men" (Columbusto answere obliged to exchangetheir labor for instruc- Santangel,1493, in Parryand Keith 1984:61). tion in Christianity and "civilization."Spanish Both womenand men servedas leadersand par- governorsassigned entire Taino towns to individ- ticipantsin communityrituals (areytos, described ual Spaniards,with labororganized and mediated below) and ballgames (see Guitar1998:39; Sued throughthe Taino caciques (Arranz Marqu6z 1991; Badillo 1979:41).The pantheon of Tainodeities and Moya Pons 1992). Spanishrespect for chiefly sta- zemi images includesboth males andfemales, and tus differentiationwas explicitly articulatedfrom

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 25 Feb 2015 20:36:49 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 602 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol.69, No. 4, 2004 thefirst days of contactin 1492onward, and quickly and vociferously asserted by Bartolom6 de Las became a centerpieceof Spanishpolicy regarding Casasin particular(1951, 1958) andbecame codi- the American Indians (see, for example, Ramos fied as part of the anti-Spanish"Black Legend" G6mez 1993:124-167; Hanke 1949). throughoutthe English-speaking world. These EncomiendaIndian conscripts spent from four assumptionswere reinforcedduring the years of to six months in service to the Spaniards (the the ColumbianQuincentenary observations, when demora)and the remainderof the year in theirvil- mostpopular and much scholarly attention was jus- lages. In order to make this more efficient, the tifiably devoted to the negative consequencesof Taino villages were sometimes moved and con- Europeaninvasion and exploitation (see, for exam- solidatedat locationsconvenient for Spanishlabor ple, Axtell 1995; Sale 1990; Stannard1992; Sued- exploitation(reduccidn), which exacerbatedboth Badillo 1992). exposure to and spread of European diseases A widely acceptedand often implicitcorollary among Indianpopulation (the practiceof reduc- theme to the demographiccollapse of the Tainois cidn was not universallyimplemented, however, thatpopulation decline was paralleledby anequally andtended to be concentratedin the areasof major rapidand devastatingdisintegration of traditional gold production). Tainosocial, economic,political, artistic, and ide- The combinedeffects of militarydefeat, near- ological organization.It has been difficultfor most slavery,forced physical relocation,social abuses, twentieth-centuryresearchers to contemplatethe andnew diseasesthat confronted the Tainoof early panoramaof events in early contact-periodHis- sixteenth-centuryHispaniola created severe demo- paniolawithout assuming a considerabledegree of graphic pressure and population loss within 20 social, material,and ideological alterationamong yearsof theirfirst encounters with Spaniards (recent the Taino (see, for examples, discussions in Ale- syntheticstudies of sixteenth-centuryTaino demog- gria 1997a:31-33; Cook 1998:19-46; Deagan raphy include Anderson C6rdova 1990:41-160; 1988a;Deagan and Cruxent2002:209-11; Deive Cook 1998:19-46; MiraCaballos 1997:34;Moya 1995:72-76; Hanke 1949; Mira Caballos Pons 1992; Wilson 1990a:90-92). By the middle 1997:33-47, 409-412; Moscoso 1981:339-351; of the sixteenthcentury, the Tainowere no longer MoyaPons 1976, 1981,1992:132-33;Sauer 1966; identifiableas a social entity. Wilson 1990a:96-98). Such alteration,however, A great deal of historical and ethnohistorical may not have been equivalentto total collapse. researchover the past 500 years has been devoted The tendencyto uncriticallyaccept the notion to this encounter,most of it based ultimatelyon a that Taino social formations suffered swift and relatively few primary,Spanish-produced docu- monolithiccollapse in Hispaniolaafter 1492 has ments.The most importantof these includethose encouragedthe premisethat the post-contactTaino of ChristopherColumbus (Varela 1982), Ferdinand experienceis largely inaccessible to archaeology Columbus(Keen 1959), Bartholomede las Casas and,by extension,an unfruitfulfocus for archaeo- (1951, 1958), Peter MartyrD'Anghiera (1970), logical research.Moreover, as a sourceof national andGonzalo Fernmndes de Oviedoy Valdds(1959) identity,the storyof post-contactannihilation of the (for a synthetic discussion of Caribbeancontact Tainopeople has been considerablyless appealing perioddocumentary sources in generalsee Alegria to both historiansand archaeologistsin the region 1997b;Wilson 1990a:7-13). thanhas the studyof thepre- 1492 Tafnocheifdoms Theseearly chroniclers inspired a modelof Taino (GarciaAr6valo 1988). responseto theSpanish conquest of Hispaniolathat, As a consequenceof bothof these assumptions, untilvery recently, dominated nearly all subsequent and of certainmethodological problems discussed ethnohistoricalunderstanding. The central elements below, archaeologistshave largely ignored ques- of this model includethe stunninglyrapid popula- tions of post-contact Taino social dynamics in tion decline and concomitantsocial disintegration Taino-occupiedsites. Importantstudies have been of a largelyhelpless Tainopopulation in response directedtoward the Taino in Spanishtown contexts to Spanish-introducedepidemic disease, warfare, (GarciaArdvalo 1990; Ortega1982; Smith 1995), andfatally abusive labor exploitation. The themeof but postcolumbianTaino occupation sites have post-contactTaino cultural collapse was repeatedly rarelybeen identifiedand even more rarelyexca-

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vated (Keegan 1996; Rouse 1992:139), and there methodologicalissues relatedto site recognition. exists no materially grounded, Taino-generated As in most parts of the Americas, archaeologists basisfor assessingTaino action in responseto Euro- generallyassume that European contact with Native pean presence.This has servedin turnto tautolog- Americansimplies the introductionof European ically reinforcethe notion that the Taino did not materialthings andtheir use by indigenousAmer- survivecontact long enoughto generatesignificant icans (albeit often with new meanings,uses, and archaeologicaldeposits. symbolic significanceconferred by the American Historicalassumptions about the Tainoin His- groups). Following from this, most post-1492 paniolahave been challengedin recentyears, how- archaeologicalcontexts are identifiedby the pres- ever, by such researchers as Karen Anderson ence of recognizableEuropean artifacts or struc- C6rdova (1990:122-133) and Lynn Guitar tural features. Unfortunately,easily identifiable (1998:222-227) throughtheir anthropologically Europeanobjects artifacts may not be abundantor informed reconsiderationsof importantprimary even present in Native American sites occupied Spanishdocuments (the most importantof these is early in the contact period. This problem is fre- the HieronymiteInterrogatory of 1517,reproduced quentlyconfronted by researchersworking in the in Rodriguez-Demorizi(1971:273-354). These "protohistoric"American era (that is, after the documentsindicate that nearly a quarterof a cen- arrivalof Europeansto the continentbut before tury after European arrival, most of the Taino regularcontact between them and native people; encomiendaworkers in Hispaniolacontinued to e.g., Galloway1995; Smith 1987; Wesson and Rees serve in the Spanishlabor drafts out of obedience 2002b). to their caciques, whose status remainedlargely The datafrom En Bas Saline suggest thateven intactin bothSpanish and Taino eyes. Oncethe con- under conditions of direct encounter,European scripts'labor service was completed,they returned materialsmay not be particularlyevident. The ter- for the rest of the year to theirvillage homes and mini post quem for post-1492 deposits were pro- traditionalpractices, including the ritualcommu- vided by European faunal remains and tiny nal feasts and dances known as areytos,and their fragmentsof glass, metal, and earthenware(some spirit symbol (zemi)-basedreligion (for a similar of which might go unrecognizedby excavators argumentconcerning cultural survival among the unfamiliarwith late fifteenth-centuryEuropean Tainoof Cubasee Dominguezand Rives 1995). material culture) (Figure 2). These items were Despitethe inarguablefacts of post-contacttur- recoveredthrough relatively fine screening(/4-inch moil and dramaticloss of life among the Taino,it or smaller) of all excavated soil, as well as the appearsthat in some places at least, Tainopolitical recoveryand identificationnot only of all cultural organization,patterns of social and economic dif- materials,but also of faunaland floralremains. ferentiation,village organization,and community This latterobservation is particularlyimportant ritualmay have remainedlargely intact through at and potentiallyproblematic in that it requiresat least the first 30 years of contact.This assertion least rough-sortingand identificationof all faunal challenges the more common assumption that andfloral remains excavated at a site, a practicenot Tainosocial reproductionquickly collapsed under normallyrequired for environmental or subsistence thepressure of laborexploitation and disease. It also reconstruction.Many sampling designs rely on col- offersa moreinclusive alternative text-based model umnsamples or samplesfrom specific kinds of fea- that can inform the archaeologicalinvestigation tures or deposits for subsistenceanalyses. While into the diversityof Tainoexperience under Span- these may be statisticallyappropriate methods by ish dominion. which to sample subsistence behavior,they are unlikely to recover all of the Europeanplant and Methodological Issues in animal remains which serve, like Europeanarti- Contact-Era Archaeology facts, as unequivocaltermini post quem for post- contact deposits. In some early contact-period The (untilrecently) prevailing assumptions about NativeAmerican sites Europeanplant and animal the archaeologicalinaccessibility of post-contact remainsmay, in fact, be more frequentthan Euro- Taino social action have been exacerbated by pean artifactsin the archaeologicalrecord. Unless

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1 Centimeter

Figure 2. Late fifteenth-centurySpanish artifacts from En Bas Saline. Top row, left to right: Melado glazed earthenware, Columbia Plain Majolica, fragments of iron. Bottom row, Left to right: Burned green glass, Redware earthenware. thesenonartifact remains are sampled and analyzed of questionsbeing askedby the researchers,it has in the same way artifactsare, the extentand nature renderedvery difficultthe isolation and segrega- of post-contactactivity and changecan be consid- tion of post-contact occupation contexts within erablyunderestimated. sites. As a result,post-contact Tafno occupation at Anotherpotential bias thatmay affectboth the manymulticomponent sites has undoubtedlygone recognitionand study of earlycontact-period con- unrecognized. texts is the granularityof samplingand analytical In summary,there exists a dearthof informa- scale. As Antonio Curet (2003) has pointed out, tion generated in Taino contexts about Taino Caribbeanarchaeologists have only rarely (and responsesto the arrivalof Europeansin Hispaniola. only recently) employed a household scale of This is attributedpartly to an uncriticalacceptance recoveryor analysis. Caribbeanarchaeology and of the assumption (generated by documentary its methodologies have been dominated by accounts)that Tainodemographic and social dis- regional-scaleconcerns of culturehistory, artifact integrationtook place so rapidlyafter contact that taxonomy,migration patterns, and only recently, no recognizable Taino occupation sites were the emergenceof chiefdoms (Curet 1992, 2003; formed.The neglect of post-contactTaino sites is Keegan1994, 2000, see also Rouse 1992).Because also in part a consequenceof assumptionsabout of theirregional focus, these issues have not tradi- the recognitionof the sites andcomponents them- tionallyrequired close attentionto eitherindivid- selves. Many early post-contactoccupation strata ual households or single-event deposits. Whole and depositionalevents are dateableonly through sites generallyprovide the basic unit of analysisand the presenceof Europeanfauna or flora,and Euro- comparison,often based largely on surfacecollec- pean objects may be quite rare. This rendersthe tions,a few testtrenches, or random test pits. While recognitionof very early post-contactoccupation this has often been quite appropriatefor the kinds problematicalwithout a recoverystrategy designed

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 25 Feb 2015 20:36:49 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Deagan] RECONSIDERINGTAINO SOCIAL DYNAMICS 605 to identifyfloral and faunal remains at the scale of dadin the town of the Tainocacique, Guacanagarf, householdor event. who was the principal chief of the province of All of these contributingfactors are being grad- Marienat the time of contact(today northern Haiti ually mitigatedin the Caribbean.Ethnohistorical and northwesternDominican Republic). En Bas studiessuch as those of Anderson-C6rdova(1990) Saline is thoughtto be the site of Guacanagarf's and Guitar(1998) have challengedthe document- town both because of its singularsize and promi- based models of post-contactTaino culturalper- nence in the region, and because its location con- sistence, change, resistance, and adaptation. forms very closely to the accountsof Columbus's Fine-grainedhousehold studies are increasingly wreck (Deagan 1989; Hodges 1983; Morison being called for and carriedout in Antillean sites 1940). (Curet 1992, 2003). The En Bas Saline project, The loss of his vessel forcedColumbus to leave summarizedin the following discussion,is one of 39 crew membersbehind in Guacanagarf'stown the firstprograms to drawupon these developments with instructionsto build a fortressand searchfor and offer insights into post-contactTaino social gold, and a promiseto returnfor them the follow- dynamicsthat are groundedin a Taino-generated ing year. Columbusdid returnfor his crew nine archaeologicalrecord. monthslater during his second,colonizing voyage, but found the fortburned and all of the men dead. that some had died En Bas Saline Guacanagariclaimed fighting with one another,and most had been killed when En Bas Saline is the site of a large classic Taino a rivalTaino cacique attacked Guacanagarf's town town located on the northeasterncoast of Haiti and burned the European compound. Although aboutone kilometerfrom the village of Limonade Columbusaccepted Guacanagari's story, he chose Bord de Mer,and about 12 kilometerseast of pre- to abandonthe areaas a site for his firstintentional sent day Cap Haitian (Figure 1). It is one of the settlement,and sailed eastward to establishthe town largestTaino village sites reportedin Haiti,encom- of La Isabelanear present-day Puerto Plata in the passingan areaof some 95,000 squaremeters. No DominicanRepublic (for expandeddiscussion of other site in this region, which is one of the most these events and their moderninterpretations see intensively surveyedparts of Hispaniola(Moore Deaganand Cruxent 2002; Morison 1940;Wilson 1997, 1998), comes close to it in size or organiza- 1990a). tionalcomplexity, strongly suggesting that this was This markedthe end of documentedEuropean a centraltown of the cacicazgo. presence in Guacangari'stown, although Gua- The site was firstlocated and tested in 1977 by canagarfhimself remainedan ally of Columbus, medicalmissionary and avocationalarchaeologist providingfood andgifts of gold, visitinghim in La WilliamHodges of Limb6,Haiti, as partof his life- Isabela, and fightingwith him againstthe rest of long searchfor Columbus'slost fort of La Navi- the caciquesof Hispaniolain the finalyears of the dad (Hodges 1983, 1986). Hodges carried out fifteenthcentury (Wilson 1990a:79-80). The Span- limited test excavationsat the site, the results of ish town of PuertoReal was establishedin 1503, which led him to bring the site to the attentionof reportedin the sixteenthcentury to be very close the Universityof Florida.A collaborativeprogram to where the fort of La Navidad had been, and of survey,mapping, and excavation was carriedout located today abouttwo kilometersfrom the site at En Bas Saline between 1983 and 1988 by the of En Bas Saline (Deagan 1995) (Figure 1). The Florida Museum of NaturalHistory, the Bureau subjects of Guacanagarf's chiefdom, perhaps National d'Ethnologied'Haiti, and the Musee de includingthe residentsof En Bas Saline,may have Guahab in Limb, Haiti(Cusick 1989,1991; Dea- been pressed into encomienda service to the gan 1986, 1987, 1988b, 1989, 1993;Hodges 1983, Spaniardsat PuertoReal. In 1514, citizens of the 1986). Spanishtown were assigned 12 caciques (one of ChristopherColumbus's flagship, the Santa whom was a woman), controlling 945 Indians Marfa,wrecked in Decemberof 1492 off the north (ArranzMarqudz 1991:547). The region around coast of Haiti, in the vicinity of En Bas Saline. En Bas Saline was also the centerfor some of the Afterthe disaster,Columbus established La Navi- final Taino resistance to Spanish dominion, the

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Figure 3. Archaeological basemap, En Bas Saline. Dashed lines indicate raised earth features. Shaded areas indicate the primary midden locations. guerilla-style"Baharuco wars" of the 1530s, dur- shapeof a squared"C," open to the southand south- ing which a number of Spanish settlers in and west (Figure3). The ridge is about 20 m across, around Puerto Real were killed (see Deive with elevationsranging from .5 to .8 m above the 1989:30-42; MiraCaballos 1997:313). surroundingareas. Distribution of the surfacemate- The archaeologicalprogram at En Bas Saline rials from the site (representingtotal coverage) was initially orientedprincipally toward locating revealthat the densest Taino occupation refuse mid- La Navidad,which has been documented elsewhere den is also concentratedin a squared"C" shape, (Deagan 1987, 1989). It has includedprograms of opposite to and in a mirrorimage of the raised topographicmapping, surface collection, electro- earthenridge (Figure3). The ridge andthe midden magneticconductivity survey, transect test pits, and are separatedby a flat, open areathat is relatively extensiveareal excavations. Although the La Navi- clear of occupationalevidence, and is presumedto dad fort was not unequivocally identified, the havebeen a plaza,dance court, or ball court.Three ephemeralnature of thatoccupation required a fine- raised areas(approximately .8 m in elevationand grainedexcavation strategy that servedultimately from 15 to 30 m across) are aligned east to west to isolate the post-contactTaino occupation of the acrossthe plazaarea, dividing it into two sections. site in a way that might not have otherwisebeen Followingwhat is knownof Tainotown organiza- possible. tion,these are presumed to be elite residentialareas, The Tainotown at En Bas Saline was roughly a presumptionsubsequently confirmed by excava- oval,oriented from northwest to southeast,and was tion (for discussionof Taino village organization boundedby a curved,raised earthenridge in the and settlementpatterns see Alegria 1985; Oliver

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Table 1. RadiometricDates from En Bas Saline.

Field Uncalibrated 14C Cal A.D. Cal A.D. Sample ID Provenience Material Years ?+ B.P. Yrs. ? 20 Yrs. ? 1 '813C%o* Beta 47758 FS7399 (A18) Charcoal 810 ? 70 1040 (1240) 1300 1180-1280 -25 Mound structure Beta 46760 FS7126(A21,L3) Charcoal 800 ? 60 1060 (1250)1280 1090-1280 -25 Mound structure Beta 46759 FS7123(F26,L4) Mound structure Charcoal 720 + 50 1230 (1280)1310 1270-1300 -25 Beta-18173 FS6851 (PM6) Charcoal 680 ? 80 BP 1210(1290)1420 1270-1320 -25 Mound structure 1340-1390 Beta 18172 FS6316(F11,L5) Charcoal 600 + 70 BP 1280 (1320,1340, 1300-1420 -25 Feast pit 1390) 1440 Beta 01527 FS3888 (A6) Charcoal 640 + 260 1270 (1300) 1420 1290-1400 -.25 Post underlying burialpit Beta 10526 FS3885 (F4, L11) Charcoal 430 ? 80 1400 (1450)1650 1420-1510 -.25 Burial pit 1600-1620 Beta 018469 FS6882 (A6,L6) Charcoal 440 ? 60 1410 (1440) 1530 1420-1480 -.25 Burial pit 1560-1630 Beta 010528 FS3897 (F8, L3) Charcoal 340 + 70 1430 (1520, 1590, 1460-1650 -.25 Burial pit 1620) 1670 Beta 046761 FS7185 F31L2 Charcoal 320 + 70 1440 (1530, 1560, 1470-1650 -.25 Non-elite 1630)1670 ridge structure 1770-1800 1940-1950 * - = Variables:est. C13/C12 -.25:lab. mult =1

1998:28-48; Rainey and Rouse 1941; Rouse for domesticoccupation before contact,but rather 1992:9-10; Siegel 1999; Veloz Maggiolo 1993: servedas a boundaryfor the village or for a plaza. 148-154). A portion of a small wattle and daub structure Between 1984 and 1988 we excavated238.5 m2 accompaniedby refusedeposits was locatedon the at En Bas Saline, accountingvolumetrically for top of the earthenridge, and was occupiedexclu- approximately216 m3of soil, dividedamong 814 sivelyduring the post-contact period. Without addi- discretefield excavation proveniences (that is, five- tionaltesting, however, we cannotdetermine if this centimeterincrements of individualsoil zones and representsan isolatedphenomenon, or a site-wide features).Radiocarbon dates from the lowest strata change in settlementpattern after contact. and featuresat the site indicate an initial date of The centralmound excavationsrevealed rem- occupationat aroundA.D. 1250, and continuous nants of at least two very large,presumably elite, occupation into the historic period is supported superimposedor reused residential structures. They both by post-1492 Europeanmaterials and radio- were oval in shape, exceeding 15 m in diameter, metric dates (Table 1). Excavationsconcentrated and were supportedby posts measuringat least 50 on the centraland largestmound (as a chiefly res- cm in diameter.The initial structurewas probably idence),the earthridge bounding the site (to under- constructed between A.D. 1200 and 1250 and stand its chronology,construction and function), burned at least twice during its occupation. It anda locationin the plazaarea that contained elec- burnedfor the firsttime duringthe second half of tromagneticanomalies (Figure 3). the thirteenthcentury (Table 1), andthen again dur- The earthridge was apparentlyconstructed pur- ing the earlypost-contact period, indicated by the posefully in a single episode priorto contact,with presence of Europeanelements in several of the a series of borrowpits on the village side, and a structure'slater posts and burnedfill layers. very low density of culturalmaterial in the ridge Adjacentto andprobably outside the structural fill. The configurationand materialcontent in the complex on the mound, we located a deep pit in areawe testedsuggests that earthwork was notused which the remainsof an infantwere interred(Fig-

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 25 Feb 2015 20:36:49 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 608 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol.69, No. 4, 2004 ure4). Includedin thefill of theburial pit werelarge Given the temporalcontrast between the cen- quantitiesof ceramics(many elaborately molded) turies-longpre-contact occupation and the decades- andwhat we interpretto be the remainsof feasting. long post-contactoccupation, the high proportion A post-contactdate for the burialis confirmedboth of materialfrom undisturbed,post-1492 deposits by the presence of Sus scrofa and Rattus rattus was unexpected. Sampling bias possibly con- bones in the lowest levels of the feature(underly- tributedto this distribution,in that much of our ing the burial),and by radiometricdates (Table1). excavation was concentratedin the central area Electromagneticsurvey in theplaza located two mound where several very large, very rich, and verylarge, deep pits between the central mound and unequivocallypost-contact features were located the earthridge. Initially hypothesized to have been (therebyappearing to be a good candidatefor the partof a potentialmoat, it becameclear upon exca- fortof La Navidad).This cannot,however, account vationand analysisthat the pits datedstratigraph- fully for the large proportionof historiccontexts ically to the pre-contactera, and chronometrically locatedthroughout the site.Undisturbed, sub-plow- to the mid-fourteenthcentury (Table 1). The pits zone, post-1492 contexts occurredin all partsof were rectangularand straight sided, measuring the communitywe tested (Table2), and the occu- approximatelyone by two meters,and extending pationof En Bas Salineclearly continued well after to a depthof morethan 1.5 meters(Figure 5). They the first introductionof Europeanmaterials and were filled with ceramicvessel fragments,broken animals. ceramic griddles, burnedmanioc tubers, animal It is quitepossible that En Bas Salinemay have bone, layersof ash and shell, and were apparently incorporatedadditional population after 1492 if used for communalfeasting. Ceramic crossmends other,smaller communities in the cacicazco col- show thatthese were single-eventpits (thefeatures lapsedunder the pressuresof disease and Spanish and their remainsare discussed in Cusick 1989; labordemands. If this did, in fact, occur,it suggests Deagan 1986;Newsom 1993).Extensive testing in thatthere was a strongmaterial homogeneity in the otherparts of the centralplaza revealedvery shal- regionfrom which refugee populations were drawn, low cultural deposits (less than 30 centimeters) since no significantdifferences in artifacttypes and with few intrusion,low artifactdensity, and obvi- styles could be detectedin these laterdeposits. ous disturbanceby modernhoe farming. Of the artifactsrecovered exca- 188,482 through Articulating Material and Written Sources: 30 camefrom the vation, percent upper-levelplow- The Analytical Framework zone or from disturbedcontexts; 41 percentwere from undisturbed,sub-plowzone deposits dating The analysis of archaeologicaldata from En Bas to after 1492 , and 29 percentcame frompre-con- Saline was organizedto addressthe questionsof tact contexts (Table 2). As noted earlier, faunal post-contactchange and/orcontinuity in the com- remains,studied under the directionof Elizabeth munity,and was informedby documentary-based Wing of the FloridaMuseum of NaturalHistory, informationabout generalpatterns of Taino soci- proved to be critical in the identification of ety and Taino-Spanish interaction (discussed post-1492 deposits.The animalbones from all 814 above). The organizationof labor was centralto excavatedproveniences were sortedto look specif- this, since laborexploitation was the definingele- ically for Europeanspecies, andremains from pigs ment in Spanish-Tainorelations after the initial (Susscrofa), mice (Musmusculus), rats (Rattus rat- periodof conflict.As notedearlier, the well-docu- tus) and/orcats (Felis domesticus),all unequivocal mentedstructures of socialdifferentiation and polit- indicationsof Europeanintroduction, were found ical inequality among the Taino of Hispaniola in 17 undisturbedsub-plowzone features. The fau- helpedprovide the foundation for Spanishexploita- naland floral remains from 42 undisturbedcontexts tion of Taino labor. Spanish recognition of and werefurther analyzed using detailed measurements respect for chiefly statusprivileged the caciques, andallometric studies in orderto characterizeTaino who were generally exempt from labor require- subsistence(Newsom 1993;Newsom andDeagan ments and insteadorganized their subjectsfor the 1994;Newsom andWing 2004; Wing 1989, 1991, encomiendalabor drafts. The demoralabor drafts 2001). thus probablyaffected non-elite Taino men dis-

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EN SAS SALINE 84, FEATUIRES 4,6j & 8. NO~RTH PROFILE

977N 1017E r . , 944Nl 1027EI

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RE., 8: -

METERr~:0 ------I

Figure 4. Post-contact burial pit, En Bas Saline (Features 4, 6, 8). A-Plowzone; B-Midden zone; C-Culturally sterile yellow sand; D-Culturally sterile clayey sand; E-Grey clay; F-Sterile white sand.

EN BASSALINE 85, 01000N 977E,NORTH PROFILE

1001.5N101SN •980E

j~ .977.E gs lwgg ?)?rgc?~~i~d~z~ " q A Ws~~~igza*ir

0 ..5cm

Figure 5. Pre-contact feast pit, En Bas Saline (Feature 11). A-Plow zone; B-Midden zone; C-Mottled tan clayey soil; D-Culturally sterile yellow sand; E-loose gravelly sand; F-Grey clay.

proportionately,implying that the directimpact of non-elite households and men. Although Taino Spanishdominion may have been experienced most womenoften served the Spaniardsin severalcapac- keenly along class and gender lines, specifically ities (particularlyproducing cotton cloth), it was

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Table 2. Distributionof All ExcavatedCultural Materials Through Site Areas and TemporalPeriods at En Bas Saline.

Boundary Feast Pit Central Plaza Burial Ridge Units Mound Excavations Pit ALL # % # % # % # % # % # % Plowzone/Disturbed 11895 58.16 2949 16.93 31020 27.05 9420 52.81 1071 15 56355 30 Contact Period 6631 32.42 2416 13.87 58776 51.26 3402 19.07 5950 85 77175 41 Precontact 1928 9.42 12056 69.2 24866 41.7 5014 28.1 11088 30 54952 29 All 20454 17421 114662 17836 18109 188482 for the mostpart non-elite men who were recruited orpost-contact period ("pre-contact"and "post-con- for distantwork in Spanish-ownedmines, agricul- tact" are obviously arbitrary divisions, and tural fields and town construction.As a conse- undoubtedlyreduce variationin the much longer quence,it is likely thatgender ratios in manyTaino pre-1492 period quite severely. While acknowl- communitieswere alteredafter contact. edging this, we accept it for the purposesof this The extentto which the removalof men would particularinquiry into the natureof change stimu- have disrupteddomestic and communitypatterns latedby the impositionof Europeandominance in dependedon a numberof factors.Removal of men the region after 1492). from a setting characterizedby an inflexible or The resultinganalytical units included: highly differentiatedgendered division of labor,in which men contributedheavily to the production 1. A pre-contact ritual event, comprisedby the of staples, would be expected to create consider- feast pits in the centralplaza, dated at ca. AD able disorder.A weakly differentiatedgendered 1350; division of labormight provoke less disruption,if 2. A post-contact ritual event, comprisedby the women (or children) were able to accept and post-1492 burial pit adjacent to the central assume some of the functionsnormally assigned mound; to men. 3. A pre-contactelite residentialarea, comprised In eithercase, the natureof such potentialdis- by theearlier large burned structure and its asso- orderwould depend to a considerableextent on the ciatedfeatures on thecentral mound, which was degreeto which leaderscould sustaintheir ability occupiedfrom early in the establishmentof the to organize,control, and consolidate labor and pro- site (at ca. A.D. 1250) to the late fifteenthcen- duction in order to balance the demands of the tury; Spaniardswith theirown communityneeds in the 4. A post-contact elite residential area, com- face of an alteredlabor pool. Chieflypower could prisedby the latest large burnedstructure and have been enhancedby Spanishreinforcement of associatedfeatures on the centralmound, dated the existing Taino social hierarchy,which could to after 1492; presumably serve to maintain continuity. Con- 5. A post-contact non-elite residential area, versely, the impositionof Spanish labor require- comprisedby the small wattle and daub struc- ments, loss of population through disease, and ture and associatedfeatures on the earthwork disruptionof the Tainosense of world orderafter ridge peripheryof the site. contactmight have diminishedchiefly power,pro- voking disorderand change. The assignmentof individualdeposits to the In the interestof exploringsome of these pos- pre-contactor post-contactperiod was based on sibilitiesat En Bas Saline,we constructedour ana- stratigraphicassociations anchored by thepresence lytical frame to compare pre-contact and of Europeanmaterials and radiometricdates. All post-contactpatterns of gender-linkedactivities, plow zone levels ("A"horizon), any depositswith social differentiation,and communityritual (as an evidenceof alterationor disturbancedating to after index of political control). Excavationdata were the mid-sixteenthcentury, and certain other site organizedinto five "socio-temporal"units that rep- deposits(such as functionallyundifferentiated sheet resentedsingle householdsor single ritualevents, depositsin the centralplaza) were excludedfrom each dating respectivelyto either the pre-contact this analysisfor the purposesof this study.

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Comparativeanalyses of householdsand ritual Ceramicvessels used in food preparationcomprise eventsthrough time, across class, andbetween pub- more than 96 percentof the domestic artifactsat lic and domesticpractice were organizedby these En Bas Saline, and plant food preparationitems units (Table3). Because labor,gender, and power suchas burines(ceramic griddles), grinding stones, were centralto ourquestions about Taino response and coral graters constitute the remaining food to Spanishencomienda domination, artifacts were preparationitems. The ceramicassemblage is over- quantifiedand groupedin categoriesthat materi- whelminglydominated by Carrierpottery, a local allyreflect gendered economic activities (food tech- variantof the Chican-Ostionoidsubseries distin- nology, fishingtechnology, tools and implements, guishedby paste, manufacturingtechniques, dec- lithicproduction by-products) and access to valued orative modes and vessel forms (Cusick 1989, goods (ornamentsand ritualitems). Ethnohistori- 1991; Rouse 1939:43, 55-56, 1941:122-154, cal documentation,the corpusof previousarchae- 1992:110-112).Chican-Ostionoid ceramics in gen- ological work on the Taino, and archaeological eral are associatedwith the rise and spreadof the context providedthe basis for assignmentof arti- Taino in Hispaniola, and they dominatedTaino facts to specific groups. assemblagesthroughout much of the island at the The organizationof archaeologicalmaterials time of contact (Rouse 1992:112).White-slipped into behavioralor functionalcategories for pur- pottery,a subcategoryof the Chican-Ostionoidsub- poses of quantitative comparison is widely series, is also presentat En Bas Saline and occurs employed by historicalarchaeologists as an ana- most commonlyin bottle forms. The paste is thin lyticalmethodology, derived from StanleySouth's anddistinctive, and the bottlesare sometimes elab- "patternrecognition" methods (1977). Pattern oratelysculpted and incised in effigy images (Fig- recognitionhas receivedwidespread criticism for ure 6). its reductioniststatistical approach, and its often Therewere no significantdifferences in thepro- arbitraryassignment of function. The "pattern portions of ceramic types or ceramic decorative method"has, in truth,been too often used inap- modes amongthe threehouseholds in the sample. propriately,arbitrarily, and without careful thought Although the relative proportionof undecorated (see Southand Deagan 2002:44-45). Nevertheless, pottery increased slightly after contact, this was it is one of the few analyticaltechniques that per- not a statistically significant change, and is mits us to organizeand comparematerial remains accountedfor by a concomitantdecrease in white- fromhouseholds (whether from historic or prehis- slippedwares. This observationapplies, however, toric) into informedcategories appropriate to our only to the domestic household samples, in that questions.Such an organizationalapproach addi- white slipped wares in ritual contexts increased tionallyhelps avoid the privileging of a singleactiv- aftercontact, while undecoratedwares decreased. ity such as food preparation(as representedby The proportionsof decoratedwares in the ceramic ceramics) in the materialassessment of cultural assemblagesdid not changeeither through time or practice.I suggest as a methodologicalnote that across household social divisions. These patterns comparativeanalyses at the scale of householdand imply thatneither ceramic production nor ceramic eventrely somewhatmore heavily on the articula- distributionpatterns at En Bas Saline underwent tion of artifactpatterns than do the regional-scale significantalteration in thepost-contact period. The or community-wide spatial approachin contact similarityof theelite andnon-elite domestic assem- period studies called for by Lightfoot blages furthermoresuggests that the ceramictypes (1995:210-211). themselvesdid not reflect distinctions in socialaffil- iation within the community. the ceramic Results The major differences between assemblagesof elite and non-elitehouseholds are seen in the abundanceof potteryand in vessel form Food and DomesticPractice diversity.The peripheralnon-elite household has a Food preparation,pottery production, and domes- dramatically lower ceramic density (142 tic activitiesare assumedto have been dominated sherds/cubicmeter) than does either of the elite by and largelyunder the controlof Tainowomen. households (704 sherds/cubicmeter in the post-

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 25 Feb 2015 20:36:49 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Table 3. Distributionof CulturalMaterials through Sociotemporal Divisions at En Bas Saline.

Pre-Contact Post-Contact Pre-Contact Post-Contact Post-Contact Ritual Ritual Residence Residence Residence (Feast) (Elite Burial) (Elite Mound) (Elite Mound) (Non-Elite Periphery) Soil volume (m3) 14 18 28 55 31 Artifactdensity (/m3) 581 416 601 724 386

Proportion # Proportion # Proportion # Proportion # Proportion FOOD TECHNOLOGY" Carrierpottery Decorated 525 .07 274 .07 1068 .06 2307 .06 311 .07 Undecorated 6188 .77 2827 .71 12676 .76 31006 .80 3499 White slipped 1052 .13 744 .19 2190 .13 4436 .11 447 .10 Subtotal,Carrier 7765 .96 3845 .97 15934 .96 37749 .97 4257 .97 Otherpotteryb 23 .00 25 .01 29 .00 54 .00 Buren (griddle) 269 .03 107 .03 634 .04 921 .02 147 .03 Coral grater 1 4 m Metate 1 1 m All food preparation 8058 1 3977 1 16598 1 38725 1 4408 z z FISHINGTECHNOLOGY z Shell fishhook 4 70 Net weight 2 4 5 1 Subtotal 2 .07 8 .03 5 .00 1

DEBITAGE/MICROLITHS(GRATERS?) 24 .28 4 .13 95 .39 896 .82 74 .82

ORNAMENTS/RITUALITEMS ITEMS Beads 4 2 5 3 Pendant 1 Ear plug 1 Shell ornament 2 3 Coral ornament 1 Clay disc 1 Polished celt 1 Stone Zemi fragment 3 Cohoba inhaler 1 CD Subtotal 4 .05 3 .10 13 .05 8 .01 z

0 TOOLSAND IMPLEMENTS o Anvil stone 1 o Blade 7

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 25 Feb 2015 20:36:49 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Scraper 1 (Dea Hammerstone 2 1 4 3 2 0) Stone tool fragment 5 2 6 6 2 Shell adze 1 1 Shell awl/punch 1 1 1 Shell hammer 2 Shell tool fragment 1 3 1 1 Coral tool fragment 3 3 3 10 2 Ceramic cloth stamp 1 1 Subtotal 12 .14 7 .23 20 .08 31 .03 9 .10

LITHICPRODUCTION BY-PRODUCTS Preformhammer 1 1 Preformtool 1 1 Chert core 2 m0 Flake 44 9 95 133 2 o z Unidentified worked objects 1 3 4 5 3 Subtotal 45 .53 12 .40 101 .41 142 .13 5 .06 m

# % all # % all %all 0 # % all # % all # m SUMMARY z0 Co Food preparation 8058 .99 3977 .99 16598 .99 38725 .97 4408 .98 Other activities 85 .01 30 .01 245 .01 1087 .03 90 .02 z All Taino 8143 4007 16843 39812 4498

EUROPEAN ITEMS:FIFTEENTH CENTURY 0 Columbia Plain majolica 1 C) Melado ware 1 Bizcocho 7 Clear glass 2 1 Latticinio glass 1 -L Opaquered glass 1 Patinatedglass 1 CA) White glass 1 Iron object 1 Subtotal European 16 1 a The materialassemblage of En Bas Saline is so overwhelmingly dominatedby food preparationelements that any statistically measurablevariability in other behavioral categories is masked when they are quantifiedand considered as proportionsof the total assemblage. Food preparationelements are therefore statistically expressed separately from other material- behavioralcategories. b Boca Chica, Meillacan

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Figure 6. Taino ceramics from En Bas Saline. Left: White slipped, decorated bottle fragments. Right: Typical decorated Carrier sherds (local variety of the Chican-Ostionoid ceramic subseries). contactelite household).The non-elitehousehold relationsof potteryproduction or preferentialelite furthermoreused a morerestricted range of vessels, access to potterychanged after contact.Unfortu- which includedonly five of the eight vessel forms nately,without a non-elite,pre-contact sample, we foundin theelite households (Table 4). Boat-shaped cannotassess patternsof non-eliteaccess priorto bowls, platters,and small roundbowls are absent contact.It seems likely, however,that the choices from the non-elitehousehold, and were probably of the non-elitehouseholds in quantityand variety associatedwith consumptionor specializedfunc- of potterywere considerablymore restrictedthan tionsunrelated to food preparation.This distinction those of the elite householdsboth before andafter suggeststhat the elite householdshad enhancedor contact. exclusive access to vessels used for presentation, A puzzlingcontradiction in assessingdomestic dining, and possibly ritualactivity. They did not, practiceat En Bas Salineis presentedby the mate- however,evidence privileged access to food prepa- rial evidencefor maniocuse. Bittermanioc (Mani- ration vessels. Although the elite household had hot esculenta)was the staplecrop of the Tainodiet, manymore pots thanthe non-elitehousehold, there andits cultivationand arduous preparation were the was little differencebetween them in the forms or province of Taino women. Manioc also figured decorativestyles of cooking ceramics. prominently-both literallyand symbolically-in These distributionsimply a broadconsistency Tainoreligion (for discussionsof maniocin Taino in culturalpractices related both to ceramicpro- spiritual life and daily practice see Arrom duction and to food preparation-domains of 1989:20-44; Moscoso 1981:351-88; Newsom women-both throughtime and across commu- 1993:323-334; Sauer 1966:51-55; Sturtevant nity elements.There is no indicationthat either the 1961).

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Table 4. CeramicVessel Forms at En Bas Saline.

Precontact Postcontact Precontact Postcontact Postcontact Ritual Ritual Residence Residence Residence (Feast) (Burial) (Elite) (Elite) (Non-Elite) # Proportion # Proportion # Proportion # Proportion # Proportion Bowl forms Boat shaped 1 .00 7 .01 6 .01 Carinated 88 .18 39 .15 157 .23 308 .31 42 .25 Round 5 .01 13 .05 2 .00 15 .02 Shallow 13 .28 54 .21 113 .16 198 .20 18 .11 Unidentified 39 .08 42 .16 153 .22 122 .12 23 .14 Otherforms Platters 3 .01 1 .00 1 .00 2 .00 Bottles 104 .21 74 .28 109 .16 175 .18 28 .17 Jars 110 .23 38 .15 153 .22 165 .17 55 .33 Totalforms 484 261 695 991 166

The most frequentlyused archaeologicalindex Food Remains of manioc preparationand use are the ceramic griddlesknown as burines. As noted,these aredis- Unlike either burines (which remain constant tributedevenly at En Bas Saline across all time throughtime andsocial context) or chertmicroliths periods,functional areas, and residential status dis- (whichincrease through time), the remains of man- tinctions,implying a stable,relatively unrestricted ioc tubersthemselves at En Bas Saline varyin dif- resource(Table 3). Anotherartifact category gen- ferent ways both throughtime and accordingto erally relatedto manioc preparationis that of the social context. Carbonizedtubers declined in fre- chert microlithchips or debitagethought to have quency aftercontact in both ritualand residential been embeddedas gratingteeth in wooden man- contexts,although they were primarilyassociated ioc grating boards (Figure 7). The use of with ritualactivities (Table 5). Lee Ann Newsom, microlithic debitage in manioc gratinghas been in her studiesof plantremains from En Bas Saline discussedat lengthin the archaeologicalliterature (Newsom 1993;Newsom andDeagan 1994;New- (Berman 1995; DeBoer 1975; Lewenstein and som andWing 2004), identifiedmore than 700 car- Walker1984; Roosevelt 1980:129-130, 236) and bonized tuber ends in the pre-contact feast many or most of those from En Bas Saline pit-undoubtedly remnantsof a community-wide undoubtedlyserved this food preparationfunc- feast (discussed below). This was a dramatically tion. In contrastto manioc griddles,however, the higherconcentration than that encountered in other proportionalfrequency of microlithsincreased dra- site areas;however, it should be noted that these maticallyafter contact, in both ritualand residen- would have been the intact ends of tubers,which tial contexts (Table3). are inedible in their unprocessedstate. The low Theincrease in microlithdebitage would appear proportionsof tuberremains in other contexts- initially to imply a significantincrease in the use and particularlytheir decline in post-contactcon- of manioc gratersduring the post-contactperiod. texts-must be interpretedwith caution, since However,because chert microliths used as manioc tubersthemselves would only be foundin areasof graterteeth and chertmicroliths that were simply grating activity, and then only if carbonized.As debitagewere not distinguished during analysis, we Table5 shows, however,the overallproportion of cannotdismiss the possibility of sampleerror in this cultivatededible plant remains declined in bothrit- distribution.The increase in chert debitage may ual andresidential contexts after contact, a decline thereforealso imply a change in the regimen of thatcontrasts with the patternsof plantfood prepa- lithic production, possibly including increased rationtechnology. householdproduction of stone tools aftercontact. Patternsof animalfood use in the elite house- This questionis consideredbelow. holds of En Bas Saline also changedmeasurably

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1Centimeter

Figure 7. Chert microliths. Chert debitage possibly used as manioc grater teeth (the two lower right chert fragments have the lime mortar used to affix them to graters or other implements still adhering). aftercontact, although the changeswere not suffi- ently unable to sustain their dietarypreferences ciently dramaticto provoke a concomitantalter- after the Spanish labor draftsbegan. Neither the ationin foodpreparation technology. Although they members of the elite household nor those less compriseda relativelysmall partof the Tainodiet affectedby the labordraft (presumably women and at En Bas Saline,there was a sharpreduction after children)were able to provideterrestrial mammal contactin the use of terrestrialmammals, whose food resourcesat a pre-contactlevel. Thepost-con- huntingis thoughtto havebeen the domainof men tact decrease in land mammals after contact is (primarilyCapromyidae and Isolobodonportori- accompaniedinstead by a significantincrease in censis rodents,Table 6). Trappingand huntingof otherkinds of terrestrialanimal resources, such as these animalsappears to have declined aftercon- turtlesand lizards,which could be gatheredwith- tact, most likely throughthe removalof men from out specializedhunting or capturetechniques. the community. Marine mammals (manatee), Marinefishes provided the majorsource of ver- althoughrare in the community,occurred only in tebratebiomass both before and after contact. There elite householdand ritualcontexts. European ter- was a slight (althoughnot statisticallysignificant) restrialmammals (rats, mice, pigs, cats, anddogs) increasein the use of bony fishes duringthe post- did not constitutea majorportion of the diet either contactperiod in general,particularly in the non- numericallyor in terms of biomass (Wing 1991). elite household (Table 6); however, the They were foundmost frequentlyin elite and con- predominantfish families exploited by the elite texts on the central mound, suggesting greater householdsremained the same. Scaridae (parrot- access to these exotic species by elite membersof fish), Lutjanidae(snappers), Carangidae (jacks), the community,either as food or curiosities. Serranidae (sea bass), and Haemulidae (grunts) There is a strong association of mammalsin togetherprovided more than50 percentof the fish generalwith elite diet at En Bas Saline, and their consumed by both pre- and post-contact elite acquisitionmay havebeen controlledor restricted households.All of thesefish can occurin relatively by elites.In this regard,however, elites were appar- shallowinshore waters or on reefs, andcould have

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 25 Feb 2015 20:36:49 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Table 5. Distributionof Plant Remains at En Bas Saline (After Newsom 1993). (D (0 Precontact Postcontact Precontact Postcontact Postcontact Ritual Ritual Residence Residence Residence (Feast) (Burial) (Elite) (Elite) (Non-elite) TOTAL Float sample (liters) 30 30 20 62 103.3 Charcoal(grams) 486.79 532.27 142.8 183.2 36.65 -a

# Proportion # Proportion # Proportion # Proportion # Proportion # Proportion CULTIVATEDEDIBLE Maize 34 .04 6 .07 14 .05 3 .05 57 .05 Manioc 746 .95 2 43 .49 17 .06 6 .09 814 .66 Palm 2 1 3 Guava 1 1 2 m Soursop 1 1 0z Pimiento 5 5 C,) Subtotal 782 1.00 2 .33 49 .56 38 .13 11 .17 882 .71 m z CULTIVATEDMEDICINAL (?) Primrose 3 .06 214 .71 2 .03 219 .18 U) Subtotalall cultivated 782 1.00 2 .33 52 .60 252 .84 13 .20 1101 0 0Co 0 WILD EDIBLE Amaranth/chenopod 1 3 1 r-- Sapote family 2 2 z Goosefoot 3 2 5 Guaba (tree bean) 1 2 3 6 12 Nightshade 2 2 Cl) Panicoid grass 2 1 1 19 21 Purslane 2 25 4 24 53 Trianthema 6 32 2 40 Subtotalwild edible 3 .00 4 .66 35 .40 48 .16 53 .80 139 .11

TOTAL PLANTS 785 6 87 300 66 1238

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been capturedby line, traps, or net fishing from actuallydoing the fishingduring the contactperiod, boatson reefs,or on foot in shallowinshore waters. the elite household seems to have exercisedcon- There is a slight increaseduring the post-contact trol over procurementand distribution. periodin the size of some of the groupersand snap- pers, possibly suggestingan increasein hook and Crafts line fishing,or a changein trapsize selection(Wing Althoughthey constitutea very small partnumer- 2001:Table6; Newsom and Wing 2004:TableC- ically of the En Bas Saline assemblage,the pro- 3). Chroniclersrecorded that both Tainomen and portionsof ornamentalitems, finishedtools, and women fished, althoughthere is no direct infor- non-debitagelithic production elements decreased mationabout differences in male and female fish- significantlyin elite domestic contextsduring the ing practices.It is likely that with the removalof post-contactperiod. At the same time, therewas a men aftercontact, more women fished for the com- dramaticincrease in chertdebitage, discussed ear- munity,perhaps emphasizing line or trap fishing lier. These materialchanges suggest thatthe regi- over net fishing. mens of production,distribution, and perhapsuse The fish consumedin the non-elite household of nonceramiccraft items were alteredafter 1492 were quitedifferent from those used by the central at En Bas Saline. mound elite residents.Three families, including If a largeportion the producers of essentialtools Chaetodontidae (butterfly fish, 23 percent), andimplements were lost to Spanishlabor demands Haemulidae (grunts, 15 percent), and Scaridae or otherSpanish-induced reasons, those remaining (parrotfish,15 percent)comprised more than 50 in Taino communitiesand households may well percentof the fishin theirdiet. Butterfly fish, prized have attemptedto assumethose necessarytasks. It today as tropicalaquarium species, are very small is possible,for example,that the productionof crit- andbony andare not generallyused as a food fish. ical foodways-relatedimplements such as manioc They were not presentin the pre- or post-contact gratersand stone knives shiftedto householdpro- elite households, and their relatively abundant duction,undertaken by those sparedfrom the labor occurrencein the non-elitehousehold may suggest drafts,accounting for largeramounts of debitage that the peripheralhousehold was using the non- in households. preferredfish left fromtraps or netsafter those with More specialized artistic activities, however, more powerto exercise choice were supplied. such as productionof carved ornamentalitems, Dietary differences between the post-contact may have declinedas a consequence.This is con- elite and non-elite householdsare also evident in sistentwith the hypothesisthat men were the pri- the overallmeasures of faunalrichness, diversity, maryproducers of ornamentalcraft items, and that andequitability (Table 6). The elite householdver- the removalof men fromthe communityshould be tebratespecies richness and diversity values are the reflectedby a change in the materialproducts of highest at the site, implying that a wide range of theirwork. The productionof beads andpendants species was availableto them. This was coupled, did, in fact,continue in the post-contactperiod, but however, with a very low vertebrateequitability at a markedlyreduced level. It shouldbe notedthat value, suggestingaccess to a wide rangeof verte- the highest proportionof such items at the site bratespecies, but with consumptionfocused on a occurred in the post-contact burial (discussed few (presumablypreferred) resources. The non- below). Possibly as a consequenceof reducedpro- elitehousehold, in contrast,had the lowest site-wide duction, these ornamentalobjects seem to have vertebrateand invertebraterichness and diversity been emphasizedin ritualperformance rather than values, as well as dramaticallyhigher equitability in householduse aftercontact. values than did the elite households (althoughit Ritual shouldbe notedthat these values may be exagger- Activity atedby the small non-elitesample size). This pat- The ritualactivity complexes at En Bas Saline are tern suggests not only that non-elite membersof particularlyrevealing of Tainosociopolitical rela- the community had a restricted access to food tions in that they involved the concentrationand species, but also that they made broader, less controlof resources,including food, crafts, sym- choice-drivenuse of them.Regardless of who was bols, andlabor. In the case of the Taino,it is likely

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 25 Feb 2015 20:36:49 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Deagan] RECONSIDERINGTAINO SOCIAL DYNAMICS 619 thatthis was not a gender-specificarena, but rather persistenceof corollarybelief structureand prac- one tied to political power and class (since Tafno tice after Spanish dominion.A cut and polished caciques, nobles, and ceremonial participants bone tube made from an avian legbone was also includedboth men andwomen). The ritualassem- presentin the burialpit, and may have been asso- blages used in this discussionincluded a pre-con- ciated with the inhalationof hallucinogenicpow- tact feasting pit and a post-contact burial with der during the Taino cohoba ritual (Alegrfa associatedfeasting. 1997a:24;Caro Alvarez 1977). Archaeological studies have underscoredthe In additionto theirsimilar ceramic assemblages, importanceof ritualfeasts in providingimportant both of the ritual contexts containedhigher pro- insightsinto politics andthe negotiationof power, portionsof objectsrelated to craftproduction, rit- as well as into a varietyof practicesrelated to social ual, and ornamentationthan did the residential cohesion, economic and craftspecialization, sym- contexts.Stone beads were, for example,twice as bolic systems,commodity value, and redistribution common proportionatelyin the ritualcontexts as (amongthem, Dietler and Hayden2001; Pauketat theywere in the residentialcontexts (although they et. al 2002; Spielmann2002). The Tainocommu- were few in numberthroughout the undisturbed nity ritualsknown as areytoswere documentedin contextsat the site). The pre-contactfeast pits con- considerable detail in Spanish accounts, and tainedfewer finishedornaments, tools, andimple- involved feasting, dancing, singing, offerings to ments than did the burial, but also many more spiritdeities and ancestors, and rites of purification productionby-products (including the problematic (includingthe use of hallucinogensand induced chertmicroliths) than did the burial. This may imply vomiting).Areytos were held in the plaza to cele- thatthe socially valuedgoods associatedwith the brate deeds of ancestors,at the time of harvest, post-contact burial were gathered from those before and after battles, in association with ball alreadyexisting, while the productionof imple- games, at the marriageor death of a chief, and mentsand craft items for ritual feasting or exchange undoubtedlyon other occasions as well (Cassa was incorporatedas part of the pre-contactevent 1990:174-177; Rouse 1992:14-15; Wilson (see Spielmann2002). 1990a:23,58). Food remainsfrom both of the ritualcontexts The socialfunctions of ritualfeasting among the also illustrate the aggregation of resources and Taino are not yet well understood, and they labor for these events both before and after con- undoubtedlyvaried through time andamong com- tact. Although the kinds of animals targetedfor munities accordingto local traditions,resources feasting did not differ from those in the residen- bases, and political economy. Nevertheless, the tial contexts, the vertebrateand invertebratefau- comparisonof pre-contactand post-contactritual nal species richnessof the two ritualcontexts (63 events at En Bas Saline provides an important and 69) is much higherthan in any of the residen- insightinto the degree to whichcontinuity in power tial contexts (46, 45, and 16 respectively)(Table relations,resource values, and symbolic attribution 6). The high species richness and diversityin the were sustained (or lost) during the post-contact ritual contexts suggests an intensive but broadly periodby the Tafnoof En Bas Saline. focused effort to accumulatea large amount of Despitethe three centuries and the different pur- food for a single event.Like the dietof elite domes- poses separatingthem, the pre-contact feast and the tic households,however, the verylow speciesequi- post-contactburial possess similar materialpro- tability suggests that consumption was files and imply a consistentvision of appropriate concentratedon certain preferredresources for ritual performance(Table 3). Obviously, certain these events. differences material resulted from the different Plant remains are less consistent between the functionsof thetwo ritualevents, such as thehigher two ritual contexts--in the pre-contact feast pit, proportionof white slipped,molded and sculptural more than 99 percent of the edible plants were Carrierbottle forms in the post-contactburial fea- corn or manioc, while in the post-contact burial pit ture (Figure6). The emphasison these bottles in only 33 percent of the edible plants were domes- the post-contact burial suggests their symbolic ticated (Table 5). This decline in the proportion of importancefor residentsof En Bas Saline, andthe cultivated edible plants after contact, as noted, is

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Table 6. SummaryFaunal Distributions and Proportions(Prop.) at En Bas Saline.a

Precontact Postcontact Precontact Postcontact Postcontact Ritual Ritual Elite Residence Elite Residence NoneliteResidence MNI Prop. MNI Prop. MNI Prop. MNI Prop. MNI Prop. VERTEBRATES Terrestrialmammals 27 .08 27 .05 26 .14 13 .06 1 .03 Marinemammals 0 4 .01 1 .01 2 .01 0 .00 Europeanmammals 4 .01 Freshwaterturtles 9 .03 9 .02 1 .01 6 .03 1 .03 Marineturtles 9 .03 13 .03 1 .01 6 .03 1 .03 Snakes 8 .02 3 .01 4 .02 3 .01 1 .03 Lizards 18 .05 19 .04 2 .01 4 .02 1 .03 Toads 4 .01 4 .01 2 .01 0 .00 0 .00 Birds 8 .02 9 .02 2 .01 3 .01 0 Bony fishes 269 .76 428 .82 147 .78 176 .82 28 .88 Sharks 3 .01 4 .01 2 .01 3 .01 0 SubtotalVertebrate MNI 355 524 188 216 33

# families 37 46 37 38 18 # species 64 69 46 45 16 Class diversity (H') 1.44 1.66 1.63 1.63 .36 Species diversity (H") 3.57 3.52 3.36 3.67 2.77 Species equitability .04 .05 .08 .08 .34

INVERTEBRATES Crustaceans 35 .01 159 .03 21 .01 19 .02 8 .05 Bivalves 2508 .90 4936 .92 1653 .92 1054 .91 147 .83 Gastropods 233 .08 288 .05 121 .07 88 .08 22 .12 SubtotalInvertebrate MNI 2776 5383 1795 1161 1

# families 40 37 29 28 22 # species 60 68 45 44 27 Class diversity (H') .16 .21 .29 .3 .93 Species diversity (H") 1.12 2.8 2.35 2.12 2.66 Species equitability .04 .05 .08 .08 .28

TOTALFaunal MNI 3131 .00 5907 .00 1983 .00 1377 .00 210

% all MNI % all MNI % all MNI % all MNI % all MNI SubtotalVertebrates 355 .11 524 .09 188 .10 216 .16 33 .16 Subtotal Invertebrates 2776 .89 5383 .91 1795 .91 1161 .84 177 .84 aBasedon 42 field proveniencesanalyzed underthe directionof ElizabethWing, FloridaMuseum of NaturalHistory, University of Florida. NISP=65,850

Discussion and a generaltrend between the pre-contactand post- Summary contact periods at En Bas Saline, albeit with the caveats of preservationvagaries as a source of This studyhas been concernedwith thereasons for, sample error.Overall, however, it is the continu- and consequencesof, the dearthof archaeological ity in materialprofiles that is the most striking information generated about Native American aspect of the ritualcontexts, suggesting the con- responsesto the arrivalof the first Europeansin tinuing ability of leaders duringthe post-contact America.Using archaeologicaldata from the Taino period to commandwhat were probablyincreas- town site of En Bas Saline, Haiti, it has also has ingly scarce labor and commodity resources exploredthe natureof those responses,and offered requiredfor community ritual and social repro- substantiveinsights into Taino cultural survival and duction. dynamicsafter 1492.

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The absenceof archaeologicalattention to post- manifestedin activitiesassociated with men. These contactTaino sites in the Caribbeanis attributedto include lithic tool production,the productionof bothmethodological and epistemological biases in shell, stone, and bone ornaments,hunting of ter- archaeologicalpractice. One importantfactor has restrialanimals, and possibly some fishing prac- been a largelyuncritical acceptance of the assump- tices. During the same period, there was a high tion-based in documentarysources-that Taino degree of continuityin the kinds and proportions demographicand social disintegrationtook place of items presumedto be associatedwith women's so rapidlyafter contact that no recognizableTaino activities, or to have been producedby women, occupationsites wereformed (or if they were,their includingmanioc processing,shellfish gathering, ephemeralitymade them materiallyinaccessible). food preparation,and ceramic production. There is Not only has text-basedassessment of Tainocol- the possible implicationas well-at least in the lapse limitedarchaeological problem definition in case of lithic productionand fishing-that women theregion, but archaeological practice has alsobeen may have assumedsome of the most criticalsub- biasedby assumptionsabout how we identifypost- sistenceand production tasks thought to havebeen contact Native Americancontexts. In the case of traditionallyperformed by men.The relatively non- En Bas Saline, Europeanartifacts are few, unre- specializedgender roles andrelations of the Taino, markable,and not easily recognizable.Many post- outlinedin this discussion,may in fact have served contact occupationstrata and depositionalevents as a mitigatingfactor in the disruptionof cultural aredateable only throughthe presence of European practiceprovoked by the removalof men fromthe fauna,implying a need to incorporatetotal recov- community. ery and sortingof these remainsas a standardpart The alterationsin genderratios createdby the of researchstrategy in suspectedpost-contact sites. labor draftsdo not appearto have affected ritual Withthese concerns in mind,archaeology at En practice,or by extension,the powerof leaders(be Bas Salinehas demonstratedthat there was, in fact, they male or female) to marshal people and a substantialpost-1492 Taino occupationat this resourcesfor ritualevents that were fundamental site, and thattraditional Taino social and commu- to communitycoherence and social reproduction. nitypractice in generalwas sustainedhere with few Residentsof the elite householdhad access to and materialalterations well into the sixteenthcentury. possessed a greaterdiversity of materialobjects The documentaryrecord makes it apparentthat the andchoice in food resourcesthan did the post-con- most disruptiveaspect of Spanishdomination of tact, non-elite household, clearly implying a Hispaniola(other than epidemic disease) was the markedsocial inequalityamong households. In the annuallabor draft, which removedTafno workers absenceof a pre-contactnon-elite household sam- fromtheir towns for partof each year.Spanish pol- ple, we can only presumethat the social differen- icy accordedcaciques themselves political recog- tiation seen in the post-contact archaeological nitionand exemption from labor, and it is probable recordof En Bas Saline representsthe continua- that they, in turn,extended preferential treatment tion of similar patternsbefore contact. Spanish to kinsmenand elite communitymembers in their accounts of such differentiation made at the organizationof the labordrafts. These labordrafts momentof contactsupport this presumption. furthermoreseem to have impactedmen (as work- The scarcity of Europeanartifacts at En Bas ers in mines, construction,and agriculture)to a Salineis conspicuous.Despite their location within considerablygreater extent they did thanwomen. a few kilometers of the Spanish town of Puerto The articulationof archaeologicaldata with text- Real, the people of at En Bas Saline only rarely based informationabout this aspect of Spanish- incorporatedSpanish items into theirmaterial life. Tainointeraction has made it possible to elicit the This is consistentwith Anderson-C6rdova'ssug- essentialdiversity of Tainopost-contact experience gestionthat most Tainos retreated to theirhome vil- withinthe community,and the importanceof gen- lages when not workingin labordrafts, and were der and social class in conditioningthat diversity. largelyinsulated there from the Spaniards(1990). Archaeologicallyvisible changesin Tainodomes- It also supportsthe suggestion of Tafnoindiffer- tic culturalpractice at En Bas Saline after Euro- ence to andrejection of Spanishcultural elements peanimposition of theencomienda are most clearly and values.

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This rejectionpresents a strikingcontrast to the Acknowledgments.The research upon which this study is based was from the National Science otherside of the contactequation, that is, European provided by grants Foundation (BNS 8706697), the National Endowment for responseto interactionwith Tainos.It is well-doc- the Humanities (RO2093585), the National Geographic umented archaeologicallythat Spanish domestic Society, the Organization of American States, and the culturalpractice at Puerto Real andother sixteenth- Institutefor Early ContactPeriod Studies at the Universityof century Spanish towns throughoutthe Americas Florida. Funds were also provided by the by the Florida Museum of Natural and the of Florida was quickly transformedin response to contact History University Division of Research. George Avery, James withAmerican Indians. Within a decadeof contact, Sponsored Cusick, Michael Gannon,William Hodges, William Keegan, women'sdomains of food preparationand ceramic Jean Massena, Jerald Milanich, Lee-Ann Newsom, Jean productionin most households in these Spanish Claude Selime, MauriceWilliams, and ElizabethWing have townshad thoroughly incorporated Taino practices all contributedin importantways to this project. I particu- the critical and comments throughthe agency of Tainowomen who married larly appreciate reading thoughtful on earlier drafts of this paper made by Antonio Curet, Bill or livedwith men (see 1995, 1996; Spanish Deagan Keegan, Bill Marquardt,Jerry Milanich, Bonnie McEwan, Ewen 1991). Clark Moore, ElizabethWing, and Sam Wilson. The reversesituation-Spanish influencein the households of En Bas Saline communicated References Cited throughIndian men in contact with Spaniards- did not occur,providing a provocativeillustration Alcina Franch,Jos6 1983 La CulturaTaina como Sociedaden Transici6nentre of how the natureof contact-provokedchange can los Niveles Tribaly de Jefaturas.In La CulturaTaina, pp. be grounded in gender roles, particularly as 69-80. ComisionNacional para la Celebraci6ndel V Cen- embodiedin culturalbrokerage. It also offersa dra- tenariodel Descubrimientode America,Madrid. matic from earliermodels of accultura- Alegrfa,Ricardo departure 1985 Ball Courtsand CeremonialPlazas in the WestIndies. tion and Euramericanculture contact (see Cusick YaleUniversity Publications inAnthropology No. 79. New 1998b).From an archaeologicalperspective, Taino Haven. 1997a An Introductionto Taino Cultureand In culturalcontinuity and culturaltransfor- History. Spanish Pre-ColumbianArtand Culturefrom the Caribbean,edited mation in sixteenth-centuryHispaniola suggests by FatimaBercht, Estrellita Brodsky, John Alan Farmer, thatcontact-induced cultural change in household andDicey Taylor,pp. 18-34. El Museo del Barrioand the Monacelli New York. domestic practice was largely unidirectional- Press, 1997b The Studyof AboriginalPeoples: Multiple Ways of from Tainoto Spaniard. Knowing. In The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, En Bas Saline is the first post-contactTaino edited by Samuel M. Wilson, pp. 9-19. UniversityPress thathas been studied of Florida,Gainesville. community archaeologically Anderson-C6rdova,Karen in orderto understandpost-contact response and 1990 Hispaniola and Puerto Rico: Indian Acculturation action,and as such, may reflecta very local set of and Heterogeneity1492-1550. Ph.D. dissertation,Yale Ann Arbor. circumstances. There were undoubtedly many University.University Microfilms, ArranzMarquez, Luis otherTaino households and communitiesthat had 1991 Repartimientoy Encomiendaen la Isla Espaiola. very differentexperiences after 1492, althoughit Fundaci6nGarcia Ar6valo, Santo Domingo. Juan is unlikelythat the people of at En Bas Salinewere Arrom,Jos6 1989 Mitologiay Artes Prehispdnicasde las Antillas. 2nd the only Tainos who retainedtraditional cultural ed. Siglo VeintiunoEditores, Mexico City. practices until epidemic disease finally over- Axtell, James 1995 ColumbianEncounters 1992-1995. TheWilliam and whelmedthem. The full panoramaof post-contact Mary Quarterly52:649-696. organizationaland experiential diversity cannot be Bercht,Fatima, Estrellita Brodsky, John Alan Farmer,and Dicey articulatedwithout an archaeologicallyinformed Taylor(editors) reconsiderationof sources, a con- 1997 Pre-ColumbianArt and Culturefrom the Caribbean. documentary El Museo del Barrioand the MonacelliPress, New York. certed effort among prehistoric and historical Berman,Mary Jane archaeologiststo coordinatescale and strategyin 1995 A ChertMicrolithAssemblage from an Early Lucayan Site on San Bahamas.In the XV the studyof the earlyAmerican contact period, and Salvador, Proceedingsof InternationalCongress for CaribbeanArchaeology, edited a genuine intellectualcommitment to incorporate by RicardoAlegrfa and Miguel Rodriguez,pp. 111-120. genderinto those studiesas a basic structuringele- Centrode EstudiosAvanzados de PuertoRico y el Caribe, ment. San Juan. 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